case domains -from gb to split-infl hypothesis in minimalism
DESCRIPTION
From Government and Binding Theory to Chomskian Minimalism. Theories and ProblemsTRANSCRIPT
Be patient Be patient
AA
N
NPNow let’s cut down This tree
*Zakaria Baghor*Zakaria Baghor*Abdelhamid *Abdelhamid BousaadiBousaadi*Mohamed *Mohamed ChaniChani
Cadi Ayyad University, Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences
Prof. Abdellah ELHALOUI
Supervised By:
Master of Linguistics and Advanced English Studies
llllllllll Missions Missions
*What is*What is
GB?ACC?NOM?DS, SS, LF, and PF?AgrS?AgrO?
Make me
Proud!
Abdelhamid
The GB T-Model of the The GB T-Model of the Grammar Grammar
SS PF
LF
DS
Move
Move
Where is Case assigned?
Interface
Levels
LF and PF are
She likes her
NOM ACC
!??
IP NOM I’
0
vPt[ likes her ] ] ] Sh
eACC [ [ I
I saw the lady [ Sarah thought
to be a president ]
I saw the lady [ that it was thought
to be a president]
OP
tthat
OP
ii
ti
IP VP
IP i VP i
Root
0
ACC ????ACC ????
Let’s get rid of H-complement!
Minimalism
N.Chomsky (1995)
‘conditions on representations….those of binding theory, Case theory, θ-theory, and so on …. hold only at the interface, and are motivated by properties of the interface, perhaps properly understood as modes of interpretation by performance systems’
Case
theory
Spell Out PF
LF
N
Select, Merge & MoveSelect, Merge & Move How is case ?
Interface
Levels
LF and PF are
{ Xi , Yj , Zf }
The Minimalist T-Model The Minimalist T-Model
Checked
tj
tj
ti
The Base Structure…
V NPV'
VPAgrO'
AgrO
AgrOPTT'
TP
AgrSAgrS'
AgrSP
Spec
TP
Spec
Spec
Chomsky 1993
Spec
[AgrSP __ [AgrS [TP T [AgrOP __ [AgrO [VP SU [V
OB]]]]]
→ SU and OB move to the SpecAgrP positions
SU OB
V moves up to AgrOAgrO Moves to T T Moves to AgrS
tj
tj
ti
Now let’s plant this tree together…
V OBi
V'
VPSUj
AgrO'AgrO
TT'
TP
AgrSAgrS'
AgrSP
next, V raises to AgrO
and OB raises to the new SpecAgrOP
tj
tj
ti
Now let’s plant this tree together…
V OBi
V'
VPSUj
AgrO'AgrO
AgrOPTT'
TP
AgrSAgrS'
AgrSP
ti
next, T merges with AgrOP and SU raises to the newly-merged SpecTP
next, the tense feature of V raises to T
TP
tj
and T-to-AgrS and SU-to-SpecAgrSP
next, AgrS merges
tj
Merge and Move happen intermittently = they ‘take turns’
tj
tj
ti
Now let’s do it together…
Kissed
Hasnai
V'
VPZakariaj
AgrO'AgrO
TT'
TP
AgrSAgrS'
AgrSP
next, the verb “kiss” raises to AgrO and the OB “Hasna” raises to the new SpecAgrOP
tj
tj
ti
Now let’s do it together…
Kissed Hasnai
V'
VPZakaria
AgrO'AgrO
AgrOPTT'
TP
AgrSAgrS'
AgrSP
ti
next, T merges with AgrOP and the SU “Zakaria” raises to the newly-merged SpecTP
next, T features of V move to T
TP
tj
and T-to-AgrS and SU-to-SpecAgrSP
next, AgrS merges
tj
Thank you
Zakaria
There should be no limit to the number of specifiers a certain category can have since we have already dispensed with DS as a level of representation and assumed that structures are assembled by applications of the operations and
Merge
Move
Whether the movements are overt or covert is just a matter of strong or week features.
The ECM constructions are also accounted for under the VP-Shell hypothesis, and without resorting to G VT
The ECM constructions are also accounted for under the VP-Shell hypothesis, and without resorting to GVT
To winher
expects
John
=> After the subject moves, leaves a trace and the object moves across the trace
=> The subject itself crosses the object when it moves
=>The result is a violation of Rizzi’s relativized Minimality
The structure above is achieved if we extend the Agr-based approach to oblique case checking and assume that an Agr-projection is dominating the PP
In some languages, postpositions exhibit overt agreement; Like Hungarian and Portuguese.
En mőgőtt -em Te – mőgőtt –ed
I behind Poss. 1st Singular You behind. Poss 2nd singular
Mesmo as meninas As meninas mesmas
En mőgőtt -em
I behind Poss. 1st Singular
mőgőtt –em én
behind Poss. I 1st Singular
even the girls the girls even . FEM. PL
Example from the Amazigh language
PROperties:PRO : (+ an) (+pro)
Principle A
Principle B
The question is: how can it satisfy both principles at the same time?
It is rare to be elected in these circumstances
PRO
*It is rare to seem to that the…
i
i
PRO
PRO Theorem: PRO should not be governed.
Within GB, PRO should not be governed (the PRO Theorem) and therefore remain caseless
Therefore PRO cannot be assigned case by the infinitive infl
Within the MP, PRO should have a case in order to satisfy the visibility condition.
PRO should have a NULL CASE by moving from a place where it is not case marked to another one where it will receive the null case
Example (45 a).Example (45 b).
Mohamed
Mary entertained john during his Mary entertained john during his vacationvacation
IP
I’
VP
VP PP
Mary
I
during his vacation
entertained John
IP
I’
IAgrOP
AgrO’
AgrO
VP
PPVP
during his vacationentertained i
i
Mary
4.4.1 A4.4.1 Accusative Case Checking and C-command ccusative Case Checking and C-command Domains Domains
4.4.1 A4.4.1 Accusative Case Checking and C-command ccusative Case Checking and C-command Domains Domains
4.4.1 A4.4.1 Accusative Case Checking and C-command ccusative Case Checking and C-command Domains Domains
IP
I VP
VP PP
I’
IP
entertained Marry during each others vacation
The men
The men c-commands PP therefore can bind or licence the reciprocal
PP
VP
VPI
I’
IP
DP
D’
mother‘s
DP
D’
menthe entertained Marry
during each other’s vacations
The men does not c-command PP and consequently can not bind the anaphor
4.4.1 A4.4.1 Accusative Case Checking and C-command ccusative Case Checking and C-command Domains Domains
IP
I VP
VP PP
I’
IP
The defendants to be guilty
during each other’s trials
The men
PP
VP
VPI
I’
IP
DP
D’
mother‘s
DP
D’
menthe entertained Marry
during each other’s vacations
The DA proved the defendants to be guilty during each other’s trials
proved IP
4.4.1 A4.4.1 Accusative Case Checking and C-command ccusative Case Checking and C-command Domains Domains
The DA proved the defendants to be guilty during each other’s trials