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    Journal of Retailing and Consumer Services 9 (2002) 185199

    Central place practice: shopping centre attractiveness measures,hinterland boundaries and the UK retail hierarchy$

    Charles Dennis*, David Marsland, Tony Cockett

    School of Business & Management, Brunel University, Borough Road, Isleworth TW7 5DU, UK

    Received 22 August 2000; received in revised form 21 February 2001; accepted 28 March 2001

    Abstract

    Christallers (Central Places in Southern Germany (translated by Baskin C (1966)), Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1933)

    well-known and much criticised central place theory was based on classical, arguably unsustainable, economic assumptions such asthe uniformity of consumers and travel. Nevertheless, it has been claimed that the emergence of shopping areas in UK towns could

    largely be explained in terms of central place principles (Retail Location: A Micro-Scale Perspective, Aldershot, Avebury, 1992).

    Brown drew support from the example of the retail hierarchy of Cardiff (UK, Store Location and Store Assessment Research,

    Chichester, Wiley, 1984): a town centre core radiating progressively further out with greater numbers of district centres,

    neighbourhood centres and finally local centres. Christallers theory was based on rigid laws of distribution of central places and

    laws of settlement which often determine[d] with astonishing exactness, the location of central places in southern Germany. Guy

    considered that for useful application to UK retail, a more flexible interpretation was needed and that strict economic assumptions

    could be relaxed in a more pragmatic approach. The classical approach fails to account for the positions and hinterland (or

    catchment area) boundaries of modern out-of-town regional shopping centres. Except in defining the components of places at

    various levels in the hierarchy, Christaller did not even consider the attractiveness of shopping areas in consumer choice. A number

    of other authors have investigated various measures to define positions in the retail hierarchy. In the Cardiff example, Guy used

    retail sales floor area as a surrogate measure. Systems have been proposed based on numbers and status of retail outlets (The New

    Guide to Shopping Centres of Great Britain, Hillier Parker, London, 1991; Shopping Centres, Mintel, London, 1997; J. PropertyRes. 9 (1992) 122160; J. Property Res. 9 (1985) 122160). This paper evaluates the authors empirically based measurement system

    for attractiveness that can be applied to out-of-town as well as in-town shopping centres. The approach adapts previous simple

    systems based on retailer counts. These have been combined in attractiveness measurements applied to definitions of position in the

    hierarchy. Results support the prediction of central place hinterland boundaries based on the authors attractiveness measures and

    adaptation of (The Law of Gravitation, Knickerbocker Press, New York, 1931) Law. The data fit exemplar published empirical

    data on shopping centre hinterlands more closely than do the commonly used drive-time isochrones. r 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd.

    All rights reserved.

    Keywords: Shopping centres; Central place; Hierarchy; Hinterlands; Catchment; Attractiveness

    1. Introduction

    Planned shopping centres comprise an essential part

    of the UK economy, employing over three-quarters of a

    million people and playing a key role in the investments

    of pension funds (OXIRM, 1999; Davies et al., 1993).

    In the context of this paper, a shopping centre is defined

    as a planned retail development comprising at least

    three shops, under one freehold, managed and marketed

    as a unit (Guy, 1994a).

    Modelling and predicting shopping centre hinterland

    boundaries and positions in the retail hierarchy have

    implications for developers and planners. Questions

    might be explored, for example, as to whether there will

    be sufficient business to support a new shopping centre

    development. Issues include the extent to which existing

    facilities will be affected by a particular development

    and the number of new customers who might be

    attracted if an existing shopping centre was to be

    $An earlier version of this paper was presented to the 7th

    International Conference on Recent Advances in Retailing and

    Services Science, Eindhoven, EIRASS. (Dennis, C.E., Marsland, D.,

    Cockett, W., 2000d. Central place theory revisited: the use of

    attractiveness measures in predicting shopping centre hinterland

    (catchment area) boundaries).

    *Corresponding author. Tel.: +44-(0)208-891-0121; fax: +44-

    (0)208-891-8291.

    E-mail address: [email protected] (C. Dennis).

    0969-6989/02/$ - see front matter r 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

    PII: S 0 9 6 9 - 6 9 8 9 ( 0 1 ) 0 0 0 2 1 - 2

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    extended. Despite research effort, this remains an

    inexact science. Some centres have been reported only

    50% let 12 months after opening (Kirkup and Rafiq,

    1993, 1994a, b). Theoretical approaches to modelling

    shopping centre hinterlands have produced consider-

    able controversy and models in which the fit of the

    distance component must be adjusted by the FiddleFactor (Rogers, 1984, p. 320; drawing on Openshaw,

    1973). Complex models are unpopular among

    practitioners (Breheny, 1988).

    This paper introduces and tests the authors empiri-

    cally based measurement system for the attractiveness of

    shopping centresFin- and out-of-townFwith a view to

    modelling and predicting hinterlands and positions in

    the hierarchy. The paper proceeds as follows. Firstly, the

    implications of central place theory and the retail

    hierarchy are briefly outlined. The development of the

    authors attractiveness model follows and the model is

    used, in case study examples, to define steps in the retail

    hierarchy, based on shoppers choice behaviour. Scalesproposed by other researchers are examined and it is

    demonstrated that such scales can be modified in the

    light of the empirical research. A unified attractiveness

    scale is proposed and demonstrated to have utility in

    predicting hinterland boundaries, consistent with the

    principles of central place theory. Finally, the authors

    consider whether, when changes in attractiveness are

    considered, central place theory modelling can become

    dynamic. In discussing the results, indicators are drawn

    for possible changes that might be anticipated in the UK

    retail and population structure.

    2. Central place theory

    Central place theory is based on classical economic

    assumptions such as uniformity of consumers and

    travel, a theory described by Brown (1992, p. 40) as an

    elegant andymuch maligned conceptualisation. Based

    on the work of the German geographer, Christaller

    (1933) and economist Losch (1940), the theory was,

    according to OBrien and Harris (1991), widely

    accepted by the planning profession as a model of retail

    organisation. OBrien and Harris considered thatcentral place theory, for example, explains why London

    [UK] contain[ed] the major fashion houses and top

    stores, and why small places such as Durham [UK] [did]

    not have department stores.

    The theory has been criticised in recent decades and

    dismissed as more elegant than practical by OBrien and

    Harris, who drew support from Dawson (1979, p. 190):

    Whilst the theory serves to describe and, in part,

    explain locational patterns developed prior to the

    1960s, it can no longer be used as anyexplanation of

    present patterns or planning future.

    According to Dawson, central place modelling was

    flawed because of the complex nature of retailing and

    scrambled merchandise mixes. Despite acknowledged

    drawbacks, in this paper, the authors revisit and adapt

    central place ideas in modelling hinterland boundaries

    and positions in the retail hierarchy.

    In Christallers terminology, goods were described interms of threshold (the population needed to make

    supply worthwhile) and range (distance from source of

    supply beyond which demand falls to zero). According

    to Brown:

    Expensive and infrequently purchased [compa-

    rison] goodsyhave higher thresholds and ranges

    than inexpensive, everyday [convenience] purcha-

    sesyThere will be a large number of purveyors of

    [convenience] goods and relatively few sellers of

    [comparison] merchandise.

    By combining the concepts of threshold and range,

    hinterlands are defined in which comparison goods areonly supplied from populous central places whilst

    convenience goods are sold locally. Economic modelling

    based on these assumptions produces maps of catch-

    ment hinterlands in terms of interlocking and over-

    lapping areas (Fig. 1).

    Brown points out that:

    The spatial arrangement of shopping facilities in the

    majority of British cities is explicable in terms of

    central place principles. Typically, this comprises a

    [comparison] retailing core, a series of [convenience]

    shopping districts surrounding the core but closer to

    it than the edge of the city, and a greater number of

    shopping districts in the inner than the outer parts of

    the urban area.

    Effectively summing up researchers ambivalent ap-

    proaches to central place theory, Tang and Ingene

    (2000) drew attention to essential assumptions that

    cannot be sustained in reality, for example the homo-

    geneity of households and purchasing demands. Never-

    theless, in calibrating their shopping model (using the

    example of Shanghai), they observed that the retail

    hierarchy predicted by the theory was actually observed

    in practice.

    3. The retail hierarchy

    The distinction between higher order comparison and

    lower order convenience goods has been observed in

    empirical data, illustrated for example in Fig. 2.

    Christaller (1933, p. 58) observed that:

    We always find great numbers of central places of a

    lower order, i.e. lesser importance and smaller size.

    Beside them, we find a considerable number of

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    central places that have a somewhat greater impor-

    tance, a still smaller number of places of a higher

    order, and only very seldom, places of the highest

    orderyThe greater a town is, the smaller is the

    numberyin its respective category.

    Analogous to Reillys (1929, 1931) approach to

    measuring attractiveness, Christaller based his hierarch-

    ical system on population numbers. The (then) standard

    German classification defined five categories, from the

    county town of 20005000 to the metropolis of

    1,000,000+population. Despite having apparently uti-

    lised these classifications, Christaller claimed to base his

    definitions of the hierarchy on the classification of goods

    on offer. For any particular good, the outer limit of its

    range is defined by the distance that shoppers will travel

    to obtain that good. Beyond a certain distance they may

    purchase from another place, or may not purchase at all.

    The inner limit is determined by the minimum salesyto

    make the offering pay. Christaller claimed to classify

    Fig. 1. Central place theoryFillustration of demand areas. (a) Hypothetical demand cones. (b) Hierarchy. Notes: (i) Different types and orders of

    goods supplied from different levels of places will have different ranges and thresholds and thus sizes of market areas. A nested hierarchy will be

    produced. (ii) This pattern is known as a K 3 hierarchy. TheKvalue is determined by the number of lower order centres served by the next higher

    level of place. The numbers of centres follows a geometrical progression, proportional to 1, 3, 9 and so on according to the number of levels. Sources:

    (a) Brown (1992); originally sourced from Davies (1976). (b) OBrien and Harris (1991).

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    towns into categories based on levels of goods, but it is

    not clear to the authors how the boundaries between the

    categories were set. Nevertheless, in southern Germany,

    especially for the plainsywhere there are no natural

    barriers, the theory often determine[d] with astonishing

    exactness, the locations of central places (pp. 190191).

    An extract from Christallers mapping is reproduced inFig. 3, indicating striking regularity in the distribution

    of places and hierarchy. Christaller, though, tested his

    predictions against the distribution of population (and

    telephone connections) but did not report doing so

    against the availability of the specific goods that are

    supposed to form the basis of the hierarchy. Other

    authors have, however, reported confirmatory evidence.

    Clark (1982) reported the applicability to market centres

    in southwest Iowa (USA); once again, an area where the

    map can be studied relatively free of the confusing effect

    of natural barriers. On the other hand, the authors

    question whether the (static basis of) central place

    theory (i) explains why the biggest shopping centre in

    the world is located in a sparsely populated province of

    a sparsely populated country (West Edmonton Mall,

    Alberta, CanadaFFinn, 2000); or (ii) accounts for the

    shopping centre with the worlds highest number of

    visitorsFover 40 millionFbeing located in a state of

    only 5 million inhabitants (Mall of America, MOA,

    Minnesota, USAFFeinberg et al., 2000). It is the

    authors contention that the key to an understanding of

    the locations of central places is dynamic. For example,

    if entrepreneurs build shopping centres of sufficient

    attractiveness (which Finn and Feinberg have found to

    underlie the successes of West Edmonton and MOA,

    respectively), shoppers will come despite travelling long

    distances.

    Rather than defining hierarchies based on nominal

    measures such as population or type of goods, a more

    rigorous approach is based on attractiveness. Fig. 4

    illustrates, for example, the retail hierarchy of Cardiff,UK, based on the use of m2 selling area as the proxy

    measure. From the town centre core the hierarchy

    radiates progressively further out with greater numbers

    of district centres, neighbourhood centres and finally

    local centres. An analogous pattern can be demon-

    strated to surround even a regional shopping centre such

    as the Harlequin centre (Watford, UK), where local

    centres survive and even thrive within a kilometre of the

    shopping centre. Lakeside (Thurrock, UK) has another

    shopping centre (in Romford) within the inner band of

    its catchment area (20 km/15 min drive). In order to be

    viable, those centres lower in the hierarchy need to

    include a retailer mix appropriate to their position; in

    Romford, satisfying the shoppers who spend less per

    visit but come three times a week (the owners, quoted

    in Retail Week, 6 June 2000).

    Cardiff comprised the basis of a long-term investiga-

    tion into retail change. Guy (1999, p. 458, referring to

    his 1996 study) observed that the development of a few

    large, new food stores coincided with the closure of

    several smalleryshops. Guy described these changes as

    the outcome of a general process of concentration,

    disproving any static nature of the retail hierarchy. This

    point was further illustrated in a report of the impact of

    Fig. 2. Travel time decay curves, comparing convenience and shopping (comparison) goods. This (US) example indicated shopping frequencies for

    three regional and three sub-regional shopping centres. Symbols represent the number of trips to those centres for customers at various travel times.

    Sources: Jones and Simmons (1990, p. 40), based on Young (1975).

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    the Merry Hill regional shopping centre (UK) on the

    adjacent town of Dudley. On completion of the

    shopping centre in 1989, a number of major retailers

    closed their stores and in effect moved them to Merry

    Hill. Many other shops were closed and the premises

    were reoccupied by low quality and discount stores

    (Guy, 1999).

    In the UK, retail areas have grown in a haphazard

    manner, from origins as markets in the centres of towns

    and in suburban areas through conversions of other

    types of property (Guy, 1998). Patterns are not as

    regular as in, for example, southern Germany or

    southwest Iowa. Guy criticised central place theory as

    relying on the notion that consumers would tend to buy

    the goods required at the nearest available location, an

    assumption:

    Clearly incorrect for many shopping trips since other

    determinants of shopping success are also impor-

    tantyConsumer choice of shopping destination

    reflects several qualities, such as variety of goods,

    price of goods, cleanliness, spaciousness and security

    of the centre, and quality and quantity of car parking,

    for example. Central place theory, which relies mainly

    on distance as a choice criterion, becomes inadequate

    in this situation.

    Guy, though, goes on to review dimensions of retail

    classification systems including goods sold, trip purpose,

    size of store, store ownership, catchment area, physical

    form, function, location, development history and type.

    Guy pointed out that shoppers make their choices of

    shopping centre destination from an evoked set with

    Fig. 3. The distribution of towns as central places in southern Germany.Source: Adapted from Christaller, 1933, p. 225.

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    respect to a particular combination of location and trip

    purpose, suggesting a hierarchical classification based

    on trip purpose and size.

    An example is the system used in the UK which sums

    the numbers of non-food shops in a centre, ranking

    centres in order of attractiveness (Reynolds and Schiller,

    1992; Schiller and Jarrett, 1985). Reynolds and Schiller

    examined the cumulative frequency of scores, fitting the

    divisions in the hierarchy to the gaps between size

    clusters where possible. The hierarchy classifications

    illustrate the increases in numbers of centres at the lower

    levels but cannot be observed to follow the strictgeometrical progression of central place theory. The

    six levels were:

    Multiple branch

    (Goad) score

    Number of

    centres

    National 186 1

    Metropolitan 93132 6

    Major regional 3574 99

    Minor regional 2534 60

    Major district 624 290

    Minor district 25 370

    In this paper, the authors have attempted a pre-

    liminary exploration of the use of retail attractiveness

    measures in defining positions in the hierarchies and

    hinterland boundaries for shopping centres and towns.

    A description of the empirical measurement system for

    shopping centre attractiveness developed by the authors

    is as follows. Empirical measurements have been

    compared with retailer count systems and a unified

    scale has been proposed. In a further step, the

    attractiveness scale has been utilised in defining posi-

    tions in the retail hierarchy and predicting hinterland

    boundaries, comparing with data not gathered by the

    authors and not used in developing the model.

    4. Propositions to be investigated

    Based on the preceding discussion, two propositionson the development of central places and on consumers

    shopping centre choice behaviour can be derived.

    (P1) Population and retail provision tend to cluster

    around central places defined on a matrix.

    (P2) Hinterlands and the retail hierarchy follow the

    attractiveness of shopping and town centres.

    P1 represents Christallers classical approach,

    whereas P2 follows the more recent classification

    systems of (e.g.) Guy; Reynolds and Schiller. P1 and

    P2 are not necessarily mutually exclusive, but if P2 is

    accepted, a trend towards the redistribution of popula-tion around attractive shopping destinations might be

    expected. Accordingly, this study was designed to test,

    on an exploratory basis, the extent to which P1 and P2

    fit available exemplar UK data.

    5. Attractiveness

    The use of attractiveness measurements in the context

    of consumers choices of shopping centres has been

    reported earlier (Dennis et al., 1999a). The study was

    based on a questionnaire survey of 287 respondents atsix UK shopping centres varying in size from small in-

    town sub-regional to large regional out-of-town centres.

    A regional centre has a gross retail area of greater than

    50,000 m2 and a sub-regional one 20,00050,000 m2

    (based on Guy, 1994a, b; Marjanen, 1993; Reynolds,

    1993). The study evaluated shoppers comparative

    ratings of two shopping centres, one of them being the

    centre where the interview took place. The alternative

    centre was the one where they shopped most (or next

    most after the interview centre) for non-food shopping.

    The questionnaire instrument was based on the

    attributes of image elements employed by McGoldrick

    and Thompson (1992a, b) together with additional

    constructs derived from analyses of preliminary un-

    structured interviews. Respondents stated their percep-

    tions of the importance of each of 38 attributes

    (including those identified by Guy as figuring in

    consumers choices of shopping destination, for exam-

    ple, quality of stores, cleanliness and availability of

    toilets, following Hackett and Foxall, 1994). Each

    attribute was also rated for both the centre studied

    and the alternative centre. Respondents estimated

    perceived travel distance and time to both centres and

    supplied details such as age, location of residence and

    Fig. 4. The urban retail hierarchy of Cardiff (UK). Source: Brown

    (1992); originally sourced from Guy (1984).

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    occupation of the main earner in the household.

    Examination of the characteristics of the sample

    indicated the distribution of socio-economic groups,

    age and sex reasonably representative of that anticipated

    at UK shopping centres.

    Further questions concerned typical perceived

    monthly spend at each of the two centres. AsMcGoldrick and Thompson pointed out, much of the

    variation in shoppers expenditure relates to factors such

    as income or socio-economic groups, rather than travel

    distance or attributes of the shopping centre. Following

    this approach, the main dependent variable used in this

    study was the individual relative spend. A value of 100

    indicated all expenditure at the centre studied none at

    the alternative centre. A value of 50 indicated half of the

    expenditure at each centre. The same approach was used

    to scale perceived travel distance and time producing the

    variables individual relative travel distance and time.

    The view of attractiveness taken by the authors is

    that any product (such as a shopping centre) can beseen as a bundle of expected costs and rewards which

    East (1997, p. 131) found was upheld by research. East

    drew support from Westbrooks (1980) finding that an

    overall measure of retail satisfaction correlated well with

    a simple addition of the satisfactions and dissatisfactions

    that customers experienced. In the authors methodol-

    ogy, the measures of satisfaction and dissatisfaction

    have been taken from the respondents ratings of the

    shopping centre compared to their main alternative

    centre (on 5-point semantic differential type scales).

    These satisfactions for the individual attributes were

    weighted, firstly by the importance of the attribute tothe respondent (also on a 5-point scale) and secondly by

    the degree of association with the stated relative spend.

    Once weighted, satisfactions were added, giving an

    overall attractiveness measured value. The authors

    combined the attractiveness measurements with the

    relative travel time or distance variables, to derive

    (statistically significant) models of individuals relative

    spend. More detailed derivations of the attributes and

    models have been reported elsewhere (Dennis et al.,

    1999a, b, 2000a).

    6. Steps in the retail hierarchy

    The positions of steps in the retail hierarchy of

    shopping centres were investigated by first defining what

    constituted a substantial competitor in the empirical

    survey. In this context, a substantial competitor was

    defined as another shopping centre used by over 25% of

    shoppers at the centre studied. To qualify as substantial,

    a competitor must be attractive relative to the centre

    studied. For example, considering centres featuring in

    this empirical work, the Blue Rose Centre (not its real

    name) has a competitor of 55% of the physical size

    (m2 gross selling area) within its catchment. This

    competitor was used as a main or alternative centre by

    only 2% of the Blue Rose Centres customers and thus

    cannot be considered as a substantial competitor.

    Conversely, The White Water Centres substantial

    competitor is 95% of the size of the White Water

    Centre and used as a main or alternative centre by 40%of the White Water Centres customers.

    Using selling area as a proxy indicator of attractive-

    ness, the defining point for a substantial competitor

    (used by over 25% of a shopping centres customers) lies

    somewhere in between above 55% and below 95% of

    the size of the centre studied. A mid value of 75% has,

    thus been adopted as the defining level of a substantial

    competitor, based not on selling area but rather on the

    more precise unified attractiveness scale reported below.

    For a competitor to be counted as at the equivalent level

    in the hierarchy to the centre studied, the competitor

    must have an attractiveness of at least 75% of that of the

    centre studied. It follows, therefore, that when twoshopping centres are compared, if the smaller one has an

    attractiveness of less than 75% of the larger one, the

    smaller is at a lower level in the hierarchy. Although

    studies of many more centres are needed to confirm this

    arbitrary-seeming definition, it is consistent with the

    results of this study and those of other authors analysed

    below. That is, a centre at a lower level can lie within the

    catchment of a larger centre, whilst there will be a break

    point in catchment boundary between two centres at

    the same level.

    7. Unified attractiveness scale

    Mintel (1997) reported an attractiveness measurement

    scale for shopping centres and towns, based on numbers

    of retail outlets, scoring multiples higher than others and

    certain specific named retailers higher still. In the light of

    many considerations that are known to inform

    shoppers choices of shopping destinations, measuring

    shopping centre attractiveness, in such a manner,

    initially appears trivial. Nevertheless, evidence in sup-

    port can be inferred from at least two independent

    sources. Firstly, Finn and Louviere (1996) investigated

    all 17 regional and community shopping centres in

    Edmonton, Canada. The fit of their regression models

    was highly significant, with between 70% and 90% of

    image item variance accounted for by the store tenant

    variables such as the presence of particular major and

    discount department stores. Other characteristics had

    some significant effects, but the additional effect on

    image was generally rather small. It was concluded that

    specific anchor stores had a substantial impact on

    consumers images of shopping centres, accounting for

    most of the variation in centre patronage. Secondly,

    Feinberg and associates (2000) investigated the

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    prediction of (US) mall patronage from attraction scales

    using stepwise logit regression. In every case, the rating

    of specific stores that most attracted customers was

    demonstrated to be the most significant variable.

    Findings such as these, are understandable when it is

    considered that the most attractive shopping centres will

    be expected to attract the most successful and popularretailers.

    In this study, the Mintel scale correlated well with

    the empirical measurements from the questionnaire

    surveys, R2 0:94 for Eq. (1):

    A 0:978B; 1

    whereA is the Mintel score and B the empirical Brunel

    Index for attractiveness (from the survey-measured

    weighted attractiveness summations, rescaled to use an

    equivalent numerical scale to the Mintel scoreFFig. 5).

    Corrections must be made, though, for the differences

    between planned, covered shopping centre attractiveness

    and the unplanned town centres, and in addition for the

    effect that the surrounding town area has on shoppers

    perceptions of the attractiveness of the centre. The

    attractiveness measure was significantly associated with

    shopping centre sales turnover and rental income

    (R2

    =0.99 and 0.98, respectively, reported more fullyelsewhere: Dennis et al., 2000b).

    To estimate and plot hinterland boundaries, maps

    indicating the locations of towns and shopping centres

    along with their Mintel scores would be useful. Such

    maps can be produced to order by data owner(s). The

    Hillier Parkers New Guide to shopping centres of

    Great Britain (Goad Plans/OXIRM, 1991, the Goad

    Plan) is useful in this connection. The Goad Plan is

    based on the numbers of branches of 113 specific

    multiple retailers (Goad scoresFbased on one of the

    examples referred to by Guy and designed to reflect the

    presence of multiple comparison goods retailersFRey-

    nolds and Schiller, 1992). An extract from the GoadPlan is reproduced in Fig. 6. The area selected deliber-

    ately typifies a part of middle England relatively free

    from natural barriers and having in consequence some

    regularity in the distribution of towns. Below those

    towns rated in the Goad hierarchy, there is a level of

    smaller places, such that, in the Middle Ages, every

    habitation was within a one-day return walk of a

    market.

    The authors have determined the Goad scores to be

    valid measures of attractiveness for towns, correlating

    with scales proposed by other research organisations

    (such as Management Horizons, 1995: for 15 towns alsorated on the Goad Plan, R2 0:88; significant as

    p 0:01). The Mintel scores, though, are valid for bothtowns and shopping centres. To facilitate data handling,

    the Goad scores have been rescaled to the Mintel

    equivalents.

    Fig. 6. Towns and shopping centres in central England.Source: Extracted and adapted from Goad Plans/OXIRM, 1991.

    Fig. 5. Mintel scores, A; of shopping centres vs. the Brunelmeasured attractiveness index, B; of the centres on the MintelscaleFcorrected for towns (intercept set to 0).

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    Based on the best fit of available data, it has been

    estimated that, for plotting hinterland boundaries, the

    attractiveness of towns must be scaled down by a fixed

    percentage compared to shopping centres. Validating

    the combined scale as linear, estimates of sales values for

    town and shopping centre combinations together with

    out-of-town shopping centres correlated well with thecombined attractiveness scale (coefficient of determina-

    tion, R2 0:92; significant at p 0:01). It must bestressed that the authors new empirical attractiveness

    measures should be used whenever practicable. Never-

    theless, the scale based on Goad and Mintel values,

    adjusted for town centres vs. shopping centres, can be

    utilised as alternative where the empirical measures are

    not available.

    8. Distance exponent

    The principle of the gravitational theory of retail isthat shoppers are more likely to shop in a more

    attractive town or shopping centre, but the attractive-

    ness decreases with distance. Spend can be considered as

    being positively related to some measure(s) of attrac-

    tiveness and negatively related to some measures(s) of

    unattractiveness or deterrence, such as distance. Reilly

    (1929, 1931) used analogy with gravitation as the basis

    of his law which forms the bases of many approaches

    to retail location. The frequency with which residents

    trade with a town is postulated to be directly propor-

    tional to the attractiveness and inversely proportional to

    some power of the distance that they travel. This inverseeffect of distance, though, need not be limited to its

    square as in Reillys gravitational analogy. Rephrasing,

    the distance exponent is not necessarily numerically

    equal to2. Based on the questionnaire survey outlined

    above, the authors have previously reported on varia-

    tions in the distance exponent (Dennis et al., 1999b,

    2000a). The distance exponent was demonstrated to be a

    variable related to attractiveness. The authors contend

    that an estimation of the distance exponent, d; can bepredicted from the Brunel Index of attractiveness, B;using a relationship derived from a linear regression

    (SPSS):

    d 0:0044B3:19: 2

    The empirical data comprising the basis of the

    relationship are illustrated in Fig. 7.

    9. The hinterland boundary

    Reillys law has been restated (Converse, 1949) to

    estimate the break point between two towns which

    separates the areas of dominance of each. As reported

    elsewhere, the break point calculation can be modified

    to incorporate varying distance exponents (Dennis et al.,

    2000c). Martin (1982) demonstrated that Reillys law

    break points could be used to define a notional

    catchment area boundary, by calculating (and joining)

    multiple break points with surrounding towns. Martin

    compared the calculated break points around North-

    ampton (England) and surrounding towns with a survey

    data contour (from 1350 respondents) enclosing the area

    from which 90% of Northamptons shoppers travelled.

    Martins calculated break points for Northampton

    produced a hinterland boundary in reasonable agree-

    ment with survey results, illustrated in Fig. 8. This

    provided a quick quantitative method of estimating the

    catchment area, but with two disadvantages. Firstly,

    there was only a single measure of attractivenessF

    po-pulation. Population must be an inappropriate measure

    for the attractiveness of the new town shopping centre of

    Milton Keynes, which acts in effect in a similar way to

    an out-of-town shopping centre for a large hinterland.

    Secondly, the distance exponent was treated as a

    constant although it has been demonstrated to be a

    variable. The authors have reworked the break point

    calculations using unified attractiveness scores together

    with estimated distance exponents (derived from Fig. 7).

    An intuitive restatement of the Reilly/Converse break

    point prediction of the position of the break point

    between towns a and b would be

    distance from adistance from a to b

    1 dbffiffiffiffiffiffi

    Abp

    =daffiffiffiffiffiffi

    Aap ; 3

    whereda and db are the distance exponents for towns a

    and b, respectively, Aa and Ab their attractiveness

    scores. Eq. (3) is, though, only a first approximation of a

    relationship to which there is no straightforward

    arithmetic solution. The full derivation has been

    reported elsewhere (Dennis et al., 2000c) and space

    limitations preclude inclusion here. In brief, the break

    point derived from Eq. (2) must be multiplied by the

    Fig. 7. Distance exponent, d; on visit rate per 1000 residents vs.Brunel measured attractiveness index of shopping centre plus

    correction for town centre (where relevant) on the Mintel scale, B :

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    correction factor

    d

    ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi1

    Fa Fb

    2F ;

    r

    where the values ofFa and Fb; respectively, are

    Aa

    Ddaaand

    Ab

    Ddab

    :

    Da and Db are the distances of the calculated break

    point (Eq. (3)) from a and b, respectively, dthe higher of

    the distance exponents andFthe lower of the Fa and Fbfunction values. In the authors experience, this simpli-

    fied procedure has always estimated break points within

    0.2 km of the theoretically optimum solution.

    Martin defined the catchment area in what may seem

    to be an arbitrary mannerFthe boundary which

    enclosed 90% of the shoppers, pointing out that any

    attempt to identify more than around 90% of catchment

    area results in absurdities such as claiming that parts

    ofyAmerica should be included. The authors have

    investigated the use of values other than 90%. No other

    value was more useful in modelling shopper spend. The

    value of 90% has therefore been retained as a standard

    (R2 value in predicting the effect of distance on

    individual spend 0.85 when using the 90% value for

    defining catchment, compared to 0.62 and 0.57 for 85%

    and 95%, respectively).By substituting attractiveness for population, and

    using distance exponent values estimated from attrac-

    tiveness, the break point method has been adapted to

    help predict catchment area for an out-of-town shop-

    ping centre as well as for a town. The authors have

    tested predictions against data not gathered by them and

    not used in developing the models. There is a scarcity of

    such data published in the public domain, but two

    surveys mapping customer catchments have been used, a

    town (Northampton, UKFMartin, 1982Fthe example

    referred to above) and an out-of-town shopping centre

    (Meadowhall, UKFHoward, 1993). Predicted hinter-

    land boundaries have been compared with survey results

    for these two areas, illustrated in Figs. 810.

    For out-of-town regional shopping centres, break

    point calculations in the main are less applicable than

    for towns as such centres are usually not surrounded by

    competitors attractive enough to figure at an equivalent

    level in the retail hierarchy. Fig. 10 is an example of

    catchment data for Meadowhall out-of-town shopping

    centre, near Sheffield, England using data from Ho-

    wards (1993) survey of 1244 respondents.

    The authors break point calculations have been

    based on estimated drive times from Automobile

    Fig. 8. Catchment area of Northampton, comparing the theoretical assessment from the Reilly/Converse law with the survey result. Source:

    Adapted from Martin (1982, p. 71).

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    Fig. 9. Catchment area of Northampton, comparing the theoretical assessment from the Reilly/Converse law vs. the survey result, with a plot based

    on Brunel Index superimposed by the author (based on drive times and predicted distance exponents)Sources:The authors and adapted from Martin

    (1982, p. 71).

    Fig. 10. Catchment area of Meadowhall, comparing the theoretical assessment from predicted Brunel attractiveness, distance exponents and

    population, plus the break points with Manchester (based on drive times) vs. the survey result. Sources:The author, adapted from Howard (1993,

    p. 101); Census (1991) and Routemaster (B1998).

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    Associationdata (AA:Routemaster programme,B1998),

    plotted via the major roads. For Northampton,

    illustrated in Fig. 9, the radii of the predictions in the

    directions of towns in the vicinity of the hinterland

    boundary fit the survey result well, with a Hoel and

    Jesson index of fit=0.82 (equivalent to the R2 valueF

    Hoel and Jesson, 1982).In directions other than Manchester, the effect

    of competitors is not relevant and predictions

    were made using standard calculations based on

    population, drive time (or distance) and estimated

    distance exponents only. Populations (residents in

    households from Census, 1991) in radial segments in

    the direction of the main population centres have been

    analysed in conjunction with the (Routemaster, B1998)

    drive times together with the estimated distance

    exponent. Fig. 10 illustrates the catchment boundary

    calculated on this basis (for directions other than

    Manchester) compared with the boundary enclosing

    90% of respondents (estimated by the authors fromHowards respondent spots).

    The predicted catchment for Meadowhall is less

    extensive than that observed in the directions of

    Bradford, Leeds, Nottingham and Derby but at York,

    Scunthorpe and Lincoln is close to the survey result. In

    the direction of Manchester, the catchment area

    boundary has been calculated using break point

    calculationsFand the fit is considerably closer to the

    survey result than is the standard calculation.

    Practitioners tend to favour the estimation of catch-

    ment area boundaries from drive time isochrones. For

    example, the authors have calculated that the isochronethat enclosed 90% of respondents in the Meadowhall

    survey was at the 50 min drive time. This isochrone,

    though, extended into the city of Manchester, consider-

    ably beyond the observed catchment. The break point

    method predicts the catchment boundary in the direc-

    tion of Manchester more closely than does either the

    standard calculation or the isochrone. The radii of the

    predictions using the break point method again fitted

    the survey result well. When combined with the standard

    distance exponent approach for other radii directions,

    catchment area was predicted with a Hoel and Jesson

    index of fit=0.77.

    10. Discussion and conclusions

    In this paper, the authors have eschewed the rigid

    laws of settlement which, according to Christaller,

    determined the location of central places. Rather, the

    dynamic nature of shopper behaviour has been demon-

    strated with shoppers following the provision of

    attractive shopping areas. Decisions of developers and

    planners can lead to the building of large out-of-town

    shopping centres that redefine the retail hierarchy. As

    briefly alluded to above, Guy (1996, 1998, 1999) has

    studied many examples, and concluded that a more

    flexible interpretation of central place theory is needed

    for useful application to UK retail. The authors share

    the view that strict economic assumptions can be relaxed

    in a more pragmatic approach.

    On the one hand, the distribution of market townsin middle England, illustrated in Martins study of

    shopping patterns around Northampton, supported

    proposition P1. In that approach, population appeared

    clustered around central places defined on a

    matrix (classical central place theory), with hinterland

    break points being defined by population (Reilly/

    Converse). The authors, though, have demonstrated

    an alternative scenario. In line with proposition P2,

    hinterland catchment areas and the retail hierarchy

    followed the attractiveness of shopping and town

    centres, which in turn was closely related to the

    provision of shops that shoppers considered attractive.

    This proposition was demonstrated to hold not only fortraditional towns and shopping, but also for new out-of-

    town shopping centresFthus, extrapolating beyond the

    scope of P1.

    The dynamic nature of shopping behaviour following

    the provision of shops can be further illustrated by

    comparing the famous, traditional English University

    cities of Oxford and Cambridge. These are of similar

    population size (and socio-demographic profile), but

    Cambridge supports 15 more of the specified multiple

    comparison goods retailers included in the Goad score

    (27% higher attractiveness score). Reynolds and Schiller

    (1992) suggested this to be due to Cambridges expan-sion in catchment draw resulting from the opening of

    the Grafton Centre on the edge of the central area.

    The results from this study indicate a correlation

    between attractiveness score and sales turnover

    (R2 0:99;as mentioned above and reported elsewhere:Dennis et al., 2000b). By modelling sales turnover on

    this basis, it has been deduced that Cambridges

    consumer spending is around a quarter more than that

    of Oxford, directly resulting from the building of the

    new shopping centre.

    In the examples of Northampton and Meadowhall, a

    fit has been observed between the predicted break points

    and the boundary containing 90% of shoppers. From

    this, it can be concluded that there is an overlap of

    catchment area boundariesFclose to 10%. Shoppers do

    not necessarily shop at the nearest place that satisfies

    their requirements for specific goods. Rather, they take

    into account many aspects of shopping destinations and,

    when considered on aggregate, distribute their (non-

    food) shopping expenditure according to their assess-

    ments of the attractivenesses of the destinations. Despite

    the many other considerations in shoppers decisions of

    where to shop, there nevertheless appears to be a close

    association between assessments of attractiveness and

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    the numbers of shops, particularly those shops especially

    desired by the consumers. This is understandable on the

    basis that the most attractive shopping centres will

    attract the most successful retailers. Centres under-

    performing on attractiveness lack the big name and

    designer stores.

    The authors results have justified one aspect ofclassical central place theoryFthe nesting hierarchy of

    hinterlands. For example, from Fig. 9, the town of

    Market Harborough can be seen to lie within the

    hinterland of Northampton. On the other hand, there is

    a break point boundary between Milton Keynes and

    Northampton; although Milton Keynes is closer to

    Northampton than is Market Harborough. Milton

    Keynes (and the other towns used in the break point

    assessments) is on the equivalent hierarchy level

    to Northampton, based on the rule of at least 75% of

    the attractiveness score of Northampton. Market

    Harborough, though, in common with a number of

    smaller towns not used in the break points assessment,is below the 75% measure. The authors data (ongoing

    study, to be reported later) indicate that the

    typical resident of Market Harborough has some

    comparison goods expenditure in that market town,

    but substantially more in Northampton and/or Milton

    Keynes. In the examples of both Northampton and

    Meadowhall, the defining level of 75% of attractiveness

    appears to have been effective in defining the level in the

    hierarchy. Towns below 75% attractiveness do not

    appear to affect the catchment area boundaries of the

    larger centres.

    The authors contend that classical central placetheory can be modified in the light of proposition P2,

    taking as a basis for the provision of retail offerings,

    which can be modified by planners and developers.

    Thus, it can be forecast that movements of population

    towards the new central places will follow develop-

    ments of regional shopping centres. This effect has been

    observed in the USA from as long ago as 1976 (Gosling

    and Maitland, 1976; Lion, 1976). Young (1985) docu-

    mented the US trend for residential and office develop-

    ment around suburban growth poles centred on

    regional, out-of-town shopping centres, sometimes

    growing to minicities of 300,000500,000 residents

    (for example, Brae, California). In these edge cities,

    malls usually function as the village squares (Garreau,

    1991). Des Rosiers and associates (1996, Canada)

    reported a positive correlation between house prices

    and proximity to shopping centres. In the UK, it is

    understood that some of the best-known out-of-town

    shopping centres (The Metro Centre and LakesideF

    Mintel, 1997; BraeheadFLowe, 2000a) have attempted

    to be reclassified for planning regulation purposes as in-

    town, on the grounds that residential development has

    been attracted to the area. According to Lowe (2000b),

    UK shopping centres are becoming the new high

    streets in a trend even more marked than in the US.

    All of these indications support an essential tenet of

    central place theory associating the number of popula-

    tion and provision of services with the availability of

    shops. Retail has been stated to form the heart of

    virtually all [UK] towns and cities (Retail Week, 9 June

    2000). That article went on to claim that the first step inurban regeneration is renovating shopping centres and

    retail, citing the example of the transformation of Wood

    Green Shopping City [that] created a focus for the north

    London community and improved the surrounding

    area. The authors work has demonstrated the link

    between shoppers and retail attractiveness to be part of a

    dynamic process in which planners and developers might

    take the initiative in providing shops, leading to changes

    in population, expenditure, residence patterns and

    indeed bringing new life into run-down areas.

    If the findings are confirmed by larger studies, there

    may be a number of implications. Shopping centre

    developers will be able to more accurately model thelikely catchment areas of new or extended centres, and

    planners predict the impact on existing facilities with

    more confidence. By progressing to a further stage of

    modelling, residential developers and institutional len-

    ders can benefit from improvements to the prediction of

    house price changes. Planners will be able to model the

    effects of regeneration projects in order to more

    accurately assess required infrastructure improvements

    and residential provision associated with retail and

    shopping centre developments.

    The work reported has been exploratory in nature.

    Confirmatory studies of larger numbers of shoppingcentres and respondents are recommended. There are

    limitations to central place theory but the authors

    contend that aspects of central place practice, when

    suitably modified to place the main focus on the retail

    provision, are worthy of further consideration by

    planners, developers and managers. The indications

    from the results to date are that, once the strict

    economic assumptions are relaxed, the principles can

    be applied to both in-town and out-of-town shopping

    centres, improving the prediction of hinterland catch-

    ment area boundaries and defining positions of centres

    in the retail hierarchy.

    Acknowledgements

    The authors thank Capital Shopping Centres PLC for

    assistance with funding, Professor Peter McGoldrick of

    UMIST for posing many searching questions on early

    versions of the results, Professors Ross Davies of the

    Oxford Institute of Retail Management, Clifford Guy of

    the Cardiff University of Wales and Heli Marjanen of

    Turku School of Business Administration for providing

    much extra useful information.

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