centre for arts, humanities and sciences (cahs), …ieas.unideb.hu/admin/file_4776.pdfcentre for...
Click here to load reader
Post on 23-Jan-2020
Embed Size (px)
Centre for Arts, Humanities and Sciences (CAHS), acting on behalf of the University of
SOME FACTS ABOUT HUNGARIAN PROPAGANDA FOR TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY ABROAD,1918-20Author(s): Tibor GlantReviewed work(s):Source: Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies (HJEAS), Vol. 2, No. 1,AMERICAN STUDIES ISSUE (1996), pp. 43-56Published by: Centre for Arts, Humanities and Sciences (CAHS), acting on behalf of the University of DebrecenCAHSStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41273913 .Accessed: 17/06/2012 05:19
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
Centre for Arts, Humanities and Sciences (CAHS), acting on behalf of the University of Debrecen CAHS iscollaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Hungarian Journal of English andAmerican Studies (HJEAS).
SOME FACTS ABOUT HUNGARIAN PROPAGANDA FOR TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY ABROAD, 1918-20
In the turbulent years following the First World War foreign language propaganda for Hungarian territorial integrity was a new development. When the war broke out only the most devoted Czech and South Slav politicians envisaged the dismemberment of (Austria-) Hungary. Anti-Hungarian propaganda during the war introduced a horrifying picture of the "Magyars" as closely linked to the "Teutonic Huns" and thus enemies of democracy and oppressors of the "non- Magyar" (i.e. Hungarian) peoples living in their "artificial" state.1
During 1916 and 1917 the journalist Gyula Gesztesi discussed anti- Hungarian- propaganda abroad in a series of articles written for Uj Nemzedek (New Generation), a Christian-national weekly newspaper. He realized the importance of press propaganda in influencing high politics through manipulating public opinion and demanded immediate action. In a similar article Count Albert Apponyi arrived at the same conclusion and established that the new and false image of Hungary and the Hungarians, then dominating the public opinion of the Allied countries, was largely due to Hungaiy's failure to conduct propaganda abroad. He suggested certain means of running such propaganda but intended it to begin only after the war.2 The only serious wartime discussion of Hungary's right to her territories was written by Professor Janos Karacsonyi of the Nagyvarad Academy of Law in 1916.3
The end of the war and the Armistice created an entirely new situation: on the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy new and independent "nation states" were created including an independent Hungaiy. However, Hungary was treated as a defeated power by the victorious Allies. Moreover, she was held responsible for the war and was attacked by her new neighbours. Under these circumstances territorial losses became an. immediate threat. One natural reaction to this threat was large scale propaganda, which mobilized patriotic sentiments in wide circles irrespective of party lines. This propaganda had three distinct aspects: (1) domestic government propaganda; (2) irredentist agitation in the territories occupied by the Successor States; (3) propaganda for territorial integrity abroad. The aim of the present study is to provide some insight into the organization, conduct, contents and effect of the third categoiy. Below, two different levels are considered: propaganda by the official and unofficial governments of Hungary during the period, and the activities of the Territorial Integrity League and other social organizations.
Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1996. Copyright © by HJEAS. All rights to reproduction in any form are reserved.
2. Government Propaganda for Territorial Integrity
In late 1918, Count Michael Karolyi, the new Hungarian Premier, believed that demonstrations of good will and pacifism (disarmament, outspoken Wilsonism, etc.) were going to be enough to secure fair treatment for Hungaiy so he attributed little importance to territorial integrity propaganda abroad. The National Council created the National Propaganda Committee (Orszagos Propaganda Bizottsag, hereafter N.P.C.) which, in the opinion of Oszkar Jaszi, then Minister of Nationalities, "failed to discuss and promote the common, coalitional goals of the October Revolution, but under its auspices different trends of propaganda surfaced from no-no-never chauvinism to almost anarchic views."4 The most famous contribution of the N.P.C. was the poster depicting Wilson's head against a red background reading "From Wilson only a Wilsonian Peace!"5 Jaszi went on to suggest that actual government propaganda was no better organized: "There were three or four propaganda committees within the government which were hardly in touch with one another. Thus, it was only afterwards that I realized that in the question of nationalities Barna Buza and Friedrich each had a separate propaganda organization which worked without my consent and, in most cases, in contradiction with my principles."6
Jaszi was apparently unaware of the fact that the General News Service Section of the Political Division within the Foreign Ministry was responsible for coordinating propaganda abroad. This was perhaps because Karolyi also served as Foreign Minister and matters concerning the Ministry, with the exception of its actual organization and appointments, were not discussed in the Council of Ministers. On February 16, 1919, Secretary of Foreign Affairs Ferenc Harrer sent a report to Karolyi on foreign propaganda. According to the Harrer report, the General News Section was working with utmost secrecy (it did not even use the word "propaganda"), it did not publish pamphlets but circulated those of various social organizations abroad. The 35 pamphlets enclosed with the report, however, show a slightly different picture: although most of these were Territorial Integrity League publications, certain figures obviously originated from the Central Statistical Bureau, and La Hongrie, a 48-page pamphlet was prepared by government order. Another report from the early days of December 1918 listed the organizations which were to be provided with propaganda material. These included the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the Central Statistical Bureau and the N.P.C. as well as the Militaiy Liaison Office, the Budapest Red Cross Society and various social organizations. The Foreign Ministry asked for at least one copy of all publications and some 20 packs of 25-50 pamphlets for circulation abroad.8
Numerous individuals also offered their services and connections to the Foreign Ministry, thus testifying to considerable patriotic sentiment. One such volunteer was Dr. Geza Austerweil. He suggested that the Hungarian government should initiate economic negotiations with the representatives of French' big business and press magnates. He argued that those people controlled French public opinion and their support would be invaluable in the Peace Negotiations.9 As early as November 1918 Dr. Istvan Kovacs was appointed as Commissioner of
Protestant Affairs, within the Ministry of Religion and Education, to organize missions abroad. Kovacs provided financial support and travel insurance for people who claimed to have important connections outside Hungary. Besides the three major Allied countries (i.e. the United States, Great Britain and France) a large number of these representatives were sent to Scandinavian countries as well as to Switzerland and Holland. This, however, proved to be a waste of money as only a few representatives sent final reports to Kovacs on their return to Hungary.10
An incident quoted by Gusztav Gratz reveals that some people even abused their position: "Imre Csernyak, founder of the Militaiy Council, who came up with impossible demands, among other things he wanted to be appointed Minister of Air Travel, was sent to America with the excuse of some political mission. He only got as far as the Hague where he settled in the empty palace of the Austro- Hungarian Embassy and acted as diplomatic 1 representative of Hungary; but at least he was removed from Hungary."
These dispositions became irrelevant when the Hungarian Soviet Republic (hereafter H.S.R.) came to power on March 21, 1919, after Karolyi had refused to make further territorial concessions demanded by Colonel Vix in his infamous ultimatum. The complete failure of Karolyi's pacifism and Entente-orientation, together with the general feeling that "at least some reproduction of the Russian Revolution was going to take place in our country as well,"12 paved the way for a new ideology and new hopes. The Communists and left-wing Social Democrats envisaged a United Europe under Communist control and Russian leadership. Within this new United Europe, born in revolution, boundaries would lose their significance. Consequently, Bela Kun's actual propaganda activities were limited to appeals to the peoples of the world and to inciting revolution in the neighbouring countries.1
A detailed evaluation of Kun's approach to territorial integrity and national defense would extend much beyond the scope of the present study. Suffice it to say that on many occasions he stated that the H.S.R. was "not standing on the basis of territorial integrity."14 This was true and, in the light of later events, was an obvious manifestation of the Communist distinction between long-term goals (policy) and short-term action (tactics). Kun's long-term policy was the promotion of revolution especially in the neighbouring countries (Austria, Slovakia) and maintaining his power as long as possible. He was willing to sign Hungary's own Treaty of Brest-Litovsk15: he gave up the Felvidek (together with the Slovak Soviet Republic) for Clemenceau's promise that the Rumanians would evacuate the territories between the line of demarcation and the River Tisza. When the Rumanians refused to obey the Peace Conference Kun urged Lenin to send troops against the Rumanians,16 and then realized that the only role left for the H.S.R. was to hold up" the troops of the Allies as long as possible to provide Lenin's government with breathing space.17 His tactics, on the other hand, allowed for a call on the people to defend their own country and an appeal to the patriotism of the former officers of the K und K Army (Julier, Stromfeld).18 Even this brief sketch makes it clear that during the Kun regime the overall political goal was not national defense and no steps were taken on the government level to promote Hungary's territorial integrity abroad.
Representatives of the so-called counterrevolutionary movement19 were also involved in propaganda abroad. In the last days of November 1918, Count Istvan Bethlen, then Chair of the Sub-Committee for Foreign Affairs of the National Council of the Szekelys, sent two representatives, Miklos Banffy and Rezso Kunfalvy, to Sweden, where they tried to contact Allied leaders. Much was expected from Kunfalvy, formerly Wilson's student at Princeton, but their mission failed.20
With Karolyi's government shifting more and more to the left, Bethlen decided to organize a coalition of all the major forces outside the government, except the communists, in answer to the requirements of the Peace Conference.21 The social background of the counterrevolutionary movement ranged from high aristocrats and ecclesiastical personalities through a significant section of die middle classes to army officers of all ranks and even university students.22 Bethlen's first success was a petition to the British government, signed by 33 prominent politicians of pre-revolutionary Hungary. The petition called for British support to secure Hungarian territorial integrity.
3 Towards the end of January 1919, the National Council of the Szekelys together with four political parties, created a joint board for propaganda abroad. Gyorgy Szmrecsanyi was sent to Rome in order to win support for Hungary by bringing the Italians and the British together. Before its dissolution the board sent a 10-page memorandum with 15 maps to the British Foreign Office. Written by Bethlen, the memorandum argued that an intact Hungary was the key to European economic and political stability, and asked for Allied military occupation of the major Hungarian cities in order to prevent a communist takeover.24 Bethlen secured the support of Count Gyula Andrassy, the last Foreign Minister of the Hapsburg Empire, and formed the Party of National Unity on February 19, 1919.
Bela Kun's political takeover found Bethlen and Teleki in Vienna where they formed the Anti-Bolshevist Committee (hereafter A.B.C.). Their propaganda activities for territorial integrity have remained unknown. More important was the National Government of Szeged which was seriously considered but never officially recognized by the French. The National Government, headed first by Gyula Karolyi and later by Dezso P. Abraham, claimed to be the representative of all political forces not discredited in the two revolutions. It named the A.B.C. in Vienna as the supreme authority in the country and declared fighting against bolshevism to be its main aim.2 The chief of its Propaganda Office was Andor Bartsay.26 A Foreign Ministiy report enumerated three propaganda agencies in Austria and two more in Belgrade and Switzerland. Semi-official representatives were sent to the Vatican, Scandinavia, Paris and Switzerland.27 The instructions for the Foreign News Service stated that the National Government represented the whole country and wanted to live in peace with its neighbours and the Allies because its only enemy was bolshevism. Point 5 revealed that the Szeged Government refused to embark upon an open campaign for territorial integrity at that time: "It would be inappropriate to voice demands for territorial integrity now, although economic matters, the inviable and unacceptable nature of the present state of the country as well as the necessity of just and careful consideration and granting audition to the exponents of the National Council should be emphasized."28 Yet, we may never be able to evaluate the propaganda
efforts of the Szeged Government since the list of propaganda material it circulated abroad is unavailable.
The fall of the Communist regime in Hungary meant the return of territorial integrity propaganda to official government level. However, definitive steps were not taken until as late as October 1919 when a Foreign Ministiy report established the need for Hungary to rejoin the international news service. The report argued that this step was "extremely important in these times of transition when we must take part in the press campaign dealing with the peace negotiations." A three- month contract was signed with Telegrapher Co., Zurich.29 On December 7, the Foreign Ministry urged the Miniszterelnokseg to send propaganda material for distribution abroad as there was a considerable demand for it.3 Ten days later the Foreign Ministry sent some propaganda material to the Prime Minister with the request that he exhibit it in his waiting room and offered further copies if needed for circulation abroad.31 As regards organization, it remained very much as under the Karolyi regime: a (new) propaganda ministry was established, individual ministries conducted propaganda, while the Political Intelligence Division of the Foreign ministry was still officially in charge.
On August 14 the Hungarian Ministry of Propaganda was set up under the leadership of Istvan Haller, a prominent Christian Socialist politician and member of the second Friedrich government. Two of its ten divisions were to deal with propaganda abroad. The Social Division (No. 1) was expected to coordinate social organizations while the other one, the Foreign Propaganda Division (No. 7), was not even organized. The ministry was involved mostly in irredentist propaganda in the territories annexed from Hungary. It eventually proved to be a thorn in the flesh for the Allies and its dissolution was demanded before the "Concentration Government" (i.e. the Huszar Government, a concentration of all major political forces in the country) was recognized by the Peace Conference on November 24, 1919.32
In the Council of Ministers of September 30, Premier Istvan Friedrich requested Count Istvan Bethlen to join his cabinet as "Secret Minister of Transylvania." Bethlen's short-lived Ministry included a political division headed by Count Pal Teleki. This division was at the same time Section B of the Hungarian Peace Preparatory Office which was set up in August 1919. Since this Ministry was also involved in propaganda activities the Peace Conference had it dissolved on November 24, although Section B was allowed to continue.33 Meanwhile, the Political Intelligence Division of the Foreign Ministry submitted a report on its activities in early 1920. It coordinated over 40 civil and government organizations and distributed their publications through more than two hundred representatives abroad.34
In December 1919 all propaganda activities were finally centralized into Division III of the Miniszterelnokseg, which amounted to a return to the pre-war model, under Chief Commissioner Gyorgy Pallavicini. This propaganda organization was to work with the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and National Minorities, as well as Section B of the Peace Preparatory Office and certain social organizations.35 By early January 1920, the Political Division accumulated a list of people abroad who were to be supplied with propaganda material.36 This list included many prominent Hungarian-Americans, and the first ever report on how to handle Americans was also submitted on February 28, 1920.37
With government control over propaganda secured the time had come to restrict the activities of social organizations. Premier Istvan Bethlen sent a circular to all the Ministries on May 24, 1921, inquiring whether they had representatives accredited to social organizations created during and after the revolutions and if so, demanding their recall.38 In another letter Bethlen argued that Hungary's international prestige might have been endangered had it been revealed that government employees were involved in irredentist propaganda.39
3. Activities of the Territorial Integrity League and Other Social Organizations
Besides the official and unofficial governments, numerous social organizations were involved in territorial integrity propaganda abroad. Most of them were patriotic organizations, with a Christian-National ideology. Such organizations as the MOVE, the EME, the Hungarian National Alliance, the National Alliance of Hungarian Women, etc. were involved primarily in irredentist propaganda in the territories annexed first temporarily and later permanently to the Successor States.40 Meanwhile, the Universities of Budapest, Debrecen, and Pozsony, the Nagyvarad Academy of Law, the Hungarian Geographical Society and the Hungarian Academy sent appeals to other universities of the world and to the Peace Conference. The City Club, an organization of Budapest merchants, offered its services to the Karolyi government in the form of conducting an economic propaganda campaign abroad.41
In terms of territorial integrity propaganda, the major contributor was the Territorial Integrity League (hereafter T.I.L.).42 Under the immediate threat of territorial dismemberment, journalists of Uj Nemzedek and members of the Sports Federation of Hungarian Lawyers convened in the Erzsebet Kavehaz (Erzsebet Cafe, Budapest) to discuss possible action. Jozsef Ajtay, Counsellor of the Ministry of Finance, proposed that "a social organization should be created instead of forming a political party in order to bring together all patriotic forces above party level and start an efficient informative propaganda campaign abroad which would prepare the ground for the Hungarian standpoint in the peace negotiations against those of the Czechs, Rumanians, and Serbs."43 And so the T.I.L. was founded in late November 1918. Its official Statutory Meeting was held in the Pest County Hall in early December. Geographers Lajos Loczy and Tamas Szontagh became president and vice-president respectively. When Loczy died towards the end of 1919 Count Pal Teleki, the President of the Hungarian Geographical Society, replaced him.44 Other important members of the League were Count Albert Apponyi, Jeno Pivany, historians Sandor Petho and Vilmos Prohle, and journalist-propagandist Istvan Lendvay. Sometime in early January 1919, the T.I.L. decided to send Piv&ny back to America to win support for Hungaiy. He promptly revived his connections with the Hungarian-American Federation, launched a press campaign and secured a hearing in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on September 2, 1919
The League was probably financed by its wealthiest members and from the sales of its publications. These were sold in most bookshops with Ferdinand
Pfeiffer's being the T.I.L.'s own dealer.46 The importance attached to the contribution of the League in the reports of the Foreign Ministry and its obvious government connections suggest that it might have had access to government funding as well.47
Besides pamphlets and leaflets the League also released posters, postcards, maps and statistics. The Hungarian Nation, the first ever informative foreign language journal about Hungary, was also published by the League. Two series of propaganda books, East European Problems and its French equivalent, also had the T.I.L. among their publishers. The impressive list of contributors to the League's campaign includes aristocrats, journalists, academics, and government employees alike.
The way the victorious Allies treated the German and Austrian Peace Delegations at Paris, the treaties signed with those two countries, together with the announcement of the new boundaries of Hungary towards the end of 1919, made clear that territorial integrity was out of the question. Consequently, the League reverted to irredentist activities and thus ruined its reputation.4 The T.I.L. merged into the Hungarian National Alliance in August 1921, after government employees had been recalled by Premier Bethlen.49 Following Lord Rothermere's "Justice for Hungary" campaign the T.I.L. was revived as the League for Hungarian Territorial Revision.
4. Volume and Contents of Propaganda
The years between 1918 and 1921 yielded about one hundred propaganda publications in English, French and Italian.
Posters: Three posters in English are available from the period under examination. "Is This the Way to Pay Czech Bills?" was prepared for the Supreme Council of Supply and Relief and depicted the Pressburg massacres of February 1919. "No No Never!" Was printed in German and Hungarian as well. Against a red background the old Kingdom of Hungary is shattered to pieces with the new Hungary in the centre. "Hungary's Fate of Old ..." (an obvious mistranslation of the first line of the chorus section of the Hungarian national anthem) pictures a lion with three arrows in its body, in front of a double cross. The arrows represent the Big Three of the Peace Conference or, possibly, the three Successor States of Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and Rumania. The cross stands for the Hungarian Crown, while the lion is an unusual symbol for Hungary, probably suggesting some identification with Britain.
Postcards: The T.I.L. released scores of postcards in the interwar period. These are very difficult to date and some of them apparently reflect the irredentist turn in the policies of the League. "No No Never" and "Hungary's Fate of Old . . ." were both available as postcards too.50
Maps: Most of the maps were prepared by the Hungarian Geographical Society and were later published collectively as volume III.b. of The Hungarian Peace Negotiations. The most famous one was Teleki's ethnic map of Hungary, which was called the "Red Map," because territories inhabited by the "Magyars" were printed in red.51
Pamphlets, leaflets and books make up the bulk of the material. The leaflets contained statistical figures and were reprinted in volume III.a of The Hungarian Peace Negotiations. The remaining publications may be categorized in nine major areas. The first group of writings introduces Hungary and surveys her prewar history. A second group of pamphlets discusses Hungary's role in the war and rejects responsibility for it. The common lie that Premier Tisza forced the Dual Monarchy into the war remained unchallenged until the relevant minutes of the Council of Common Ministers were published as East European Problems No. 12 in 1921. Publications of group three examine Hungaiy's relation to Wilson's ideas (League of Nations, the right to self-determination, etc.) and the Hungarian Peace Treaty. Group four includes elaborations on Hungaiy's right to her territories, including a short version of Karacsonyi's earlier mentioned book from 1916. About a dozen books and pamphlets of group five, some of which were reprinted in The Hungarian Nation, evaluate and refute the territorial claims of the Successor States. Pamphlets of group six quote pro-Hungarian statements by foreign observers from the war period. Another group consists of the appeals, pleas and open letters of individuals and educational institutions to Allied leaders and the world. However, the vast majority of these pamphlets discuss the economic unity of Hungary (group eight). The authors argued that if Hungary was dismembered, she would lose her economic viability, which would have an ill effect on the economy of Europe. This line of thought, supported by a large number of maps, became the main argument of the advocates of territorial integrity. The last group of pamphlets warned that Hungaiy's dismemberment would lead to political instability in Europe and to the Balkanization of the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Effects and Conclusion
The official and unofficial governments of Hungary between 1918 and 1920, with the exception of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, were all involved in territorial integrity propaganda abroad. However, none of these governments decided to embark upon an open campaign because they were seeking official recognition by the Peace Conference, a goal which automatically ruled out the open rejection of all the territorial claims of the Successor States. Consequently, territorial integrity propaganda was denied priority and remained rather disorganized at government level. Social organizations were allowed and encouraged to carry it on, instead. Government support was supplied mainly in the form of circulating their pamphlets abroad.
This desperate propaganda effort was an impressive manifestation of patriotism and mobilized nearly all major political players in Hungary. Yet, however impressive the volume and the contents of this campaign may seem, it was destined to failure from the start. By the time of the Armistice the major political decisions about Hungary had already been made and were not negotiable. The territorial integrity campaign was launched too late, turned out to be a cul-de- sac and was abandoned in the early 1920s.
1 For discussion of World War I propaganda see the relevant works of Harry Hanak, Harald D. Lasswell, Albert P. Mamatey, Joseph P. O'Grady, and Charles Roetter. In World War One propaganda Hungarian referred to all the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Hungary while Magyar referred to ethnic Hungarians.
Gesztesi's articles quoted above, with Apponyi's one added as introduction, were published collectively: Gyula Gesztesi, A magyarsag a vilagsajtoban. Magyar sajtopolitika (Budapest: DickMan6, 1918).
J&nos Kar&csonyi, A magyar nemzet torteneti joga Hazank teriiletehez a Karpatoktol le az Adriaig (Nagyv&rad: Szent L£szl6, 1916). 4 J&szi, Oszk&r, Magyar kalvaria, magyar feltamadas. A ket forradalom ertelme, jelentdsege es tanulsagai (Vienna: B€cs' Magyar, 1920; Budapest: Magyar Hirlap Kflnyvek, 1989) 75. The National Council was the coalition that came to power in Hungary in the last days of October 1918. It is usually referred to as the October or Frostflower (Michaelmas daisy) Revolution. 5 "Wilsont61 csak wilsoni b6k&!" Available only in Hungarian. Posters cited in the present study were consulted in the Museum of Modern History, the National SzSchenyi Library in Budapest, and the Imperial War Museum, London.
J&szi 75. Buza was Minister of Agriculture, and Friedrich was Secretary of War. 7 OL (Hungarian National Archives) K-26/ 1214/ XXXVI/a, 1919, doc. 720. A list of all the foreign language publications cited, with the exception of statistics, can be found in the appendix of the present study. The documents of the Hungarian Peace Commission to Paris were reprinted in a threevolume book entitled The Hungarian Peace Negotiations (Budapest: Hungarian Government, 1920). Released in English, French and Hungarian its third volume consists of statistics. All the statistical propaganda publications were included with only minor stylistic modifications. Doc. 500 in OL K-26/ 1214/ XXXVI/a, 1919 proves that La Hongrie was paid for by the government. 8 OL K-66/ 1, 1918-20, doc. 23.
OL K-67/ 1, 1918-20. Dated November 27, 1918, this is the only discussion of the guiding principles for influencing French public opinion. The secret economic negotiations between Hungary and France in early 1920 nearly proved Austerweil right. For details see: Magda Ad£m, "France and Hungary at the Beginning of the 1920s," Essays on World War I: Total War and Peacemaking A Case Study on Trianon , eds. B61a K. Kir£ly, Peter Pastor, and Ivan Sanders (New York: Brooklyn College P, 1982) 145-82. 10 OL K-66/ 1, 1918-20. The papers of Dr. Istv&n Kov£cs, Commissioner of Protestant Affairs.
11 Guszt&v Gratz, A forradalmak kora. Magyarorszag tortenete, 1918-1920. (Budapest: Magyar Szemle, 1935; Budapest: Akad£miai, 1992) 64. The Military Council was part of K£rolyi's National Council. Gratz was a prominent figure of the Szeged counterrevolutionary movement and later became Hungarian Ambassador to Vienna. 12 Gratz 66.
"A Message from Hungary to the American Workingmen, May, 1919," Nagyvilag 24 (1979): 420; "Appeal to the Peoples of the World, July 31, 1919," and "Appeal to the Proletariat of the World, July 30, 1919," B£la Kun, Valogatott irasok es beszedek, vol. 1 (Budapest: Kossuth, 1966)445-47,449-50.
14 Interview for the Neue Freie Presse, March 30; interview for the Vaterlcmd (a Dutch paper), April 2; speech delivered on April 19. In: Kun 214-16, 242.
Kun 406-407. In a speech delivered on June 30 he compared Hungary's situation to that of Soviet-Russia when the latter signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Neither of the two, he argued, meant the betrayal of the world revolution, they both gave it a push, instead.
Kun 208. Telegram to Lenin dated July 10, 1919. 17 This proposition is discussed in detail by Kun's wife in her recollections: B61&n6 Kun, Kun B6la (Budapest: Magveto 1966). 18
Magyarorszag tortenete 1918-1919, 1919-1945, vol. 1 (Budapest: Akadlmiai, 1988)267.
Contrary to popular belief, this is not communist terminology. People involved in this movement called themselves by this name to distinguish themselves from those who took part in the two revolutions.
Ign&c Romsics, Bethlen Istvan: Politikai eletrajz (Budapest: Magyarsdgkutat6 Intdzet, 1991)75. 21 The Peace Conference demanded free elections and a government in which all major political forces were represented before signing the peace. 22 Mazvarorszae tortinete 1 66-68. 23 Romsics 76. The signatories included, among others, Apponyi, Bethlen, Teleki, Wekerle, Khuen-H6dervary, Chorin, and Klebelsberg. 24 Romsics 76-77; OL P-4: Andr&ssy Papers, die diary of Mrs. Gyula Andr&ssy: Bethlen's letter to Andr&ssy on February 1, 1919. The petition was put ad acta in the Foreign Office. 25
Magyarorszag tortenete 166-67, 284-86, 291-93; OL K-66/ 1, 1919: Documents of the Szeged Government dd. 79-95. 26 OL K-66/ 1, 1919: Documents of the Szeged Government doc. 13/1919.
OL K-66/ 1, 1919: Documents of the Szeged Government, p. 100; OL K-64/ 1/ 41, 1918-1920, doc. 7/Res/1919. 28 OL K-66/ 1, 1919: Documents of the Szeged Government, doc. 7/ 1919: "Guiding Principles for the Foreign News Service." 29 OL K-66/ 1, 1918-20, doc. 40345/sait6 (lgvoszt. Dated October 1 1. 1919. 30 OL K-26/ 1214/XXXVI/a, 1919 doc. 6491. The MiniszterelnOks^g (the Premier's Bureau) was a separate bureau of ministerial standing, solely responsible to the Hungarian Premier. 31 OL K-26/ 1204/ 1. 1919. doc. 6928.
32 Jen6 Gergely, A keresztenyszocializmus Magyarorszagon, 1903-1923 (Budapest: Akadlmiai, 1977)255-61.
Romsics 76-77. OL K-58/ 2/ IIJ/8, 1920, doc. 690. Judging from the report, the Political
Intelligence Division played the same role as the General News Section of the Political Division of the Foreign Ministry under the K&rolvi regime. 35 OL K-26/ 1204/ 1, 1919, doc. 6460: Proposal for the Council of Ministers; and doc. 6616, dated December 1 1. 1919: Gergelv 261. 36 OL K-67/ 1, 1918-21, doc. 4269 and 0001 16.
"OLK-67/1, 1918-21, doc. 001177. * OL K-28/ 186/ 392, 1921-23, doc. 3632. JV OL K-28/ 186/ 392, 1921-23, doc. 3849. For discussion on these organizations see: Magyarorszag tdrtenete 168; Tibor
Zinner, Az Ebredok fenykora, 1919-1923, Ertekezesek a T5rt6neti Tudomdnyok KOrtbol 110 (Budapest: Akad6miai, 1989).
OL K-66/ 1, 1918-1920, no number. Dated December 6. 1918. 42 Its foil name was the League for the Defense of the Territorial Integrity of Hungary (Magyarorszdg TerUleti Eps6g6nek Wdelmi Lig&ja). Its collective documents are not available but sporadic sources of information are noted in the footnotes below.
Jeno Piv&ny, Eev amerikai kikiildetes tdrtenete (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Szttvets£g, 1943) 25.
Piviny 25, 83. Piv£ny 29-71. Piv&ny was a Hungarian-American historian and journalist who
returned to Hungary during the war. Information from a flyer titled: "Magyarorszag TerUleti Eps6gdnek V6delmi
Ligdja kiad£s4ban megjelent muvek, 1919." No publication details are available for this flyer. 47 Prohle and Ludwig were representatives of the Szeged Government in Scandinavia, Lendvay was employed by Hallo's Hungarian Ministry of Propaganda, Apponyi became President of the Hungarian Peace Delegation to Paris, and Teleki became Prime Minister in July 1920.
OL K-26/ 1226/ III., 1920. Letter of the Simonyi-Szemadam Government to the Foreign Ministry complaining about the activities of the T.I.L., dated May 5, 1920. By that time prominent politicians like Apponyi and Teleki must have resigned from the League. 49 OL K-28/ 186/ 392, 1921-1923: consists a letter to Bethlen in which the League announced its union with the Hungarian National Alliance.
Information about postcards came from Istv&i lh£sz, Chief of Posters Division in the Museum of Modern History, Budapest. Letter to the author, dated Aoril 13. 1992. 51 L6icint Tilkovszky, Teleki Pdl: Legenda es valosag (Budapest: Kossuth, 1969) 58.
A LIST OF HUNGARIAN FOREIGN LANGUAGE PROPAGANDA PUBLICATIONS, 1918-1920
I. East European Problems:
Note that the series (hereafter EEP) was published parallel in London, New York, and Budapest by Low, W. Dawson & Sons, Steiger & Company, and Ferdinand Pfeifer (Zeidler Brothers) respectively. Vols. 1-10 came out in 1920, vols. 11-24 in 1921.
1 . Apponyi, Albert Count. The Peace Treaty Proposed to Hungary. 2. Kovacs, A. The Establishment of Three States of Nationalities in the
Place of One. 3. Darday, D. The Solution of the Fiume Question. 4. Fodor, Francis, Dr. The Impossibility of the Czech State. 5. Kovacs, A. Can Roumanian Rule in East-Hungary Last? 6. Thirring, Gustav. West Hungary. 7. Battorich, C. The Martyrdom of Croatia. 8. Tatrosi, John. The Hungarians of Moldavia. 9. The Hungarian-Polish Frontier Question. 10. Karacsonyi, John. The Historical Right of the Hungarian Nation to Its
Territorial Integrity. 1 1 . Apponyi, Albert Count. Hungarian Foreign Policy. 1 2. Hungary and the World War. A Secret Document. 13. Kovacs, A. The Development of the Population of Hungary Since the
Cessation of the Turkish Rule. 14. Csaky, Stephen Count. The Responsibility of the Hungarian Nation in
the War. 15-18. Ajtay, J., B. Jancso, and A. Kovacs. The Transylvanian Question. 19-20. Transylvanius Viator. In Transylvania. 21 . Kovacs, A. Peoples of Hungary. 22-24. Jancs6, B. Hungary andRoumania.
II. The Hungarian Nation, 1920-1923.
(For details of publication see East European Problems above.)
III. Questions de l'Europe Orientate
Note that this series also contains T.I.L. material. It was published in Budapest in 1920; vol. 3 is unknown.
1 . Kovacs, Aloyse. Les peuples de la Hongrie. 2. ---. Au lieu d'un, trois etats de nationalite. 3. Unknown. 4. Teleki, Paul cte. Le Hongrie du Sud. 5. Teleki, Paul cte. and Alexandre Domanovszky. Le Hongrie Occidentale. 6. Mikola, A., and J. Melich. La question Wende. 7. Csaky, Etienne de. La question Ruthene.
IV. Territorial Integrity League Publications:
Altenburger, Julius. Hungary Before, During and After the World-War. Budapest, 1919.
Apponyi, Albeit Count. The American Peace and Hungary. Budapest, 1919. [Berzeviczy, Albert.] L'ltalia e I'Ungheria nel passato e al presente. Riflessioni
d'un politico Ungherese. Budapest, 1919. Bockh, H., Z. Lazar, S. Papp, M. Palfy, T. Szontagh, and A. Zsigmondy. Mining
and Stoneindustry of Hungary. No details. Christmas Letter of a Hungarian to an English Friend. Budapest, 1919. Edvi Illes, Aladar and A. Halasz. Hungarian State Policy with Regard to the
Promotion of Industry. No details. Galocsy, Arpad de. La question De Nationalite En Hongrie. Budapest, 1919.
(Also in Italian.) Gero, Jean. Les Divers Mouvements Nationaux Tcheques En Hongrie. Budapest,
1919. Horvath, Jeno. Hungary and Serbia. The Fate of Southern Hungary. Budapest,
1919. Karacsonyi, Janos. The Historical Right of the Hungarian Nation to Its Territorial
Integrity. Budapest, 1919. (Also in French and Italian.) Kovacs, Alajos. La domination Roumaine dans la moitie Orientale de la Hongrie
est-elle viable? Budapest, 1920. (Also in English: EEP5.) - . The Number and Situation of the Protestants in the 26 Eastern Counties
Demanded by the Rumanians. Budapest, 1919. (Also in French.) - . Refutation of the Bohemian, Roumanian and Servian Territorial Claims.
Budapest, 1919. (Also in French.) - . The Authenticity of the Hungarian Census on the Data of the Mother
Language. Budapest, 1919. (Also in French.) - . The Development of the Population of Hungary Since the Turkish Rule Has
Ceased. Budapest, 1919. (Also in French.) Lers, William Baron. The Question of the Territorial Integrity of Hungary from
the Standpoint of Commercial Policy. Budapest, 1919. Loczy, L. A Geographical, Economic and Social Survey of Hungary. Budapest,
1919. (Also in French.) Ludwigh, E., Consul General. A Plea in Support of Hungary's Territorial
Integrity. Budapest, 1919. Open Letter of a Hungarian Citizen to President Wilson about Hungary's
Territorial Integrity. Budapest, 1918. Petho, Alexandre. Strasbourg - Metz, Pressbourg - Kassa. Budapest 1919. (Only
in French.) Pivany, Eugene. The Case of Hungary in the Light of Statements of British and
American Statesmen and Authors. Budapest, 1919. Prohle, Guillaume. La Verite Sur La Hongrie Et Sur La Politique Magyare.
Budapest, 1919. (Only in French and Italian.)
Tolnay, Cornel de. Hungarian Railways and Territorial Integrity. Budapest, 1919. (Also in French and Italian.)
Truth About Hungary. Extracts from the Papers of R. Townson, F. S. Beudant, B. F. Tefft , Elisee Reclus, T. S, Dymond, Knatchbull-Hugessen, E. Doumerg. Budapest, 1919. (Also in French.)
Viczian, Edouard. Waterways, Hydraulic Powers and Territorial Integrity of Hungary. Budapest, 1919.
Wlassics, Julius Baron. The Territorial Integrity of Hungary and the League of Nations. Budapest, 1919. (Two editions available.)
V. Other Propaganda Material:
Address of the University of Debrecen to the Universities of the World. Debrecen, 1919.
Address to All the Academies of the Civilized World by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Budapest, 191 8.- (Also in French.)
Appeal of the Budapest University to Other Universities of the World. Budapest, 1919. (Also in Latin, Italian, and French.)
Appeal of the Hungarian Geographical Society to the Geographical Societies of the World. Budapest, 1919. (Also in French.)
Buday, Ladislas de. The Economic Unity of Hungary. No details. Gerevich, Zoltan. La Slovaquie, terre I'avenir. Remarques sur la brochure du
meme titre de Karel Kalal ecrivain Tcheque. Budapest, 1920. Horvath Jeno. The Independence and Integrity of Hungary. Appeal of the
Nagyvdrad Academy of Law. Nagyvarad, 1918. La Hongrie. Budapest, 1918. Pivany, Eugene. Rumania in Hungary. Her Conduct During the War, Her
Conduct During the "Armistice, " Her Territorial Claims. Cleveland, Ohio,
1919. - . Some Facts About the Proposed Dismemberment of Hungary. Cleveland,
Ohio, 1919. - . The Protection of Racial and Religious Minorities. Cleveland, Ohio, 1919. Pro Hungaria! Extrait d'un aide memoire de I'Universite de Pozsony adresse a la
conference de paix en faveur de I'integrite territdriale de la Hongrie. Pressburg, 1920.
Some Economical Facts About Hungary. Budapest, 1919. Szekeres, Janos, Dr. Un nouveau Balcan en Europe. Budapest, 1919. Un Nouveau Balkan Ou Une Nouvelle Suisse? Budapest, n.d. Veigelsberg, Hugo. The Dismemberment of Hungary. Written Especially for
American Readers. 1920. (N.p.) Wlassics, Julius Baron. The Right of Self-Determination. Budapest, London, New
York, 1922. (Same publishers as for EEP.)
Article Contentsp. p. 44p. 45p. 46p. 47p. 48p. 49p. 50p. 51p. 52p. 53p. 54p. 55p. 56
Issue Table of ContentsHungarian Journal of English and American Studies (HJEAS), Vol. 2, No. 1, AMERICAN STUDIES ISSUE (1996), pp. 1-210Front MatterNOT AN UNTROUBLED BLISS: THE POST-EARLY-PHASE POSTCOMMUNIST SITUATION OF ENGLISH STUDIES IN HUNGARY [pp. 3-13]DIAGNOSING AMERICAN CULTURE: CENTRIFUGALITY VERSUS CENTRIPETALITY; OR, THE MYTH OF A CORE AMERICA [pp. 15-34]THE BODIES IN QUESTION [pp. 35-42]SOME FACTS ABOUT HUNGARIAN PROPAGANDA FOR TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY ABROAD, 1918-20 [pp. 43-56]BLACKFACE MINSTRELSY: AN ALTERNATIVE DISCOURSE ON DOMINANCE [pp. 57-71]"EVERY POEM AN EPITAPH"; OR, THE PROCESS OF CREATIVE DE-CREATION: T. S. ELIOT'S FINAL POETIC EXPERIENCE IN "FOUR QUARTETS" [pp. 73-84]VARDAMAN'S FISH AND ADDIE'S JAR: FAULKNER'S TALES OF MOURNING AND DESIRE [pp. 85-91]BLACK WOMAN AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE BLACK FAMILY: JESSIE FAUSET'S "THERE IS CONFUSION" [pp. 93-102]THE ROLE OF BIOGRAPHY AND LITERARY ALLUSIONS IN VLADIMIR NABOKOV'S "PALE FIRE" [pp. 103-116]DUBLIN TO CHINATOWN: JAMES JOYCE AND FRANK CHIN [pp. 117-122]HUMANITY AND THE EVERYDAY: CREATURELINESS AND TEXTUALITY IN SAUL BELLOW AND JOHN UPDIKE [pp. 123-132]LIE DOWN IN DARKNESS VERSUS THE SOUND AND THE FURY: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS [pp. 133-145]THE ARTIST AS "CRIMINAL OF PERCEPTION": E. L. DOCTOROW AND THE POLITICS OF THE IMAGINATION [pp. 147-155]VARIATIONS ON LIFE: FICTION AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY IN JOHN BARTH'S FOUR LATEST NOVELS [pp. 157-172]DIFFERENCE, IDENTITY, AND SANDRA CISNEROS'S "THE HOUSE ON MANGO STREET" [pp. 173-187]BOOK REVIEWSReview: untitled [pp. 189-192]Review: untitled [pp. 192-195]Review: untitled [pp. 195-197]Review: untitled [pp. 198-199]Review: untitled [pp. 199-200]Review: untitled [pp. 200-203]Review: untitled [pp. 203-207]