case 1:17-cv-01427-tcb-wsd-bbm document 140 filed 03/27/18 … naacp 20180227... · 2018-03-31 ·...
TRANSCRIPT
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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE NORTHERN DISTRICT OF GEORGIA
ATLANTA DIVISION
NAACP, et al., ) ) Plaintiffs, ) )Case No: 1:17-CV-01427-
vs. )TCB-WSD-BBM ) BRIAN KEMP, in his official )capacity as Secretary of )State for the State of )Georgia, ) ) Defendant. )___________________________ )AUSTIN THOMPSON, et al., )CONSOLIDATED CASES ) Plaintiffs, ) )
vs. ) ) BRIAN KEMP, in his official )capacity as Secretary of )State for the State of )Georgia, ) ) Defendant. )
Deposition of Expert JOWEI CHEN, Ph.D
February 27, 2018
10:00 a.m.
BRYAN CAVE, LLP
One Atlantic Center, 14th Floor 1201 W. Peachtree Street, N.W.
Atlanta, GA 30039-3488
Marianne Vargas, CCR, CVR-M ______________________________________________________
VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC. 5755 N. Hillbrooke Trace Johns Creek, GA 30005
678.458.4030
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APPEARANCES OF COUNSEL: ON BEHALF OF THE PLAINTIFFS GEORGIA STATE CONFERENCE OF THE NAACP, as an organization; LAVELLE LEMON, MARLON REID, LAURETHA CELESTE SIMS, PATRICIA SMITH, COLEY TYSON: JON M. GREENBAUM, ESQ. LAWYERS' COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW 1401 New York Avenue, N.W. Suite 400 Washington, DC 20005-2124 202.662.8315 [email protected]
ON BEHALF OF THE PLAINTIFFS JAMAL BROOKS, an individual; AUSTIN THOMPSON, an individual; WAYNE SWANSON, an individual; DARRYL PAYTON, an individual; AUDRA CUNNINGHAM, an individual; SABRINA McKENZIE, an individual; JAMIDA ORANGE, an individual; ANDREA SNOW, an individual; SAMMY ARREY-MBI; LYNNE ANDERSON, an individual; and CORETTA JACKSON, an individual: ARIA C. BRANCH, ESQ. (via telephone) PERKINS COIE, LLP 700 13th Street, N.W. Suite 600 Washington, DC 20005-3960 202.654.6338 [email protected] ON BEHALF OF THE DEFENDANT THE STATE OF GEORGIA; and BRIAN KEMP, in his official capacity as Secretary of State for the State of Georgia: JOHN "JACK" PARK, JR., ESQ. STRICKLAND, BROCKINGTON, LEWIS, LLP Midtown Proscenium, Suite 2200 1170 Peachtree Street, N.E. Atlanta, Georgia 30309-7200 678.347.2208 [email protected]
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INDEX OF EXAMINATIONS PAGE JOWEI CHEN
Examination by MR. PARK 4
Examination by MR. GREENBAUM 67
Examination by MR. PARK 69
INDEX OF EXHIBITS
DEFENDANT'S NO. DESCRIPTION PAGE 01 7Dec. 22, 2017 Original Report, Jowei Chen 02 51Jowei Chen, Reply Report
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P R O C E E D I N G S
10:03 AM
MR. PARK: Would you please swear the
witness?
(The court reporter swore in
the witness.)
----------------------------
JOWEI CHEN, Ph.D,
having first been duly sworn, was examined and
testified as follows:
EXAMINATION
BY MR. PARK:
Q. Would you please state your name for the
record?
A. I'm Jowei Chen.
Q. And how do you spell your name?
A. J-O-W-E-I C-H-E-N.
Q. Thank you. And you're a Ph.D, right?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Dr. Chen, have you been deposed before?
A. Yes, sir, I have.
Q. And so you know how they work?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Just a couple of things. If I ask you a
question that you don't understand, would you please
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feel free to ask me to rephrase it and I will attempt
to do so?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And if you need to take a break at any
time, we'll be happy to accommodate you. I'd ask only
that you not take a break while a question is pending.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What did you do to prepare for your
deposition?
A. I met with Plaintiffs' counsel last night,
yesterday, mostly yesterday evening. I reviewed my
two reports in this case, as well, and I reviewed the
rebuttal report written by Dr. Alford.
Q. When you prepared your report, did you
look at anything other than the electoral results and
the demographic data?
A. Which report are you asking about? Are
you asking about my original --
Q. Your original --
A. -- December report?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. Okay. We'll start there. In preparing my
December report, I certainly reviewed electoral data.
I also reviewed demographic data, census data. I also
reviewed various voter registration and voter history
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turnout files. And I will just add that all of these
files were turned over in connection with my report.
So I had those files.
I also reviewed the deposition transcript
of Ms. Gina Wright. I believe there was another
document that was -- that outlined legislative
reapportionment criteria, I can't remember the precise
name of it, but it, too, was referenced in my original
expert report, and I reviewed that document, as well.
So those are all the documents I can
remember off the top of my head right now that I used
in connection for the original expert report. I
believe there were additional documents for my second
report.
Q. And do you recall any of those additional
documents that you reviewed for your second report?
A. Sure. There was an additional deposition
transcript that I reviewed and I referenced in my
second February report. If you'll just give me a
moment, I'll find -- I'll find the precise place where
I referenced it.
Q. Was it the deposition of Rob Strangia?
A. Yes, sir, that's correct.
So I reviewed Dr. Strangia's deposition.
I, again, reviewed Ms. Gina Wright's deposition, and
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obviously I reviewed Dr. Alford's expert reports, as
well as the data files and computer codes turned over
in connection with Dr. Alford's rebuttal report.
I should add a few more things that I just
remembered. For my rebuttal report I, of course, also
considered the new election results of the
January 2018 Special House Election, and of course I
analyzed those, those election results in my
rebuttal -- sorry, in my reply report of February. So
those were certainly new documents that I didn't have
access to that I did not use in my original December
report.
Q. I'd like to hand you what's been marked as
Defendant's Exhibit 1, Dr. Chen. Can you tell me what
that is?
A. This exhibit is my original December 22nd,
2017 expert report in this case.
(Exhibit No. 01 was
marked/identified.)
BY MR. PARK:
Q. Does it appear to be a true and correct
copy?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Turning your attention to Page 1 of this
report, you identify a number of cases. In Missouri
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National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People vs. Ferguson-Florissant School District and St.
Louis County Board of Election Commissioners, which
side did you support?
A. I didn't support other side, sir.
Q. What was the nature of your expert report
in that case?
A. I was engaged by the Defendants to work on
a rebuttal report.
Q. Was a rebuttal report filed?
A. Yes, sir. I believe that report was
filed, so I worked on that rebuttal report. That's
what I was hired to do.
Q. What about René Romo, et al. vs. Ken
Detzner?
A. I was engaged by the Plaintiffs.
Q. What about League of Women Voters of
Florida and others vs. Detzner?
A. The Plaintiffs, sir.
Q. What about Raleigh Wake Citizens
Association vs. Wake County Board of Elections?
A. The Plaintiffs.
Q. What about Corrine Brown vs. Detzner?
A. I was hired by the Defendant Intervenors.
Q. And what was the nature of your work in
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René Romo? Did you prepare --
A. In Romo --
Q. -- an expert report?
A. Sure. In Romo vs. Detzner I prepared a
few different expert reports.
Q. Did you testify?
A. I did not testify at trial.
Q. Were you deposed?
A. Yes, sir, I was.
Q. What about in League of Women Voters?
A. In The League of Women Voters vs. Detzner,
I believe that was the challenge to the Florida Senate
map, and, again, I was hired by Plaintiffs. I wrote
an expert report. I can't remember right now off the
top of my head if I was deposed or not, but I recall
that the case was somehow settled -- settled before
trial. It was somehow resolved. I'm not sure exactly
the nature of how it was resolved.
Q. What about Raleigh Wake Citizens
Association?
A. The Plaintiff's counsel, League of Women
Voters -- sorry, Plaintiff's counsel was the Southern
Coalition for Social Justice. They hired me. I wrote
an expert report, and I believe there was no
deposition. I testified at trial in that case.
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That's correct, right. I was not deposed. I
testified at trial.
Q. And then in Corrine Brown you worked for
the Defendant Intervenors; is that right?
A. Correct. Defendant Intervenors. I wrote
an expert report, and I was not deposed. I don't know
whether or not -- I don't believe that ever went to
trial. I'm not -- I couldn't tell you off the top of
my head.
Q. Okay. What about City of Greensboro and
others vs. Guilford County Board of Elections?
A. Okay. In the Greensboro case I was hired
by Plaintiffs, I was deposed, and I -- the case went
to trial in, I believe, February of 2017, and I
testified at that trial.
Q. Okay. What about Common Cause and others
vs. Robert Rucho?
A. Rucho, yes, sir. Sure, Common Cause vs.
Rucho, I wrote an expert report. I was engaged by
Plaintiffs. The deposition was, I believe, sometime
in the spring of 2017, I think in April of 2017. And
that case went to trial in October, just this past
October, and I testified at trial, as well.
Q. And then League of Women Voters of
Pennsylvania vs. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania?
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A. Sure. The Plaintiff's counsel hired me in
that case to write an expert report, as well as a
supplemental report later on. I was not deposed, and
I testified at trial this past December in that case.
Q. Have you ever worked with Maptitude?
A. I'm familiar with the software. And I've
used it just a little bit just to become familiar with
it, but I don't use it in my regular research process.
Q. In your familiarity with Maptitude, do you
know whether the Pending Changes box reflects a user's
choice?
A. Whether the -- I'm not sure. If you could
clarify for me what you mean by the "pending box."
Q. Do you know anything about the Pending
Changes box that are discussed in some of the
depositions?
A. I'm not exactly sure what you're referring
to.
MR. PARK: Can we go off just a second?
(An off-the-record
discussion was held.)
BY MR. PARK:
Q. Do you recall that in her deposition Gina
Wright answered a question about the Pending Changes
box by saying, "When I work on a plan, I use the
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
Pending Changes box, which is a feature in Maptitude
that shows how your numbers change as you select what
geography you're selecting"?
A. I don't recall reading that portion of Ms.
Wright's deposition, but I take your word for it.
Q. Okay. But you can't tell me what -- When
you've used Maptitude, you haven't relied on the
Pending Changes box at all?
A. Again, I would just reiterate that I don't
use this -- I don't use Maptitude as part of my normal
research process. I accept that you're describing a
feature of Maptitude, and I don't use it very commonly
as part of my normal research process, so I couldn't
give you first-hand information about exactly what
that box looks like.
Q. I’d like to, if you would, on page -- if
you would turn to Page 4 of your report.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And you describe your methodology. You
say that you used ecological inference?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And you use a procedure known as Maximum
Likelihood Estimation, combined with Duncan and Davis'
1953 Method of Bounds?
A. Yes, sir.
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Q. That's not a Bayesian approach, is it?
A. It's a little bit different.
Q. Is the procedure you're using like what
King describes?
A. It is exactly what Gary King describes.
It is -- In fact, I used his software package, his
computer code. So it is a package or set of computer
codes, code files, called EI, and it's a program for
our programming language. And professor King makes
that code, that computer code readily available, and
that is what I used for all of my ecological inference
calculations in this report, as well as in my February
response report.
Q. When you reviewed the results, how many
runs of data did you do?
A. If I could ask you to clarify your
question.
Q. Well, when you put your data in and you
run it through the software, that would be one
iteration, right?
A. You're saying if I analyze one election
and run it once, that would be one iteration. That's
what you want to refer to by "iteration"?
Q. Well, in order to come up with your
estimates in, say, Table 2, for example, in the 2012
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
House election, EI on Page 6 of your report, just
turning to it, you report 98.2 percent of -- And is
that a single run through the software, or is it --
how many -- how many runs through the software do you
do to get your --
A. Sure.
Q. -- confidence level?
A. Each coefficient that you see here on
Table 2, it represents one run of the software. And,
again, that software was the EI package that I
referred to a moment ago.
Q. Given that you say each of these
coefficients represents one run of the software, is
that -- did I understand that correctly?
A. Yes, sir, one run of the software.
Q. You don't burn any, do you?
A. If I could ask you to define what you mean
by "burn."
Q. Do you discard any of your runs?
A. I do not run the software and then discard
the run that I just did. That would not be part of my
normal research practice, or any social scientist's
normal research practice.
Q. If you turn back to Page 2 of your --
Page 3 of your report, in the middle of the paragraph
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
that starts "finally," there's a sentence toward the
end: "I found that the Legislature's primary map
drawer for the 2015 Plan had access only to racial
data, but not partisan data, at the sub-precinct
level;" is that right?
A. Let me just orient myself to where you
are. You're on Page 2?
Q. Page 2, Paragraph "finally," then the line
starts "account," and the sentence starts toward the
end of it. So it's about seven or ten lines down.
A. You're on --
Q. On Page 3.
A. Okay. You're on Page 3.
MR. PARK: Let's go off.
(An off-the-record
discussion was held.)
MR. PARK: Let's go back on the record.
BY MR. PARK:
Q. On Page 3 in the paragraph that starts
"finally," you have the sentence that says, "I found
that the Legislature's primary map drawer for the 2015
Plan had access only to racial data, but not partisan
data, at the sub-precinct level."
A. Yes, sir, I see that sentence.
Q. Who do you understand to be the
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
Legislature's primary map drawer?
A. When I wrote this original report -- and
you're referring to me -- you're referring me to a
sentence here from my December report -- I had, at
that time, only reviewed the deposition transcript of
Ms. Gina Wright. And so I was basing this sentence on
Ms. Gina Wright -- Ms. Wright's deposition transcript
regarding her process in drawing the map.
Q. And that was based on your understanding
of Ms. Wright's testimony?
A. It was -- Yes, sir. It was based on my
reading of Ms. Wright's deposition.
Q. I’d like you to turn to Page 5, pages 5
and 6 of your report. There are tables that address
your ecological inference and ecological regression
estimates for House District 105 and 111; is that
right?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Looking at the ecological regression
estimates for Black for each of the three elections in
Table 1, you report 100 percent with 100 percent
confidence limits.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Does that mask a result that was over
100 percent?
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A. How we report ecological regression
estimates is that if the estimate is over 100 percent,
then you report 100 percent, or you round it down to
100 percent, because that is logically the maximum --
the maximum coefficient that can explain the data. So
I wouldn't say that it masks, but certainly that is --
that is what we do when the regression coefficient is
over 100 percent.
Q. Do you recall how high the regression
coefficient was for the 2012 House election?
A. You're asking for the Table 1 results here
on the first row?
Q. Correct.
A. I don't recall the precise number, but
obviously, as I explained in my report, the regression
estimate would have been over 100 percent, and
logically reported as 100 percent.
Q. And in Tables 1 and 2 you're looking
exclusively at any part Black and non-Black; is that
right?
A. In Tables 1 and 2 when I conduct the EI
and the ER estimates, you're asking about those
tables?
Q. Yes.
A. And your question was whether Black
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includes any part Black; is that right?
Q. Well, does Black include any part Black?
A. Okay. I'll just explain. For the purpose
of creating Tables 1 and 2, the data that I used to
identify the racial composition of voters came from
the voter registration files and the turnout files.
Those files are not as detailed as the Census Bureau's
breakdown of individuals' racial composition. So we
don't know, for example, because voters are not given
the opportunity to identify -- to identify as
precisely their racial composition.
So here the identification of Black versus
non-Black is anybody who checked the box for
African-American as opposed to checking one of the
other boxes.
Q. And everyone who checked the box other
than African-American is in the non-Black?
A. That's correct, sir.
Q. On Page 7 of your report --
A. Yes, sir.
Q. -- in the Paragraph No. 2 you say,
"Non-African-American voters within House District 105
as drawn under the 2012 Plan became somewhat more
likely to favor a Black Democratic House candidate in
November 2016."
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A. Yes, sir, I see that sentence.
Q. And is that -- Do you draw that conclusion
from Table 1?
A. If you could just give me a moment to
orient myself. (Reviews document.)
Yes, sir. I was describing the results
that were reported in the table.
Q. And Table 2 doesn't really show that, does
it? You can't draw the same conclusion about House
District 111 from Table 2?
A. What specifically are you asking me about
Table 2's results?
Q. That non-African-American voters within
House District 111, as drawn under the 2012 Plan,
became somewhat more likely to favor a Black
Democratic House candidate in November of 2016
compared to previous elections.
A. (No response.)
Q. If you substitute 111 for 105 with respect
to -- and ask that question with respect to Table 2,
it doesn't show that, does it?
A. I did not draw that conclusion regarding
111.
I just want to be as complete as possible,
and if you'll just give me a moment --
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Q. Sure.
A. -- let me just review this section of my
report and --
Q. Please take your time.
A. -- make sure that I didn't answer your
question in my report.
(Reviews document.) I just wanted to make
sure that I didn't directly say anything about it in
the text of my report, and it appears that there's
nothing in the text of my report that directly answers
your question. I simply reported the numbers that I
do for Table 2 in House District 111.
Certainly what those numbers show to me is
that there is a bit of an increase in
non-African-American support for the Democratic
candidate between 2014 to 2016, but obviously not such
an increase in 2012 compared to 2016.
So I just wanted to answer that using
Table 2 of my report; answer your questions as
completely as possible.
Q. On Page 7 when you talk about the increase
in the African-American population in House District
105 and you illustrate that in Table 3 -- this is your
text -- which shows that African-Americans comprise
35.2 of the election day turnout in November 2012,
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35.7 percent in November 2014, and 37.0 percent in
November 2016, counting only voters who reside within
the 2012 Plan's House District 105 boundaries; is that
right?
A. Yes, sir, I see that.
Q. And the African-Americans, they weren't a
majority in the district, were they?
A. You're asking me if those numbers that you
just read out comprise a majority of the district.
Q. Correct.
A. Well, obviously the numbers that you just
read out are under 50 percent.
Q. And the same is true for the
African-American population in House District 111; is
that right?
A. It's addressed in that next sentence, and
I -- as I stated in the report, the numbers were 36.1
percent -- the comparable numbers were 36.1 percent in
2012, 37.6 percent in 2014, and 40.3 percent in 2016.
And obviously, again, I confirmed that those numbers
are under 50 percent.
Q. I'd like to turn your attention to Page 10
of your report, your initial report.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. In the first paragraph, talking about
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House District 105, the prediction that non-Black
support for a Black Democratic candidate increased
from 21.4 percent in November 2012 to 25.2 percent in
November 2016.
A. Yes, sir I see that.
Q. And you state, "This increase is partially
attributable to an increase in the Hispanic and Asian
shares of the non-Black population of the electorate
in House District 105 as illustrated in Table 7..."
A. Yes, sir, I see that sentence.
Q. "...as Hispanic and Asian voters were more
likely than non-Hispanic White voters to support Black
Democratic candidates." It's the last sentence --
A. Yes, sir --
Q. -- in that paragraph.
A. -- I see that sentence. I see that
sentence you're referring to.
Q. Have you done any ecological inference or
ecological regression runs to see about the political
cohesion of Hispanic voters in House District 105?
A. No, sir, I did not use EI or ER to
specifically answer that question.
Q. Did you try?
A. Did I try doing what?
Q. Using EI or ER to see about the cohesion
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of Hispanic voters in House District 105.
A. No, sir, I did not.
Q. What do you rely on, then, to say that
they're more likely to vote Democrat than non-Hispanic
Whites?
A. Okay. You're asking me what the basis of
that sentence is in the paragraph that we were just
reading?
Q. Yes, Dr. Chen.
A. Sure. Okay. I am purely relying on my
general knowledge of political behavior in the South.
If you would just give me a moment, let me
just make sure I haven't -- I've given you a complete
answer. So if you'll just give me a moment. (Reviews
document.)
Okay. I want to give as complete an
answer as I can. So, again, the basis for my answer
is my general knowledge -- for my answer for how I
came to the statement that I -- that we were just
talking about in that final sentence of that paragraph
is my knowledge of political behavior in the South
generally.
What I saw here specifically, and why I
reference Table 7 is because, as I stated in that
sentence and as I can see here in Table 7, there was a
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noticeable increase in the Asian and Hispanic shares
of the non-Black portion of the electorate in House
District 105 between 2012 to 2016.
Now, logically I combined that information
with what we just discussed a moment ago, which is
that I can see in Table 1 that there was a noticeable
increase between 2012 to 2016 in the ecological
inference estimate of the percentage of non-Blacks
supporting the Democratic candidate.
So I put those two pieces of information
together and came to the conclusion that I stated in
that final sentence that these Hispanic and Asian
voters were more likely than non-Hispanic White voters
to support Black Democratic candidates. That confirms
my general intuition and knowledge about political
behavior in the South.
Q. Turning back to Table 1, what part of the
non-Black estimate would be attributable to Hispanic
and Asian voters? How do I see that in Table 1?
A. Okay. You're asking me in Table 1, what
part of the EI estimate for non-Black voter support
for Democratic candidates would be attributable to --
Q. Hispanics or Asians.
A. -- to Asian or Hispanic voters? And my
answer is that I, in Table 1, analyzed all non-Blacks
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as a group.
Q. And that could include White Democrats,
couldn't it?
A. Oh. You're asking me if non-Blacks
include White Democratic voters?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. Obviously they're always -- Anytime you
have a group that includes non-Blacks, there are going
to be some number of White Democratic voters.
Q. And the census has a category of Others,
doesn't it?
A. You're asking me if the census allows a
respondent to check a box for Other; is that right?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. I think that's right. I'll take your word
for it. I couldn't just tell you off the top of my
head what that Other category specifies, but I'll take
your word for it.
Q. Well, if you'll turn to Table 7, the last
box down there are Others or Unknown, correct, for
turnout on Page 14?
A. Okay. You're asking me now about Table 7,
and you're asking me what the Other or Unknown line
represents?
Q. Right.
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A. I just want to be clear. This is not --
This is not census data. This is voter registration
and voter history turnout data. So what I'm reporting
here in Table 7 are the racial identifications of
individuals who turned out in these various elections.
So this is not census data, but that
bottom line indeed represents people who checked Other
or did not check a box at all.
Q. Well, going back to Table 1, would the
Other be included in the non-Black?
A. Yes, sir. Non-Blacks includes everybody
who did not check the box for African-American.
Q. And we don't really have any way of
knowing how they voted, right?
A. Who are you referring to?
Q. The Others and the Unknowns.
A. Okay. You're asking me if I can -- if I'm
able to draw any conclusions about who specifically
the Others are voting for, right?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. Okay. And the answer is that generally I
-- let me turn off my phone.
Okay. Your question is whether we can say
anything, or whether I can say anything about how the
Others or Unknowns voted, and my answer is that I
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analyzed them as part of my EI estimates by grouping
voters into Black versus non-Black, so in fact we can
say something about those -- about those individuals.
Q. But none of the voting behavior of
Hispanics or Asians or Others or Unknown is reflected
in an ecological inference or ecological reflection
other than on Table 1; is that right?
A. They are included in my analysis, and the
behavior of those individuals is, in fact, reflected
in my analysis in Table 1.
Q. But they don't -- none of them has an
independent ecological inference or an ecological
regression.
A. What exactly, sir, do you mean by
"independent ecological inference" or --
Q. Well, you didn't --
A. -- "ecological regression"?
Q. Well, you told us you didn't do an
ecological reference or ecological regression for
Hispanic voters in -- run for Hispanic voters in House
District 105, correct?
A. I included all Hispanic voters in my
analysis, so my results do, in fact, account for the
behavior of Hispanic voters.
Q. But you didn't try to do Hispanics alone,
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correct?
A. What do you mean by "try to do Hispanics
alone"? I just want to understand your question.
Q. If there were enough Hispanics, you
could -- and they were properly distributed, could you
try to identify the voting behavior of Hispanics as a
group with using ecological inference or ecological
regression?
A. My answer is that my ecological inference
and ecological regression analyses do, in fact,
account for the behavior of Hispanics.
Q. In the non-Black portion of Table 1?
A. That is correct.
Q. And that's the only place it's accounted
for in this report?
A. That's not the only place where I've
looked at Hispanic voters, but I think you're -- you
know, I think you're asking in the context of
conducting ecological inference estimates here. I
think you're trying to ask whether what I reported in
Table 1 and Table 2 represents the approach that I
used, and it is. That is exactly how I conducted EI
and ER analysis.
Q. If you'll look at Table 8 of your report.
A. Yes, sir.
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Q. The demographics of House District 111 as
reflected in the turnout show a pretty small Hispanic
and Asian turnout; is that right?
A. They show specifically that between
2012 to 2016 within the old boundaries, within the
2012 Plan's boundaries for House District 111, that
Hispanics increased from 1.8 percent to 2.4 percent,
and that Asians increased from 0.9 percent to
1.3 percent. So I'd say that comparatively those are
quite significant increases, but the point of this
table is to report exactly numerically what those
increases are.
Q. But the demographics of Henry County are
different from the demographics of Gwinnett County,
right?
A. I accept that.
Q. In Henry County it's more African-American
than White, isn't that right, than Gwinnett County?
A. I did not specifically study the
comparative demographics of Henry and Gwinnett
counties as a whole, so I can't answer that question
accurately.
Q. Well, it's even --
A. I'll take your word for it.
Q. It's even reflected in the difference
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between Tables 7 and 8, isn't it?
A. Well, what I specifically studied in
Table 7 and Table 8 were the demographics of the
election turnout in House Districts 105 and 111
specifically, so that is what I can report in these
tables.
MR. PARK: Let's take a break for a couple
of minutes.
(Off the record at 10:54 AM)
--------------
(On the record at 10:59 AM)
BY MR. PARK:
Q. When you say you rely -- for your
conclusion about the behavior of Asian and Hispanic
voters in House District 105, you're purely relying on
your general knowledge of political behavior in the
South, or something like that. Is that what you said?
A. I gave a bit of an a longer answer than
that, so I'm happy to revisit that answer again, if it
would help you out. Would you like me to do that?
Q. When you talk about "the South," what do
you mean?
A. I mean the South of the United States.
Q. Romo vs. Detzner was in Florida, right?
A. Yes, sir.
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Q. And League of Women Voters vs. Detzner was
also in Florida?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And Raleigh Wake was in North Carolina?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And Corrine Brown was in Florida?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. The City of Greensboro was in North
Carolina?
A. Yes, sir, it was.
Q. And Rucho was in North Carolina?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Have you done any work in Georgia?
A. Have I -- You're asking if I've worked on
a redistricting case --
Q. Yes, sir.
A. -- in Georgia as an expert witness before,
and the answer is no, outside of this case. No.
Obviously my work as an expert witness is not the
extent of my expertise as a political scientist. I
was a political scientist long before I became an
expert witness in any redistricting cases.
Q. Well, what goes to your general knowledge
of political behavior of Asians and Hispanics in
Georgia? Where do you draw your conclusion -- What do
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you use to draw that conclusion?
A. Okay. You're asking me what is the basis
of me saying in this sentence that Hispanic and Asian
voters were more likely than non-Hispanic White voters
to support Black Democratic candidates, right?
Q. In Georgia.
A. Okay. So I think you're asking me the
same question that you asked me some time ago, so I'm
going to revisit my answer, because I think this is
responsive to your question.
So the basis for my answer is, as I said,
I looked at Table 7 and I looked at Table 1 and I
noticed a couple of things. The first thing that I
noticed is that in Table 7 I saw that the percentage
of the district that's Asian-Hispanic has increased in
House District 105 between 2012 to 2016 within the
boundaries -- within the boundaries of the 2012
districts. And then I saw the EI numbers that I
reported and discussed some time ago in Table 1.
I put those two things together, and that
confirmed -- that confirmed my general knowledge about
voting behavior of various minority groups, which is
that Hispanics and Asians don't vote quite the same as
non-Hispanic Whites and Asian voters, in general. And
it confirmed that these demographic changes had, in
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fact, been part of the partisan -- the results
reported in Table 1, which were that there has been a
slight change in the percentage of non-Whites that
support Democratic candidates.
Q. How many times have you been to Georgia?
A. How many times have I been in the state of
Georgia?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. Well, too many to count. I’ll tell you
that there's no way I could possibly count. I grew up
about 1 mile from the border, the northern border of
Georgia, just outside of Chattanooga, Tennessee. So
Atlanta was the closest metropolitan -- large
metropolitan area to where we lived, so certainly my
family and I would've gone on trips down to Atlanta,
since that's where all the large museums, supermarkets
and other cultural amenities were. We certainly
would've gone down to Atlanta, I would say, at least
once every one or two months when I was growing up.
So I grew up for 18 years just outside of
Chattanooga, and so it's easily in the hundreds the
number of times that I've been into the state of
Georgia. Actually, I'm pretty sure it's in the
thousands, because I recall that when I was in
elementary school our school bus actually had to make
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
a detour into Georgia to pick up some students every
day. So every day I would have traveled into the
state of Georgia.
But obviously, as I said, I grew up very
close to this state.
Q. How many times to Gwinnett County or
Lawrenceville?
A. How many times have I been in Gwinnett
County?
Q. Yes.
A. Well, I love going to see the Gwinnett
Braves. They have a really nice baseball stadium out
there, and so I've been out there at least a few times
whenever I'm in conferences in the area. So I really
couldn't tell you off the top of my head.
Q. What about McDonough in Henry County?
A. How many times have I been to McDonough or
Henry County?
Q. Yes.
A. I recall going to Henry County when I was
-- when I was in high school. One time there was a
school trip down there. I really couldn't tell you
off the top of my head, but I recall being to Henry
County one time.
Q. Are you saying that Hispanic and Asian
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
voters behave the same way in Georgia that they do in
Florida and North Carolina?
A. That's not a question I analyzed.
Q. When you were doing the work in North
Carolina, were you looking -- did you look at the
behavior of Hispanic voters?
A. I'm just going to have to ask you to be
more specific. Which work in North Carolina are you
referring to?
Q. City of Greensboro or Common Cause vs.
Rucho?
A. Okay. So let's take those one at a time.
You're asking me in the expert work that I did in
Greensboro --
Q. Yes, sir.
A. -- whether I looked at the voting behavior
of Hispanic voters?
Q. Yes.
A. There certainly are a significant number
of Hispanic voters within the city limits of
Greensboro, and I had to analyze the partisan behavior
of those voters as part of my general analysis of
partisan voting patterns in Greensboro. So Hispanic
voters were certainly part of my analysis in
Greensboro.
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Q. Were they reflected in the non-Black
portion of an ecological regression chart, or were
they reflected in a Hispanic portion of the chart?
A. What exactly are you referring to? You're
asking about my report here in this case?
Q. In Rucho.
A. Oh, in Rucho?
Q. No. In Greensboro. In Greensboro.
A. Okay. You're asking me about Greensboro.
And what specifically -- you're asking me --
Q. Looking at Table 1 you’ve got Black and
non-Black. In Greensboro, did you -- were your
ecological inference runs based on Black and
non-Black?
A. And my answer is that I did not do an
ecological inference run in my expert report in
Greensboro.
Q. How did you analyze voting behavior, then,
in Greensboro?
A. How did I analyze voting behavior in my
Greensboro expert report?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. I looked at past election results.
Q. But you didn't use ecological inference or
ecological regression to make any inferences about the
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voting behavior of various blocks?
A. You're asking about my expert report in
Greensboro, right?
Q. Yes.
A. And the answer is no, I did not use
ecological inference.
Q. What about Rucho? Did you do ecological
inference and ecological regression to determine the
behavior of blocks of voters?
A. I did not do so in my expert report for
the Common Cause vs. Rucho case.
Q. What about in Romo? Did you do -- was the
behavior of Hispanic voters at issue in Romo vs.
Detzner?
A. I can't tell you if that was an issue that
was litigated. I can tell you what's in my expert
report, though.
Q. What was in -- What was the general nature
of your expert report? Did you do ecological
inference/ecological regression analysis?
A. I did not, sir. My report in Romo --
You're asking about Romo vs. Detzner, right?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. In that report I did not present an
ecological inference analysis.
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
Q. When you speak about your general
knowledge of political behavior in the South, are you
relying on any publications?
A. I am relying upon my education and
training as a political scientist, which included
courses on political behavior in the United States.
Certainly in those courses we would have read quite a
few publications.
Q. Can you remember any of the publications
that address the voting behavior of Hispanic voters?
A. I couldn't tell you off the top of my
head, but I'm certainly confident in generally saying
that that is a topic that is covered in political
behavior.
Q. What about Asian voters?
A. Same answer there. I couldn't tell you a
publication off the top of my head, but I'm confident
in saying that that is a commonly-studied topic in
political behavior.
Q. When you talk about the Reapportionment
Office and its treatment of sub-precinct behavior, as
you do on Page 33 of your report and Page 34 of your
report --
A. Yes, sir.
Q. -- you're relying on your understanding of
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Ms. Wright's deposition; is that correct?
A. I am relying on Ms. Wright's deposition,
but in this section of the report I'm also drawing on
my own expert knowledge of census data, census
block-level data, precinct election data, and the
relationship between those different geographic units.
Q. Well, do you recall in Mr. Strangia's
deposition him saying that the software allocated
voters into split precincts by the voting age
population of the splits? Do you recall whether he
testified that way?
A. I recall that Mr. Strangia stated in his
deposition that his office would have estimated, using
voting age population, the partisanship of census
blocks within split -- or within any precinct. And
specifically what was important for me for my
understanding of its process was that Mr. Strangia
confirmed Ms. Wright's testimony that the
Reapportionment Office had no way to distinguish the
relative partisanship of different census blocks
within split precincts. It struck me that that is --
that made sense to me, that they had that limitation.
And I read that part of both of their
depositions, and they seemed to be saying the same
thing. And I wanted to review those portions of the
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
depositions to understand their process and what data
they had available at the block level within split
precincts, and that made sense to me.
Q. In essence, they used voting age
population as the basis for an estimate of who is in
each part of the split, right?
A. Well, I just want to make sure you
understand what I had gleaned from Mr. Strangia's
deposition, as well as from Ms. Wright's deposition.
It's not that they were estimating the relative
partisanship of census blocks within a split precinct.
They had no way -- Both of them testified they had no
way to distinguish the partisanship, the relative
partisan meanings of various census blocks within a
split precinct; therefore, they simply assumed, or
their software assumed that the partisanship of all
census blocks within a split precinct is exactly the
same, is perfectly uniform throughout all of the
census blocks within a split precinct. That's not
really estimating the partisanship of different census
blocks within a split precinct. That's simply
assuming uniformity.
And maybe that's what you're referring to,
but I just wanted to make sure that I was clear that
that is information that I gleaned from those two
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depositions.
Q. Well, do you recall the portion of
Mr. Strangia's testimony or deposition where he said
the lowest level of geography for election results is
the precinct level of geography, okay? So that needs
to be allocated down to the block level of geography
based on voting age population?
A. I recall him discussing that topic. If
you'd like to put that deposition transcript in front
of me, I would be happy to confirm that he said that,
but I don't have that transcript in front of me here.
Q. Well, do you know whether -- do you recall
whether he said whether other states use a similar
formula?
A. I recall there was some discussion about
them. As I said, I generally recall the discussion.
I just can't confirm the precise words that he used
because I don't have the same transcript that you have
in front of you.
Q. Did you recall that Ms. Wright testified
that she had political data at the block level also?
(Reading) "It's an estimate. When we bring in our
file from the Secretary of State's Office, it is
completely accurate to the precinct. But when we
allocate that data from them to the block level, it
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
estimates that figure to the blocks based on the
percentage and proportions of the population"?
MR. GREENBAUM: Objection. Asked and
answered.
Go ahead. Answer the question one more
time.
BY MR. PARK:
Q. Do you recall her testifying to that?
A. My answer is the same, which is that I
can't confirm the precise words because I don't have
the same deposition transcript that you have in front
of you. I don't have a copy of it here with me right
now in front of me, but I obviously remember them
discussing these general topics in describing their
process.
And if you'd like to put the transcript in
front of me, I would be happy to help you understand
exactly what they're talking about.
Q. You would be happy to help me understand
what they're talking about?
A. I would be happy to explain to you the
process that Ms. Wright and Mr. Strangia are
describing, if you'd like to put the transcript in
front of me.
MR. GREENBAUM: And I think, in fact, you
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
already have described the process.
BY MR. PARK:
Q You talk about some of the precinct
changes in your report with respect to House District
105, and one change that was made in 2015 was Harbins
C was added to House District 105; is that right?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Is Harbins C a rural area?
A. If you'll just give me a moment and let me
review my report. (Reviews document.)
Q. If you'll look at Page 24 of your report.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. In the bottom paragraph you say that House
District 105, a precinct Harbins C, was added to it?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Do you know whether Harbins C is rural or
urban?
A. I’m just going to have to ask you to
define what you mean by those terms.
Q. Do you know whether it's Republican?
A. Do I know whether Harbins C is a
Republican precinct?
Q. Mainly Republican precinct.
A. Let me see if that's reported in my
report. So if you'll just give me a second to look up
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
-- to orient myself in my report.
(Reviews document.) I can't find the
place in my report where I specifically reported the
partisan composition of that particular precinct, but
I'll take your word for it.
Q. On Page 25 you talk about moving a portion
of Lawrenceville M out of 105 into 104?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And that portion contains a BVAP of
45.6 percent?
A. Yes, sir, I see that sentence.
Q. Does that 45.6 percent BVAP mean that the
non-BVAP population would be some 54.4 percent?
A. You're asking me if --
Q. Isn't that a majority non-BVAP move?
A. Okay. You're asking me of this portion of
the Lawrenceville M precinct is more than 50 percent
non-African-American.
Q. Yes, sir.
A. And I see -- I think I understand the math
you're asking me, and I confirm that, sure, it's a
little bit over 50 percent non-African-American. I
think what I refer to in this portion of my report is
that clearly this portion of the Lawrenceville M
precinct is more heavily African-American than the
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
rest of the district. I think that's all I was
referring to here. But I confirm your math.
Q. If you turn to Table 15 --
A. Yes, sir.
Q. -- this shows that by the 2010 Census,
voting age population, the Black population,
proportion of the population inside House District 105
boundaries was 29.8 percent; is that right?
A. If I could just ask you to repeat that
question before. I want to make sure I follow.
Q. All right. We're looking at 2010 Census
VAP by race within and outside House District 105 for
the 2015 Plan in split precincts; is that right?
A. Yes, sir. You're looking at the bottom
table.
Q. And in the totals by race for 2016
election turnout within, it's 29.8 percent; is that
right?
A. You're asking about the number --
Q. The total by race --
A. -- that was reported --
Q. -- for the Black proportion.
A. Sure. You're asking about the number that
I reported in the bottom row where I'm looking at --
where I'm looking at the House District 105 boundaries
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
in the 2015 Plan, and I confirm that it is, in fact,
29.8 percent that I reported as a Black proportion.
Q. And outside it was 30.4 percent Black
proportion?
A. Now you're asking about the right column,
and I looked at the portions of the House District 105
split precincts outside of the district boundaries
themselves, outside of the House District 105
boundaries, and I reported that the Black proportion
was 30.4 percent. So, yes, I reported that number.
Q. Do you know why there was a lower turnout
within House District 105 boundaries than without in
2016?
A. Do I know why there was a lower turnout
within than without? I'm not sure that I've actually
reported that there was a lower turnout.
Q. A lower percentage of turnout?
A. I --
Q. Why would the minority population turn out
at a slightly lower rate within?
A. Okay. You had asked me a moment ago
whether -- why there was a lower turnout, and I'm not
sure that I reported there was, in fact, a lower
turnout. I think what you're trying to ask is
specifically about the Black proportion of the
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electorate, right?
Q. Correct.
A. Okay. I appreciate that. So you're
asking me why the total VAP within the House District
105 boundaries in these split precincts is
29.8 percent, and why the portion outside is
30.4 percent. Have I got your question right?
Q. Correct.
A. Okay. Sure. What I did in calculating
those numbers was I aggregated up across these three
split precincts, the three split portions that were
within House District 105 boundaries, and then I
aggregated up in the right column the House District
105 portions of these three split precincts outside.
Now, the aggregate racial composition of
those three precincts put together means absolutely
nothing. It's absolutely irrelevant for the purposes
of analyzing how these three individual precincts were
split.
And when you take these three split
precincts and aggregate up the racial composition,
that tells you a number that is pretty meaningless.
It's telling you something about an arbitrary three
chosen precincts, but you're not even analyzing one at
a time. You're just reporting something about the
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
total racial composition of these three chosen
precincts, the ones that were chosen to be split.
So it's a pretty arbitrary choice of three
precincts, and that is not the basis on which I
analyze split precincts in my report.
Q. With respect to House District 111, do you
know where the then incumbent Strickland lived?
A. I couldn't tell you off the top of my
head.
Q. One of the precincts -- On Page 361, one
of the split precincts is Tussahaw.
A. Yes, sir, I see that.
Q. Do you know whether Tussahaw performs
pretty strongly Republican?
A. I couldn't tell you off the top of my
head.
Q. Would that be a reason to put Tussahaw in
the district of a Republican, or that portion of the
Tussahaw precinct into the district of a Republican?
A. You're asking me if Tussahaw's strong
Republican performance would be a reason to put that
split portion of Tussahaw into House District 111?
That's your question?
Q. Correct.
A. Okay. And my answer is that I accept your
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
representation that there may be a portion of Tussahaw
that is strongly performing for Republicans. I accept
that because you've told me that. I think that's what
you're telling -- you're asking me to accept.
My answer to your question, though, is
that from my reading of Ms. Wright's deposition,
Mr. Strangia's deposition, it would be impossible for
the Legislative Reapportionment Office to know the
relative partisan performance of one split precinct of
the Tussahaw precinct as opposed to another split
portion of that same precinct, because they both
testified that they lacked the granular data necessary
to compare the relative partisan performance of two
split portions of the same precinct.
I also know from their depositions that
the only data they would've had to distinguish between
the split portions of a precinct like Tussahaw would
have been census demographic data, including racial
data.
So from the perspective of the Legislative
Reapportionment Office, it would not have been
possible to do what I think you're suggesting or
asking about.
Q. Just completely impossible? Is that your
testimony?
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A. It's my testimony, given my understanding
of the data available to the Reapportionment Office.
Now, I wouldn't go so far as to say it's completely
impossible, because what I found in my report actually
does make it possible to do a version of what you're
suggesting.
My report concluded that it is, in fact,
possible in House District 111 to use racial data to
effectively get at the kind of partisan consideration
that I think you are asking about.
So it certainly would have been possible
to use the available racial data that Ms. Wright and
Mr. Strangia had to effectively accomplish the
partisan manipulation of a splitting of the precinct
that I think you are suggesting in your question.
Q. Do you know whether there are White
Democrats in Henry County?
A. Do I know whether there are any White
Democrats at all?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. In Henry County? I assume there are.
Q. Do you know whether there's a significant
block of White Democrats in Henry County?
A. Well, I analyzed that question
specifically with respect to 111. And obviously, as
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
I've discussed earlier, those specific numbers are
reported in Table 2 of my report. So I was able to
answer that question only in the context of House
District 111, but I was able to answer it a bit more
precisely.
Q. Let's take a look at your reply report.
Let's mark this as Defendant's 2. Is that a copy of
your reply report?
A. Yes, it is.
Q. Does it appear to be a true and correct
copy?
A. Yes, sir, it does.
(Exhibit No. 02 was
marked/identified.)
BY MR. PARK:
Q. If you would turn to Page 15.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. In the paragraph that starts "moreover,"
you say, "The key issue I sought to analyze was
whether Black voters generally support Democratic or
Republican candidates."
A. I just want to try and find where you are
on the page here.
Q. The fourth line or the fifth line in the
middle, "The key issue"?
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A. "The key issue I sought to analyze." Yes,
sir, I see where you are. Go ahead.
Q. And you go on to say that the Democratic
candidate for November 2014 House election was
Caucasian, and that House election exhibited
substantially the same level of racially-polarized
voting as the other two HD 111 House elections I
analyzed in my original expert report."
A. Yes, sir, I see where I said that.
Q. And so do I correctly understand that
Black voters voted for that White Democratic candidate
in November 2014 in the House District 111 election?
Is that what you're saying?
A. If I could ask you to repeat the question.
Q. Are you saying that Black voters in House
District 111 in the November 2014 election supported
the White Democratic candidate?
A. Okay. You're basically asking me what the
race of the Democratic candidate was and whether or
not Black supporters supported that candidate at a
relatively-high rate, and the answer is yes. I, of
course, said here that the Democratic candidate is --
Q. You said he was Caucasian, right?
A. Yes, sir. I agree with you. The
candidate is -- the candidate in 2014 was Caucasian,
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
and I presented EI numbers for Black support of the
Democratic candidate that were in line with what I had
reported for 2012 and 2016.
Q. In his report Dr. Alford suggested that
Black voters generally supported Democratic candidates
in other races, and I know you disagree with his
analysis, but is that -- do you think that's correct,
that Black voters support Democratic candidates in,
say, U.S. Senate elections, without regard to whether
the candidate is White or Black?
A. Well, I analyzed the question with respect
to the House district elections, because those were
the most probative elections. And as we've just been
talking about, clearly that includes one election in
2014 where Blacks supported a Caucasian Democratic
candidate. That's the extent of my analysis.
Q. Is that the extent of your -- That's the
extent of your analysis? Are you aware of other
consistent instances of that happening?
A. Okay. You're asking more generally --
Q. Yes, sir.
A. -- beyond my expert report here?
Q. Yes, sir.
A. Sure. I'm happy to confirm that indeed
there are examples where Black voters have voted in
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
favor of a White Democratic candidate. I confirm that
as a general -- as a general matter.
Q. Do you think that would include Jim
Barksdale when he ran for U.S. Senate --
A. I did not --
Q. -- here in Georgia?
A. I did not analyze the results of that
election beyond looking at the data and analysis in
Dr. Alford's reports. But it's not one that in my
report, for my expert report, that I analyzed.
Q. What about Stephen Oppenheimer in 2012 for
Public Service Commission District 3?
A. I have the same answer there. I --
Q. That it's not in your report?
A. Sure. I have the same answer. I also
don't have Dr. Alford's report in front of me right
now, so I can't tell you the race of those various
candidates. But I take your word for it that that was
a White Democrat, and I'm just giving you the same
answer that I did not analyze it in my expert report.
Q. In his rebuttal report, again on Page 15,
Dr. Alford talks about the portions of the split
precincts inside --
MR. GREENBAUM: Are we talking about
Dr. Alford's report now, or Dr. Chen's report?
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
MR. PARK: Dr. Chen's report.
MR. GREENBAUM: The rebuttal report?
MR. PARK: Yes, sir.
MR. GREENBAUM: Exhibit 2?
MR. PARK: Yes, sir.
MR. GREENBAUM: Okay. Thank you. Sorry
about the lack of clarity.
BY MR. PARK:
Q. You say, "Dr. Alford's observation about
the aggregate racial composition of these split
precinct portions is irrelevant."
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Why is it irrelevant?
A. Why is it relevant for my --
Q. Why is it irrelevant?
A. Sure. Why is it irrelevant for my
analysis? And I'm happy to explain that in some
detail.
I will start my answer by saying that I
explained why it's irrelevant in the latter half of
Page 15, Page 16, and into Page 17, but I'll give you
a briefer version here.
It's relevant for a number of different
reasons. When we're understanding split precincts
precisely in the context of this particular case,
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there are -- were a number of important issues that I
noted. First, because I noted that there was strong
racially-polarized voting, it was clear that even just
a small change in the racial composition of a district
could have significant political consequences.
Now, specifically with respect to split
precincts, this means that it's important to analyze
these split precincts one at a time. The broader
reason why those split precincts need to be analyzed
one at a time rather than in the aggregate is because
each individual decision to split a precinct is one
that I sought to scrutinize.
I sought to scrutinize each individual
decision to split an individual precinct because there
was nothing that compelled, there was nothing that
forced the precincts to be split by the Legislature.
It wasn't something that the reapportionment
guidelines require, the splitting of precincts. It
was something that the Legislature chose to do.
And so it was specifically a deviation
from the redistricting guidelines whenever a precinct
was split, and so I analyzed those, one at a time.
So the point is that to properly analyze
them, it's necessary to go precinct by precinct rather
than to aggregate together the arbitrary set of
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
precincts that were chosen to be split by the
Reapportionment Office. Instead, it was necessary to
go individual precinct by individual precinct and
analyze the racial composition of those individual
split precincts.
Another important consideration for me in
determining that the relevant consideration was how
each individual precinct was split rather than how the
aggregate composition of those split precincts looked
was simply that I, based on Ms. Wright's and
Mr. Strangia's deposition testimony, knew that the
only available data within a particular split precinct
available to them was census demographic and racial
data and not partisan data.
So it was important for me for all of
those reasons to analyze how each individual precinct
was split rather than the aggregate composition of all
of those split precincts.
So those are the various reasons why I
said that focusing on the aggregate of those split
precincts was irrelevant and beside the point of how
to properly analyze split precincts. And I laid those
explanations, those reasons out in detail in my
response report.
Q. When we determine the winner of an
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
election in House District 105 and House District 111,
we aggregate the votes, don't we?
A. I agree with you that that is what the
Secretary of State does when determining the winner of
an election contest after the district lines have
already been drawn and are put into place.
Q. And a vote from a split precinct counts
just as much as a vote from a whole precinct, doesn't
it?
A. That is indeed how the Secretary of State
would put together election results. I affirm your
description of how votes are counted.
Q. On Page 17 of your reply report you say
that the aggregate racial composition is more heavily
African-American inside because of -- than outside is
entirely caused by two precincts, Lawrenceville D in
105 and Hickory Flat in 111. Is that -- Am I reading
that right?
A. I see where you're referring to. You're
referring to that second full paragraph on Page 17. I
do see where you're referring to.
Q. And you talk about racial segregation in
the next sentence. Is that de jure segregation?
A. Is the racial segregation of these two
precincts de jure segregation?
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Q. Yes, sir.
A. I really couldn't tell you, because I did
not conduct an analysis of the causes of racial
segregation in precinct Lawrenceville D and precinct
Hickory Flat.
Q. But you say it's racially segregated,
right? Why do you say it's racially segregated?
MR. GREENBAUM: Objection. Argumentative.
THE WITNESS: I am merely describing the
racial geography of those precincts that I saw
using census data, using census data and using
the election -- or the voter registration data
that I analyzed in my reports. I made -- I was
not attempting at all, and I apologize if this
portion of the report misled you, to say
anything further than an empirical statement of
the geographic patterns.
BY MR. PARK:
Q. Of residency, right?
A. The geography of race in these two
precincts. That's all I was talking about.
Q. Where people live, right, and who lives
there?
A. Sure. What we're talking about with
geography is data that measures where people live.
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Q. And the drafter put these two precincts,
or these two more heavily African-American portions of
precincts into 105 and 111, right? Mrs. Wright did
that?
A. Maybe we can take those precincts one at
the time.
Q. Okay.
A. I just want to make sure I understand your
question properly.
Q. Somehow Lawrenceville D ended up in -- or
a portion of Lawrenceville D ended up in House
District 105, right?
A. Indeed. It was a split precinct.
Q. And Ms. Wright put it in Lawrenceville D,
didn't she?
A. I assume the Reapportionment Office did.
I couldn't -- I couldn't speak for her, but I accept
-- I accept what you're saying.
Q. And the Reapportionment Office would have
put Hickory Flat in 111, right?
A. I agree that it was a split precinct.
Q. On Page 13 of your reply report you, in
Table 1 -- and you talk about Democratic candidates'
share of the two-party vote in House District 111 in
January of 2018.
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A. Yes, sir, I see that.
Q. Was that a -- Was that a jungle primary?
A. If I could ask you to define that term.
Q. How many candidates were involved in that
election? Do you recall?
A. I believe there were four.
Q. Two Democrats and two Republicans; is that
right?
A. I believe that's correct.
Q. And, again, on the ecological regression
for Black in January of 2018, you got a result that
was greater than 100 percent and rounded it down; is
that right?
A. That's correct. You're talking about the
right portion of Table 1. Same answer as when we
discussed that issue earlier in my original report.
Q. How do you get results that are over
100 percent? Do you know how that happens?
A. You're asking why does ecological
regression produce estimates for Black voting behavior
that are over 100 percent, right?
Q. For any behavior --
A. Any behavior.
Q. -- but in this case it's consistent for
Black voting behavior.
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A. Sure. So you're asking how an estimate
over 100 percent occurs. And the answer, just to
explain a little bit of the statistical details behind
this, is that when you conducted an ecological
regression estimate, you were fitting a regression
line to the data. So it's estimating one parameter
for Blacks and one parameter for non-Blacks that will
be applied to all precincts within a particular
district, and in this case, 111.
And when you conduct a regression
estimate, a linear regression estimate, what you're
doing is fitting all of the data to one line, to two
parameters, one regarding Blacks and one regarding
non-Blacks. And what the regression analysis does by
fitting that line is producing simply a straight line,
a straight line between the racial composition of a
precinct and its partisan voting patterns.
So when you produce that straight line,
sometimes regression analysis will result in estimates
at the very extremes that are obviously outside the
bounds of what is logically possible. In other words,
outside of 100 percent and zero percent. That is
something that does not happen with ecological
inference, but it does happen with ecological
regression.
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And so the convention has been that when
you produce an estimate using regression analysis that
results in, say, a logically-impossible conclusion,
say, a particular racial group voting at over
100 percent or under zero percent for a particular
candidate, then we simply round that number. We
report that number as zero or 100 percent.
So that's -- that's how it happens.
That's just a bit of the statistical background behind
how ecological regression works.
Q. You criticize the plan drafters for
splitting municipalities; is that right?
A. I don't criticize the plan drawers for
anything. I simply analyzed what the plan drawers
did. Again, I think what you're asking --
Q. You note --
A. -- your question --
Q. You note --
A. -- is whether I analyzed --
Q. You note --
A. -- split municipalities.
Q. You note that the drafters split
municipalities, correct?
A. That is a part of what I analyzed in my
report, yes, sir.
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Q. Did the guidelines, to the best of your
recollection, say anything about municipalities?
A. I think I've listed all of the guidelines
stated in my original report, so if you'll allow me a
second just to review that section of my report.
Q. Sure.
A. (Reviews document.) The answer is that
the redistricting guidelines are silent on the issue
of municipalities and only talk about avoiding a
splitting of precincts and counties.
Q. Correct. And do you know what the General
Assembly used as their allowable deviation in drawing
these plans, allowable population deviation?
A. I'm not sure I'm aware of that number.
Q. Do you know whether they went plus/minus
one percent?
A. I'm not sure I know.
Q. Do you think you can split more counties
if you went plus/minus one than if you went plus/minus
five?
A. Would you split more counties in a
district --
Q. Are you most likely to?
A. Are you more likely to split more counties
in a plus or minus one percent deviation world than if
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you allowed plus or minus five percent?
Q. Correct.
A. And my answer is that, in general, that
doesn't make a difference because in the end typically
a plan will, particularly with larger counties that
have to be split into multiple districts, which
obviously applies to 105 and 111, a districting plan
in general only needs to split -- split a county only
when necessary to achieve equal population, which
specifically means that at most two districts might
need to be involved in the splitting of -- in being
split up.
In other words, it's possible to comply
with any reasonable equal population threshold in
larger counties, such as Gwinnett and Henry, by only
involving two districts and splitting up that -- and
being split -- I’m sorry -- in only involving two
districts in being split across counties.
So my answer is that, in general, it
shouldn't matter.
Q. If you'd look at Page 14 of your reply
report.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. In Paragraph 4 in the first paragraph you
say toward the end of the fifth line from the bottom,
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"In my original report I found that in both House
District 105 and House District 111, 98 to 99 percent
Black voters support the Democratic state legislative
candidate in each election."
A. Yes, sir, I see that.
Q. And, "Meanwhile 75 to 85 percent of
non-Black support Republican candidates" --
A. Yes, sir, I see that.
Q. -- "constituting a level of Black voting
sufficient to defeat the Democratic candidate
supported by Black voters"?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And, again, in House District 105 and 111,
the Black voters are a minority when compared to the
non-Black voters, right?
A. I can affirm that indeed it is less than
50 percent.
Q. So if it's less than 50 percent, then
everyone who could vote voted. Is that still
White-Black vote -- or non-Black voting defeating them
or is it just their minority status?
A. I want to make sure I understand the
question. I think there are a couple of things going
on here. You're asking me about a hypothetical world
in which every Black person shows up and votes?
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
Q. If every Black showed up to vote in House
District 105 and voted for the Democrat, you still
need crossover from some of the non-Blacks to win,
right, because you're the minority?
A. And you're -- again, you're asking me
about a hypothetical world in which every Black person
votes. And are you telling me anything about how the
non-Black voters turn out? I just want understand
your scenario as accurately as I can here.
Q. Well, if you take every Black voter who
votes in House District 105, you have --
I'll withdraw the question?
MR. PARK: Let's take a break.
(Off the record at 12:05 PM)
--------------
(On the record at 12:07 PM)
MR. PARK: Dr. Chen, I believe that's all
the questions I have at this time.
MR. GREENBAUM: And I only have a couple
of questions.
EXAMINATION
BY MR. GREENBAUM:
Q. Dr. Chen, during Mr. Park's examination,
you said that for each election you run King's code
once, correct?
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
A. Yes, sir, that is exactly what I do.
Q. What is entailed in -- When you run King's
code once, what does that mean?
A. Well, I call the software, and the
software, with its standard -- with its standard
inputs and its standard parameters, are run once.
Now, the software certainly does a substantial number
of what are called "burn-ins" as part of how the
software normally operates, but I physically only run
the software once.
Q. Just really quickly, what is a burn-in?
A. A burn-in involves runs that, at the
beginning of the algorithm, of the EI algorithm, that
are not kept and not analyzed. And typically the
software will do that by default. And certainly the
EI package that I was describing earlier to Mr. Park
does that. So a burn-in is simply a large number of
iterations at the beginning, certainly at least
several thousand or so, probably more, as part of any
EI software, as part of any EI algorithm, that are
conducted at the beginning and not kept, not used in
the analysis and not reported.
That doesn't mean that I am intentionally
throwing away any results. I obviously explained to
Mr. Park this morning that I reported all of my
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
analyses. But the EI software itself, the EI
algorithm, includes that as part of -- includes those
burn-ins as a standard part of how the algorithm runs.
Q. So each run contains -- Each time you do a
run, you run the code, the software goes through
several thousand iterations?
A. Oh, absolutely. I couldn't tell you the
exact number off the top of my head, but that is a
standard parameter in any EI software that one would
use in this sort of racially-polarized voting
analysis. It's a given that that is how ecological
inference is conducted.
MR. GREENBAUM: No further questions.
EXAMINATION
BY MR. PARK:
Q. Just so I'm clear, what is the trade name
of the software?
A. Sure. There's not a trade name. It's not
a trademarked software. It's open source software,
and it's by Professor Gary King. The software is just
called EI. It's runn in the R programming language.
It's one that's open source. It's freely available to
anybody on the Internet. And it's -- obviously it's
the open-source computer code that Professor King and
various collaborators developed as part of his
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VARGAS REPORTING SERVICES, INC.678.458.4030
development and research on ecological inference back
in the early 2000's.
But I would just add to that that in the
computer code that I turned over in connection with my
original expert report, the layout, the installation
of that package, of that computer code, as well as the
use -- my use of that EI software, is all in the
computer code, and it was laid out precisely how I
uploaded the computer code, as well as how I used it
and the standard parameters that were used in my EI
analysis. So all of that is clearly laid out in the
computer code that I turned over in connection with my
expert reports.
Q. And, again, you call the package EI?
A. Yeah. It's just called EI. The letters
E-I. I know it's not the best name and not the most
creative name, but that is -- that's literally what
it's called. It just stands for Ecological Inference.
MR. PARK: Thank you, Dr. Chen.
THE WITNESS: Thank you, sir.
MR. GREENBAUM: Aria, any questions?
MS. BRANCH: No. No, thank you.
MR. GREENBAUM: All right. We're done.
THE COURT REPORTER: Aria, would you like
a copy of the deposition?
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MS. BRANCH: Yes, we would like a copy.
THE COURT REPORTER: All right. And Jon,
are you reserving signature?
MR. GREENBAUM: Yes. He'll read and sign.
(Time noted: 12:12 p.m.)
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DISCLOSURE STATE OF GEORGIA COUNTY OF FULTON
WITNESS: JOWEI CHEN, Ph.D
Pursuant to Article 10.B of the Rules and Regulations of the Board of Court Reporting of the Judicial Council of Georgia, I make the following disclosure:
I am a Georgia Certified Court Reporter.
I am not disqualified for a relationship of interest under the provisions of O.C.G.A. 9-11-28(c).
I am a representative of Vargas Reporting Services, Inc.
Vargas Reporting Services, Inc. was contacted by the offices of STRICKLAND, BROCKINGTON & LEWIS, LLP to provide court reporting services for this proceeding.
Vargas Reporting Services, Inc. will not be taking this proceeding under any contract that is prohibited by Georgia law.
_________________________
Marianne Vargas, CCR, CVR-MCertified Court ReporterCertificate Number B-1832
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C E R T I F I C A T E
STATE OF GEORGIA:
COUNTY OF FULTON:
I hereby certify that the foregoing proceeding
was taken down as stated in the caption, and the
colloquies and questions and answers were reduced to
typewriting under my direction; that the foregoing
transcript is a true and correct record of the
evidence given upon said hearing. I further certify
that I am not of kin or counsel to the parties in the
case, and am not in the regular employ of counsel for
any of the said parties, nor am I in any way
interested in the outcome of the case.
This certification is expressly withdrawn and
denied upon the alteration, disassembly, and/or
photocopying of the foregoing proceedings, including
exhibits, unless such is done by the undersigned
certified court reporter and the signature and
original seal is attached thereto.
This day, March 4, 2018.
___________________________
Marianne Vargas, CCR, CVR-MCertified Court ReporterCertificate Number B-1832
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ERRATA SHEET I, JOWEI CHEN, Ph.D, the witness herein, do hereby certify that I have read the transcript of February 27, 2018, of my deposition testimony, and the same is true and correct, to the best of my knowledge, with the exception of the following changes noted below, if any:
Page_____ Line_____ should read:_________________ Reason for change:_______________________________ Page_____ Line_____ should read:_________________ Reason for change:_______________________________ Page_____ Line_____ should read:_________________ Reason for change:_______________________________ Page_____ Line_____ should read:_________________ Reason for change:_______________________________ Page_____ Line_____ should read:_________________ Reason for change:_______________________________ Page_____ Line_____ should read:_________________ Reason for change:_______________________________ Page_____ Line_____ should read:_________________ Reason for change:_______________________________
_______________________ JOWEI CHEN, Ph.D
Sworn to and subscribed before me, the undersigned Notary Public, on this ______ day of _________________, _______. ________________________________________ Notary Public
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BY MR. GREENBAUM: [1] 67/21 BY MR. PARK: [11] 4/11 7/19 11/21 15/17 30/11 42/6 43/1 51/14 55/7 59/17 69/14 MR. GREENBAUM: [12] 42/2 42/24 54/23 55/1 55/3 55/5 59/7 67/18 69/12 70/20 70/22 71/3 MR. PARK: [11] 4/2 11/18 15/13 15/16 30/6 54/25 55/2 55/4 67/12 67/16 70/18 MS. BRANCH: [2] 70/21 70/25 THE COURT REPORTER: [2] 70/23 71/1 THE WITNESS: [2] 59/8 70/19
.
...as [1] 22/11
00.9 [1] 29/801 [1] 7/1801427 [1] 1/402 [1] 51/13
11.3 percent [1] 29/91.8 [1] 29/710 [1] 21/2210.B [1] 72/5100 [1] 62/22100 percent [15] 16/21 16/21 16/25 17/2 17/3 17/4 17/8 17/16 17/17 61/12 61/18 61/21 62/2 63/5 63/7104 [1] 44/7105 [36] 16/16 18/22 19/19 20/23 21/3 22/1 22/9 22/20 23/1 24/3 27/21 30/4 30/15 32/16 43/5 43/6 43/14 44/7 45/7 45/12 45/25 46/6 46/8 46/12 47/5 47/12 47/14 58/1 58/17 60/3 60/12 65/7 66/2 66/13 67/2 67/1110:00 [1] 1/1810:03 [1] 4/210:54 [1] 30/910:59 [1] 30/11111 [26] 16/16 19/10 19/14 19/19 19/23 20/12 21/14 29/1 29/6 30/4 48/6 48/22 50/8 50/25 51/4 52/7 52/12 52/16 58/1 58/17 60/3 60/20 60/24 62/9 65/7 66/13111, 98 to [1] 66/2
1170 [1] 2/211201 [1] 1/2012:05 [1] 67/1412:07 [1] 67/1612:12 [1] 71/513 [1] 60/2213th [1] 2/1414 [2] 25/21 65/211401 [1] 2/514th [1] 1/2015 [4] 45/3 51/16 54/21 55/2116 [1] 55/2117 [3] 55/21 58/13 58/2018 [1] 33/201832 [2] 72/22 73/251953 [1] 12/241:17-CV-01427 [1] 1/4
22's [1] 19/122.4 [1] 29/72000's [1] 70/220005-2124 [1] 2/620005-3960 [1] 2/152010 [2] 45/5 45/112012 [15] 13/25 17/10 18/23 19/14 20/17 20/25 21/3 21/19 22/3 24/3 24/7 29/6 32/17 53/3 54/112012 to 2016 [2] 29/5 32/162014 [8] 20/16 21/1 21/19 52/4 52/12 52/16 52/25 53/152015 [5] 15/3 15/21 43/5 45/13 46/12016 [14] 18/25 19/16 20/16 20/17 21/2 21/19 22/4 24/3 24/7 29/5 32/16 45/16 46/13 53/32017 [5] 3/11 7/17 10/14 10/21 10/212018 [6] 1/17 7/7 60/25 61/11 73/20 74/3202.654.6338 [1] 2/15202.662.8315 [1] 2/721.4 percent [1] 22/32124 [1] 2/622 [1] 3/112200 [1] 2/2022nd [1] 7/1624 [1] 43/1125 [1] 44/625.2 percent [1] 22/327 [2] 1/17 74/328 [1] 72/929.8 percent [4] 45/8 45/17 46/2 47/6
330.4 percent [3] 46/3 46/10 47/730005 [1] 1/24
30039-3488 [1] 1/2130309-7200 [1] 2/2133 [1] 38/2234 [1] 38/223488 [1] 1/2135.2 [1] 20/2535.7 percent [1] 21/136.1 [1] 21/1736.1 percent [1] 21/18361 [1] 48/1037.0 percent [1] 21/137.6 [1] 21/193960 [1] 2/15
440.3 percent [1] 21/19400 [1] 2/645.6 percent [2] 44/10 44/12
550 [1] 44/2250 percent [5] 21/12 21/21 44/17 66/17 66/1854.4 [1] 44/135755 [1] 1/24
6600 [1] 2/14678.347.2208 [1] 2/22678.458.4030 [1] 1/25
7700 [1] 2/147200 [1] 2/2175 [1] 66/6
885 [1] 66/6
99-11-28 [1] 72/998.2 percent [1] 14/299 [1] 66/2
Aa.m [1] 1/18able [3] 26/18 51/2 51/4about [73] 5/17 5/18 8/14 8/17 8/20 8/23 9/10 9/19 10/10 10/16 11/14 11/24 12/14 15/10 17/22 19/9 19/11 20/8 20/21 21/25 22/19 22/25 23/20 24/15 25/22 26/18 26/24 27/3 27/3 30/14 30/21 32/21 33/11 34/16 36/5 36/9 36/25 37/2 37/7 37/12 37/22 38/1 38/15 38/20 41/15 42/18 42/20 43/3 44/6 45/19 45/23 46/5 46/25 47/23 47/25 49/23
50/10 53/14 54/11 54/22 54/24 55/7 55/9 58/22 59/21 59/24 60/23 61/14 64/2 64/9 66/24 67/6 67/7abranch [1] 2/16absolutely [3] 47/16 47/17 69/7accept [7] 12/11 29/16 48/25 49/2 49/4 60/17 60/18access [3] 7/11 15/3 15/22accommodate [1] 5/5accomplish [1] 50/13account [3] 15/9 27/23 28/11accounted [1] 28/14accurate [1] 41/24accurately [2] 29/22 67/9achieve [1] 65/9across [2] 47/10 65/18actually [4] 33/23 33/25 46/15 50/4add [3] 6/1 7/4 70/3added [2] 43/6 43/14additional [3] 6/13 6/15 6/17address [2] 16/14 38/10addressed [1] 21/16Advancement [1] 8/1affirm [2] 58/11 66/16African [16] 18/14 18/17 18/22 19/13 20/15 20/22 20/24 21/6 21/14 26/12 29/17 44/18 44/22 44/25 58/15 60/2African-American [9] 18/14 18/17 20/22 21/14 26/12 29/17 44/25 58/15 60/2African-Americans [2] 20/24 21/6after [1] 58/5again [13] 6/25 9/13 12/9 14/10 21/20 23/17 30/19 54/21 61/10 63/15 66/13 67/5 70/14age [5] 39/9 39/14 40/4 41/7 45/6aggregate [10] 47/15 47/21 55/10 56/10 56/25 57/9 57/17 57/20 58/2 58/14aggregated [2] 47/10 47/13ago [5] 14/11 24/5 32/8 32/19 46/21agree [3] 52/24 58/3 60/21ahead [2] 42/5 52/2al [3] 1/3 1/10 8/14
Alford [3] 5/13 53/4 54/22Alford's [6] 7/1 7/3 54/9 54/16 54/25 55/9algorithm [5] 68/13 68/13 68/20 69/2 69/3all [26] 6/1 6/10 12/8 13/11 24/25 26/8 27/22 33/16 40/16 40/18 45/1 45/11 50/19 57/15 57/17 59/14 59/21 62/8 62/12 64/3 67/17 68/25 70/7 70/11 70/23 71/2allocate [1] 41/25allocated [2] 39/8 41/6allow [1] 64/4allowable [2] 64/12 64/13allowed [1] 65/1allows [1] 25/12alone [2] 27/25 28/3already [2] 43/1 58/6also [9] 5/24 5/24 6/4 7/5 31/2 39/3 41/21 49/15 54/15alteration [1] 73/15always [1] 25/7am [15] 4/2 23/10 30/9 30/11 38/4 39/2 58/17 59/9 68/23 72/7 72/8 72/10 73/10 73/11 73/12amenities [1] 33/17American [14] 18/14 18/17 18/22 19/13 20/15 20/22 21/14 26/12 29/17 44/18 44/22 44/25 58/15 60/2Americans [2] 20/24 21/6analyses [2] 28/10 69/1analysis [20] 27/8 27/10 27/23 28/23 35/22 35/24 37/20 37/25 53/7 53/16 53/18 54/8 55/17 59/3 62/14 62/19 63/2 68/22 69/11 70/11analyze [14] 13/21 35/21 36/18 36/20 48/5 51/19 52/1 54/7 54/20 56/7 56/23 57/4 57/16 57/22analyzed [15] 7/8 24/25 27/1 35/3 50/24 52/8 53/11 54/10 56/9 56/22 59/13 63/14 63/19 63/24 68/14analyzing [2] 47/18 47/24and/or [1] 73/15ANDERSON [1] 2/11ANDREA [1] 2/11another [3] 6/5 49/10 57/6
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Aanswer [37] 20/5 20/18 20/19 22/22 23/14 23/17 23/17 23/18 24/25 26/21 26/25 28/9 29/21 30/18 30/19 31/18 32/9 32/11 36/15 37/5 38/16 42/5 42/9 48/25 49/5 51/3 51/4 52/21 54/13 54/15 54/20 55/19 61/15 62/2 64/7 65/3 65/19answered [2] 11/24 42/4answers [2] 20/10 73/6any [30] 5/4 6/15 14/16 14/19 14/22 17/19 18/1 18/2 22/18 26/13 26/18 31/13 31/22 36/25 38/3 38/9 39/15 50/18 61/22 61/23 65/14 68/19 68/20 68/24 69/9 70/21 72/14 73/12 73/12 74/4anybody [2] 18/13 69/23anything [9] 5/15 11/14 20/8 26/24 26/24 59/16 63/14 64/2 67/7Anytime [1] 25/7apologize [1] 59/14appear [2] 7/21 51/10APPEARANCES [1] 2/1appears [1] 20/9applied [1] 62/8applies [1] 65/7appreciate [1] 47/3approach [2] 13/1 28/21April [1] 10/21arbitrary [3] 47/23 48/3 56/25are [56] 5/17 5/17 6/10 11/15 15/7 16/14 18/7 18/9 19/11 21/12 21/21 25/8 25/20 26/4 26/15 26/19 27/8 29/9 29/12 29/13 34/25 35/8 35/19 36/4 38/2 42/22 50/10 50/15 50/16 50/18 50/21 51/1 51/22 52/2 52/15 53/18 53/25 54/24 56/1 57/19 58/6 58/12 61/17 61/21 62/20 64/8 64/23 64/24 66/14 66/23 67/7 68/6 68/8 68/14 68/20 71/3area [3] 33/14 34/14 43/8Argumentative [1] 59/8ARIA [3] 2/13 70/21 70/24
ARREY [1] 2/11ARREY-MBI [1] 2/11Article [1] 72/5as [83] Asian [13] 22/7 22/11 24/1 24/12 24/19 24/24 29/3 30/14 32/3 32/15 32/24 34/25 38/15Asian-Hispanic [1] 32/15Asians [5] 24/23 27/5 29/8 31/24 32/23ask [13] 4/24 5/1 5/5 13/16 14/17 19/20 28/20 35/7 43/18 45/9 46/24 52/14 61/3asked [3] 32/8 42/3 46/21asking [41] 5/17 5/18 17/11 17/22 19/11 21/8 23/6 24/20 25/4 25/12 25/22 25/23 26/17 28/18 31/14 32/2 32/7 35/13 36/5 36/9 36/10 37/2 37/22 44/14 44/16 44/21 45/19 45/23 46/5 47/4 48/20 49/4 49/23 50/10 52/18 53/20 61/19 62/1 63/15 66/24 67/5Assembly [1] 64/12Association [3] 8/1 8/21 9/20assume [2] 50/21 60/16assumed [2] 40/15 40/16assuming [1] 40/22at [60] 5/4 5/15 9/7 9/25 10/2 10/15 10/23 11/4 12/8 15/4 15/23 16/4 16/19 17/19 26/8 28/17 28/24 30/9 30/11 32/12 32/12 33/18 34/13 35/5 35/12 35/16 36/11 36/23 37/13 40/2 41/21 43/11 45/11 45/14 45/24 45/25 46/6 46/20 47/24 50/9 50/19 51/6 52/20 54/8 56/8 56/10 56/22 59/14 60/5 62/20 63/4 65/10 65/21 67/14 67/16 67/18 68/12 68/18 68/18 68/21ATLANTA [6] 1/2 1/21 2/21 33/13 33/15 33/18Atlantic [1] 1/20attached [1] 73/19attempt [1] 5/1attempting [1] 59/14attention [2] 7/24 21/22attributable [3] 22/7 24/18 24/22AUDRA [1] 2/10
AUSTIN [2] 1/10 2/9available [7] 13/10 40/2 50/2 50/12 57/12 57/13 69/22Avenue [1] 2/5avoiding [1] 64/9aware [2] 53/18 64/14away [1] 68/24
BB-1832 [2] 72/22 73/25back [5] 14/24 15/17 24/17 26/9 70/1background [1] 63/9Barksdale [1] 54/4baseball [1] 34/12based [6] 16/9 16/11 36/13 41/7 42/1 57/10basically [1] 52/18basing [1] 16/6basis [6] 23/6 23/17 32/2 32/11 40/5 48/4Bayesian [1] 13/1BBM [1] 1/5be [33] 5/5 7/21 13/19 13/22 14/21 15/25 19/24 24/18 24/22 25/9 26/1 26/10 35/7 39/24 41/6 41/10 42/17 42/19 42/21 44/13 48/2 48/17 48/21 49/1 49/7 51/10 56/9 56/16 57/1 62/8 65/6 65/11 72/14became [3] 18/23 19/15 31/21because [18] 17/4 18/9 23/24 32/9 33/24 41/18 42/10 49/3 49/11 50/4 53/12 56/2 56/10 56/14 58/15 59/2 65/4 67/4become [1] 11/7been [18] 4/9 4/20 7/13 17/16 33/1 33/2 33/5 33/6 33/22 34/8 34/13 34/17 49/18 49/21 50/11 53/13 58/6 63/1before [6] 4/20 9/16 31/17 31/21 45/10 74/22beginning [3] 68/13 68/18 68/21BEHALF [3] 2/2 2/9 2/17behave [1] 35/1behavior [30] 23/11 23/21 24/16 27/4 27/9 27/24 28/6 28/11 30/14 30/16 31/24 32/22 35/6 35/16 35/21 36/18 36/20 37/1 37/9 37/13 38/2 38/6 38/10 38/14 38/19 38/21 61/20 61/22 61/23 61/25behind [2] 62/3 63/9
being [4] 34/23 65/11 65/17 65/18believe [11] 6/5 6/13 8/11 9/12 9/24 10/7 10/14 10/20 61/6 61/9 67/17below [1] 74/4beside [1] 57/21best [3] 64/1 70/16 74/3between [9] 20/16 24/3 24/7 29/4 30/1 32/16 39/6 49/16 62/16beyond [2] 53/22 54/8bit [8] 11/7 13/2 20/14 30/18 44/22 51/4 62/3 63/9Black [61] 16/20 17/19 17/19 17/25 18/1 18/2 18/2 18/12 18/13 18/17 18/24 19/15 22/1 22/2 22/8 22/12 24/2 24/14 24/18 24/21 26/10 27/2 27/2 28/12 32/5 36/1 36/11 36/12 36/13 36/14 45/6 45/22 46/2 46/3 46/9 46/25 51/20 52/11 52/15 52/20 53/1 53/5 53/8 53/10 53/25 61/11 61/20 61/25 66/3 66/7 66/9 66/11 66/14 66/15 66/20 66/20 66/25 67/1 67/6 67/8 67/10Blacks [11] 24/8 24/25 25/4 25/8 26/11 53/15 62/7 62/7 62/13 62/14 67/3block [6] 39/5 40/2 41/6 41/21 41/25 50/23block-level [1] 39/5blocks [10] 37/1 37/9 39/15 39/20 40/11 40/14 40/17 40/19 40/21 42/1Board [4] 8/3 8/21 10/11 72/5border [2] 33/11 33/11both [4] 39/23 40/12 49/11 66/1bottom [5] 26/7 43/13 45/14 45/24 65/25boundaries [12] 21/3 29/5 29/6 32/17 32/17 45/8 45/25 46/7 46/9 46/12 47/5 47/12bounds [2] 12/24 62/21box [13] 11/10 11/13 11/15 11/25 12/1 12/8 12/15 18/13 18/16 25/13 25/20 26/8 26/12
boxes [1] 18/15BRANCH [1] 2/13Braves [1] 34/12break [4] 5/4 5/6 30/7 67/13breakdown [1] 18/8BRIAN [3] 1/6 1/13 2/18briefer [1] 55/22bring [1] 41/22broader [1] 56/8BROCKINGTON [2] 2/20 72/12BROOKS [1] 2/9Brown [3] 8/23 10/3 31/6BRYAN [1] 1/19Bureau's [1] 18/7burn [7] 14/16 14/18 68/8 68/11 68/12 68/17 69/3burn-in [3] 68/11 68/12 68/17burn-ins [2] 68/8 69/3bus [1] 33/25but [45] 6/8 9/15 11/8 12/5 12/6 15/4 15/22 17/6 17/14 20/16 25/17 26/6 27/4 27/11 27/25 28/17 29/10 29/13 34/4 34/23 36/24 38/12 38/17 39/3 40/24 41/11 41/24 42/13 44/4 45/2 47/24 51/4 53/7 54/9 54/18 55/21 59/6 60/17 61/24 62/24 68/9 69/1 69/8 70/3 70/17BVAP [4] 44/9 44/12 44/13 44/15
CC-H-E-N [1] 4/17calculating [1] 47/9calculations [1] 13/12call [2] 68/4 70/14called [5] 13/8 68/8 69/21 70/15 70/18came [3] 18/5 23/19 24/11can [18] 6/10 7/14 11/19 17/5 23/17 23/25 24/6 26/17 26/23 26/24 27/2 30/5 37/16 38/9 60/5 64/18 66/16 67/9can't [10] 6/7 9/14 12/6 19/9 29/21 37/15 41/17 42/10 44/2 54/17candidate [20] 18/24 19/16 20/16 22/2 24/9 52/4 52/11 52/17 52/19 52/20 52/22 52/25 52/25 53/2 53/10 53/16 54/1 63/6 66/4 66/10
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Ccandidates [11] 22/13 24/14 24/22 32/5 33/4 51/21 53/5 53/8 54/18 61/4 66/7candidates' [1] 60/23capacity [3] 1/6 1/13 2/18caption [1] 73/5Carolina [6] 31/4 31/9 31/11 35/2 35/5 35/8case [20] 1/4 5/12 7/17 8/7 9/16 9/25 10/12 10/13 10/22 11/2 11/4 31/15 31/18 36/5 37/11 55/25 61/24 62/9 73/11 73/13cases [3] 1/10 7/25 31/22category [2] 25/10 25/17Caucasian [4] 52/5 52/23 52/25 53/15Cause [4] 10/16 10/18 35/10 37/11caused [1] 58/16causes [1] 59/3CAVE [1] 1/19CCR [3] 1/22 72/21 73/24CELESTE [1] 2/3census [21] 5/24 18/7 25/10 25/12 26/2 26/6 39/4 39/4 39/14 39/20 40/11 40/14 40/17 40/19 40/20 45/5 45/11 49/18 57/13 59/11 59/11Center [1] 1/20certainly [14] 5/23 7/10 17/6 20/13 33/14 33/17 35/19 35/24 38/7 38/12 50/11 68/7 68/15 68/18Certificate [2] 72/22 73/25certification [1] 73/14certified [4] 72/7 72/21 73/18 73/24certify [3] 73/4 73/9 74/2challenge [1] 9/12change [11] 12/2 33/3 43/5 56/4 74/6 74/8 74/10 74/12 74/14 74/16 74/18changes [8] 11/10 11/15 11/24 12/1 12/8 32/25 43/4 74/4chart [2] 36/2 36/3Chattanooga [2] 33/12 33/21check [3] 25/13 26/8 26/12checked [3] 18/13 18/16 26/7checking [1] 18/14
CHEN [14] 1/16 3/11 3/12 4/8 4/15 4/20 7/14 23/9 67/17 67/23 70/19 72/4 74/2 74/21Chen's [2] 54/25 55/1choice [2] 11/11 48/3chose [1] 56/19chosen [4] 47/24 48/1 48/2 57/1Citizens [2] 8/20 9/19city [4] 10/10 31/8 35/10 35/20CIVIL [1] 2/5clarify [2] 11/13 13/16clarity [1] 55/7clear [4] 26/1 40/24 56/3 69/16clearly [3] 44/24 53/14 70/11close [1] 34/5closest [1] 33/13Coalition [1] 9/23code [13] 13/7 13/8 13/10 13/10 67/24 68/3 69/5 69/24 70/4 70/6 70/8 70/9 70/12codes [2] 7/2 13/8coefficient [4] 14/8 17/5 17/7 17/10coefficients [1] 14/13cohesion [2] 22/20 22/25COIE [1] 2/13COLEY [1] 2/3collaborators [1] 69/25colloquies [1] 73/6Colored [1] 8/1column [2] 46/5 47/13combined [2] 12/23 24/4come [1] 13/24Commission [1] 54/12Commissioners [1] 8/3COMMITTEE [1] 2/5Common [4] 10/16 10/18 35/10 37/11commonly [2] 12/12 38/18commonly-studied [1] 38/18Commonwealth [1] 10/25comparable [1] 21/18comparative [1] 29/20comparatively [1] 29/9compare [1] 49/13compared [3] 19/17 20/17 66/14compelled [1] 56/15
complete [3] 19/24 23/13 23/16completely [4] 20/20 41/24 49/24 50/3comply [1] 65/13composition [14] 18/5 18/8 18/11 44/4 47/15 47/21 48/1 55/10 56/4 57/4 57/9 57/17 58/14 62/16comprise [2] 20/24 21/9computer [10] 7/2 13/7 13/7 13/10 69/24 70/4 70/6 70/8 70/9 70/12concluded [1] 50/7conclusion [8] 19/2 19/9 19/22 24/11 30/14 31/25 32/1 63/3conclusions [1] 26/18conduct [3] 17/21 59/3 62/10conducted [4] 28/22 62/4 68/21 69/12conducting [1] 28/19CONFERENCE [1] 2/2conferences [1] 34/14confidence [2] 14/7 16/22confident [2] 38/12 38/17confirm [8] 41/10 41/17 42/10 44/21 45/2 46/1 53/24 54/1confirmed [5] 21/20 32/21 32/21 32/25 39/18confirms [1] 24/14connection [5] 6/2 6/12 7/3 70/4 70/12consequences [1] 56/5consideration [3] 50/9 57/6 57/7considered [1] 7/6consistent [2] 53/19 61/24CONSOLIDATED [1] 1/10constituting [1] 66/9contacted [1] 72/11contains [2] 44/9 69/4contest [1] 58/5context [3] 28/18 51/3 55/25contract [1] 72/14convention [1] 63/1copy [6] 7/22 42/12 51/7 51/11 70/25 71/1CORETTA [1] 2/12correct [25] 6/23 7/21 10/1 10/5 17/13 18/18 21/10 25/20 27/21 28/1 28/13 39/1 47/2 47/8 48/24 51/10
53/7 61/9 61/14 63/23 64/11 65/2 67/25 73/8 74/3correctly [2] 14/14 52/10Corrine [3] 8/23 10/3 31/6could [13] 11/12 13/16 14/17 19/4 25/2 28/5 28/5 33/10 45/9 52/14 56/5 61/3 66/19couldn't [14] 10/8 12/13 25/3 25/16 34/15 34/22 38/11 38/16 48/8 48/15 59/2 60/17 60/17 69/7Council [1] 72/6counsel [7] 2/1 5/10 9/21 9/22 11/1 73/10 73/11count [2] 33/9 33/10counted [1] 58/12counties [8] 29/21 64/10 64/18 64/21 64/24 65/5 65/15 65/18counting [1] 21/2counts [1] 58/7county [19] 8/3 8/21 10/11 29/13 29/14 29/17 29/18 34/6 34/9 34/16 34/18 34/20 34/24 50/17 50/21 50/23 65/8 72/2 73/3couple [5] 4/24 30/7 32/13 66/23 67/19course [3] 7/5 7/7 52/22courses [2] 38/6 38/7court [8] 1/1 4/5 72/5 72/7 72/12 72/21 73/18 73/24covered [1] 38/13creating [1] 18/4creative [1] 70/17Creek [1] 1/24criteria [1] 6/7criticize [2] 63/11 63/13crossover [1] 67/3cultural [1] 33/17CUNNINGHAM [1] 2/10CV [1] 1/4CVR [3] 1/22 72/21 73/24CVR-M [3] 1/22 72/21 73/24
DDARRYL [1] 2/10data [39] 5/16 5/23 5/24 5/24 7/2 13/15 13/18 15/4 15/4 15/22 15/23 17/5 18/4 26/2 26/3 26/6 39/4 39/5 39/5 40/1 41/21 41/25 49/12 49/16 49/18 49/19 50/2 50/8 50/12
54/8 57/12 57/14 57/14 59/11 59/11 59/12 59/25 62/6 62/12Davis' [1] 12/23day [5] 20/25 34/2 34/2 73/20 74/23DC [2] 2/6 2/15de [2] 58/23 58/25Dec [1] 3/11December [6] 5/20 5/23 7/11 7/16 11/4 16/4December 22nd [1] 7/16decision [2] 56/11 56/14default [1] 68/15defeat [1] 66/10defeating [1] 66/20Defendant [6] 1/8 1/15 2/17 8/24 10/4 10/5DEFENDANT'S [3] 3/9 7/14 51/7Defendants [1] 8/8define [3] 14/17 43/19 61/3Democrat [3] 23/4 54/19 67/2Democratic [26] 18/24 19/16 20/15 22/2 22/13 24/9 24/14 24/22 25/5 25/9 32/5 33/4 51/20 52/3 52/11 52/17 52/19 52/22 53/2 53/5 53/8 53/15 54/1 60/23 66/3 66/10Democrats [5] 25/2 50/17 50/19 50/23 61/7demographic [5] 5/16 5/24 32/25 49/18 57/13demographics [5] 29/1 29/13 29/14 29/20 30/3denied [1] 73/15deposed [7] 4/20 9/8 9/15 10/1 10/6 10/13 11/3deposition [28] 1/16 5/9 6/4 6/17 6/22 6/24 6/25 9/25 10/20 11/23 12/5 16/5 16/7 16/12 39/1 39/2 39/8 39/13 40/9 40/9 41/3 41/9 42/11 49/6 49/7 57/11 70/25 74/3depositions [5] 11/16 39/24 40/1 41/1 49/15describe [1] 12/19described [1] 43/1describes [2] 13/4 13/5describing [6] 12/11 19/6 42/14 42/23 59/9 68/16description [2] 3/10
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Ddescription... [1] 58/12detail [2] 55/18 57/23detailed [1] 18/7details [1] 62/3determine [2] 37/8 57/25determining [2] 57/7 58/4detour [1] 34/1Detzner [9] 8/15 8/18 8/23 9/4 9/11 30/24 31/1 37/14 37/22developed [1] 69/25development [1] 70/1deviation [4] 56/20 64/12 64/13 64/25did [41] 5/8 5/14 7/11 8/4 9/1 9/6 9/7 13/15 14/14 14/21 19/22 22/21 22/23 22/24 23/2 26/8 26/12 29/19 35/5 35/13 36/12 36/15 36/18 36/20 37/5 37/7 37/10 37/12 37/19 37/21 37/24 41/20 47/9 54/5 54/7 54/20 59/2 60/3 60/16 63/15 64/1didn't [9] 7/10 8/5 20/5 20/8 27/16 27/18 27/25 36/24 60/15difference [2] 29/25 65/4different [7] 9/5 13/2 29/14 39/6 39/20 40/20 55/23direction [1] 73/7directly [2] 20/8 20/10disagree [1] 53/6disassembly [1] 73/15discard [2] 14/19 14/20disclosure [2] 72/1 72/6discussed [5] 11/15 24/5 32/19 51/1 61/16discussing [2] 41/8 42/14discussion [4] 11/21 15/16 41/15 41/16disqualified [1] 72/8distinguish [3] 39/19 40/13 49/16distributed [1] 28/5district [61] 1/1 1/1 8/2 16/16 18/22 19/10 19/14 20/12 20/22 21/3 21/7 21/9 21/14 22/1 22/9 22/20 23/1 24/3 27/21 29/1 29/6 30/15 32/15 32/16 43/4 43/6 43/14 45/1 45/7 45/12 45/25 46/6 46/7 46/8 46/12 47/4 47/12 47/13 48/6
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54/9 54/25 55/9Dr. Chen [6] 4/20 7/14 23/9 67/17 67/23 70/19Dr. Chen's [1] 55/1Dr. Strangia's [1] 6/24drafter [1] 60/1drafters [2] 63/11 63/22draw [6] 19/2 19/9 19/22 26/18 31/25 32/1drawer [3] 15/3 15/21 16/1drawers [2] 63/13 63/14drawing [3] 16/8 39/3 64/12drawn [3] 18/23 19/14 58/6duly [1] 4/9Duncan [1] 12/23during [1] 67/23
EE-I [1] 70/16each [12] 14/8 14/12 16/20 40/6 56/11 56/13 57/8 57/16 66/4 67/24 69/4 69/4earlier [3] 51/1 61/16 68/16early [1] 70/2easily [1] 33/21ecological [42] 12/20 13/11 16/15 16/15 16/19 17/1 22/18 22/19 24/7 27/6 27/6 27/12 27/12 27/15 27/17 27/19 27/19 28/7 28/7 28/9 28/10 28/19 36/2 36/13 36/16 36/24 36/25 37/6 37/7 37/8 37/19 37/20 37/25 61/10 61/19 62/4 62/23 62/24 63/10 69/11 70/1 70/18education [1] 38/4effectively [2] 50/9 50/13EI [23] 13/8 14/1 14/10 17/21 22/21 22/25 24/21 27/1 28/22 32/18 53/1 68/13 68/16 68/20 68/20 69/1 69/1 69/9 69/21 70/7 70/10 70/14 70/15election [26] 7/6 7/7 7/8 8/3 13/21 14/1 17/10 20/25 30/4 36/23 39/5 41/4 45/17 52/4 52/5 52/12 52/16 53/14 54/8 58/1 58/5 58/11 59/12 61/5 66/4 67/24elections [9] 8/21 10/11 16/20 19/17
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9/5 9/14 9/24 10/6 10/19 11/2 31/17 31/19 31/22 35/13 36/16 36/21 37/2 37/10 37/16 37/19 39/4 52/8 53/22 54/10 54/20 70/5 70/13expertise [1] 31/20explain [5] 17/5 18/3 42/21 55/17 62/3explained [3] 17/15 55/20 68/24explanations [1] 57/23expressly [1] 73/14extent [4] 31/20 53/16 53/17 53/18extremes [1] 62/20
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Fforced [1] 56/16foregoing [3] 73/4 73/7 73/16formula [1] 41/14found [4] 15/2 15/20 50/4 66/1four [1] 61/6fourth [1] 51/24free [1] 5/1freely [1] 69/22front [8] 41/9 41/11 41/19 42/11 42/13 42/17 42/24 54/16full [1] 58/20FULTON [2] 72/2 73/3further [3] 59/16 69/13 73/9
GGA [2] 1/21 1/24Gary [2] 13/5 69/20gave [1] 30/18general [17] 23/11 23/18 24/15 30/16 31/23 32/21 32/24 35/22 37/18 38/1 42/14 54/2 54/2 64/11 65/3 65/8 65/19generally [7] 23/22 26/21 38/12 41/16 51/20 53/5 53/20geographic [2] 39/6 59/17geography [7] 12/3 41/4 41/5 41/6 59/10 59/20 59/25GEORGIA [24] 1/1 1/7 1/14 2/2 2/17 2/18 2/21 31/13 31/17 31/25 32/6 33/5 33/7 33/12 33/23 34/1 34/3 35/1 54/6 72/2 72/6 72/7 72/15 73/2get [3] 14/5 50/9 61/17Gina [5] 6/5 6/25 11/23 16/6 16/7give [10] 6/19 12/14 19/4 19/25 23/12 23/14 23/16 43/9 43/25 55/21given [6] 14/12 18/9 23/13 50/1 69/11 73/9giving [1] 54/19gleaned [2] 40/8 40/25go [9] 11/19 15/14 15/17 42/5 50/3 52/2 52/3 56/24 57/3goes [2] 31/23 69/5going [8] 25/8 26/9 32/9 34/11 34/20 35/7 43/18 66/23gone [2] 33/15 33/18got [3] 36/11 47/7 61/11granular [1] 49/12greater [1] 61/12
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52/6 66/9LEWIS [2] 2/20 72/12like [14] 7/13 12/15 12/16 13/3 16/13 21/22 30/17 30/20 41/9 42/16 42/23 49/17 70/24 71/1Likelihood [1] 12/23likely [8] 18/24 19/15 22/12 23/4 24/13 32/4 64/23 64/24limitation [1] 39/22limits [2] 16/22 35/20line [20] 15/8 25/23 26/7 51/24 51/24 53/2 62/6 62/12 62/15 62/15 62/16 62/18 65/25 74/5 74/7 74/9 74/11 74/13 74/15 74/17linear [1] 62/11lines [2] 15/10 58/5listed [1] 64/3literally [1] 70/17litigated [1] 37/16little [4] 11/7 13/2 44/22 62/3live [2] 59/22 59/25lived [2] 33/14 48/7lives [1] 59/22ll [1] 33/9LLP [4] 1/19 2/13 2/20 72/12logically [5] 17/4 17/17 24/4 62/21 63/3logically-impossible [1] 63/3long [1] 31/21longer [1] 30/18look [7] 5/15 28/24 35/5 43/11 43/25 51/6 65/21looked [7] 28/17 32/12 32/12 35/16 36/23 46/6 57/9looking [9] 16/19 17/18 35/5 36/11 45/11 45/14 45/24 45/25 54/8looks [1] 12/15Louis [1] 8/3love [1] 34/11lower [7] 46/11 46/14 46/16 46/17 46/20 46/22 46/23lowest [1] 41/4LYNNE [1] 2/11
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50/14many [10] 13/14 14/4 14/4 33/5 33/6 33/9 34/6 34/8 34/17 61/4map [5] 9/13 15/2 15/21 16/1 16/8Maptitude [6] 11/5 11/9 12/1 12/7 12/10 12/12March [1] 73/20Marianne [3] 1/22 72/21 73/24mark [1] 51/7marked [3] 7/13 7/19 51/14marked/identified [2] 7/19 51/14MARLON [1] 2/3mask [1] 16/24masks [1] 17/6math [2] 44/20 45/2matter [2] 54/2 65/20maximum [3] 12/22 17/4 17/5may [1] 49/1maybe [2] 40/23 60/5MBI [1] 2/11McDonough [2] 34/16 34/17McKENZIE [1] 2/10me [67] 5/1 6/19 7/14 9/23 11/1 11/13 12/6 15/6 16/3 16/3 19/4 19/11 19/25 20/2 20/13 21/8 23/6 23/12 23/12 23/14 24/20 25/4 25/12 25/22 25/23 26/17 26/22 30/20 32/2 32/3 32/7 32/8 35/13 36/9 36/10 39/16 39/21 39/22 40/3 41/10 41/11 42/12 42/13 42/17 42/19 42/24 43/9 43/9 43/24 43/25 44/14 44/16 44/21 46/21 47/4 48/20 49/3 49/4 52/18 54/16 57/6 57/15 64/4 66/24 67/5 67/7 74/22mean [10] 11/13 14/17 27/14 28/2 30/22 30/23 43/19 44/12 68/3 68/23meaningless [1] 47/22meanings [1] 40/14means [3] 47/16 56/7 65/10Meanwhile [1] 66/6measures [1] 59/25merely [1] 59/9met [1] 5/10Method [1] 12/24methodology [1] 12/19metropolitan [2] 33/13 33/14middle [2] 14/25 51/25
Midtown [1] 2/20might [1] 65/10mile [1] 33/11minority [5] 32/22 46/19 66/14 66/21 67/4minus [5] 64/15 64/19 64/19 64/25 65/1minutes [1] 30/8misled [1] 59/15Missouri [1] 7/25moment [9] 6/20 14/11 19/4 19/25 23/12 23/14 24/5 43/9 46/21months [1] 33/19more [21] 7/4 18/23 19/15 22/11 23/4 24/13 29/17 32/4 35/8 42/5 44/17 44/25 51/4 53/20 58/14 60/2 64/18 64/21 64/24 64/24 68/19moreover [1] 51/18morning [1] 68/25most [4] 53/13 64/23 65/10 70/16mostly [1] 5/11move [1] 44/15moving [1] 44/6Mr. [12] 39/7 39/12 39/17 40/8 41/3 42/22 49/7 50/13 57/11 67/23 68/16 68/25Mr. Park [2] 68/16 68/25Mr. Park's [1] 67/23Mr. Strangia [4] 39/12 39/17 42/22 50/13Mr. Strangia's [5] 39/7 40/8 41/3 49/7 57/11Mrs. [1] 60/3Mrs. Wright [1] 60/3Ms [3] 12/4 16/7 16/12Ms. [15] 6/5 6/25 16/6 16/7 16/10 39/1 39/2 39/18 40/9 41/20 42/22 49/6 50/12 57/10 60/14Ms. Gina [4] 6/5 6/25 16/6 16/7Ms. Wright [4] 41/20 42/22 50/12 60/14Ms. Wright's [7] 16/10 39/1 39/2 39/18 40/9 49/6 57/10much [1] 58/8multiple [1] 65/6municipalities [5] 63/12 63/21 63/23 64/2 64/9museums [1] 33/16my [113] myself [3] 15/6 19/5 44/1
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NN.W [3] 1/20 2/5 2/14NAACP [2] 1/3 2/2name [7] 4/13 4/16 6/8 69/16 69/18 70/16 70/17National [1] 8/1nature [4] 8/6 8/25 9/18 37/18necessary [4] 49/12 56/24 57/2 65/9need [4] 5/4 56/9 65/11 67/3needs [2] 41/5 65/8new [3] 2/5 7/6 7/10next [2] 21/16 58/23nice [1] 34/12night [1] 5/10no [20] 1/4 3/10 7/18 9/24 18/21 19/18 22/21 23/2 31/18 31/18 33/10 36/8 37/5 39/19 40/12 40/12 51/13 69/13 70/22 70/22non [39] 17/19 18/13 18/17 18/22 19/13 20/15 22/1 22/8 22/12 23/4 24/2 24/8 24/13 24/18 24/21 24/25 25/4 25/8 26/10 26/11 27/2 28/12 32/4 32/24 33/3 36/1 36/12 36/14 44/13 44/15 44/18 44/22 62/7 62/14 66/7 66/15 66/20 67/3 67/8non-African-American [5] 18/22 19/13 20/15 44/18 44/22non-Black [18] 17/19 18/13 18/17 22/1 22/8 24/2 24/18 24/21 26/10 27/2 28/12 36/1 36/12 36/14 66/7 66/15 66/20 67/8non-Blacks [8] 24/8 24/25 25/4 25/8 26/11 62/7 62/14 67/3non-BVAP [2] 44/13 44/15non-Hispanic [5] 22/12 23/4 24/13 32/4 32/24non-Whites [1] 33/3none [2] 27/4 27/11nor [1] 73/12normal [4] 12/10 12/13 14/22 14/23normally [1] 68/9North [6] 31/4 31/8 31/11 35/2 35/4 35/8northern [2] 1/1 33/11not [69] 5/6 7/11 9/7 9/15 9/17 10/1 10/6 10/7 10/8 11/3 11/12 11/17 13/1 14/20 14/21 15/4 15/22 18/7 18/9 19/22 20/16 22/21 23/2 26/1 26/2
26/6 26/8 26/12 28/16 29/19 31/19 35/3 36/15 37/5 37/10 37/21 37/24 40/10 40/19 46/15 46/22 47/24 48/4 49/21 52/20 54/5 54/7 54/9 54/14 54/20 57/14 59/3 59/14 62/23 64/14 64/17 68/14 68/14 68/21 68/21 68/22 69/18 69/18 70/16 70/16 72/8 72/14 73/10 73/11Notary [2] 74/23 74/25note [4] 63/16 63/18 63/20 63/22noted [4] 56/2 56/2 71/5 74/4nothing [4] 20/10 47/17 56/15 56/15noticeable [2] 24/1 24/6noticed [2] 32/13 32/14November [10] 18/25 19/16 20/25 21/1 21/2 22/3 22/4 52/4 52/12 52/16November 2012 [1] 22/3November 2014 [2] 52/12 52/16November 2016 [3] 18/25 21/2 22/4now [12] 6/11 9/14 24/4 25/22 42/13 46/5 47/15 50/3 54/17 54/25 56/6 68/7number [19] 7/25 17/14 25/9 33/22 35/19 45/19 45/23 46/10 47/22 55/23 56/1 63/6 63/7 64/14 68/7 68/17 69/8 72/22 73/25numbers [12] 12/2 20/11 20/13 21/8 21/11 21/17 21/18 21/20 32/18 47/10 51/1 53/1numerically [1] 29/11
OO.C.G.A [1] 72/9Objection [2] 42/3 59/8observation [1] 55/9obviously [14] 7/1 17/15 20/16 21/11 21/20 25/7 31/19 34/4 42/13 50/25 62/20 65/7 68/24 69/23occurs [1] 62/2October [2] 10/22 10/23off [18] 6/11 9/14 10/8 11/19 11/20
15/14 15/15 25/16 26/22 30/9 34/15 34/23 38/11 38/17 48/8 48/15 67/14 69/8off-the-record [2] 11/20 15/15office [10] 38/21 39/13 39/19 41/23 49/8 49/21 50/2 57/2 60/16 60/19offices [1] 72/12official [3] 1/6 1/13 2/18Oh [3] 25/4 36/7 69/7okay [29] 5/22 10/10 10/12 10/16 12/6 15/13 18/3 23/6 23/10 23/16 24/20 25/22 26/17 26/21 26/23 32/2 32/7 35/12 36/9 41/5 44/16 46/21 47/3 47/9 48/25 52/18 53/20 55/6 60/7old [1] 29/5on [58] 2/2 2/9 2/17 8/8 8/12 11/3 11/25 12/7 12/16 14/1 14/8 15/7 15/11 15/12 15/13 15/17 15/19 16/6 16/9 16/11 17/12 18/19 20/21 23/3 23/10 25/21 27/7 30/11 30/15 31/14 33/15 36/13 38/3 38/6 38/22 38/25 39/2 39/3 41/7 42/1 44/6 48/4 48/10 51/23 52/3 54/21 57/10 57/20 58/13 58/20 60/22 61/10 64/8 66/24 67/16 69/23 70/1 74/23once [6] 13/22 33/19 67/25 68/3 68/6 68/10one [35] 1/20 13/19 13/21 13/22 14/9 14/13 14/15 18/14 33/19 34/21 34/24 35/12 42/5 43/5 47/24 48/10 48/10 49/9 53/14 54/9 56/8 56/10 56/11 56/22 60/5 62/6 62/7 62/12 62/13 62/13 64/16 64/19 64/25 69/9 69/22one percent [1] 64/16ones [1] 48/2only [17] 5/5 15/3 15/22 16/5 21/2 28/14 28/16 49/16 51/3 57/12 64/9 65/8 65/8 65/15 65/17 67/19 68/9open [3] 69/19 69/22 69/24open-source [1] 69/24operates [1] 68/9Oppenheimer [1]
54/11opportunity [1] 18/10opposed [2] 18/14 49/10or [55] 9/15 10/7 13/7 14/3 14/22 15/10 17/3 22/18 22/21 22/25 24/23 24/24 25/20 25/23 26/8 26/24 26/25 27/5 27/5 27/5 27/6 27/12 27/15 27/19 28/7 30/17 33/19 34/6 34/17 35/10 36/2 36/24 39/15 40/15 41/3 43/16 48/18 49/22 51/20 51/24 52/19 53/10 54/25 59/12 60/2 60/10 63/5 63/7 64/25 65/1 66/20 66/21 68/19 73/10 73/15ORANGE [1] 2/11order [1] 13/24organization [1] 2/2orient [3] 15/6 19/5 44/1original [14] 3/11 5/18 5/19 6/8 6/12 7/11 7/16 16/2 52/8 61/16 64/4 66/1 70/5 73/19other [17] 5/15 8/5 18/15 18/16 25/13 25/17 25/23 26/7 26/10 27/7 33/17 41/13 52/7 53/6 53/18 62/21 65/13others [9] 8/18 10/11 10/16 25/10 25/20 26/16 26/19 26/25 27/5our [3] 13/9 33/25 41/22out [12] 21/9 21/12 26/5 30/20 34/12 34/13 44/7 46/19 57/23 67/8 70/8 70/11outcome [1] 73/13outlined [1] 6/6outside [12] 31/18 33/12 33/20 45/12 46/3 46/7 46/8 47/6 47/14 58/15 62/20 62/22over [13] 6/2 7/2 16/24 17/2 17/8 17/16 44/22 61/17 61/21 62/2 63/4 70/4 70/12own [1] 39/4
Pp.m [1] 71/5package [6] 13/6 13/7 14/10 68/16 70/6 70/14page [40] 3/2 3/10 7/24 12/16 12/17 14/1 14/24 14/25 15/7 15/8
15/12 15/13 15/19 16/13 18/19 20/21 21/22 25/21 38/22 38/22 43/11 44/6 48/10 51/16 51/23 54/21 55/21 55/21 55/21 58/13 58/20 60/22 65/21 74/5 74/7 74/9 74/11 74/13 74/15 74/17Page 1 [1] 7/24Page 10 [1] 21/22Page 13 [1] 60/22Page 14 [2] 25/21 65/21Page 15 [3] 51/16 54/21 55/21Page 16 [1] 55/21Page 17 [3] 55/21 58/13 58/20Page 2 [2] 15/7 15/8Page 2 of [1] 14/24Page 24 [1] 43/11Page 25 [1] 44/6Page 3 [2] 14/25 15/12Page 33 [1] 38/22Page 34 [1] 38/22Page 361 [1] 48/10Page 4 [1] 12/17Page 5 [1] 16/13Page 6 [1] 14/1Page 7 [2] 18/19 20/21pages [1] 16/13paragraph [13] 14/25 15/8 15/19 18/21 21/25 22/15 23/7 23/20 43/13 51/18 58/20 65/24 65/24Paragraph 4 [1] 65/24parameter [3] 62/6 62/7 69/9parameters [3] 62/13 68/6 70/10PARK [3] 2/19 68/16 68/25Park's [1] 67/23part [21] 12/10 12/13 14/21 17/19 18/1 18/2 24/17 24/21 27/1 33/1 35/22 35/24 39/23 40/6 63/24 68/8 68/19 68/20 69/2 69/3 69/25partially [1] 22/6particular [6] 44/4 55/25 57/12 62/8 63/4 63/5particularly [1] 65/5parties [2] 73/10 73/12partisan [13] 15/4 15/22 33/1 35/21 35/23 40/14 44/4 49/9 49/13 50/9 50/14 57/14 62/17partisanship [6] 39/14 39/20 40/11 40/13 40/16 40/20
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Pparty [1] 60/24past [3] 10/22 11/4 36/23PATRICIA [1] 2/3patterns [3] 35/23 59/17 62/17PAYTON [1] 2/10Peachtree [2] 1/20 2/21pending [7] 5/6 11/10 11/13 11/14 11/24 12/1 12/8Pennsylvania [2] 10/25 10/25people [4] 8/2 26/7 59/22 59/25percent [52] 14/2 16/21 16/21 16/25 17/2 17/3 17/4 17/8 17/16 17/17 21/1 21/1 21/12 21/18 21/18 21/19 21/19 21/21 22/3 22/3 29/7 29/7 29/8 29/9 44/10 44/12 44/13 44/17 44/22 45/8 45/17 46/2 46/3 46/10 47/6 47/7 61/12 61/18 61/21 62/2 62/22 62/22 63/5 63/5 63/7 64/16 64/25 65/1 66/2 66/6 66/17 66/18percentage [5] 24/8 32/14 33/3 42/2 46/17perfectly [1] 40/18performance [3] 48/21 49/9 49/13performing [1] 49/2performs [1] 48/13PERKINS [1] 2/13perkinscoie.com [1] 2/16person [2] 66/25 67/6perspective [1] 49/20Ph.D [6] 1/16 4/8 4/18 72/4 74/2 74/21phone [1] 26/22photocopying [1] 73/16physically [1] 68/9pick [1] 34/1pieces [1] 24/10place [5] 6/20 28/14 28/16 44/3 58/6Plaintiff's [3] 9/21 9/22 11/1Plaintiffs [10] 1/4 1/11 2/2 2/9 8/16 8/19 8/22 9/13 10/13 10/20Plaintiffs' [1] 5/10plan [12] 11/25 15/3 15/22 18/23 19/14 45/13 46/1 63/11 63/13 63/14 65/5 65/7Plan's [2] 21/3 29/6plans [1] 64/13please [4] 4/3 4/13 4/25 20/4
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Qquestion [29] 4/25 5/6 11/24 13/17 17/25 19/20 20/6 20/11 22/22 26/23 28/3 29/21 32/8 32/10 35/3 42/5 45/10 47/7 48/23 49/5 50/15 50/24 51/3 52/14 53/11 60/9 63/17 66/23 67/12questions [6] 20/19 67/18 67/20 69/13 70/21 73/6quickly [1] 68/11
quite [3] 29/10 32/23 38/7
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referred [1] 14/11referring [12] 11/17 16/3 16/3 22/17 26/15 35/9 36/4 40/23 45/2 58/19 58/20 58/21reflected [6] 27/5 27/9 29/2 29/25 36/1 36/3reflection [1] 27/6reflects [1] 11/10regard [1] 53/9regarding [4] 16/8 19/22 62/13 62/13registration [4] 5/25 18/6 26/2 59/12regression [27] 16/15 16/19 17/1 17/7 17/9 17/15 22/19 27/13 27/17 27/19 28/8 28/10 36/2 36/25 37/8 37/20 61/10 61/20 62/5 62/5 62/10 62/11 62/14 62/19 62/25 63/2 63/10regular [2] 11/8 73/11Regulations [1] 72/5REID [1] 2/3reiterate [1] 12/9relationship [2] 39/6 72/8relative [5] 39/20 40/10 40/13 49/9 49/13relatively [1] 52/21relatively-high [1] 52/21relevant [3] 55/14 55/23 57/7relied [1] 12/7rely [2] 23/3 30/13relying [6] 23/10 30/15 38/3 38/4 38/25 39/2remember [5] 6/7 6/11 9/14 38/9 42/13remembered [1] 7/5René [2] 8/14 9/1repeat [2] 45/9 52/14rephrase [1] 5/1reply [7] 3/12 7/9 51/6 51/8 58/13 60/22 65/21report [107] reported [19] 17/17 19/7 20/11 28/20 32/19 33/2 43/24 44/3 45/21 45/24 46/2 46/9 46/10 46/16 46/23 51/2 53/3 68/22 68/25reporter [5] 4/5 72/7 72/21 73/18 73/24reporting [8] 1/23 26/3 47/25 72/5 72/10 72/11 72/12 72/14reports [6] 5/12 7/1 9/5 54/9 59/13 70/13representation [1] 49/1representative [1]
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Rrepresentative... [1] 72/10represents [5] 14/9 14/13 25/24 26/7 28/21Republican [9] 43/20 43/22 43/23 48/14 48/18 48/19 48/21 51/21 66/7Republicans [2] 49/2 61/7require [1] 56/18research [6] 11/8 12/11 12/13 14/22 14/23 70/1reserving [1] 71/3reside [1] 21/2residency [1] 59/19resolved [2] 9/17 9/18respect [7] 19/19 19/20 43/4 48/6 50/25 53/11 56/6respondent [1] 25/13response [3] 13/13 19/18 57/24responsive [1] 32/10rest [1] 45/1result [3] 16/24 61/11 62/19results [16] 5/15 7/6 7/8 13/14 17/11 19/6 19/12 27/23 33/1 36/23 41/4 54/7 58/11 61/17 63/3 68/24review [4] 20/2 39/25 43/10 64/5reviewed [14] 5/11 5/12 5/23 5/24 5/25 6/4 6/9 6/16 6/18 6/24 6/25 7/1 13/14 16/5Reviews [6] 19/5 20/7 23/14 43/10 44/2 64/7revisit [2] 30/19 32/9right [54] 4/18 6/11 9/14 10/1 10/4 13/20 15/5 16/17 17/20 18/1 21/4 21/15 25/13 25/15 25/25 26/14 26/19 27/7 29/3 29/15 29/18 30/24 32/5 37/3 37/22 40/6 42/12 43/6 45/8 45/11 45/13 45/18 46/5 47/1 47/7 47/13 52/23 54/16 58/18 59/7 59/19 59/22 60/3 60/12 60/20 61/8 61/13 61/15 61/21 63/12 66/15 67/4 70/23 71/2RIGHTS [1] 2/5Rob [1] 6/22Robert [1] 10/17Romo [9] 8/14 9/1 9/2 9/4 30/24 37/12 37/13 37/21 37/22round [2] 17/3 63/6rounded [1] 61/12
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SSABRINA [1] 2/10said [14] 30/17 32/11 34/4 41/3 41/10 41/13 41/16 52/9 52/22 52/23 57/20 67/24 73/9 73/12said whether [1] 41/13same [19] 19/9 21/13 32/8 32/23 35/1 38/16 39/24 40/18 41/18 42/9 42/11 49/11 49/14 52/6 54/13 54/15 54/19 61/15 74/3SAMMY [1] 2/11saw [4] 23/23 32/14 32/18 59/10say [27] 12/20 13/25 14/12 17/6 18/21 20/8 23/3 26/23 26/24 27/3 29/9 30/13 33/18 43/13 50/3 51/19 52/3 53/9 55/9 58/13 59/6 59/7 59/15 63/3 63/4 64/2 65/25saying [12] 11/25 13/21 32/3 34/25 38/12 38/18 39/8 39/24 52/13 52/15 55/19 60/18says [1] 15/20sbllaw.net [1] 2/22scenario [1] 67/9school [5] 8/2 33/25 33/25 34/21 34/22scientist [3] 31/20 31/21 38/5scientist's [1] 14/22scrutinize [2] 56/12 56/13seal [1] 73/19second [7] 6/13 6/16 6/19 11/19 43/25 58/20 64/5Secretary [6] 1/6 1/13 2/18 41/23 58/4 58/10section [3] 20/2 39/3 64/5see [25] 14/8 15/24 19/1 21/5 22/5 22/10
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Ssubstantially... [1] 52/6substitute [1] 19/19such [3] 20/16 65/15 73/17sufficient [1] 66/10suggested [1] 53/4suggesting [3] 49/22 50/6 50/15Suite [3] 2/6 2/14 2/20supermarkets [1] 33/16supplemental [1] 11/3support [14] 8/4 8/5 20/15 22/2 22/12 24/14 24/21 32/5 33/4 51/20 53/1 53/8 66/3 66/7supported [5] 52/16 52/20 53/5 53/15 66/11supporters [1] 52/20supporting [1] 24/9sure [33] 6/17 9/4 9/17 10/18 11/1 11/12 11/17 14/6 20/1 20/5 20/8 23/10 23/13 33/23 40/7 40/24 44/21 45/10 45/23 46/15 46/23 47/9 53/24 54/15 55/16 59/24 60/8 62/1 64/6 64/14 64/17 66/22 69/18sure I [1] 45/10SWANSON [1] 2/10swear [1] 4/3swore [1] 4/5sworn [2] 4/9 74/22
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WWake [4] 8/20 8/21 9/19 31/4want [11] 13/23 19/24 23/16 26/1 28/3 40/7 45/10 51/22 60/8 66/22 67/8wanted [4] 20/7 20/18 39/25 40/24was [117] Washington [2] 2/6 2/15
wasn't [1] 56/17way [8] 26/13 33/10 35/1 39/11 39/19 40/12 40/13 73/12WAYNE [1] 2/9we [24] 11/19 17/1 17/7 18/8 23/7 23/19 24/5 26/13 26/23 27/2 33/14 33/17 38/7 41/22 41/24 54/24 57/25 58/2 58/2 60/5 61/15 63/6 63/6 71/1we'll [2] 5/5 5/22we're [4] 45/11 55/24 59/24 70/23we've [1] 53/13well [30] 5/12 6/9 7/2 10/23 11/2 13/12 13/18 13/24 18/2 21/11 25/19 26/9 27/16 27/18 29/23 30/2 31/23 33/9 34/11 39/7 40/7 40/9 41/2 41/12 50/24 53/11 67/10 68/4 70/6 70/9went [6] 10/7 10/13 10/22 64/15 64/19 64/19were [37] 6/2 6/13 7/10 9/8 19/7 21/7 21/17 21/18 22/11 23/7 23/19 24/13 28/4 28/5 30/3 32/4 33/2 33/17 35/4 35/5 35/24 36/1 36/2 36/12 40/10 47/11 47/18 48/2 53/2 53/12 56/1 57/1 61/4 61/6 62/5 70/10 73/6weren't [1] 21/6what [90] what's [2] 7/13 37/16when [33] 5/14 11/25 12/6 13/14 13/18 16/2 17/7 17/21 20/21 30/13 30/21 33/19 33/24 34/20 34/21 35/4 38/1 38/20 41/22 41/24 47/20 54/4 55/24 57/25 58/4 61/15 62/4 62/10 62/18 63/1 65/9 66/14 68/2whenever [2] 34/14 56/21where [20] 6/20 15/6 28/16 31/25 33/14 33/16 41/3 44/3 45/24 45/25 48/7 51/22 52/2 52/9 53/15 53/25 58/19 58/21 59/22 59/25whether [25] 10/7 11/10 11/12 17/25 26/23 26/24 28/20 35/16 39/10 41/12 41/13 41/13 43/16 43/20 43/21 46/22 48/13 50/16 50/18 50/22 51/20 52/19 53/9 63/19 64/15
which [15] 5/17 8/3 12/1 20/24 24/5 32/22 33/2 35/8 38/5 42/9 48/4 65/6 65/9 66/25 67/6while [1] 5/6White [16] 22/12 24/13 25/2 25/5 25/9 29/18 32/4 50/16 50/18 50/23 52/11 52/17 53/10 54/1 54/19 66/20White-Black [1] 66/20Whites [3] 23/5 32/24 33/3who [13] 15/25 18/13 18/16 21/2 26/5 26/7 26/12 26/15 26/18 40/5 59/22 66/19 67/10whole [2] 29/21 58/8why [16] 23/23 46/11 46/14 46/19 46/22 47/4 47/6 55/13 55/14 55/15 55/16 55/20 56/9 57/19 59/7 61/19will [8] 5/1 6/1 55/19 62/7 62/19 65/5 68/15 72/14win [1] 67/3winner [2] 57/25 58/4withdraw [1] 67/12withdrawn [1] 73/14within [26] 18/22 19/13 21/2 29/5 29/5 32/16 32/17 35/20 39/15 39/15 39/21 40/2 40/11 40/14 40/17 40/19 40/21 45/12 45/17 46/12 46/15 46/20 47/4 47/12 57/12 62/8without [3] 46/12 46/15 53/9witness [7] 4/4 4/6 31/17 31/19 31/22 72/4 74/2Women [6] 8/17 9/10 9/11 9/21 10/24 31/1word [6] 12/5 25/15 25/18 29/24 44/5 54/18words [4] 41/17 42/10 62/21 65/13work [9] 4/22 8/8 8/25 11/25 31/13 31/19 35/4 35/8 35/13worked [4] 8/12 10/3 11/5 31/14works [1] 63/10world [3] 64/25 66/24 67/6would [41] 4/3 4/13 4/25 12/9 12/16 12/17 13/19 13/22 14/21 17/16 23/12 24/18 24/22 26/9 30/20 30/20 33/18 34/2 38/7 39/13 41/10 42/17
42/19 42/21 44/13 46/19 48/17 48/21 49/7 49/17 49/21 50/11 51/16 54/3 58/11 60/19 64/21 69/9 70/3 70/24 71/1would've [3] 33/15 33/18 49/16wouldn't [2] 17/6 50/3Wright [9] 6/5 11/24 16/6 16/7 41/20 42/22 50/12 60/3 60/14Wright's [11] 6/25 12/5 16/7 16/10 16/12 39/1 39/2 39/18 40/9 49/6 57/10write [1] 11/2written [1] 5/13wrote [5] 9/13 9/23 10/5 10/19 16/2WSD [1] 1/5
YYeah [1] 70/15years [1] 33/20yes [83] yesterday [2] 5/11 5/11York [1] 2/5you [241] you'd [4] 41/9 42/16 42/23 65/21you'll [9] 6/19 19/25 23/14 25/19 28/24 43/9 43/11 43/25 64/4you're [70] 4/18 11/17 12/3 12/11 13/3 13/21 15/7 15/11 15/13 16/3 16/3 17/11 17/18 17/22 21/8 22/17 23/6 24/20 25/4 25/12 25/22 25/23 26/17 28/17 28/18 28/20 30/15 31/14 32/2 32/7 35/13 36/4 36/9 36/10 37/2 37/22 38/25 40/23 44/14 44/16 44/21 45/14 45/19 45/23 46/5 46/24 47/3 47/24 47/25 48/20 49/4 49/4 49/22 50/5 52/13 52/18 53/20 58/19 58/19 58/21 60/18 61/14 61/19 62/1 62/11 63/15 66/24 67/4 67/5 67/5you've [2] 12/7 49/3your [76]
Zzero [3] 62/22 63/5 63/7zero percent [1] 63/5
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EXPERT REPORT OF JOWEI CHEN. Ph.D.
I am an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor. I am also a Faculty Associate at the Center for Political Studies of the
Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan as well as a Research Associate at the
Spatial Social Science Laboratory at Stanford University. In 2007,1 received a M.S. in Statistics
from Stanford University, and in 2009,1 received a Ph.D. in political science from Stanford
University. I have published academic papers on political geography and districting in top
political science journals, including The American Journal ofPolitical Science and The
American Political Science Review, and Election Law Journal. My academic areas of expertise
include spatial statistics, redistricting, racial politics, legislatures, elections, and political
geography. I have unique expertise in the use of geographic information systems (GIS) data to
study questions related to political geography and redistricting.
1 have provided expert reports in the following redistricting court cases: Missouri
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People v. Ferguson-Florissant School
District and St. Louis County Board of Election Commissioners (E.D. Mo. 2014); Rene Romo et
al. V. Ken Detzner et al. (Fla. 2d Judicial Cir. Leon Cnty. 2013); The League of Women Voters
of Florida et al. v. Ken Detzner et al. (Fla. 2d Judicial Cir. Leon Cnty. 2012); Raleigh Wake
Citizens Association et al. v. Wake County Board ofElections (E.D.N.C. 2015); Corrine Brown
et al. V. Ken Detzner et al. (N.D. Fla. 2015); City of Greensboro et al. v. Guilford County Board
ofElections, (M.D.N.C. 2015); Common Cause et al. v. Robert A. Rucho et al. (M.D.N.C.
2016); League ofWomen Voters of Pennsylvania et al. v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania et al.
(No. 261 M.D. 2017). I have testified at trial in the following cases: Raleigh Wake Citizens
Association et al. v. Wake County Board ofElections (E.D.N.C. 2015); City of Greensboro et al.
V. Guilford County Board ofElections (M.D.N.C. 2015); Common Cause et al. v. Robert A.
Rucho et al. (M.D.N.C. 2016); League of Women Voters ofPennsylvania et al. v.
Commonwealth ofPennsylvania et al. (No. 261 M.D. 2017). 1 am being compensated $250 per
hour for my work in this case.
Research Questions and Summary of Findings:
The attorneys for the plaintiffs in this case have asked me to analyze House Districts 105
and 111 in the 2012 Georgia House districting plan, as created by Act No. 277 (S.B. 513) of
DEFENDANT'SEXi^lBIT
/
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2012, and in the 2015 Georgia House districting plans, as created by Act No. 251 (2015 Ga. L.
1413) (H.B. 566) of2015. Specifically, I was asked to analyze:
1) Whether there is racially polarized voting within HD 105 and HD 111 under the two plans;
2) What the partisan results of the House races in HD 105 and HD 111 would have been in
November 2016 if these two House races had been held using the boundaries of the 2012 House
districting plan (Act No. 277); and
3) Whether race predominated in the drawing of HD 105 and HD 111 under the 2015 plan.
I answered these questions by analyzing individual-level voter registration files,
individual-level voter turnout history files, and precinct-level election results for Georgia's state
house elections held in November 2012, 2014, and 2016.1 also analyzed 2010 Census data
describing the racial and ethnic breakdowns of Georgia's precincts and Census blocks, as well as
shapefiles depicting the district boundaries within the 2012 and 2016 Plans.
In Georgia, residents are asked to select their racial identification when they register to
vote. However, voters are not given the opportunity to select a partisan affiliation. Therefore, the
publicly available voter registration list in Georgia contains information on the racial
identification of each individual voter, along with the precinct and the House district in which
each voter resides. I therefore analyzed this data in order to identify the number of voters of each
racial identity residing within each precinct and within HD 105 and HD 111, as drawn by both
the 2012 Plan and the 2015 Plans. Because Georgia voters are not asked to identify their partisan
affiliation, it is not possible to obtain or analyze data regarding voter partisanship or election
results at the sub-precinct level. In Georgia, election results are available only at the precinct
level.
By analyzing these precinct-level data, I concluded that voters in both HD 105 and HD
111 exhibit significant racially polarized voting. In both districts, virtually all Black voters
supported Democratic House candidates in the 2012, 2014, and 2016 House elections, while 75-
85% of non-Black voters supported Republican candidates. Thus, race is an extremely strong
proxy for partisanship in both districts.
Next, I estimated the hypothetical outcomes of the November 2016 House elections,
assuming they had been held under the old 2012 Plan boundaries for HD 105 and HD 111.1
found that, under the 2012 Plan boundaries, a Black Democratic candidate would have defeated a
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White Republican candidate in November 2016, winning approximately 50.3%-54.4% of the
vote in the two districts.
Finally, I analyzed the motivations for the redrawing of HD 105 and HD 111 in the 2015
plan. First, I found that the 2015 plan decreased the African-American share of the turnout
electorate by 4.0 percentage points in HD 105 and by 2.9 percentage points in HD 111. Overall,
in HD 105 and HD 111, the 2015 Plan generally decreased compliance with traditional
districting principles and with the principles set forth in the "2011-2012 Guidelines for the House
Legislative and Congressional Reapportionment Committee" (Hereinafter: "Redistricting
Guidelines"). Given that race and partisanship are highly correlated within these two districts, I
also sought to analyze whether partisan considerations, rather than racial considerations, could
account for the drawing of the new district boundaries in the 2015 plan. I found that the
Legislature's primary map-drawer for the 2015 Plan had access only to racial data, but not
partisan data, at the sub-precinct level. Yet strikingly, I also found that the 2015 Plan splits three
precincts in HD 105 and five precincts in HD 111 in ways that consistently decreased the
African-American share of the population in both districts. These two findings demonstrate that
racial considerations, not partisanship, predominated in the drawing of the 2015 Plan boundaries
within these eight split precincts.
This report proceeds as follows. First, I describe my analysis of racially polarized voting
in HD 105 and HD 111. Second, I illustrate how increasing racial minority proportions caused a
pro-Democratic shift during 2012 to 2016 within the 2012 Plan's boundaries for HD 105 and
111. Third, I produce vote estimates of hypothetical November 2016 House elections held using
the previous 2012 Plan boundaries. Fourth, I describe how the 2015 Plan made a series of
changes to the boundaries of HD 105 and HD 111 that altered the racial composition of these
districts by subordinating traditional districting principles, including principles set forth in the
Redistricting Guidelines. Finally, I describe how the 2015 Plan's boundaries for HD 105 and HD
111 within split precincts appears to have been driven by racial considerations.
Racially Polarized Voting Analysis
To analyze whether there was racially polarized voting within HD 105 and HD 111 under
the 2012 and 2015 Plans, I first calculated precinct-level racial breakdowns of the turnout
electorate - the set of registered voters who cast ballots - within the boundaries of HD 105 and
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HD 111 during the November 2012, 2014, and 2016 general elections. I then compared these
precinct-level racial breakdowns to the precinct-level House election results for HD 105 and 111
during these tliree elections.
To estimate the partisan voting patterns of each racial group within each district, I use
ecological inference (El), a commonly-used and widely-accepted statistical technique for
estimating different racial groups' political behavior when racial breakdowns of such behavior is
not directly reported in publicly-available data. El uses a procedure known as maximum
likelihood estimation, combined with Duncan and Davis' (1953) method of bounds, to estimate
the level support for a particular party's candidate among members of different racial groups
across the different precincts contained within a district. The key advantage of El is that it uses
observed election results and racial data jBrom all precincts within the district and estimates any
differences across precincts in a particular racial group's voting behavior.
Table 1 reports the El estimates of each racial group's tendency to support Democratic
candidates during the November 2012, 2014, and 2016 House elections in HD 105, while Table
2 reports the El estimates for HD 111. It is clear that both HD 105 and HD 111 exhibited
significantly racially polarized voting during each of these three elections. In HD 105,
approximately 98-99% of Black voters supported the Democratic candidate during the three
elections, whereas only 19-25% of non-Black voters supported the Democratic candidate.
HD 111 exhibited a similar pattern of racially polarized voting during each of the three
elections. Approximately 98-99% of Black voters supported the Democratic candidate during the
2012, 2014, and 2016 elections, whereas only 16-18% of non-Black voters supported the
Democratic candidate.
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Table 1:
Ecological Inf
eren
ce and Ecological Re
gres
sion
Estimates of De
mocr
atic
Candidates' Share of Tw
o-Pa
rty Vote Among Among
Blacks and Non-Blacks in House District 105
Ecol
ogic
al Inference Estimates
Ecological Regression Estimates:
Black
Non-Black
Black
Non-Black
2012 House Election
99.0%
[98.0%, 99.7%]
21.4%
[21.0%, 22.0%]
100%
[100%, 100%]
7.4%
[0.4%, 10.3%]
2014 House Election
97.9%
[93.3%, 99.6%]
19.2%
[18.2%, 21.7%]
100%
[100%, 100%]
6.6%
[4.0%, 9.0%]
2016 House Election
99.3%
[98.8%, 99.7%]
25.2%
[25.0%, 25.4%]
100%
[100%, 100%]
10.2%
[7.8%, 12.6%]
[95% Confidence Intervals listed in br
acke
ts]
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Page 6 of 44
Table 2:
Ecological Inf
eren
ce and Ecological Regression Estimates of Democratic Can
dida
tes'
Share of Two-Party Vote Among Among
Blacks and Non-Blacks in House District 111:
Ecol
ogic
al Inference Estimates
Ecological Regression Estimates:
Black
Non-Black
Black
Non-Black
2012 House Election
98.2%
[90,1%, 99.8%]
18.1%
[17.2%, 20.4%]
100%
[100%, 100%]
8.0%
[6.0%, 10.0%]
2014 House Election
98.6 %
[94.9%, 99.8%]
15.7%
[14.9%, 17.9%]
100%
[100%, 100%]
7.4%
[5.4%, 9.5%]
2016 House Election
99.3%
[98.6%, 99.8%]
17.8%
[17.5%, 18.1%]
100%
[100%, 100%]
7.6%
[5.3%, 10.0%]
[95% Con
fide
nce Intervals listed in br
acke
ts]
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Demographic and Partisan Changes in HD 105 and 111 under the 2012 Plan
Having found that HD 105 and HD 111 both exhibited racially polarized voting in the
2012, 2014, and 2016 House elections, I next analyzed the racial composition and partisan
performance of the two districts, as drawn by the 2012 Plan. Overall, my analysis revealed three
findings:
1) The African-American share of the turnout electorate increased noticeably from
November 2012 to November 2016 in both HD 105 and HD 111 under the 2012 Plan.
2) Non-African-American voters within HD 105, as drawn under the 2012 Plan, became
somewhat more likely to favor a Black Democratic House candidate in November 2016,
compared to previous elections.
3) As a result of these racial and partisan shifts. Democratic House candidates' vote share
significantly increased among voters residing within the 2012 Plan boundaries for HD 105 and
HD 111 from November 2012 to November 2016.
Below, I describe and illustrate these three findings in greater detail:
First, both HD 105 and HD 111, as drawn under the 2012 Plan, became more heavily
African-American from 2014 to 2016. This increasing African-American share of the electorate
within the 2012 Plan's HD 105 boundaries is illustrated in Table 3, which shows that African-
Americans comprised 35.2% of the Election Day turnout in November 2012, 35.7% in
November 2014, and 37,0% by November 2016 (counting only voters who reside within the
2012 Plan's HD 105 boundaries). Table 4 illustrates an even more significant increase in
African-American share of the electorate within the 2012 Plan's HD 111 boundaries: African-
Americans comprised 36.1% of the Election Day turnout in November 2012, 37.6% in
November 2014, and 40.3% by November 2016 (counting only voters who reside within the
2012 Plan's HD 111 boundaries). During all three elections, voters in both districts exhibited
significant racially polarized voting patterns, with African-Americans favoring Democratic
House candidates at a rate of around 98-99%. Thus, it is clear that this demographic pattern of
increasing African-American population within the 2012 Plan's HD 105 and HD 111 boundaries
would have caused a substantial increase in Democratic vote share by the November 2016 House
elections in both districts.
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Table 3:
HD 105 Precinct-Level Voter Turnout by Race under the 2012 and 2015 Pla
ns
2012 Election Turnout
2014 Election Turnout
2016 Election Turnout
2016 Election Turnout
Within HD 105
Within HD 105
Within HD 105
Within HD 105
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
Boundaries (2015 Plan)
Pet:
Precinct Name:
Black
Non-Black
Black
Non-Black
Black
Non-Black
Black
Non-Black
001
Harbins A
329'
1651'
060
Lawrenceville D
897'
705'
474'
379'
938'
893'
1088'
933'
071
Lawrenceville F
1083
1067
734
706
1143
1203
1143
1203
078
Baycreek K
488
1520
387
1009
681
1677
681
1677
080
Baycreek C
1149
2169
794
1492
1463
2394
1463
2394
091
Baycreek D
585
2130
433
1470
744
2204
744
2204
134
Baycreek F
845
1366
587
956
1105
1563
1105
1563
144
Lawrenceville M
1233'
1152'
865'
681'
1490'
1525'
146
Baycreek H
333'
1997'
246'
1396'
468'
2096'
468'
2096'
147
Baycreek I
973
1869
660
1246
1173
2110
1173
2110
151
Harbins C
249
1367
Tota
ls by Race:
7,586
13,9
755,180
9,335
9,199
15,6
608,
443
17,1
98(35.2%)
(64.8%)
(35.7%)
(64.3%)
(37.0%)
(63.0%)
(32.9%)
(67.1%)
Totals:
21,5
6114,515
24,945
25,6
41
* Indicates tha
t th
e pr
ecin
ct was spl
it int
o multiple districts, in
clud
ing House District 10
5. Only those vot
ers re
sidi
ng within
HD 105 are included in thi
s table's tu
rnou
t nu
mber
s. In particular, no
te that the HD 105
por
tion
of La
wrenceville D was different
unde
r the 2012 plan than under the 2015 pla
n. The
refo
re, the November 2016 tur
nout
numbers for
Lawrenceville D wit
hin HD 105 are
different under th
e 2012 plan and un
der th
e 2015 plan
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Table 4:
HD 111 Pre
cinc
t-Le
ve! Vo
ter Turnout by Race under the
2012 and 2015 Plans
2012 Election Turnout
2014 Election Turnout
2016 Election Turnout
2016 Election Turnout
Within HD 111
Within HD 111
Within HD 111
Within HD 111
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
Boundaries (2015 Plan)
Precinct Name:
Black
Non-Black
Black
Non-Black
Black
Non-Black
Black
Non-Black
26 - Tussahaw
25'
498'
29 - Lowes
1539
2516
1148
1669
2146
2823
2146
2823
31 - North Hampton
505'
1208'
395'
823'
659'
1240'
32 - Mount Carmel
949
1004
831
725
1517
1196
1023'
803'
34 - Wesley Lakes
1505
1436
993
947
1653
1463
1653
1463
35 - McDonough
534
611
38 - Hic
kory
Flat
795'
583'
40 - Stockbridge West
1570
777
1093
429
1690
750
41 - Sta
geco
ach
703
1298
505
849
735
1253
48 - Uni
ty Grove
328
2203
228
1596
386
2567
386
2567
50 - Pates Creek
991
2186
738
1515
1265
2096
1265
2096
51 - Oakland
591
1786
509
1355
911
1850
911
1850
53 - Fli
ppen
»
oooo
1106'
57 - Dutchtown
351
1372
273
973
425
1339
425
1339
59 - Grove Park
445
1559
61 - McDonough Cen
tral
288'
731'
185'
562'
348'
775'
302
759'
Totals by Race:
9,320
16,5
176,898
11,443
11,735
17,352
10,7
9418,057
(36.1%)
(63.9%)
(37.6%)
(62.4%)
(40.3%]
(59.7%)
(37.4%)
(62.6%)
Totals:
25,837
18,3
4129,087
28,851
* Ind
icat
es that the pr
ecin
ct was split into mu
ltip
le districts, i
ncluding House Dis
tric
t 111. Onl
y th
ose voters residing within HD 111
are included in this tab
le's
turnout numbers
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Second, the non-African-American portion of the electorate in HD 105 exhibited a
noticeable increase in its support for a Black Democratic candidate in November 2016, compared
to earlier elections. This increase in Democratic support is illustrated by the Ecological Inference
estimates in Table 1, which predict that non-Blacks support for a Black Democratic candidate
increased from 21.4% in November 2012 to 25.2% in November 2016. This increase is partially
attributable to an increase in the Hispanic and Asian shares of the non-Black portion of the
electorate in HD 105, illustrated in Table 7, as Hispanic and Asian voters were more likely than
non-Hispanic white voters to support Black Democratic candidates.
As a result of these two demographic shifts within the 2012 Plan's HD 105 and HD 111-
the increase in African-Americans and other Democratic-supporting minority populations — both
districts would have exhibited a substantial increase in Democratic vote share in the November
2016 House elections, if not for the 2015 Plan's redrawing of the two districts' boundaries.
This pro-Democratic shift within the 2012 Plan's HD 105 and HD 111 boundaries is
clearly seen in Tables 5 and 6. These Tables show the actual precinct-level House election vote
counts for only those precincts that were assigned to HD 105 or HD 111 and whose district
boundaries were identical under both the 2012 and the 2015 Plans. In other words, these
precincts are the ones whose House district assignments were unaffected by the 2015 Plan
redistricting. There were seven such precincts in HD 105 (Table 5) and six such precincts in HD
111 (Table 6).
Table 5 illustrates that all seven precincts in HD 105 that were unaffected by the 2015
Plan substantially increased their Democratic vote shares in House elections from November
2012 to 2016; in fact, all seven precincts increased their Democratic vote share from November
2014 to 2016. For example, voters in Precinct 71 (Lawrenceville F) supported Democrat Renita
Hamilton at a 66.7% rate in November 2012 and 2014, but by November 2016, the precinct's
support for the Democratic candidate (Donna McLeod) increased to 70.2%. Overall, all seven
precincts increased their respective Democratic vote shares by a margin of 3.5 to 9.6 percentage
points between November 2012 and 2016.
10
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Table 5:
House Ele
ctio
n Results in
Pre
cinc
ts in which HD 105 Boundaries Remained Unchanged from the 20
12 Pla
n to
the 2015 Pl
an
2012 Ele
ctio
n Results (HD 105)
2014 Election Results (HD 105)
2016 Ele
ctio
n Results (HD 105)
Precinct Name:
Renita Hamilton
Joyc
e Ch
andl
erRenita Hamilton
Joyce Ch
andl
erDonna McLeod
Joyc
e Ch
andl
er(Black
(White
(Black
(White
(Bla
ck(White
Democrat)
Repu
blic
an)
Democrat)
Republican)
Democrat)
Repu
blic
an)
71-Lawrenceville F
1369
682
937
467
1571
667
78-B
aycr
eek K
683
1224
519
851
1018
1236
80-Baycreek C
1496
1662
1017
1229
1999
1701
91-B
aycr
eek D
898
1712
604
1262
1137
1702
134-Baycreek F
1039
1086
727
788
1495
1060
146-Baycreek H
542
1703
398
1215
817
1665
147-Baycreek I
1299
1407
878
988
1712
1449
2012 Ele
ctio
n Re
sult
s (HD 105)
2014 Ele
ctio
n Results (ED) 105)
2016 Election Results (ED) 105)
Precinct Name:
Democratic Candidate Vote Share
Democratic Candidate Vote Share
Democratic Candidate Vote Share
71-Lawrenceville F
66.7%
66.7%
70.2%
78-B
aycr
eek K
35.8%
37.9%
45.2%
80-Baycreek C
47.4%
45.3%
54.0%
91-Baycreek D
34.4%
32.4%
40.0%
134-Baycreek F
48.9%
48.0%
58.5%
146-Baycreek H
24.1%
24.7%
32.9%
147-Baycreek I
48.0%
47.1%
54.2%
Only
includes pr
ecin
cts in whi
ch the
boundaries of HD 105
did not cha
nge from the
2012 to th
e 2015 Plan.
11
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Table 6:
House Election Results in
Pre
cinc
ts in wh
ich HD 111 Bou
ndar
ies Remained Unchanged from the
2012 Plan to
the
2015 Pla
n
2012 Ele
ctio
n Vote Counts (HD 111)
2014 Ele
ctio
n Vote Counts (HD 111)
2016 Ele
ctio
n Vote Counts (HD 111)
Precinct Name:
Brian Strickland
Brian Strickland
Brian Strickland
Bill Blackmon
(White
Jim Nichols
(White
Darryl Payton
(White
(Black Democrat)
Republican)
(White Democrat)
Repu
blic
an)
(Black Democrat)
Republican)
29 - Lowes
1934
2083
1356
1439
2602
2283
34 - Wesley Lakes
1798
1029
1176
718
1991
1054
48 - Uni
ty Grove
513
1911
361
1428
621
2264
50 - Pates Creek
1307
1739
954
1238
1613
1628
51 - Oakland
780
1445
644
1165
1124
1532
57 - Dutchtown
520
1128
373
842
614
1095
2012 Ele
ctio
n Results (HD 111)
2014 Ele
ctio
n Results (HD 111)
2016 Ele
ctio
n Results (HD 111)
Precinct Name:
Democratic Candidate Vote Share
Democratic Candidate Vote Share
Democratic Candidate Vote Share
29 - Lowes
48.1%
48.5%
53.3%
34 - Wesley Lakes
63.6%
62.1%
65.4%
48 - Uni
ty Grove
21.2%
20.2%
21.5%
50 - Pates Creek
42.9%
43.5%
49.8%
51 - Oakland
35.1%
35.6%
42.3%
57 - Dutchtown
31.6%
30.7%
35.9%
Only includes precincts in which the
bou
ndar
ies of HD 105 did
not
cha
nge from the 2012 to the 2015 Plan.
12
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Table 6 illustrates a similar pro-Democratic pattern for the six precincts in HD 111 that
were unaffected by the 2015 Plan: All six precincts substantially increased their Democratic vote
shares in House elections from November 2012 to 2016; all six precincts also increased their
Democratic vote share from November 2014 to 2016. For example, voters in Precinct 29
(Lowes) supported the Democratic House candidate at a 48.1% rate in November 2012 and a
48.5% rate in 2014, but by November 2016, the precinct's support for the Democratic candidate
(Darryl Payton) increased to 53.3%. Overall, all six precincts increased their respective
Democratic vote shares by a margin of 0.3 to 6.9 percentage points between November 2012 and
2016.
Overall, these two Tables illustrate that HD 105 and 111, as drawn by the 2012 Plan,
would have exhibited a substantial increase in Democratic vote share in the November 2016
House elections, if not for the 2015 Plan's redrawing of the two districts' boundaries. Among the
seven unaffected precincts in HD 105, the Black Democratic candidate's vote share increased by
7.1 percentage points from November 2012 to November 2016. Among the six unaffected
precincts in HD 111, the Black Democratic candidate's vote share increased by 4.2 percentage
points from November 2012 to November 2016. These changes in the unaffected portions ofHD
105 and 111 are attributable primarily to the increasing minority proportions of the electorate
within the two districts' boundaries under the 2012 Plan.
Given that voting patterns in these two districts are highly racially polarized, it is not
surprising that these partisan shifts coincided with racial shifts in the composition of the
electorate. Tables 7 and 8 show how the partisan shifts within the 2012 Plan's boundaries for HD
105 and 111 are clearly attributable to the increasing African-American, Hispanic, and Asian
proportions of the electorate within the two districts' boundaries under the 2012 Plan. For HD
105, Table 7 lists the racial breakdown of voters residing in the 2012 Plan's HD 105 boundaries
who turned out to vote in November 2012, 2014, and 2016. The final column then lists the racial
breakdown of November 2016 voters who turned out and who resided within the new HD 105
boundaries, as drawn by the 2015 Plan. Table 8 shows the analogous calculations for HD 111, as
drawn by the 2012 and the 2015 Plans.
13
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Table 7:
HD 105 District-Wide Turnout by Race under the
2012 and 2015 Pla
ns
Raci
al Group:
2012 Election Turnout
Within HD 105
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
2014 Election Turnout
Within HD 105
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
2016 Election Turnout
Within HD 105
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
2016 Election Turnout
Within HD 105
Boundaries (2015 Plan)
White
10,8
85
(50.5%)
7,468
(51.5%)
10,8
00(43.4%)
12,5
54(49%)
Blac
k (n
on-H
ispa
nic)
7,586
(35.2%)
5,180
(35.7%)
9,199
(37%)
8443
(32.9%)
Hisp
anic
747
(3.5%)
372
(2.6%)
1397
(5.6%)
1178
(4.6%)
Asian or Pacific Islander
348
(1.6%)
175
(1.2%)
603
(2.4%)
552
(2.2%)
American Indian or
Alaskan Native
10
(0%)
7
(0%)
17
(0.1%)
22
(0.1%)
Other or Unknown
1,985
(9.2%)
1,313
(9.0%)
2,843
(11.4%)
2,892
(11.3%)
Total Turnout:
21,5
6114,515
24,859
25,641
* Indicates that th
e precinct was spl
it int
o mu
ltip
le districts, i
ncluding House District 105. Onl
y those vo
ters
res
idin
g within HD 105
are included in th
is tab
le's
tur
nout
numbers. In particular, not
e th
at the HD 105
por
tion
of La
wren
cevi
lle D was different und
er the
2012 pla
n than under the 201
5 pl
an. Therefore, th
e November 2016 tur
nout
numbers for
Law
renc
evil
le D wit
hin HD 105 are dif
fere
ntunder the 2012 plan an
d under th
e 2015 pla
n.
14
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Table 8:
HD 111 District-Wide Turnout by Race under the 2012 and 2015 Pla
ns
Raci
al Group:
2012 Election Turnout
Within HD 111
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
2014 Election Turnout
Within HD 111
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
2016 Election Turnout
Within HD 111
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
2016 Election Turnout
Within HD 111
Boundaries (2015 Plan)
White
13,3
49(51.7%)
9,422
(51.4%)
13,2
51(45.6%)
13,8
36(48.0%)
Black (non-Hispanic)
9,320
(36.1%)
6,898
(37.6%)
11,735
(40.3%)
10,794
(37.4%)
Hisp
anic
463
(1.8%)
259
(1.4%)
692
(2.4%)
679
(2.4%)
Asian or Pacific Islander
235
(0.9%)
113
(0.6%)
379
(1.3%)
436
(1.5%)
American Indian or
Alaskan Native
1
(0%)
0
(0%)
10
(0%)
8
(0%)
Other or Unknown
2,469
(9.6%)
1,649
(9.0%)
3,020
(10.4%)
3,098
(10.7%)
Total Turnout:
25,837
18,3
4129,087
28,8
51
* Indicates tha
t th
e precinct was sp
lit into mul
tipl
e di
stri
cts,
including House Dis
tric
t 11
1. Onl
y those voters res
idin
g wi
thin
HD 111
are included in this table's turnout numbers.
15
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Together, these Tables illustrate a similar pattern in both districts. From November 2012
to 2016, each racial group's share of the total election-day turnout increased significantly within
the 2012 Plan's HD 105 boundaries: African-Americans increased from 35.2% to 37%,
Hispanics increased from 3.5% to 5.6%, and Asians increased from 1.6% to 2.4%. Similarly,
within the 2012 Plan's HD 111 boundaries, each racial group's share of the total election-day
turnout also increased significantly from November 2012 to 2016: African-Americans increased
from 36.1% to 40.3%, Hispanics increased from 1.8% to 2.4%, and Asians increased from 0.9%
to 1.3%. These increases in racial minority population explain why every single precinct that
remained within HD 105 and 111 in both the 2012 Plan and the 2015 Plan exhibited a noticeable
increase in Democratic candidate vote share in the 2016 House elections, as compared to the
2012 House elections.
Moreover, Tables 7 and 8 also illustrate how this trend of increasing racial minority
populations in HD 105 and 111 was successfully reversed by the 2015 Plan's redrawing of the
two districts. Within the 2012 Plan's boundaries for HD 105, the November 2016 turnout
electorate consisted of 37% African-American voters and 5.6% Hispanic voters. But within the
2015 Plan's new boundaries for HD 105, the November 2016 turnout electorate consisted of only
32.9% African-Americans and 4.6% Hispanics. A similar reversal occurred in HD 111: Within
the 2012 Plan's boundaries for HD 111, the November 2016 turnout electorate consisted of
40.3% African-American voters. But within the 2015 Plan's new boundaries for HD 111, the
November 2016 turnout electorate consisted of only 37.4% African-Americans. By redrawing
the boundaries of HD 105 and 111, the 2015 Plan decreased the racial minority proportions of
the electorate, thus reversing the demographic changes that had occurred within the 2012 Plan's
boundaries for HD 105 and 111 in recent years.
Estimate of November 2016 Election Results Under 2012 Plan Boundaries
Next, I estimated what the partisan results of the House races in HD 105 and HD 111
would have been in November 2016 if these two House races had been held using the boundaries
of the 2012 House districting plan (Act No. 277). Specifically, I assumed that the set of election-
day voters would have been exactly the same as the voters who actually turned out in November
2016. In total, I identified a total of 23,696 voters in HD 105 and 29,087 who satisfy the
following two criteria:
16
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1. The voter cast a ballot in the November 2016 General Election.
2. As of November 2016, the voter resided within the 2012 Plan boundaries of HD 105 or
HD 111.
I then used this set of voters, along with their respective racial identifications on their
voter registrations, to construct estimates of hypothetical November 2016 House election
outcomes within the borders of HD 105 and HD 111 of the 2012 Plan. Specifically, I use
Ecological Inference (El) to derive predicted voting patterns by race and to estimate the rate at
which voters cast ballots in House elections. Because the November 2016 elections included a
US presidential race, and because turnout levels differ significantly between presidential and
non-presidential elections, 1 use the November 2012 House election results and precinct-level
turnout counts by race in order to derive precinct-level El estimates about racial voting patterns. I
then apply these racial voting estimates to precinct-level turnout counts by racial group in
November 2016 in order to estimate how many votes would have been cast for each party's
candidate in each precinct.
The November 2012 House elections featured a Black Democratic candidate and a White
Republican candidate in both the HD 105 (Renita Hamilton and Joyce Chandler) and HD 111
(Brian Strickland and Bill Blackmon) races, which were held using the boundaries of the 2012
Plan. Thus the El estimates derived using the results of this election give us reliable predictions
regarding the racial voting patterns within each precinct in a House election featuring a Black
Democratic and White Republican candidate during a presidential election year.
Table 9 reports the El estimates for HD 105, while Table 10 reports the El estimates for
HD 111. The first row of Table 9 reports, for example, that African-American voters in Gwinnett
County's Precinct 60 ("Lawrenceville D") who turn out to vote exhibit a roll-off rate of 8.3%,
meaning that 91.7% of those who turn out are expected to cast a vote in their House race; Among
those who cast a vote, 98.2% are expected to vote for a Black Democratic candidate. Meanwhile,
only 44.7% of non-Black voters in Precinct 60 would have supported a Black Democratic
candidate.
17
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Table 9:
El-B
ased
Est
imat
es of Hy
poth
etic
al 2016 Ele
ctio
n Re
sult
s Within the
Boundaries of HD 105 from the
2012 House Pla
n
El Estimates of Voter
El Estimates within HD 105
El-Based Estimates of Democratic Votes in
Roll-Off within HD 105
Boundaries from the 2012 House
November 2016 within HD 105 Boundaries from
Boundaries from the 2012
Plan
the 2012 House Plan
House Plan
Precinct Name:
El
El
El Estimates of
El Estimates of
El-based Estimate of
El-based Estimate of
Estimates of
Estimates of
Black Voter
Non-Black
Nov. 2016 Votes for a
Nov. 2016 Votes for a
Black Voter
Non-Black
Support for a
Voter Support
Black Democratic
White Republican
Roll-Off:
Voter Roll-
Off:
Black
Democratic
Candidate:
for a Black
Democratic
Candidate:
Candidate:
Candidate:
60-Lawrenceville D'
8.3%
3.5%
98.2%
44.7%
1230
492
71-Lawrenceville F
6.2%
3.0%
98.2%
35.9%
1472
768
78-B
aycr
eek K
8.6%
3.9%
97.4%
17.0%
880
1354
80-B
aycr
eek C
7.5%
3.4%
97.9%
21.8%
1828
1838
91 -Baycreek D
6.6%
3.1%
98.1%
17.5%
1056
1774
134-Baycreek F
5.6%
2.8%
98.8%
19.5%
1316
1245
144-Lawrenceville M'
6.9%
3.2%
98.2%
39.6%
1940
913
146-Baycreek H '
6.8%
3.1%
98.2%
12.3%
677
1789
147-Baycreek 1
7.5%
3.3%
97.9%
23.1%
1534
1590
Total Estimated Votes
Total Estimated Votes
for a Black Democratic
for a White
Candidate:
Republican Candidate:
11,9
3311,763
* Indicates that th
e precinct was spl
it into mu
ltip
le dis
tric
ts, in
clud
ing House District 105. Only those vot
ers residing within HD 105
are in
clud
ed in the El
est
imat
es and est
imat
ed vote to
tals
reported in
this Ta
ble.
Note that an extremely sm
all po
rtio
n of pr
ecin
ct"Baycreek G" al
so lies within HD 105
from the 2012 Plan. However, th
ere were no registered voters within th
is portion, so Baycreek
G is not lis
ted on thi
s Table.
18
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Table 10:
El-Based Est
imat
es of Hypothetical 2016 Ele
ctio
n Re
sult
s Within the Boundaries of HD 111 from the 2012 House Plan
El Estimates of Voter
Roll-Off within HD 111
Boundaries (2012 Plan)
El Estimates within HD 111
Boundaries from the 2012 House
Plan
El-Based Estimates of Democratic Votes in
November 2016 within HD 111 Boundaries from
the 2012 House Plan
Precinct Name:
El
El
Estimates of Estimates of
Black Voter
Non-Black
Roll-Off:
Voter Roll-
Off:
El Estimates of
El Estimates of
Black Voter
Non-Black
Support for
a
Vote
r Support
Black
for a Black
Democratic
Democratic
Candidate:
Candidate:
El-based Estimate of
El-based Estimate of
Nov. 2016 Votes for a
Nov. 2016 Votes for a
Black Democratic
White Rep
ubli
can
Candidate:
Candidate:
29 - Lowes
1.0%
0.9%
98.5%
17.3%
2603
2366
31 - Nor
th Ham
pton
'3.1%
3.9%
98.3%
12.3%
803
1096
32 - Mount Carmel
1.4%
1.9%
98.7%
23.2%
1776
937
34 - Wesley Lakes
3.2%
4.6%
98.8%
26.2%
2023
1093
40 - Sto
ckbr
idge
West
4.6%
5.5%
99.2%
41.2%
1988
452
41 - Sta
geco
ach
3.5%
5.3%
98.7%
20.0%
982
1006
48 - Unity Grove
3.4%
4.3%
98.8%
9.5%
628
2325
50 - Pates Creek
3.0%
4.6%
98.6%
17.2%
1617
1744
51 - Oakland
4.6%
7.0%
98.4%
13.5%
1156
1605
57 - Dutchtown
3.5%
4.6%
98.4%
14.3%
611
1153
61 - McDonough
Central*
3.6%
5.1%
98.4%
13.1%
447
676
Total Estimated Votes
Total Estimated Votes
for a Black Democratic
for a White
Candidate:
Republican Candidate:
14,6
34
14,4
53* Indicates that th
e pr
ecin
ct was spl
it int
o multip
of the 2012 Plan are included in the El estimates
e di
stri
cts,
including House District 111. Only th
ose voters res
idin
g wi
thin
HD 111
and estimated vote tot
als reported in th
is Table
.
19
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From these El estimates, I am able to predict that Precinct 60 would have produced a
total of 1,230 votes for a Black Democratic candidate and 492 votes for a White Republican
candidate. Note that Precinct 60 was split by the 2012 Plan into HD 104 and HD 105, and this El
analysis considers only voters who resided, as of November 2016, within the boundaries of HD
105 from the 2012 Plan.
Applying this methodology to all precincts within the two districts, I find that both HD
105 and HD 111 would have been won by a Black Democratic candidate in November 2016 if
these House races had been held using the boundaries of the 2012 Plan. Specifically, as Table 9
illustrates, voters in HD 105 would have favored the Democratic over the Republican candidate
by 11,933 to 11,763 votes. Meanwhile, voters in HD 111 would have favored the Democratic
over the Republican candidate by 14,634 to 14,453 votes, as illustrated in Table 10.
Yet even these El estimates likely under-estimate the number of Democratic voters
residing within both districts as of November 2016. The El estimates used in Tables 9 and 10 are
based on voting patterns observed in the November 2012 House elections. From 2014 to 2016,
these voting patterns shifted noticeably in a pro-Democratic direction, due to increases in racial
minority proportions in HD 105 and 111, as described earlier in this report. This pro-Democratic
shift in the two districts suggests that the use of El-based predictions likely under-estimates the
true Democratic vote share in a hypothetical November 2016 election held using the 2012 Plan's
boundaries.
Hence, a more realistic method of estimating hypothetical November 2016 election
outcomes involves using actual precinct-level House election outcomes from November 2016 for
those precincts that were not removed from HD 105 or 111 by the 2015 Plan; for precincts that
were removed, the same El predicted results are used.
20
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Table 11:
Combined Est
imat
es of Hypothetical 2016 Election Re
sult
sWithin the Boundaries of HD 105 from the 2012 House Plan
Estimates of November 2016 Votes for a Black
Democratic Candidate within the Boundaries of HD 105
of the 2012 House Plan
Estimates of November 2016 Votes for a White
Republican Candidate wit
hin th
e Boundaries of HD 105
of the 2012 House Plan
Precinct Name:
Actual Nov. 2016 Votes for
Dem. Donna McLeod (in
precincts where HD 105 was
not altered by the 2015 Pla
n):
Bl-based Estimate of Nov.
2016 Votes for a Black
Democratic Candidate (i
nprecincts where HD 105
was
alte
red by the 2015 Plan):
Actual Nov. 2016 Votes for
Rep. Joyce Cha
ndle
r (i
npr
ecin
cts where HD 105
was
not al
tere
d by the 2015 Pla
n):
El-based Estimate of Nov.
2016 Votes for a Black
Democratic Candidate (i
nprecincts wh
ere HD 105
was
alte
red by the 2015 Plan):
60-Lawrenceville D '
1230
492
71-Lawrenceville F
1432
484
78-B
aycr
eek K
1018
1236
80-B
aycr
eek C
1999
1701
91-Baycreek D
1137
1702
134-
Bayc
reek
F1495
1060
144-Lawrenceville M'
1940
913
146-Baycreek H'
817
1665
147-Baycreek 1
1712
1449
Combined Total Estimated Votes for a Black Democratic
Candidate:
Combined Tot
al Estimated Votes for
a White Rep
ubli
can
Candidate:
12,7
80(54.4%)
10,702
(45.6%)
* Indicat
es tha
t the pr
ecin
ct was spl
it into multiple districts, i
ncluding House District 111. Onl
y th
ose voters residing within HD 111
of the 2012 Plan are in
clud
ed in the El est
imat
es and
estimated vote to
tals
reported in thi
s Table.
21
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Table 12:
Combined Est
imat
es of Hyp
othe
tica
l 2016 Ele
ctio
n Re
sult
sWithin the Boundaries of HD 111 from the 2012 House Plan
Estimates of November 2016 Votes for a Black
Democratic Candidate within the Boundaries of HD 111
of the 2012 House Plan
Estimates of November 2016 Votes for a White
Republican Candidate wit
hin th
e Boundaries of HD 111
of the 2012 House Plan
Precinct Name:
Actual Nov. 2016 Votes for
Dem. Dar
ryl Payton (in
prec
inct
s where HD 111 was
not al
tere
d by the
2015 Pla
n):
El-based Estimate of Nov.
2016 Votes for a Black
Democratic Candidate (i
npr
ecin
cts wh
ere HD 111
was
alte
red by the 2015 Plan):
Actual Nov. 2016 Votes for
Rep. Bri
an Strickland (i
nprecincts wh
ere HD 111
was
not altered by the
2015 Pla
n):
El-based Estimate of Nov.
2016 Votes for a White
Repu
blic
an Candidate (in
prec
inct
s wh
ere HD 111
was
altered by the 2015 Pla
n):
29 - Lowes
2602
2283
31 - Nor
th Ham
pton
'803
1096
32 - Mount Carmel
1776
937
34 - Wesley Lakes
1991
1054
40 - Sto
ckbr
idge
West
1988
452
41 - Sta
geco
ach
982
1006
48 - Unity Grove
621
2264
50 - Pates Creek
1613
1628
51 - Oakland
1124
1532
57 - Dutchtown
614
1095
61 - McDonough
Cent
ral*
447
676
Combined Total Estimated Votes for a Black Democratic
Candidate:
Combined Total Estimated Votes for a White Rep
ubli
can
Candidate:
14,5
61
(50.9%)
14,023
(49.1%)
* Indicates tha
t the pr
ecin
ct was spl
it into mu
ltip
le dis
tric
ts, i
ncluding House Dis
tric
t 11
1. Only those voters residing within HD 111
of th
e 2012 Pla
n are in
clud
ed in the El est
imat
es and
est
imat
ed vot
e totals reported in thi
s Ta
ble.
22
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Table 11 illustrates this method for HD 105. Under the 2012 Plan, HD 105 contained
nine precincts, including three split precincts. Of these nine precincts, seven were unaffected by
the 2015 Plan: The same portions of these seven precincts assigned to HD 105 under the 2012
Plan were again assigned to HD 105 under the 2015 Plan. The remaining two precincts were
affected by the 2015 redistricting: Precinct 144 (Lawrenceville M) was completely removed
from HD 105, while the borders ofHD 105 were altered within Precinct 60 (Lawrenceville D).
Moreover, all of Lawrenceville M and portions of Lawrenceville D were reassigned to HD 104
in the 2015 Plan. In November 2016, HD 104 featured an uncontested House race with no
Democratic candidate; therefore, no meaningful election results from November 2016 are
available for these two reassigned precincts.
For the seven precincts in HD 105 unaffected by the 2015 Plan, Table 11 simply counts
the number of House election votes received by the Black Democratic candidate (Donna
McLeod) and the White Republican candidate (Joyce Chandler) in November 2016, with no El
estimates used. For the remaining two precincts affected by the 2015 Plan - Precincts 60 and 144
- Table 11 uses the same El-based predictions derived previously in Table 9.
Table 11 sums together these actual election results and El-based predictions for the nine
precincts within the 2012 Plan boundaries of HD 105. In total, a Black Democratic candidate is
expected to receive 12,780 votes, whereas a White Republican would receive 10,702 votes in a
November 2016 House election held using the 2012 Plan boundaries for HD 105. The Black
Democratic candidate's predicted vote share of 54.4% accounts for the increases in African-
American and other minority populations that occurred in HD 105 during 2012-2016, thus
producing an even more Democratic-leaning prediction than the Table 9 estimates, which solely
relied upon El predictions about racial voting patterns from 2012 election data.
Table 12 uses this identical methodology for HD 111, yielding a similar prediction. The
2012 Plan boundaries for HD 111 contained all or split portions of 11 different precincts. Five of
the precincts were affected by the 2015 Plan redistricting, while the House district assignments
for the remaining six precincts were unaffected by the 2015 Plan. For the six unaffected
precincts. Table 12 uses the actual election results from the November 2016 between Darryl
Payton (Democrat) and Brian Strickland (Republican). For the remaining five precincts that
affected by the 2015 Plan's redrawing of the HD 111, Table 12 uses the El-based predictions
23
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derived previously in Table 10 to estimate the number of votes that would have been cast in
favor of a Black Democrat and a White Republican candidate.
In total. Table 12 predicts a Black Democratic candidate would receive 14,561 votes,
whereas a White Republican would receive 14,023 votes in a November 2016 House election
held using the 2012 Plan boundaries for HD 111. Once again, this prediction, by using actual
November 2016 election results in precincts unaffected by the 2015 Plan redistricting, yields a
somewhat higher Democratic vote share than the purely El-based predictions in Table 10.
Changes Made to HD 105 and HD 111 by the 2015 Plan
In analyzing the sequence of changes made to HD 105 and HD 111 by the 2015 Plan, I
first reviewed the November 20, 2017 deposition testimony of Ms. Gina Wright, the
Legislature's primary map-drawer for the 2015 Plan. In this section, I describe how the 2015
Plan made a series of changes to the boundaries of HD 105 and HD 111 that altered the racial
composition of these districts by subordinating traditional districting principles, including
principles set forth in the Redistricting Guidelines. I first describe the series of changes the 2015
Plan made to HD 105 and 111 and how these changes noticeably decreased the African-
American population in both districts. I then describe how these racial changes to the district
boundaries subordinated traditional districting principles.
Changes to HD 105: As constructed by the 2012 Plan, HD 105 had a Black Voting Age
Population (BVAP) of 33.1%, based on 2010 Census data. The 2015 Plan made a series of three
changes to the boundaries of HD 105, and all three of these changes uniformly had the effect of
decreasing the African-American population of HD 105. This sequence of changes to HD 105
was described by Ms. Wright in her deposition in this case, and 1 relied upon pp. 214-219 from
the transcript of her deposition in analyzing her she redrew the HD 105 boundaries.
First, the 2015 Plan added two precincts to the eastern portion of HD 105, and both of
these added precincts are comprised of overwhelmingly White population, thus decreasing the
overall BVAP of HD 105. The two precincts added to HD 105 were Harbins C (11.2% BVAP)
and a portion of Harbins A (containing a 14.5% BVAP). Because of the overwhelmingly White
populations in Harbins A and Harbins C, these additions to HD 105 each served to decrease the
African-American and Hispanic proportions of HD 105.
24
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To offset the population gain caused by adding Harbins A and Harbins C, the 2015 Plan
then removed more heavily African-American population from the northwestern end of district
in the Lawrenceville area. Specifically, at the northwestern end of district, the 2015 Plan
removed the portion of the Lawrenceville M precinct that had previously been assigned to HD
105 under the 2012 Plan. This portion of Lawrenceville contains a BVAP of 45.6%. To partially
offset the population loss caused by the removal of Lawrenceville M, the 2015 Plan slightly
expanded the portions of the adjacent Lawrenceville D precinct assigned to HD 105. These two
alterations to HD 105 had the overall effect of decreasing the Voting Age Population by 3,713 of
which 35.1% consisted of African-Americans. Hence, these two alterations combined to decrease
the overall BVAP of HD 105. Altogether, combined with the Harbins A and Harbins C additions
to the district, these changes decreased the BVAP of HD 105 from 33.1% under the 2012 Plan to
31.0% under the 2015 Plan.
Changes to HD 111: As constructed by the 2012 Plan, HD 111 had a Black Voting Age
Population (BVAP) of 33.9%, based on 2010 Census data. The 2015 Plan made a similar series
of changes in HD 111, having the overall effect of decreasing the BVAP of the district by 2.2%.
I relied upon pp. 183 and pp. 224-230 of the transcript of Ms. Wright's deposition in analyzing
her she redrew the 111 105 boundaries.
First, the 2015 Plan removed the northernmost precincts in HD 111, which includes areas
with substantial black population. Most notably, the 2015 Plan removed the Stockbridge West
precinct from the northern portion of the district. Stockbridge West's BVAP of 59.8% is the
highest of any precinct in District 111 in the 2012 plan. Having removed Stockbridge West, the
2015 Plan was then also forced to remove the Stagecoach precinct (28.3% BVAP) because this
precinct would not have been contiguous with the rest of HD 111 if it remained in the district.
Overall, then, the removal of Stockbridge West and Stagecoach constituted the removal of a
northern portion of HD 111 consisting of 45.2% BVAP. In the northern portion of HD 111, the
population loss created by the removal of Stockbridge West and Stagecoach were partially offset
by the addition of part of the Flippen precinct. This portion of Flippen contains a BVAP of
38.7%, which is lower than the combined BVAP of the removed Stockbridge West and
Stagecoach precincts. Thus, replacing Stockbridge West and Stagecoach with this portion of
Flippen served to decrease the overall BVAP ofHD 111.
25
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Additionally, the 2015 Plan further removed portions of the North Hampton and Mount
Carmel precincts from the western side of HD 111. The removed portions of these two precincts
had a combined BVAP of 32.7%. To offset this population loss created by the removal of the
northern and western precincts in HD 111, the 2015 Plan expanded the southeastern portion of
HD 111 into a predominantly White portion of Henry County. Specifically, the entirety of the
Grove Park precinct (21.4% BVAP) and a portion of the Tussahaw precinct (4.8% BVAP) were
added to HD 111, and these additions substantially decreased the overall BVAP of HD 111.
Finally, the 2015 Plan made alterations to the HD 111 boundaries within the split precinct
of McDonough Central that again had the effect of decreasing the district's overall African-
American population. The redrawing of the HD 111 boundaries within the McDonough Central
precinct caused a noticeable decrease in the BVAP of the portion of McDonough Central
belonging to HD 111. The BVAP of the portion of the McDonough Central precinct lying within
HD 111 decreased from 30.2% under the 2012 Plan to 26.9% under the 2015 Plan.
The 2015 Plan and Traditional Districting Principles: In evaluating the 2015 Plan's
compliance with traditional districting principles, I first examined the principles set forth in the
"2011-2012 Guidelines for the House Legislative and Congressional Reapportionment
Committee" (Hereinafter: "Redistricting Guidelines"). These principles include population
equality, geographic compactness, and avoiding the splitting of precincts and counties. Tables 13
and 14 describe various characteristics of HD 105 and HD 111 under both the 2012 and the 2012
Plans.
First, I found that the 2015 Plan creates more significant population deviations in both
HD 105 and HD 111, relative to the 2012 Plan. Georgia's total population, as of the 2010
Census, is 9,687,653, so the ideal district population for a House district is 53,820.29. HD 105's
population deviation increased in magnitude from 102 under the 2012 Plan to 278 under the
2015 Plan. Similarly, HD 111's population deviation increased from 376 under the 2012 Plan to
472 under the 2015 Plan. Although these deviations are not especially large, it is nevertheless
clear that the 2015 Plan had a slight deleterious effect on compliance with population equality in
both districts.
26
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Table 13:
Characteristics of House District 105:
2012 Plan:
2015 Plan:
Split Pr
ecin
cts:
Lawrenceville D
Lawrenceville M
Baycreek H
Harbins A
Lawrenceville D
Baycreek H
Split Municipalities:
Grayson (1
05,1
06,1
14)
Lawrenceville (
101,102,104,105,106,107)
Snel
lvil
le (9
3,10
5,10
6,10
7)
Grayson (1
05,1
06,1
14)
Lawrencevil l
e (101,102,104,105,106,107)
Snel
lvil
le (9
3,10
5,10
6,10
7)
Reock Compactness:
0.3213
0.3175
Popp
er-P
olsb
y Compactness:
0.2354
0.2280
Total Po
pula
tion
(2010 Cen
sus)
:53,718
53,542
Tota
l Voting Age Pop
ulat
ion (2010
Cens
us):
36,580
36,449
Any Par
t Bl
ack Voting Age
Popu
lati
on (2010 Cen
sus)
:12
,100
(33.
1%)
11,313(31.0%)
November 2016 Total Turnout:
24,945
26,6
41
November 2016 African-American
Turnout:
9,199 (36.9%)
8,44
3 (32.9%)
* Geo
rgia
's sta
tewi
de pop
ulat
ion as of the 2010 Cen
sus was 9,6
87,6
53, s
o the id
eal di
stri
ct pop
ulat
ion is
53,820.29.
27
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Table 14:
Characteristics of House District 111:
2012 Plan:
2015 Plan:
Split Precincts:
McDonough Cen
tral
Nort
h Hampton
Flip
pen
Hickory Fl
atMcDonough Central
Mount Carmel
Tussahaw
Split Mu
nici
pali
ties
:Lo
cust
Grove (1
11,1
30)
McDonough (1
09,1
10,1
11)
Stockbridge (
76,78,90,109,111)
Locu
st Grove (111,130)
McDonough (10
9,11
0,11
1)Stockbridge (
76,7
8,90
,109
,111
)
Reock Compactness:
0.3160
0.3153
Popp
er-P
olsb
y Compactness:
0.1317
0.1234
Tota
l Po
pula
tion
(2010 Cen
sus)
:54,197
54,293
Tota
l Vo
ting
Age Pop
ulat
ion (2010
Census):
38,545
38,235
Any Part Black Vot
ing Age
Popu
lati
on (2010 Census):
13,068 (33.9%)
12,1
03(3
1.7%
)
November 2016 Total Turnout:
29,087
28,851
November 2016 African-American
Turnout:
11,7
35 (40.3%)
10,7
94 (37.4%)
Georgia's statewide population as of th
e 2010 Cen
sus was 9,687,653, so th
e ideal district population is
53,
820.
29.
28
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Next, I then evaluated how the 2015 Plan affected the geographic compactness of the two
districts. Once again, I found that the 2015 Plan worsened compliance with the Redistricting
Guidelines in both districts. I measured the geographic compactness of the two districts under
both plans using the Reock score and the Popper-Polsby score. Both of these compactness
measures are commonly used used by scholars of redistricting, and with measures, higher scores
indicating greater compactness, while lower scores indicate more non-compact districts.
First, I calculated the average Reock score of both districts under both plans. The Reock
score for each individual district is calculated as the ratio of the district's area to the area of the
smallest bounding circle that can be drawn to completely contain the district. HD 105's Reock
score slightly worsened from 0.3213 under the 2012 Plan to 0.3175 under the 2015 Plan.
Similarly, HD 111's Reock score slightly worsened from 0.3160 under the 2012 Plan to 0.3153
under the 2015 Plan.
Second, I calculate the average Popper-Polsby score of both districts under both plans.
The Popper-Polsby score for each individual district is calculated as the ratio of the district's area
to the area of a hypothetical circle whose circumference is identical to the length of the district's
perimeter. HD 105's Popper-Polsby score slightly worsened from 0.2354 under the 2012 Plan to
0.2280 under the 2015 Plan. Similarly, HD 111's Popper-Polsby score slightly worsened from
0.1317 under the 2012 Plan to 0.1234 under the 2015 Plan. Hence, it is clear that using either the
Reock or the Popper-Polsby measure, the 2015 Plan had a slight deleterious effect on the
geographic compactness of both districts.
Next, I evaluated how well the two plans avoided splitting precincts in HD 105 and HD
111.1 found that HD 105 split two precincts (Lawrencevilie D, and Lawrenceville M) under the
2012 Plan and two precincts (Harbins A, and Lawrenceville D) under the 2015 Plan. Thus, the
2015 Plan neither increased nor decreased the total number of precincts split by HD 105.
In HD 111, however, the 2015 substantially increased the number of split precincts from
two to five. Under the 2012 Plan, HD 111 split only two precincts (North Hampton and
McDonough Central). The 2015 Plan removed North Hampton from HD 111, also added partial
fragments of three new precincts (Tussahaw, Hickory Flat, and Flippen), while removing a
portion of Mount Carmel from the district. These numerous changes resulted in HD 111 splitting
five precincts (McDonough Central, Mount Carmel, Tussahaw, Hickory Flat, and Flippen) under
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the 2015 Plan. Hence, the 2015 Plan severely worsened HD 111 with respect to the traditional
districting criterion of avoiding precinct splits.
I further evaluated how well the two plans followed county boundaries in the areas
surrounding HD 105 and HD 111. Overall, 1 found that the 2015 Plan significantly deviates from
the Redistricting Guidelines' principle of avoiding county splits in both Gwinnett County and in
Henry County. In general, it is relatively straightforward to draw a legislative plan with equally
populated, contiguous districts while having, at most, one district in each county that crosses the
county's borders. In both Gwinnett and Henry Counties, the 2015 Plan has far more districts
crossing county borders than is necessary.
In Gwinnett County, there are six districts - HD 81, 93, 94, 95, 103, and 114 - that cross
the borders of Gwinnett County. That is, each of these six districts partially lies within Gwinnett
and partially lies within another adjacent county. Similarly, Henry County has seven districts -
HD 73, 76, 78, 90, 109, 110, and 130 - that cross the borders of Henry County. Each of these
seven districts partially lies within Henry County and partially lies within another adjacent
county. Overall, such a large number of cross-county districts involving Gwinnett and Henry
Counties indicates a failure of the 2015 Plan to follow county boundaries in the drawing of the
House districts in these two counties.
A further measure of any districting plan's adherence to county boundaries is the number
of districts that lie fully within any given county's boundaries. Gwinnett County has a 2010
Census population of 842,046, so with an ideal House district population of 53,830, Gwinnett
can geographically accommodate up to 15 full House districts within its borders. However, under
the 2015 plan, Gwinnett County contains only 12 House districts lying fiilly within its borders.
The remaining six districts in Gwinnett County - HD 81, 93, 94, 95, 103, and 114 - spill over
into adjacent counties. Hence, it is clear that the 2015 Plan created districts in Gwinnett County
that generally failed to respect county boundaries.
Yet more striking is the failure of the 2015 Plan to draw districts respecting the
boundaries of Henry County. Henry County has a 2010 Census population of209,053, so with an
ideal House district population of 53,830, Henry County can geographically accommodate up to
3 full House districts within its borders. However, the 2015 Plan creates only one district (HD
111) that lies completely within the boundaries of Henry County. The remaining seven districts
in Henry County - HD 73, 76, 78, 90, 109, 110, and 130 - spill over into adjacent counties.
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Hence, it is clear that the 2015 Plan created districts in Henry County that generally failed to
respect county boundaries.
Finally, although the avoiding of municipal splits is not specifically mentioned in the
Redistricting Guidelines, I analyzed HD 105 and HD 111 with respect to its adherence to
municipal boundaries because avoiding municipal splits is a traditional districting principle.
Specifically, I found that the 2015 Plan splits up municipalities within HD 105 and HD 111 into
significantly more fragmented pieces than was necessary.
HD 105 contains three municipalities that are split up into several districts by the 2015
Plan. Most notably the city of Lawrenceville contains a population of 28,546, so can be fully
contained within a single House district. Yet, the 2015 Plan splits of Lawrenceville into portions
of seven different House districts (HD 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 107). This fragmentation of the
city of Lawrenceville is especially noteworthy because of the city's significant African-
American and Hispanic population (32.0% African-American and 22.3% Hispanic population).
As described earlier in this section, the 2015 Plan altered the boundaries of HD 105 in
Lawrenceville's precincts in ways that decreased the BVAP of the district's population in the
Lawrenceville area.
Similarly, the 2015 Plan splits the city of Grayson into three different House districts,
while the city of Snellville is split into four different House districts. Given the small populations
of both cities (2,666 for Grayson and 18,242 for Snellville), each of these two cities could have
been fully accommodated within a single House district. Overall, then, the 2015 Plan's splitting
of Lawrenceville, Grayson, and Snellville into several districts indicates a significant failure to
respect municipal boundaries in the drawing of HD 105.
In HD 111, the 2015 Plan split three different municipalities: Locust Grove, McDonough,
and Stockbridge. Most notably, the 2015 Plan splits the city of McDonough into three different
districts (HD 109, 110, and 111), even though McDonough's population of22,084 could easily
have been accommodated within a single House district. This decision to split McDonough, a
majority-African-American city, is notable: As described earlier in this section, the 2015 Plan
altered the boundaries of HD 111 in McDonough's precincts in ways that incorporated less-
heavily African-American portions of McDonough into HD 111 while excluding some more
heavily African-American portions of McDonough from HD 111.
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Equally notable is the precise way in which the 2015 Plan split the city of Stockbridge,
which also has a majority African-American population, into five districts (HD 76, 78, 90, 109,
111). Stockbridge's 2010 Census population of 25,636 could easily have been accommodated
within a single House district. But the 2015 Plan's decision to split up Stockbridge into five
separate districts had important racial consequences: As described earlier in this section, the
2015 Plan removed one of Stockbridge's precincts containing a majority African-American
population (the Stockbridge West precinct) while redrawing HD Ill's boundaries in the northern
portion of the district in a manner that excluded much of the Stockbridge's African-American
population from HD 111. Yet the 2015 Plan did not simply re-assign the majority-African-
American population of Stockbridge into another adjacent district. Rather, the heavily African-
American population of Stockbridge was scattered into portions of four other districts (HD 76,
78, 90, 109) by the 2015 Plan, thus minimizing the influence that Stockbridge voters would have
within any single House district.
Overall, I find that the 2015 Plan redrew the boundaries of HD 105 and HD 111 through
a series of changes that consistently decreased the African-American proportion of both districts.
Moreover, I find that the redrawing of the two districts' boundaries along these racial lines came
at the sacrifice of adherence to traditional districting principles: The new 2015 Plan worsened the
population equality and geographic compactness of HD 105 and HD 111. The 2015 Plan also
significantly increased the number of split precincts in HD 111 from two to five. Moreover,
districts around the areas of HD 105 and HD 111 split up municipalities and ignored county
boundaries far more than necessary.
Analysis of Racial Breakdowns of Split Precincts
This section discusses my evaluation of the racial composition of split precincts in HD
105 and 111, as drawn by the 2015 Plan. When evaluating precincts split by House districts in
Georgia, it is important to recognize what sub-precinct-level data is available and unavailable to
the Legislature's map-drawer when drawing any districting plan. In Georgia, all partisan data,
including election results, are available only at the precinct level. Election returns are not
reported by the Secretai7 of State at the sub-precinct level, nor does the Secretary of State
provide any estimated sub-precinct level election returns. In other words, it is impossible for a
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map-drawer to gain detailed knowledge of whether one split portion of a precinct is more heavily
Democratic or Republican-leaning than another split portion of the same precinct.
On the other hand, racial data is indeed available at the sub-precinct level from two
sources: In Georgia, residents are asked to select their racial identification when they register to
vote. Therefore, publicly available voter registration lists in Georgia contain information on the
racial identification of each individual voter, along with the voter's residential address. Hence, it
is indeed possible to calculate how the racial composition of one split portion of a precincts
differs from another split portion of the same precinct. Furthermore, census block-level racial
data, as provided by the US Census Bureau in Redistricting Data Summary File 1, enables map-
drawers to easily calculate the 2010 Census racial composition of any split precinct in Georgia.
In evaluating the racial composition of split precincts in the 2015 Plan, I first reviewed
the November 20, 2017 deposition testimony of Ms. Gina Wright, the Legislature's primary
map-drawer for the Act 251 of 2015 State House Plan. Ms. Wright testified that I) The
Legislative and Congressional Reapportionment Office obtained precinct-level political data,
including election results and registration counts, from the Georgia Secretary of State; 2) The
Reapportionment Office analyzed no partisan data at any lower level of geography than the
precinct level; and 3) The Reapportionment Office simply assumed that all census blocks (and
other sub-precinct geographies) within any individual precinct had the same percentage of
Democrats and Republicans with respect to any available partisan measure (pp. 111-113).
Based on Ms. Wright's deposition testimony, as well as my own experience and expertise
using redistricting and Census data, it is thus apparent that partisan considerations cannot explain
the particular ways in which the Reapportionment Office drew boundaries within the precincts
that were split by HD 105 and HD 111 of the 2015 Plan. Therefore, having eliminated partisan
considerations as an explanation for the particular ways in which precincts were split, I evaluated
whether the particular ways in which the HD 105 and HD 111 split precincts followed any
apparent racial patterns.
In the 2015 Plan, HD 105 splits three precincts, while HD 111 splits five precincts. In
other words, there are three precincts partially assigned to HD 105 and partially assigned to
another neighboring district, and there are five precincts partially assigned to HD 111 and
partially assigned to another district. Hence, there are eight total split precincts. Among these
eight split precincts, I found a striking racial pattern in the way particular ways these precincts
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were split: Six of the eight precincts were split such that the respective portions of the precincts
assigned to HD 105 or HD 111 had a lower African-American share of the Voting Age
Population (YAP), while the portions of the precincts not assigned to HD 105 or HD 111 had a
higher African-American proportion. Given that the Reapportionment Office did not analyze
partisan data at the sub-precinct level, this striking racial pattern suggests that racial
considerations explain the particular ways in which these precincts were split.
For each of the eight split precincts created by HD 105 and HD 111,1 analyzed the Any
Part African-American (including multi-racial African-Americans) share of the Total Voting Age
Population (hereinafter: BVAP). These BVAP calculations were produced using census block-
level racial breakdowns reported in the 2010 US Census Redistricting Data Summary File 1.1
overlaid a 2010 Census block shapefile onto a shapefile of the 2015 Plan districts and a shapefile
of Georgia's 2,756 precincts (as of 2014), and I calculated the population within each split
fragment within the eight split precincts. My findings regarding the racial breakdowns of each
split precinct, as detailed in Tables 15 and 16, are as follows:
Split Precincts Involving HD 105: The boundaries of HD 105 in the 2015 Plan produce
three split precincts. These three split precincts, along with the 2010 Census racial breakdown of
the split fragments comprising each precinct, are listed in Table 15.
Precinct 001 ("Harbins A") is split between HD 104 and HD 105. The portion of Harbins
A contained within HD 105 has a 14.5% BVAP. By contrast, the portion of Harbins A assigned
to HD 104 has a 33.2% BVAP.
Precinct 60 ("Lawrenceville D") is split between HD 104 and HD 105. The portion of
Lawrenceville D contained within HD 105 has a 45.6% BVAP, while the portion of the precinct
assigned to HD 104 has a 30.4% BVAP.
Precinct 146 ("Baycreek H") is split between FID 105 and HD 114. The portion of
Baycreek H contained within HD 105 has a 13.5% BVAP, while the portion of the precinct
assigned to HD 114 has a 25.3% BVAP.
Overall, two out of the three precincts split by HD 105 (Harbins A and Baycreek H) were
split in such a manner that the portion of the precinct within HD 105 has a lower BVAP than the
portion of the precinct outside of HD 105.
34
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Table 15:
Vote
r Turnout by Race Wit
hin and Outside of HD 105 of the
2015 Plan In
Spl
it Precincts
2016 Election Turnout Within
2016 Election Turnout Outside of
HD 105 Boundaries (2015 Plan)
HD 105 Boundaries (2015 Plan)
Pet:
Precinct Name:
Black
Non-Black
Black
Proportion
Black
Non-Black
Black
Proportion
001
Harbins A
329
1651
16.6%
602
1139
34.6%
060
Lawrenceville D
1088
933
53.8%
167
224
42.7%
146
Baycreek H
468
2096
18.3%
309
684
31.1%
Tota
ls by Race:
28.7%
34.5%
* Includes only precincts tha
t ar
e sp
lit in
to mul
tipl
e di
stri
cts.
2010 Census YAP by Race Within and Outside of HD 105 of the
2015 Pla
nIn Spl
it Pre
cinc
ts
2016 Election Turnout Within
2016 Election Turnout Outside of
HD 105 Boundaries (2015 Plan)
HD 105 Boundaries (2015 Plan)
Pet:
Precinct Name:
Black
Total YAP
Black
Proportion
Black
Total YAP
Black
Proportion
001
Harbins A
313
2161
14.5%
845
2542
33.2%
060
Lawrenceville D
2428
5320
45.6%
405
1334
30.4%
146
Baycreek H
419
3112
13.5%
343
1357
25.3%
Totals by Race:
3160
10592
29.8%
1,59
35,233
30.4%
* Includes only precincts tha
t ar
e sp
lit in
to mul
tipl
e di
stri
cts.
Sou
rce:
2010 US Cen
sus Redistricting Da
ta Summary Fil
e 1
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Moreover, none of these three precincts are split in a manner that was necessitated by the
principles set forth in the "2011-2012 Guidelines for the House Legislative and Congressional
Reapportionment Committee" (Hereinafter: "Redistricting Guidelines"). First, the Redistricting
Guidelines call for plans to preserve existing precinct boundaries. HD 105's splitting of three
precincts is more than was necessary to achieve population equality in the district. Second, none
of these three precincts included non-contiguous fragments, so the splitting of these precincts
was not necessary for preserving the geographic contiguity of HD 105 or any neighboring
district. Third, the decision to split each of these three precincts, rather than assign the entire
precinct to HD 105 or to another district, decreased the geographic compactness of the entire
district, as measured by Reock score. Finally, none of these three precincts crosses a county
boundary; thus, the splitting of these three precincts was not necessary for the preservation of
county boundaries.
In sum, the splitting of three precincts in HD 105 appears to have followed the racial
consideration of excluding more heavily-African-American portions of these precincts from HD
105 while including less heavily-African-American portions in HD 105. This racial consideration
in splitting the precincts also required the subordination of the Redistricting Guidelines,
particularly the preservation of precinct boundaries.
Split Precincts Involving HD 111: The boundaries of HD 111 in the 2015 Plan produce
five split precincts. These five split precincts, along with the racial breakdown of the split
fragments comprising each precinct, are listed in Table 16.
Precinct 26 ("Tussahaw") is split between HD 110 and HD 111. The portion ofTussahaw
contained within HD 111 has a 4.8% BVAP, while the portion of the precinct assigned to HD
110hasa6.9%BVAP.
Precinct 32 ("Mount Carmel") is split between HD 073 and HD 111. The portion of
Mount Carmel contained within HD 111 has a 43.7% BVAP, while the portion of the precinct
assigned to HD 104 has a 45.2% BVAP.
Precinct 38 ("Hickory Flat") is split between HD 109 and HD 111. The portion of
Hickory Flat contained within HD 111 has a 50.6% BVAP, while the portion of the precinct
assigned to HD 109 has a 33.6% BVAP.
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Table 16;
Voter Turnout by Race Within and Outside of HD. Ill of the 2015 Plan
2016 Election Turnout Within
2016 Election Turnout Outside of
HD 111 Boundaries (2015 Plan)
HD 111 Boundaries (2015 Plan)
Precinct Name:
Black
Non-Black
Black
Proportion
Black
Non-Black
Black
Proportion
26 - Tussahaw
25'
498'
4.8%
98
1554
5.9%
32 - Mount Carmel
1023'
803'
56.0%
494
393
55.7%
38 - Hic
kory
Flat
795'
583'
57.7%
699
1173
37.3%
53 - Flippen
884'
1106'
44.4%
379
452
45.6%
61 - McDonough Central
302'
759'
28.5%
649
765
45.9%
Tota
ls by Rac
e:3029
3749
44.7%
2319
4337
34.8%
* Includes only precincts that are sp
lit into multiple di
stri
cts.
2010 Census YAP by Race Within and Outside of HD 111 of the
2015 Pla
nIn Each Spl
it Precinct
2016 Election Turnout Within
2016 Election Turnout Outside of
HD 111 Boundaries (2015 Plan)
HD 111 Boundaries (2015 Plan)
Precinct Name:
Black
Total YAP
Black
Proportion
Black
Total YAP
Black
Proportion
26 - Tussahaw
38
789
4.8%
171
2461
6.9%
32 - Mount Carmel
699
1601
43.7%
381
842
45.2%
38 - Hickory Flat
995
1967
50.6%
785
2338
33.6%
53 - Fli
ppen
961
2478
38.8%
520
1264
41.1%
61 - McDonough Cen
tral
404
1504
26.9%
950
1895
50.1%
Totals by Race:
3097
8339
37.1%
2807
8800
31.9%
* Includes only precincts that are split in
to mul
tipl
e districts. Sou
rce:
2010 US Cen
sus Re
dist
rict
ing Da
ta Summary Fil
e
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Precinct 53 ("Flippen") is split between HD 109 and HD 111. The portion of Flippen
contained within HD 111 has a 38.8% BVAP, while the portion of the precinct assigned to HD
109 has a 41.1% BVAP.
Precinct 61 ("McDonough Central") is split between HD 109 and HD 111. The portion of
McDonough Central contained within HD 111 has a 26.9% BVAP, while the portion of the
precinct assigned to HD 109 has a 50.1% BVAP.
Overall, four out of the five precincts split by HD 111 (Tussahaw, Mount Carmel,
Flippen, and McDonough Central) were split in such a manner that the portion of the precinct
within HD 111 has a lower BVAP than the portion of the precinct outside of HD 111.
Moreover, none of these five precincts are split in a manner that was necessitated by the
principles set forth in the Redistricting Guidelines. First, HD 111's splitting of five precincts is
more than was necessary to achieve population equality in the district. Second, none of these five
precincts included non-contiguous fragments, so the splitting of these precincts was not
necessary for preserving the geographic contiguity of HD 111 or any neighboring district. Third,
the decision to split each of these five precincts, rather than assign the entire precinct to HD 111
or to another neighboring district, decreased the geographic compactness of the entire district, as
measured by Reock score. Finally, none of these five precincts crosses a county boundary; thus,
the splitting of these five precincts was not necessary for the preservation of county boundaries.
In sum, the splitting of five precincts in HD 111 appears to have followed the racial
consideration of excluding more heavily-African-American portions of these precincts from HD
five while including less heavily-African-American portions in HD five. This racial
consideration in splitting the precincts also required the subordination of the Redistricting
Guidelines, particularly the preservation of precinct boundaries.
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I declare under penalty of perjury the foregoing is tme and correct. Executed this 22nd day of
December 2017.
Signed:
Jowei Chen
39
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Jowei Chen
Curriculum Vitae
Department of Political ScienceUniversity of Michigan5700 Haven Hall
505 South State Street
Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1045Phone: 917-861-7712, Email: [email protected]: http://www.umich.edu/~iowei
Academic Positions:
Associate Professor (2015-present), Assistant Professor (2009-2015), Department of PoliticalScience, University of Michigan.Faculty Associate, Center for Political Studies, University of Michigan, 2009 - Present.W. Glenn Campbell and Rita Ricardo-Campbell National Fellow, Hoover Institution, StanfordUniversity, 2013.Principal Investigator and Senior Research Fellow, Center for Governance and Public PolicyResearch, Willamette University, 2013 - Present.
Education:
Ph.D., Political Science, Stanford University (June 2009)M.S., Statistics, Stanford University (January 2007)B.A., Ethics, Politics, and Economics, Yale University (May 2004)
Publications:
Chen, Jowei and Neil Malhotra. 2007. "The Law of k/n: The Effect of Chamber Size onGovernment Spending in Bicameral Legislatures."
American Political Science Review. 101(4J: 657-676.
Chen, Jowei, 2010. "The Effect of Electoral Geography on Pork Barreling in BicameralLegislatures."
American Journal of Political Science, 54(21: 301-322.
Chen, Jowei, 2013. "Voter Partisanship and the Effect of Distributive Spending on PoliticalParticipation."
American Journal of Political Science. 57(11: 200-217.
Chen, Jowei and Jonathan Rodden, 2013. "Unintentional Gerrymandering: Political Geographyand Electoral Bias in Legislatures"
Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 8(31: 239-269.
Chen, Jowei, 2014. "Split Delegation Bias: The Geographic Targeting of Pork Barrel Earmarksin Bicameral Legislatures."
Revise and Resubmit. State Politics and Policy Quarterly.
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Bradley, Katharine and Jowei Chen, 2014. "Participation Without Representation? SeniorOpinion, Legislative Behavior, and Federal Health Reform."
Journal ofHealth Politics. Policy and Law, 39(2L 263-293.
Chen, Jowei and Tim Johnson, 2015. "Federal Employee Unionization and Presidential Controlof the Bureaucracy: Estimating and Explaining Ideological Change in Executive Agencies."
Journal of Theoretical Politics^ Volume 27. No. 1; 151-174.
Bonica, Adam, Jowei Chen, and Tim Johnson, 2015. "Senate Gate-Keeping, PresidentialStaffing of'Inferior Offices' and the Ideological Composition of Appointments to the PublicBureaucracy,"
Quarterly Journal of Political Science. Volume 10. No. 1: 5-40.
Chen, Jowei and Jonathan Rodden, 2015, "Cutting through the Thicket: RedistrictingSimulations and the Detection of Partisan Gerrymanders,"
Election Law Journal. Volume 14. Number 4: 331-345.
Chen, Jowei and David Cottrell, 2016. "Evaluating Partisan Gains from CongressionalGerrymandering: Using Computer Simulations to Estimate the Effect of Gerrymandering in theU.S. House."
Electoral Studies. Volume 44 (December 2016'!; 329-340.
Chen, Jowei, 2016, "Analysis of Computer-Simulated Districting Maps for the Wisconsin StateAssembly."
Forthcoming 2017. Election Law Journal.
Research Grants:
Principal Investigator. National Science Foundation Grant SES-1459459. September 2015 -August 2017 ($165,008). "The Political Control of U.S. Federal Agencies and BureaucraticPolitical Behavior."
"Economic Disparity and Federal Investments in Detroit," (with Brian Min) 2011. GrahamInstitute, University of Michigan ($30,000).
"The Partisan Effect of OSHA Enforcement on Workplace Injuries," (with Connor Raso) 2009.John M. Olin Law and Economics Research Grant ($4,410).
Invited Talks:
September, 2011. University of Virginia, American Politics Workshop.October 2011. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, American Politics Conference.January 2012. University of Chicago, Political Economy/American Politics Seminar.February 2012. Harvard University, Positive Political Economy Seminar.
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September 2012. Emory University, Political Institutions and Methodology Colloquium.November 2012. University of Wisconsin, Madison, American Politics Workshop.September 2013. Stanford University, Graduate School of Business, Political EconomyWorkshop.February 2014. Princeton University, Center for the Study of Democratic Politics Workshop.November 2014. Yale University, American Politics and Public Policy Workshop.December 2014. American Constitution Society for Law & Policy Conference: Building theEvidence to Win Voting Rights Cases.February 2015. University of Rochester, American Politics Working Group.March 2015. Harvard University, Voting Rights Act Workshop.May 2015. Harvard University, Conference on Political Geography.October 2015. George Washington University School of Law, Conference on RedistrictingReform.
September 2016. Harvard University Center for Governmental and International Studies, VotingRights Institute.March 2017. Duke University, Redistricting Reform: Mapping our Future Conference.October 2017. Willamette University College of Law.October 2017. University of Wisconsin, Metric Geometry and Gerrymandering Group.
Conference Service:
Section Chair, 2017 APSA (Chicago, IL), Political Methodology SectionDiscussant, 2014 Political Methodology Conference (University of Georgia)Section Chair, 2012 MPSA (Chicago, IL), Political Geography Section.Discussant, 2011 MPSA (Chicago, IL) "Presidential-Congressional Interaction."Discussant, 2008 APSA (Boston, MA) "Congressional Appropriations."Chair and Discussant, 2008 MPSA (Chicago, IL) "Distributive Politics: Parties and Pork.
Conference Presentations and Working Papers:
"Ideological Representation of Geographic Constituencies in the U.S. Bureaucracy," (with TimJohnson). 2017 APSA.
"Incentives for Political versus Technical Expertise in the Public Bureaucracy," (with TimJohnson). 2016 APSA.
"Black Electoral Geography and Congressional Districting: The Effect of Racial Redistricting onPartisan Gerrymandering". 2016 Annual Meeting of the Society for Political Methodology (RiceUniversity)
"Racial Gerrymandering and Electoral Geography." Working Paper, 2016.
"Does Deserved Spending Win More Votes? Evidence from Individual-Level DisasterAssistance," (with Andrew Healy). 2014 APSA.
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"The Geographic Link Between Votes and Seats: How the Geographic Distribution of PartisansDetermines the Electoral Responsiveness and Bias of Legislative Elections," (with DavidCottrell). 2014 APS A.
"Gerrymandering for Money: Drawing districts with respect to donors rather than voters." 2014MPSA.
"Constituent Age and Legislator Responsiveness: The Effect of Constituent Opinion on the Votefor Federal Health Reform." (with Katharine Bradley) 2012 MPSA.
"Voter Partisanship and the Mobilizing Effect of Presidential Advertising." (with Kyle Dropp)2012 MPSA.
"Recency Bias in Retrospective Voting: The Effect of Distributive Benefits on VotingBehavior." (with Andrew Feher) 2012 MPSA.
"Estimating the Political Ideologies of Appointed Public Bureaucrats," (with Adam Bonica andTim Johnson) 2012 Annual Meeting of the Society for Political Methodology (University ofNorth Carolina)
"Tobler's Law, Urbanization, and Electoral Bias in Florida." (with Jonathan Rodden) 2010Annual Meeting of the Society for Political Methodology (University of Iowa)
"Unionization and Presidential Control of the Bureaucracy" (with Tim Johnson) 2011 MPSA.
"Estimating Bureaucratic Ideal Points with Federal Campaign Contributions" 2010 APSA.(Washington, DC).
"The Effect of Electoral Geography on Pork Spending in Bicameral Legislatures," VanderbiltUniversity Conference on Bicameralism, 2009.
"When Do Government Benefits Influence Voters' Behavior? The Effect of FEMA Disaster
Awards on US Presidential Votes," 2009 APSA (Toronto, Canada).
"Are Poor Voters Easier to Buy Off?" 2009 APSA (Toronto, Canada).
"Credit Sharing Among Legislators: Electoral Geography's Effect on Pork Barreling inLegislatures," 2008 APSA (Boston, MA).
"Buying Votes with Public Funds in the US Presidential Election," Poster Presentation at the2008 Annual Meeting of the Society for Political Methodology (University of Michigan).
"The Effect of Electoral Geography on Pork Spending in Bicameral Legislatures," 2008 MPSA.
"Legislative Free-Riding and Spending on Pure Public Goods," 2007 MPSA (Chicago, IL).
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"Free Riding in Multi-Member Legislatures," (with Neil Malhotra) 2007 MPSA (Chicago, IL).
"The Effect of Legislature Size, Bicameralism, and Geography on Government Spending:Evidence from the American States," (with Neil Malhotra) 2006 APSA (Philadelphia, PA).
Reviewer Service:
American Journal of Political Science
American Political Science Review
Journal of Politics
Quarterly Journal of Political ScienceAmerican Politics Research
Legislative Studies QuarterlyState Politics and Policy QuarterlyJournal of Public PolicyJournal of Empirical Legal StudiesPolitical Behavior
Political Research QuarterlyPolitical AnalysisPublic Choice
Applied Geography
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REPLY REPORT OF JO WEI CHEN, Ph.D.
In response to my December 22, 2017 expert report in this case, Defendants' counsel
submitted a January 31, 2018 rebuttal report authored by Dr. John Alford. This reply report
addresses the issues raised by Dr. Alford's rebuttal report. 1 also point out several empirical
findings from my original report that Dr. Alford did not dispute and did not discuss.
First, I explain how, contrary to the claims in the text of Dr. Alford's rebuttal report, the
computer code and data files turned over in connection with his report reveal that Dr. Alford did
not analyze any election results from the 2012 and 2016 state house elections in HD 105 and HD
111. Instead, Dr. Alford's own computer code and underlying data files reveal that he actually
analyzed the 2012 and 2016 US Presidential election results in Gwinnett and Henry Counties.
Nor did Dr. Alford even attempt to analyze any election results from the 2014 state house
elections in HD 105 and HD 111. Overall, then, Dr. Alford effectively failed to analyze any of
the state house elections held in HD 105 and HD 111 during 2012, 2014, and 2016. This failure
is significant because these six elections are the most probative elections when conducting
racially polarized voting analysis of house election results in HD 105 and HD 111. Thus, the fact
that Dr. Alford's computer code files reveal that he failed to analyze any of these six state house
elections illustrates that Dr. Alford has not provided any evidence to directly dispute my
Ecological Inference (El) and Ecological Regression (ER) calculations for the 2012, 2014, and
2016 state house elections in HD 105 and HD 111, as reported in my original December 2017
expert report.
Second, I explain that in conducting his analyses of non-legislative elections (such as
Sheriff, Coroner, and County Commission Chair contests), Dr. Alford's computer code reveals a
fundamental and significant mistake that renders every one of his Ecological Inference and
Ecological Regression calculations invalid for the purposes of evaluating racially polarized
voting in HD 105 and HD 111. Specifically, Dr. Alford did not even attempt to account for split
precincts that are divided across multiple house districts. Instead, in calculating the racial
composition of HD 105 and HD 111 precincts. Dr. Alford simply treated all voters in split
precincts as if they all resided within one of the two challenged districts. This mistake caused Dr.
Alford to significantly miscalculate the racial composition of voters in multiple precincts, thus
rendering his Ecological Inference and Ecological Regression calculations invalid.
DEFENDANTS
EXHIBIT
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Third, I present in this report my racially polarized voting analysis of the January 2018
special house election in HD 111, an election that occurred after I submitted my original
December 22, 2017 expert report. The results from this analysis indicate that voters in HD 111
continued to exhibit substantially the same level of racially polarized voting as they had in
previous elections in the district.
Fourth, I address Dr. Alford's claim in his rebuttal report that voters respond to the
partisanship of a candidate, not to the race of the candidate. I explain that this claim is irrelevant
to the racially polarized voting analysis in my original expert report.
Fifth, I address Dr. Alford's claim in his rebuttal report that when combined together, the
portions of split precincts outside of HD 105 and HD 111 are not very different in their aggregate
racial composition from the portions of these precincts inside of the two challenged districts.
Finally, in this report, 1 note several empirical findings from my original December 22,
2017 expert report that were neither addressed nor disputed by Dr. Alford's rebuttal report.
1. Dr. Afford Failed to Analyze Any State House Elections from 2012,2014, or 2016
In Tables 1 and 2 of his rebuttal report (p. 7), Dr. Afford purports to present his
Ecological Inference and Ecological Regression analysis of several state and local election
contests within HD 105 and HD 111 during November 2012 and November 2016. In particular.
Dr. Afford purports to have analyzed the 2012 and 2016 state house elections, as well as other
non-legislative contests, in HD 105 and HD 111. In connection with his report. Dr. Afford also
turned over his computer code (Stata .do files and .R code files) and data files (.dta and .xlsx
files) used to create the results in Tables I and 2 of his report.
Examination of Dr. Alford's computer code and data files reveals that Dr. Afford did not
analyze election results from the HD 105 and HD 111 state house elections in 2012 and 2016.
Instead, Dr. Alford's computer code and data files reveal that he analyzed the results of the 2012
US Presidential election contests. Although the text of Dr. Alford's rebuttal report states that he
intended to analyze the 2012 and 2016 state house election results, his computer code files
illustrate clearly that he did not analyze these state house elections. Below, I provide a complete
listing of every computer code file in which Dr. Afford performed El and ER calculations, and I
detail the actual election contests each computer code file analyzed.
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For both HD 105 and HD 111, the number of computer code files tumed over by Dr.
Alford perfectly matches the number of 2012 and 2016 election contests for which he reported
El and ER results in Tables 1 and 2. Therefore, it is apparent that Dr. Alford turned over the
complete set of all computer code files he used to produce the El and ER calculations in his
rebuttal report. However, Dr. Alford labeled the elections incorrectly in Tables 1 and 2.1 explain
these mistakes below, and I identify below the actual election analyzed by each one of Dr.
Alford's computer code files.
Dr. Alford's 2012 Election Results for HD 105: In rows 2-4 of Table 1 of his rebuttal
report (p. 7), Dr. Alford lists three 2012 elections for which he claims to have analyzed voting
behavior in HD 105: The 2012 state house election for HD 105, the Public Service Commission
(District 3) election, and the Clerk of Superior Court election.
However, Dr. Alford's computer code and data files indicate that he did not analyze the
HD 105 state house election results, although he did analyze the results from the Public Service
Commission and Clerk of Superior Court elections. Specifically, the following computer code
files reveal that Dr. Alford actually analyzed the three election contests listed below, with
precinct-level election results imported from the data files listed below:
1) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2012_HD105_contest_l.do" (reprinted in
Appendix F of this report) imports and analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2012 US
Presidential election between Barack Obama, Mitt Romney, and Gary Johnson. Dr. Alford's
computer code imports these results from a data file called "HD 105/Rdata_2012_contest_l.dta"
(reprinted in Appendix E of this report) and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the
data in this file. I visually inspected the precinct-level election data contained in this data file and
verified that they perfectly match the Gwinnett County precinct-level results of the Obama-
Romney 2012 US Presidential election, as reported on the Georgia Secretary of State website.'
Furthermore, another data file tumed over by Dr. Alford in connection with his rebuttal report,
called "HD 105/controlfile_2012_processed.dta" (reprinted in Appendix A of this report), clearly
states that Dr. Alford's computer code was analyzing the results from the 2012 US Presidential
election, not a state house election.
Downloaded from: http://results.enr.clarityelections.com/GA/Gwinnett/42345/112372/en/md_data.html?cid=5&
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2) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2012_HD105_contest_2.do" (reprinted in
Appendix G of this report) imports and analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2012
Public Service Commission - District 3 election between Stephen Oppenheimer and Chuck
Eaton. Dr. Alford's computer code imports these election results from a data file called
"HD 105/Rdata_2012_contest_2.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the
data in this file.
3) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2012_HD105_contest_3.do" (reprinted in
Appendix H of this report) imports and analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2012
Clerk of Superior Court election between Richard Alexander and Brian Whiteside. Dr. Alford's
computer code imports these election results from a data file called "HD
105/Rdata_2012_contest_3.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the data in
this file.
I executed these three aforementioned computer code files on my own computer, and I
found that these files indeed produce numerical results close to the ones reported in the upper
half of Dr. Alford's Table 1 in his rebuttal report. However, Dr. Alford labeled the first election
contest he analyzed in Table 1 incorrectly. Dr. Alford incorrectly labeled the second row of
Table 1 if he had analyzed the November 2012 state house election in HD 105. As detailed
above, Dr. Alford's computer code and data files reveal that he did not analyze the November
2012 HD 105 state house election. Instead, he analyzed the results of the November 2012 US
Presidential election in Gwinnett County.
Dr. Alford's 2016 Election ResultsforHD 105: Dr. Alford made the same mistake in
describing his 2016 election results for HD 105. In rows 7-9 of Table 1 of his rebuttal report (p.
7), Dr. Alford lists three 2016 elections for which he claims to have analyzed voting behavior in
HD 105: The 2016 state legislative election for HD 105, the US Senator election, and the County
Commission Chair election.
However, Dr. Alford's computer code and data files reveal that once again, he did not
analyze the HD 105 state house election results, although he did analyze the results of the other
two elections. Specifically, the following computer code files reveal that Dr. Alford actually
analyzed the three election contests listed below, with precinct-level election results imported
from the data files listed below:
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1) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2016_HD105_contest_2.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2016 US Presidential election between Donald
Trump and Hillary Clinton. Dr. Alford's computer code imports these results from a data file
called "HD 105/Rdata_2016_contest_2.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations
using the data in this file. I visually inspected the precinct-level election data contained in this
data file and verified that they perfectly match the Gwinnett County precinct-level results of the
Trump-Clinton 2016 US Presidential election, as reported on the Georgia Secretary of State
website.^ Furthermore, another data file turned over by Dr. Alford in connection with his rebuttal
report, called "HD 105/controlfile_2016_processed.dta" (reprinted in Appendix B of this report),
clearly states that Dr. Alford's computer code was analyzing the results from the 2016 US
Presidential election, not a state house election.
2) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2016_HD105_contest_l.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2016 US Senator election. Dr. Alford's computer
code imports these election results from a data file called "HD 105/Rdata_2016_contest_l.dta"
and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the data in this file.
3) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2016_HD105_contest_3.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2016 County Commission Chair election. Dr.
Alford's computer code imports these election results from a data file called
"HD 105/Rdata_2016_contest_3.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the
data in this file.
I executed these three aforementioned computer code files on my own computer, and I
found that these files indeed produce numerical results close to the ones reported in the lower
half of Dr. Alford's Table 1 in his rebuttal report. However, Dr. Alford labeled the first of the
2016 election contests he analyzed in Table 1 incorrectly. Dr. Alford incorrectly labeled the
seventh row of Table 1 as if he had analyzed the November 2016 state house election in HD 105.
As detailed above. Dr. Alford's computer code and data files reveal that he did not analyze the
November 2016 HD 105 state house election. Instead, he analyzed the results of the November
2016 US Presidential election in Gwinnett County.
Downloaded from: http://results.enr.clarityelections.coni/GA/63991/184321/en/md_data.html?cid=5000&
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Dr. Alford's 2012 Election Results for HD 111: Dr. Alford made the same mistake in
describing his 2012 election results for HD 111, In rows 2-5 of Table 1 of his rebuttal report (p.
7), Dr. Alford lists four 2012 elections for which he claims to have analyzed voting behavior in
HD 111: The 2012 state house election for HD 111, the Public Service Commission-District 3
election, the Flint Circuit District Attorney election, and the County Commission Chair election.
However, Dr. Alford's computer code and data files indicate that once again, he did not
analyze the HD 111 state house election results, although he did analyze the results from the
other three elections. Specifically, the following computer code files reveal that Dr. Alford
actually analyzed the four election contests listed below, with precinct-level election results
imported from the data files listed below:
1) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2012_HDl 1 l_contest_l.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2012 US Presidential election between Barack
Obama, Mitt Romney, and Gary Johnson. Dr. Alford's computer code imports these results from
a data file called "HD 111/Rdata_2016_contest_l.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER
calculations using the data in this file. I visually inspected the precinct-level election data
contained in this data file and verified that they perfectly match the Henry County precinct-level
results of the Obama-Romney 2012 US Presidential election, as reported on the Georgia
Secretary of State website.^ Furthermore, another data file turned over by Dr. Alford in
connection with his rebuttal report, called "HD 11 l/controlfile_2012_processed.dta" (reprinted in
Appendix C of this report), clearly states that Dr. Alford's computer code was analyzing the
results from the 2012 US Presidential election, not a state house election.
2) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2012_HDl 1 l_contest_2.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2012 Public Service Commission-District 3
election. Dr. Alford's computer code imports these election results from a data file called "HD
111/Rdata_2012_contest_2.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the data in
this file.
3) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2012_HDl 1 l_contest_3.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2012 Flint Circuit District Attorney election. Dr.
Alford's computer code imports these election results from a data file called
Downloaded from: http://results.enr.clarltyelections.eom/GA/Henry/42353/l 12380/en/md_data.html?cid=5&
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"HD 111/Rdata_2012_contest_3.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the
data in this file.
4) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2012_HDl 1 l_contest_4.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2012 County Commission Chair election. Dr.
Alford's computer code imports these election results from a data file called
"HD 111/Rdata_2012_contest_4.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the
data in this file.
I executed these four aforementioned computer code files on my own computer, and I
found that these files indeed produce numerical results reasonably close to the ones reported in
the upper half of Dr. Alford's Table 2 in his rebuttal report (p. 7). However, Dr. Alford labeled
the first of the 2012 election contests he analyzed in Table 2 incorrectly. Dr. Alford incorrectly
labeled the second row of Table 2 as if he had analyzed the November 2012 state house election
in HD 111. As detailed above. Dr. Alford's computer code and data files reveal that he did not
analyze the November 2012 HD 111 state house election. Instead, he analyzed the results of the
November 2012 US Presidential election in Henry County.
Dr. Alford's 2016 Election Results forHD 111: Dr. Alford made the same mistake in
describing his 2016 election results for HD 111. In rows 8-13 of Table 2 of his rebuttal report (p.
7), Dr. Alford lists six 2016 elections for which he claims to have analyzed voting behavior in
HD 105: The 2016 state house election for HD 111, the US Senator election, the Clerk of
Superior Court election, the Sheriff election, the Coroner election, and the County Commission
Chair election.
However, Dr. Alford's computer code and data files indicate that once again, he did not
analyze the HD 111 state house election results, although he did analyze the results from the
other five elections. Specifically, the following computer code files reveal that Dr. Alford
actually analyzed the six election contests listed below, with precinct-level election results
imported from the data files listed below:
1) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2016_HDl 1 l_contest_l.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2016 US Presidential election between Donald
Trump and Hillary Clinton. Dr. Alford's computer code imports these election results from a data
file called "HD 111/Rdata_2016_contest_l.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations
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using the data in this file. I visually inspected the precinct-level election data contained in this
data file and verified that they perfectly match the Henry County precinct-level results of the
Trump-Clinton 2016 US Presidential election, as reported on the Georgia Secretary of State
website."* Furthermore, another data file turned over by Dr. Alford in connection with his rebuttal
report, called "HD 11 l/controlfile_2016_processed.dta" (reprinted in Appendix D of this report),
clearly states that Dr. Alford's computer code was analyzing the results from the 2016 US
Presidential election, not a state house election.
2) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2016_HDl 1 l_contest_2.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results fi'om the 2016 US Senator election. Dr. Alford's computer
code imports these election results from a data file called "HD 111/Rdata_2016_contest_2.dta"
and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the data in this file.
3) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2016_HDl 1 l_contest_3.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2016 Clerk of Superior Court election. Dr.
Alford's computer code imports these election results from a data file called "HD
111/Rdata_2016_contest_3.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the data in
this file.
4) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2016_HDl 1 l_contest_4.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results fi om the 2016 Sheriff election. Dr. Alford's computer
code imports these election results from a data file called "HD 111/Rdata_2016_contest_4.dta"
and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the data in this file.
5) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2016_HDl 1 l_contest_5.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2016 Coroner election. Dr. Alford's computer
code imports these election results from a data file called "HD 111/Rdata_2016_contest_5.dta"
and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the data in this file.
6) Dr. Alford's computer code file titled "elec2016_HD105_contest_6.do" imports and
analyzes precinct-level election results from the 2016 County Commission Chair election. Dr.
Alford's computer code imports these election results from a data file called
"HD 105/Rdata_2016_contest_6.dta" and attempts to conduct El and ER calculations using the
data in this file.
Downloaded from: http://results.enr.clarityelections.eom/GA/Henry/64067/l 83247/en/md_data.html?cid=5&
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I executed these six aforementioned computer code files on my own computer, and I
found that these files indeed produce numerical results close to the ones reported in the lower
half of Dr. Alford's Table 2 in his rebuttal report. However, Dr. Alford labeled the first of the
2016 election contests he analyzed in Table 2 incorrectly. Dr. Alford incorrectly labeled the
eighth row of Table 2 as if he had analyzed the November 2016 state house election in HD 111.
As detailed above. Dr. Alford's computer code and data files reveal that he did not analyze the
November 2016 HD 111 state house election. Instead, he analyzed the results of the November
2016 US Presidential election in Henry County.
In addition to the failure of Dr. Alford's computer code to actually analyze any election
results from the 2012 and 2016 state house elections. Dr. Alford did not even claim to analyze
any election results from the 2014 state house elections in HD 105 and HD 111. Overall, then.
Dr. Alford effectively failed to analyze any of the state house elections held in HD 105 and HD
111 during 2012, 2014, and 2016. This failure is significant because these six elections are the
most probative elections for the purpose of conducting racially polarized voting analysis of
house election results in HD 105 and HD 111. These six elections are the most probative
because: 1) These are the actual election contests held to elect state house representatives for the
two challenged districts; and 2) These are the most recent election contests held during a regular
November election.
Thus, the fact that Dr. Alford's computer code files reveal that he failed to analyze any of
these six state house elections illustrates that Dr. Alford has not provided any evidence to
directly dispute my Ecological Inference and Ecological Regression calculations for the 2012,
2014, and 2016 state house elections in HD 105 and HD 111, as reported in my original expert
report of December 22,2017.
2) Dr. Alford Failed to Account for Voters in Split Precincts in HD 105 and HD 111
For every election analyzed in Tables 1 and 2 of his rebuttal report (p. 7), Dr. Alford used
incorrect data on the racial breakdown of voters within HD 105 and HD 111 because he failed to
account for split precincts within the two districts. In the 2015 Plan, HD 105 splits three
precincts out of ten total precincts covering the district, while HD 111 splits five precincts out of
13 total precincts covering the district. Similarly, in the 2012 Plan, HD 105 splits three precincts
out of ten total precincts covering the district, while HD 111 splits 2 precincts out of 11 total
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precincts covering the district. Because such a significant percentage of the precincts covering
HD 105 and HD 111 are split, one must carefully determine which voters within each precinct
reside within and outside of the borders of HD 105 and HD 111. Failing to account for district
borders within each split precinct would lead to significantly inaccurate data regarding the racial
composition of voters within precincts and within each district.
1 explained and illustrated in my original expert report how correctly accounting for split
precincts is a simple and straightforward task for political scientists using voter registration files
and turnout history files. Yet Dr. Alford failed to account for the split precincts covering HD 105
and HD 111, and he did not rely upon a Georgia voter registration file and turnout history file,
which would have allowed him to easily calculate the racial composition of voters within each
district's portion of each split precinct. Instead, in each one of his computer code files performing
El and ER analyses (e.g.," elec2012_HD105_contest_l.do", which is reprinted in Appendix F),
Dr. Alford simply used data on the racial composition of all voters within each precinct,
regardless of whether these voters resided within or outside of HD 105 and HD 111. In
producing his Table 1 and 2 results. Dr. Alford incorrectly analyzed all voters within all
precincts that contain any portion of HD 105 and HD 111, without sorting out which voters
actually resided within the boundaries of the two challenged districts.
Dr. Alford made this same mistake in every single one of his computer code files
analyzing various election contests from the 2012 and 2016 elections. Dr. Alford's computer
code failed to account for split precincts and thus used incorrect voter race counts in all sixteen
of his computer code files analyzing these 2012 and 2016 elections.^
Perhaps in response to this data problem, each one of these sixteen computer code files -
e.g., "elec2012_HD105_contest_l.do" (reprinted in Appendix F) - acknowledges that Dr.
Alford's data contain mismatches between the number of voters who tumed out within some
precincts and the number of ballots actually cast in various election contests within those same
precincts. To address these mismatches, lines 77-78 of Dr. Alford's computer code file titled
"elec2012_HD105_contest_l.do" alters Dr. Alford's voter count numbers using an adjustment
^ The complete list of Dr. Alford's computer code files containing this mistake is as follows;"elec2012_HD 105_contest_l .do", "elec2012_HD 105_contest_2.do", "elec2012_HD 105_contest_3 .do","elec2016_HD 105_contest_l .do", "elec2016_HD 105_contest_2.do", "elec2016_HD 105_contest_3 .do","elec2012_HDl 1 l_contest_l.do", "elec2012_HDl 1 l_contest_2.do", "elec2012_HDl 1 l_contest_3.do","elec2012_HDl 1 l_contest_4.do"," elec2016_HDl 1 l_contest_l.do"," elec2016_HDl 1 l_contest_2.do",elec2016_HDl 1 l_contest_3.do", " elec2016_HDlll_contest_4.do", "elec2016_HDl 1 l_contest_5.do",'elec2016 HDlll contest 6.do"
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that Dr. Alford describes as follows: "so few precincts I cant afford to drop but have to allocate
the the [sic] cast vote so give it to others based on proportionality" (see Appendix F, lines 77-78).
Specifically, this line of Dr. Alford's computer code appears to adjust the number of non-Black
voters within each precinct so as to artificially force the voter counts to match the ballots counts
from the election data being analyzed. Every single one of these sixteen computer code files
mentioned in Footnote 5 makes a similar artificial numerical adjustment to the precinct-level
racial data prior to conducting Dr. Alford's El and ER analysis.
At this point, it is apparent that Dr. Alford's computer code is not relying upon the actual
number of Black and non-Black voters residing within the actual boundaries of HD 105 and HD
111. Instead, Dr. Alford appears to be using data that were adjusted or transformed and were not
based on any attempt to account for the actual district boundaries of HD 105 and HD 111 within
split precincts. Hence, it is clear that Dr. Alford's 2012 and 2016 election results in Tables 1 and
2 are not analyzing data on the actual voters within HD 105 and HD 111 Thus, Dr. Alford's El
and ER analyses reported in these Tables are invalid because the racial numbers used for these
analyses are not describing the actual set of voters within the two districts.
To examine the magnitude and substantive impact of Dr. Alford's data accuracy
problems, 1 examined how Dr. Alford's precinct-level racial voter counts differed from my
counts, which were based only on the voters actually residing within the geographic boundaries
of HD 105 and HD 111, with no numerical alterations like the ones performed by Dr. Alford's
computer code. 1 found that Dr. Alford's racial voter counts were substantially inaccurate in
multiple precincts:
For example, Henry County's Precinct 38 ("Hickory Flat") is split between HD 111 and
HD 109 in the 2015 House Plan. The portion of this split precinct within HD 111 contained 795
Black and 583 non-Black voters who participated in the November 2016 election, so Blacks
comprised 57.7% of the electorate within the HD 111 portion of Hickory Flat, as detailed in
Table 16 of my original expert report (p. 37).
But Dr. Alford's computer code failed to account for the split portions of this precinct, in
addition to the other adjustments Dr. Alford made to the racial data, as described earlier. As a
result. Dr. Alford's racially polarized voting analysis for all 2016 elections used his inaccurate
data, which claimed that HD 111 contained 1,495 Black and 1,768 non-Black voters in Precinct
38 ("Hickory Flat") in November 2016, implying that Blacks comprised only 45.8% of total
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voters (far below the reality of 57.7%). Thus, Dr. Alford's inaccurate data led him to
significantly miscalculate both the number of voters, as well as the Black share of voters within
this Precinct residing within HD 111.
Dr. Alford produced similarly faulty data for Henry County's Precinct 61 ("McDonough
Central"), which is also split between HD 111 and HD 109 in the 2015 House Plan. In reality,
the portion of this split precinct within HD 111 contained 302 Black and 759 non-Black voters
who participated in the November 2016 election, so Blacks comprised 28.5% of the electorate
within the HD 111 portion of the McDonough Central precinct, as detailed in Table 16 of my
original expert report (p. 37). But Dr. Alford's racially polarized voting analysis for 2016
elections used his inaccurate data, which claimed that HD 111 contained 949 Black and 1,528
non-Black voters in Precinct 61 ("McDonough Central"), implying that Blacks comprised 38.3%
of total November 2016 voters (far above the reality of 28.5%). Once again. Dr. Alford's
inaccurate data thus led him to significantly miscalculate both the number of voters, as well as
the Black share of voters within this Precinct residing within HD 111. Altogether, data
inaccuracies such as these are sufficiently substantial to have caused Dr. Alford to reach faulty
and invalid estimates in his racially polarized voting analyses.
3) Racially Polarized Voting Analysis of the January 2018 HD 111 Special Election
In this section, I present a racially polarized voting analysis of the January 2018 special
house election in HD 111, an election that occurred after I submitted my original December 22,
2017 expert report. The results from this analysis indicate that voters in HD 111 continued to
exhibit substantially the same level of racially polarized voting as they had in previous elections
in the district.
1 conducted this racially polarized voting analysis in exactly the same way as in my
original expert report: I first calculated precinct-level racial breakdowns of the turnout electorate
- the set of registered voters who cast ballots - within the boundaries of HD 111 during the
January 2018 special election. 1 then compared these precinct-level racial breakdowns to the
precinct-level partisan results for HD 111 in this special house election. I calculated both
Ecological Inference and Ecological Regression estimates, and Table 1 presents both sets of
results.
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Table 1:
Ecological Inference and Ecological Regression Estimates of Democratic Candidates' Shareof Two-Party Vote Among Blacks and Non-Blacks in House District 111
Ecological Inference Estimates Ecological Regression Estimates:
Black Non-Black Black Non-Black
January 2018 SpecialElection, House District 111
98.7%
[97.1%, 99.5%1
14.2%
[13.8%, 15.1%]100%
[100%, 100%]
4.3%
[1.8%, 6.7%1
[95% Confidence Intervals listed in brackets]
Table 1 illustrates that in the January 2018 special election, voters in HD 111 continued
to exhibit significantly racially polarized voting, just as they had in state house elections during
2012, 2014, and 2016. In the January 2018 special election, approximately 98.7% of Black
voters supported one of the two Democratic candidates, whereas only 14.2% of non-Black voters
supported one of the Democratic candidates. These voting patterns are evidence of very
significant racially polarized voting, and these patterns indicate a continuation of the same
racially polarized voting patterns described in my original expert report in state house elections
during 2012, 2014, and 2016.
In his rebuttal report. Dr. Alford also presented an El and ER analysis of the January
2018 special house election for HD 111, as reported in the bottom row of Table 2 of his rebuttal
report. Dr. Alford's ER estimates are almost identical to mine, but his El estimates were slightly
different: Dr. Alford reported that 89.1% of Black voters and 18.8% of non-Black preferred a
Democratic candidate.
Although Dr. Alford's estimates substantially confirm my conclusion that there was
strong racially polarized voting in the January 2018 special election, I nevertheless examined Dr.
Alford's computer code and underlying data files to understand why he reached slightly different
estimates. Examination of his underlying precinct-level data files (named:
"datafor2018spechdl 1 l_4cand.dta" and "datafor2018spechdl 1 l_2cand.dta") immediately
revealed that once again. Dr. Alford's analysis suffered from one of the same data inaccuracy
problems that plagued his earlier calculations described above.
Specifically, it is apparent from these two precinct-level data files that once again, just as
he did in the "elec2012_HD105_contest_l.do" computer code described earlier. Dr. Alford made
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his own set of numerical adjustments to the number of non-Black voters in each precinct in HD
111, as reported in these data files in the column named "allothturn". The result of Dr. Alford's
adjustment of the non-Black voter counts is that when he conducted his Ecological Inference
calculations using a computer code file titled "bo_4candSE.r", his calculations were based upon
artificially modified data on the number of non-Black voters within each precinct in HD 111.
Among the data files that Dr. Alford turned over was an Excel file titled "data for 2018
spec hdl 11 .xlsx", which correctly lists the actual number of black and non-Black voters that
participated in the January 2018 election within each precinct, as reported by the Georgia
Secretary of State. However, Dr. Alford's Ecological Inference calculations did not use these
official non-Black voter counts. Instead, Dr. Alford used his modified count of non-Black voters.
Regardless of Dr. Alford's motivations for making these numerical adjustments to the racial data,
it is clear from Dr. Alford's computer code that his analysis of the January 2018 special election
was based on data that did not accurately describe the actual racial composition of voters who
participated in the election. This use of inaccurate data helps explain why Dr. Alford arrived at
Ecological Inference estimates slightly different from my El estimates described in Table 1.
4) Racially Polarized Voting Analysis and the Racial Identity of Candidates
In my original December 22, 2017 report, 1 conducted a racially polarized voting (RPV)
analysis of black and non-black voters in state legislative election contests in HD 105 and HD
111 during November 2012,2014, and 2016. The standard approach taken by political scientists
when analyzing RPV in election contests such as these involves asking two questions: 1)
Whether Black voters usually vote for the same candidates in legislative races; and 2) Whether
non-Black voters exhibit sufficient bloc voting to defeat candidates supported by Black voters. In
my original report, 1 found that in both HD 105 and HD 111, 98-99% Black voters support the
Democratic state legislative candidate in each election. Meanwhile, 75-85% of non-Black voters
support Republican candidates, constituting a level of bloc voting sufficient to defeat the
Democratic candidate supported by Black voters.
In response, Dr. Alford's rebuttal report attempts to argue that "voters are responding to
the party of the candidate, and not the race of the candidate." Dr. Alford states that Black voters
support both white and Black Democratic candidates, whereas white voters largely oppose both
white and Black Democratic candidates.
14
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These claims by Dr, Alford are irrelevant to the empirical analysis in my original report. I
simply sought to analyze whether Black voters generally support the same candidate in a
legislative contest and whether non-Black voters generally oppose the candidate preferred by
Black voters. Answering these two questions did not require me to analyze the effect of the
candidate's racial identity on Black or non-Black voter behavior. Therefore, Dr. Alford's claims
are irrelevant to the racially polarized voting analysis in my original report.
Moreover, in this case, the Legislature's primary map-drawer, Ms. Gina Wright, testified
in her November 2017 deposition that the 2015 Plan was drawn to enhance the likelihood that
Republican house candidates would defeat Democratic candidates (pp. 22, 24-26, 28-29). Given
this admission of partisan intent, in the context of this case, the key issue I sought to analyze is
whether Black voters generally support Democratic or Republican candidates and whether non-
black voters oppose the Black-preferred candidate, not the race of the candidates. Indeed, the
Democratic candidate for the November 2014 HD 111 house election was Caucasian, and this
house election exhibited substantially the same level of racially polarized voting as the other two
HD 111 house elections I analyzed in my original expert report.
5) The Predominance of Race in the Splitting of Precincts
On pages 8-9 of his rebuttal report, Dr. Alford argues that the 2015 Plan does not split
precincts in HD 105 and HD 111 on the basis of race. Dr. Alford's evidence for this argument is
his observation that the portions of the split precincts inside of HD 105 and HD 111 are not
extremely different in their aggregate racial composition from the portions of the split precincts
outside these two districts.
Dr. Alford's observation about the aggregate racial composition of these split precinct
portions is irrelevant, and Dr. Alford's misunderstands how a district's split precincts are properly
analyzed:
First, the fact that virtually all Black voters in HD 105 and HD 111 support Democratic
candidates, while the vast majority of non-Blacks oppose Democratic candidates, implies that a
voter's race is a statistically strong proxy for partisanship. Therefore, changing the racial
composition of a district by even only a small amount can guarantee a noticeable change in the
partisan performance of the district.
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Second, the "2011-2012 Guidelines for the House Legislative and Congressional
Reapportionment Committee" (Hereinafter: "Redistricting Guidelines") require that districts
follow precinct boundaries. The fact that HD 105 and HD 111 in 2015 Plan split a total of eight
precincts constitutes a significant violation this traditional districting principle. Thus, as none of
these eight split precincts was compelled by the Redistricting Guidelines, it is important to
scrutinize how the choice of splitting each individual precinct was made by the Reapportionment
Office.
Third, the Legislature's primary map-drawer, Ms. Gina Wright, testified in her November
20, 2017 deposition that in producing the 2015 Plan, the Legislative and Congressional
Reapportionment Office analyzed no partisan data at any lower level of geography than the
precinct level; instead, the Reapportionment Office simply assumed that all census block within
any single precinct contain the same proportion of Republican and Democratic voters (pp. 111-
113). In his December 18, 2017 deposition, Mr. Robert Strangia, a GIS specialist at the
Reapportionment Office, confirmed Ms. Wright's statement regarding this assumption. Mr.
Strangia's deposition testimony confirmed that the Reapportionment Office did not possess any
data allowing it to distinguish different census blocks within the same precinct with respect to
their relative partisan balance. Instead, according to Mr. Strangia, the Reapportionment Office
simply assumed that all census blocks within the same precinct contain the same proportion of
Republican and Democratic voters (pp. 24-27).
Therefore, the Reapportionment Office could not possibly have used partisan data in
deciding how to split any individual precinct into two different districts. Instead, the
Reapportionment Office only had access to census block-level data, including population and
racial data, in deciding how to split any individual precinct.
Fourth, because the Reapportionment Office had only racial data at the sub-precinct level,
rather than any meaningful partisan data allowing it to distinguish among different blocks within
a precinct, and because the Redistricting Guidelines do not call for any precincts to be split, each
of the eight precincts split by the 2015 Plan should be analyzed individually. The
Reapportionment Office was not required to split apart any particular set of precincts; therefore,
each specific instance that an individual precinct was split should be individually examined as a
potential deviation from the Redistricting Guidelines. Given that each individual split precinct
could not have been split on the basis of any sub-precinct partisan data, it is therefore logical to
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analyze whether each of these precincts were split on the basis of the racial sub-precinct-level
data that was available to the Reapportionment Office.
When each of the eight split precincts is analyzed individually, there is strong evidence
that race was a predominant factor in how these eight precincts were split: As described in my
original report, six of the eight precincts were split such that the respective portions of the
precincts assigned to HD 105 or HD 111 had a lower African-American share of the Voting Age
Population (YAP), while the portions of the precincts not assigned to HD 105 or HD 111 had a
higher African-American proportion. Given that the Reapportionment Office did not analyze
partisan data at the sub-precinct level, this striking racial pattern suggests that racial
considerations, not partisanship, explain the particular ways in which these eight precincts were
split.
Dr. Alford observes that the portions of the split precincts inside of HD 105 and HD 111
have an aggregate racial composition that is more heavily African-American than the portions of
the split precincts outside these two districts. But this fact is entirely caused by two precincts -
Precinct 60 ("Lawrenceville D") in HD 105 and Precinct 38 ("Hickory Flat") in HD 111 - with
geographic patterns of racial segregation that made inevitable the outcome observed by Dr.
Alford.
Precinct 60 ("Lawrenceville D") lies at the northwestern comer of HD 105 in the 2015
Plan. The southern half of Lawrenceville D is more heavily African-American than the northem
half of the precinct. Furthermore, since Lawrenceville D is at the northwestem comer of HD 105,
it is not possible to incorporate the northem half of Lawrenceville D into HD 105 without also
including the southem half of Lawrenceville D; otherwise, the geographic contiguity of HD 105
would be violated. Therefore, any decision to split Lawrenceville D would inevitably involve
including the southem, more heavily African-American portion of the precinct in HD 105 while
excluding the northem, less heavily African-American portion of the precinct.
Finally, it is important to note that the northem portion of Lawrenceville D, which was
excluded from HD 105, still has a significantly higher African-American proportion than the
overall composition of HD 105 under the 2015 Plan: The November 2016 tumout electorate
inside the excluded portion of the Lawrenceville D precinct was 42.7% African-American, while
the 2016 tumout electorate within the entire HD 105 district was only 32.9% African-American.
It is thus clear that the decision to split the Lawrenceville D precinct and exclude the northern
17
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portion of the precinct from HD 105 had the effect of decreasing HD 105's African-American
proportion. Therefore, the particular manner in which the Lawrenceville D precinct was split, by
excluding the northern, heavily-African-American portion of the precinct, appears to support the
map drawer's overall strategy of splitting precincts so as to minimize the African-American
population ofHD 105.
A similar explanation applies to Precinct 38 ("Hickory Flat") in HD 111. The western
portion of Hickory Flat is more heavily African-American than the eastern portion of the
precinct. The Hickory Flat precinct connects to the remainder of HD 111 through the western
portion of the precinct. Thus, it is not possible to include the eastern portion of Hickory Flat into
HD 111 without also including the western portion of Hickory Flat; otherwise, the geographic
contiguity of HD 111 would be violated. Therefore, any decision to split Hickory Flat would
inevitably involve including the western, more heavily African-American portion of the precinct
in HD 111 while excluding the eastern, less heavily African-American portion of the precinct.
6) Findings Not Rebutted by Dr. Alford's Report
In my report, I analyze results from the six most probative elections for the purpose of
examining racially polarized voting within the two districts challenged in this case: The 2012,
2014, and 2016 general house elections in HD 105 and in HD 111. Of those six elections. Dr.
Alford did not purport to analyze the two house elections held in November 2014. For the
remaining four house elections held in 2012 and 2016, Dr. Alford's report claimed that he
analyzed the election results, but his computer code and data files clearly indicate that he instead
analyzed the 2012 and 2016 US Presidential elections in Gwinnett and Henry Counties. Dr.
Alford's effective failure to analyze any of these six elections is significant because these six
elections are the most probative elections when conducting a racially polarized voting analysis of
house election results in HD 105 and HD 111.
Dr. Alford did analyze one state house election contest: The 2018 special election for HD
111. Although Dr. Alford's Ecological Inference calculations suffered from the data inaccuracy
problems described earlier in this report, his conclusions nevertheless confirm the broader
pattern of significant racially polarized voting in HD 111 legislative elections.
My original December 22, 2017 expert report included several additional empirical
findings that were not disputed and were not mentioned by Dr. Alford's report. First, I found that
18
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the 2014 House elections exhibited significant racially polarized voting, with over 98% of Black
voters supporting Democratic House candidates, while 75-85% of non-Black voters supported
Republican candidates. These findings were neither addressed nor disputed by Dr. Alford.
Second, I estimated the hypothetical outcomes of the November 2016 House elections,
assuming they had been held under the old 2012 Plan boundaries for HD 105 and HD 111.1
found that, under the 2012 Plan boundaries, a Black Democratic candidate would have defeated a
White Republican candidate in November 2016, winning approximately 50.3%-54.4% of the
vote in the two districts. These findings were neither addressed nor disputed by Dr. Alford.
Third, I found that demographic and partisan changes in HD 105 and HD 111 between
2012 and 2016 explain why a Democratic candidate would have defeated a Republican candidate
in November 2016 under the old 2012 Plan boundaries for HD 105 and HD 111. Specifically, my
original expert report found that the African-American share of the turnout electorate increased
noticeably from November 2012 to November 2016 in both HD 105 and HD 111 under the 2012
Plan. Meanwhile, non-African-American voters within HD 105, as drawn under the 2012 Plan,
became somewhat more likely to favor a Black Democratic House candidate in November 2016,
compared to previous elections. As a result of these collective racial and partisan shifts,
Democratic House candidates' vote share significantly increased among voters residing within
the 2012 Plan boundaries for HD 105 and HD 111 from November 2012 to November 2016. All
of these findings were neither addressed nor disputed by Dr. Alford.
Fourth, I analyzed the motivations for the redrawing of HD 105 and HD 111 in the 2015
plan. First, I found that the 2015 plan decreased the African-American share of the turnout
electorate by 4.0 percentage points in HD 105 and by 2.9 percentage points in HD 111. Overall,
in HD 105 and HD 111,1 found that the 2015 Plan generally decreased compliance with
traditional districting principles and with the principles set forth in the "2011-2012 Guidelines
for the House Legislative and Congressional Reapportionment Committee". Specifically, 1 found
that the 2015 Plan worsened compliance with the districting principles of equal population,
geographic compactness (as measured by Reock and Popper-Polsby scores), following precinct
boundaries, and avoiding county splits, while generally splitting more municipalities than
necessary. These findings were neither addressed nor disputed by Dr. Alford.
Finally, given that race and partisanship are highly correlated within these two districts, I
also analyzed in my original expert report whether partisan considerations, rather than racial
19
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considerations, could account for the drawing of the new district boundaries in the 2015 plan. I
found that the 2015 Plan made a series of precinct-level switches that noticeably decreased the
African-American population in both HD 105 and HD 111 while subordinating traditional
districting principles and violating the 2011-2012 Redistricting Guidelines. These findings were
neither addressed nor disputed by Dr. Alford.
Furthermore, I found that the Legislature's primary map-drawer for the 2015 Plan had
access only to racial data, but not partisan data, at the sub-precinct level. Yet strikingly, I also
found that the 2015 Plan splits three precincts in HD 105 and five precincts in HD 111 in ways
that consistently decreased the African-American share of the population in both districts. The
fact that six of eight split precincts were split in ways that decreased the African-American share
of the population in HD 105 and HD 111 was neither addressed nor disputed by Dr. Alford.
I declare under penalty of perjury the foregoing is true and correct. Executed this 12th day of
February 2018.
Signed:
Jowei Chen
20
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Appendix A:
This appendix is a printout of Dr. Alf
ord'
s data fil
e: "HD 105/controlfile_2012_processed.dta"
list
ing th
e actual November 2012 ele
ctio
ns ana
lyze
d by Dr. Alford's computer code for HD 105 in his January 31,2018 rebuttal report.
election
contestnumber
contest
candidate
party
candorder
numcand
H1
Joutcome
race
ElectionlD
OfficelD
2012 GE
1President of the United States
MITT ROMNEY (R)
R1
3NA
NA
NA
11
2012
1
2012 GE
1President of the United States
BARACK OBAMA
(l)(D)
D2
3NA
NA
NA
11
2012
1
2012 GE
1President of the United States
GARY JOHNSON (L)
L3
3NA
NA
NA
11
2012
1
2012 GE
2
Public Ser
vice
Commission,
Dist
rict
3 - Metro-Atlanta
CHUCK EATON (R)
R1
3NA
NA
NA
11
2012
2
2012 GE
2
Public Ser
vice
Commission,
Dist
rict
3 - Metro-Atlanta
STEPHEN
OPPENHEIMER (D)
D2
3NA
NA
NA
11
2012
2
2012 GE
2
Public Ser
vice
Commission,
Dist
rict
3 - Metro-Atlanta
BRAD PLOEGER (L)
L3
3NA
NA
NA
11
2012
2
2012 GE
3Cl
erk Su
peri
or Court
RICH ALEXANDER
(l)(R)
R1
2NA
NA
NA
11
2012
3
2012 GE
3Cl
erk Superior Court
BRIAN WHITESIDE
(D)
D2
2NA
NA
NA
11
2012
3
21
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Appendix B:
This app
endi
x is
a printout of
Dr. Alford's da
ta file: "HD 105/controlfile_2016_processed.dta"
listing the ac
tual
November 201
6 elections an
alyz
ed by Dr. Al
ford's computer code for
HD 105 in his Ja
nuar
y 31,2018 rebuttal rep
ort.
election
contestnumber
contest
candidate
party
candorder
numcand
H1
Joutcome
race
ElectionID
OfficelD
2016 GE
1United States Senator, Isa
kson
JOHNNY ISAKSON
(!)
R1
3NA
NA
NA
11
2016
1
2016 GE
1United States Se
nato
r, Isa
kson
JIM BARKSDALE
D2
3NA
NA
NA
11
2016
1
2016 GE
1United States Senator, Isa
kson
ALLEN BUCKLEY
L3
3NA
NA
NA
12016
1
2016 GE
2President of the United States
DONALD J.
TRUMP
R1
3NA
NA
NA
11
2016
2
2016 GE
2President of the United States
HILLARY CLINTON
D2
3NA
NA
NA
11
2016
2
2016 GE
2President of the United States
GARY JOHNSON
L3
3NA
NA
NA
11
2016
2
2016 GE
3CC Chair
C. NASH (l
)(R)
R1
2NA
NA
NA
11
2016
3
2016 GE
3CC Chair
J. SHEALEY (D)
D2
2NA
NA
NA
11
2016
3
22
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Appendix C:
This appendix is a printout of Dr. Alf
ord'
s da
ta file:
"HD
lll\
\con
trol
fiIe
_201
2jpr
oces
sed.
dta"
listing th
e actual November 2012 elections analyzed by Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer code for HD 111 in his January 31,2018 reb
utta
l re
port
.
election
contestnumber
contest
candidate
party
candorder
numcand
notes
outcome
race
ElectionID
OfficelD
election
contestnumber
2012 GE
1President of the United
States
MITT ROMNEY
(R)
R1
3NA
11
2012
12012 GE
1
2012 GE
1President of the United
States
BARACK OBAMA
(l)D
D2
3NA
11
2012
12012 GE
1
2012 GE
1President of the United
States
GARY JOHNSON
(L)
L3
3NA
11
2012
12012 GE
1
2012 GE
2Public Service
Commission, Di
stri
ct 3
- Metro-Atlanta
CHUCK EATON
(l)R
R1
3NA
11
2012
22012 GE
2
2012 GE
2Public Service
Commission, Dis
tric
t 3
- Metro-Atlanta
STEPHEN
OPPENHEIMER
(D)
D2
3NA
11
2012
22012 GE
2
2012 GE
2Public Service
Commission, Di
stri
ct 3
- Metro-Atlanta
BRAD PLOEGER
(L)
L3
3NA
11
2012
22012 GE
2
2012 GE
3Di
stri
ct Attorney, Fl
int
Circuit
JIM WRIGHT (R)
R1
2NA
11
2012
32012 GE
3
2012 GE
3District Attorney, Fl
int
Circuit
DARIUS
PATT
ILLO
(D)
D2
2NA
11
2012
32012 GE
3
2012 GE
4CHAIR COUNTY
COMMISSION
TOMMY SMITH
(R)
R1
2NA
11
2012
42012 GE
4
2012 GE
4CHAIR COUNTY
COMMISSION
CARLOTTA
HARRELL (D)
D2
2NA
11
2012
42012 GE
4
23
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Appendix D:
This app
endi
x is a printout of Dr. Alf
ord'
s data file: "HD lll/controlfile_2016_processed.dta"
listing th
e actual November 2016 elections ana
lyze
d by Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer code for HD 111 in his January 31,2018 reb
utta
l re
port
.
election
contestnumber
contest
candidate
party
candorder
numcand
notes
outcome
race
ElectionID
OfficelD
2016 GE
1President of the United States
DONALD J. TRUMP
R1
3UNITY...
11
2016
1
2016 GE
1President of the United States
HILLARY CLINTON
D2
31
12016
1
2016 GE
1President of the United States
GARY JOHNSON
L3
31
12016
1
2016 GE
2United States Se
nato
r, Isa
kson
JOHNNY ISAKSON (1)
R1
31
12016
2
2016 GE
2Un
ited
States Senator, Isa
kson
JIM BARKSDALE
D2
31
12016
2
2016 GE
2Un
ited
States Senator, Isa
kson
ALLEN BUCKLEY
L3
31
12016
2
2016 GE
3CLERK, SUPERIOR COURT
B. HARRISON (1)
RR
12
11
2016
3
2016 GE
3CLERK, SUPERIOR COURT
S. HILL (D)
D2
21
12016
3
2016 GE
4SHERIFF
R. MCBRAYER (1
) RR
12
11
2016
4
2016 GE
4SHERIFF
J. M. ECKLER (D)
D2
21
12016
4
2016 GE
5CORONER
D. CLEVELAND (1
) R
R1
21
12016
5
2016 GE
5CORONER
T. BROWN (D)
D2
21
12016
5
2016 GE
6CHAIR COUNTY COMMISSION
J, WOOD (R)
R1
21
12016
6
2016 GE
6CHAIR COUNTY COMMISSION
C. HARRELL(D)
D2
21
12016
6
24
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Appendix £:
This
appendix is a printout of
Dr. Alford's data fil
e: "HD 105
/Rda
ta_2
012_
cont
est_
l.dt
a"co
ntai
ning
the pre
cinc
t-le
vel el
ecti
ons analyzed to pr
oduc
e Table 1 of Dr. Alford's January 31
,201
8 re
butt
al report.
precinct
candl
cand2
cand3
biktrn
allothturn
novote
OfficelD
ElectlonID
cands
60
535
1619
14
1211
960
31
2012
3
71
657
1472
17
1079
1070
31
2012
3
78
1221
766
13
483
1521
41
2012
3
80
1658
1616
29
1143
2173
13
12012
3
91
1702
977
32
585
2126
01
2012
3
134
1065
1128
13
841
1366
11
2012
3
144
720
1837
27
1360
1225
11
2012
3
146
2258
904
26
537
2657
61
2012
3
147
1391
1418
29
973
1868
31
2012
3
25
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Appendix F:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer file titled "el
ec20
12_H
D105
_con
test
_l.d
o";
Used to cr
eate
results for
the
first
2012 ele
ctio
n co
ntes
t analyzed in Table 1 of Dr. Alf
ord'
s January 31,2018 rebuttal re
port
.
1 /* th
is fi
le is pa
rt of a sequence of f
iles tha
t do one el
ecti
on eac
h fo
r th
e St
ate of
Georgia, HD105 exo
geno
us ele
ctio
ns. Ea
ch of t
hese do
file
s2
gets
called fr
om a run
file
{ru
n_ex
og.d
o)3 4
75 6
r set the
hom
e directory a
nd the contest and year gl
obal
s7 8
NOTE: Di
rect
ory of th
e correct R fi
les a
re har
d coded below, as is
the
location wh
ere those
9 files wi
ll be lo
ckin
g fo
r tempdata.
10
1112 7
1314
glob
al mys
tart
'"C:/Users/randy/Dropbox//"'
1516
glob
al dat
apat
h ""
_red
istr
icti
ng-s
hare
d-ri
ck-r
andy
\Gwi
nnet
t - Georgia\_final//"'
17
18
glob
al ana
lpat
h *"
cons
ulti
ng\S
tate
of Georgia\HD105//"'
19
20
2122
glob
al yea
r=20
122324
glob
al contest=1
2526
glob
al num
cans
=327
2829
/* Bri
ng in th
e demographics, do transformations, a
nd sav
e as
a sor
ted stata file 7
30
3132
impo
rt ex
cel "
${mystart}${datapath}${year}\demographics_${year}.xlsx", sh
eet(
"She
et1"
) fir
stro
w cl
ear
3334
35
duplicates li
st pre
cinc
t name I*
check for dupllicate precincts 7
36373 8
gen blktm=bf+bm
39
gen allothtum=nvf+nvm+of+om+uu+wf+wm+apf+apm+hsf+hsm
40
gen to
ttm=
tota
l4142
keep
if pre
cinc
t_nu
mber
==60
| III
26
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Appendix F:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer fil
e ti
tled
"elec2012_HD105_contest_l.do";
Used to cr
eate
results for
the fir
st 2012 ele
ctio
n contest an
alyz
ed in Table 1 of Dr. Alf
ord'
s January 31,2018 reb
utta
l re
port
.
43
prec
inct
_num
ber=
=711
III
44
precinct_number==78| II
I45
prec
inct
_num
ber=
=80|
III
46
precinct_number==911 II
I47
prec
inct
_num
ber=
=134
|///
48
precinct_number==144| I
II49
prec
inct
_nun
iber
==14
6| II
I50
precinct_number==147
5152
rena
me precinct_number precinct
53
sort pre
cinc
t54
5556
save
"${
myst
art}
${an
alpa
th}c
lemo
grap
hics
_${y
ear}
.dta
", re
plac
e57
58
/* bring in th
e eiection dat
a for t
he contest in
que
stio
n, merge wit
h demographics, bu
ild no
vote va
riab
le and save for use
in R •/
59
60
61
impo
rt ex
cel "
${my
star
t}${
data
path
}${y
ear}
\con
test
_${y
ear}
_${c
onte
st}.
xlsx
", sh
eet(
"She
et1"
) fir
stro
w clear
62
63
capt
ure dr
op to
tal
64
rena
me pre
cinc
t precinct_name2
65
rena
me pre
cinc
tid precinct
6667
sort precinct
68
merge 1:
1 precinct usi
ng "${mystart}${anaipath}\demographics_${year}.dta"
6970
keep
if _me
rge=
=37172
r cre
ate no vot
e */
7374
egen
cas
t=ro
wtot
al(c
and*
)75
gen no
vote
=tot
ai-c
ast
7677
repl
ace aliothturn=aliothtum+abs(novote) if
novote<0
/* so fe
w precincts
I cant af
ford
to drop but
hav
e to
ali
ocat
e th
e78
the ca
st vot
e so giv
e it to ot
hers
based on
proportionality */
79
replace no
vote
=0 if
novote<0
80
8182
/* add some variables the R fi
le needs to have under cer
tain
names */
8384
gen Of
fice
lD=$
{con
test
}
27
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 156 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02
/12/18 Page 28 of 37
Appendix F:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer fil
e ti
tled
"elec2012_HD105_contest_l.do";
Used to cr
eate
results for
the
fir
st 2012 ele
ctio
n co
ntes
t an
alyz
ed in Table 1 of Dr. Alf
ord'
s January 31,2018 rebuttal report.
85
gen ElectionlD=${year}
86
gen cands=${numcans}
87
88
keep precinct bi
ktrn
aliothtum ElectlonID OfficelD can
d* nov
ote
89
sort precinct
90
9192
save "${
myst
art}
${an
alpa
th}\
Rdat
a_${
year
}_co
ntes
t_${
cont
est}
.dta
", rep
lace
/* th
is Is t
he fi
le R wil
l re
ad - ac
tual
y we wi
ll mak
e a tem
p file
93
copy
of
It to
read so the
y wi
ll all
have th
e same name */
94
95
r cre
ate th
e tempdata tha
t R wil
l actually read (the file above Is f
or reference - cha
nge th
e names of th
e ca
ndid
ate variables to
V's
*/9697
98
local nu
mcan
s=${
numc
ans}
99
1 GO
fore
ach kk of nu
mlls
t 1/'numcans' {
101
rename cand'kk' V'kk'
102
}103
104
save "C
:\Us
ers\
rand
y\Dr
opbo
x\co
nsul
tlng
\Gen
erlc
Temp
Data
\tem
pdat
a.dt
a", r
eplace
105
106
107
108
r run the r fi
le - which sav
es out res
ults
as "R
resu
lts"
, which ar
e then read In
and
saved und
er a different name In the co
rrec
t directory
109
110
Note
that there Is
a kk va
riab
le which not nee
ded here - I le
ave
It In fo
r ease of tr
ansi
tion
thi
s to
a loop
111
*/112
113
local kk
=${c
onte
st}
114
loca
l nu
mcan
s=${
numc
ans}
115
local ye
ar=$
(yea
r}116
117
capture er
ase "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\GenerlcResultsFolder\Rresults.dta"
118
If'n
umca
ns-=
2 {119
shell "
C:\P
rogr
am Flles\R\R-3.3.2\bln\x64\R.exe" CMD BATCH "C
:\\U
sers
\\ra
ndy\
\Dro
pbox
\\co
nsul
tlng
\\AL
L El R FIL
ES\\
bo_2
cand
.r"
120
121
preserve
122
drop _all
123
use "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\GenerlcResultsFolder\Rresults.dta", c
lear
124
save
"C:\Users\randy\Desktop\HD105 Res
ults
\exo
g_'y
ear'
_HD 1
05_res'kk'.dta", rep
lace
125
restore
126
28
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 157 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02
/12/18 Page 29 of 37
Appendix F:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer file ti
tled
"elec2012_HD105_contest_l.do";
Used to cr
eate
results for
the
first
2012 ele
ctio
n co
ntes
t analyzed in Table 1 of Dr. Alf
ord'
s January 31,2018 rebuttal re
port
.
127
C:\U
sers
\ran
dy\D
ropb
ox\c
onsu
ltin
g\AL
L El R FIL
ES128
local kk
='kk
'+1
129
}130
else if
'num
cans
-=3 {
131
shell "C:
\Pro
gram
Files\R\R-3.3.2\bin\x64\R.exe" CMD BATCH "C:
\\Us
ers\
\ran
dy\\
Drop
box\
\con
sult
lng\
\ALL
El R FIL
ES\\
bo_3
cand
.r"
132
133
pres
erve
134
drop _a
ll135
use "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\GenerlcResultsFolder\Rresults.dta", c
lear
136
save "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\HD105 Results\exog_'year'_HD105_res'kk'.dta", replace
137
restore
138
139
140
loca
l kk='kk'+1
141
}142
siss
if 'num
c3ns
'~~4
143
shell "
C:\Progr
am Files\R\R-3.3.2\bin\x64\R.exe" CMD BATCH "C:
\\Us
ers\
\ran
dy\\
Drop
box\
\con
sult
lng\
\ALL
El R FIL
ES\\
bo_4
cand
.r"
144
145
preserve
146
drop_all
147
use "C
:\Us
ers\
rand
y\De
skto
p\Ge
neri
cRes
ults
Fold
ertR
resu
lts.
dta"
, clear
148
save "C:
\Use
rs\r
andy
\Des
ktop
\HD1
05 Res
ults
\exo
g_"y
ear'
_HD1
05_r
es'k
k'.d
ta",
rep
lace
149
rest
ore
150
151
152
local kk
='kk
'+1
153
}154
0ls0 if
*nLinic3ns'"~5
155
shell "
C:\P
rogr
am Flles\R\R-3.3.2\bin\x64\R.exe" CMD BATCH "C:
\\Us
ers\
\ran
dy\\
Drop
box\
\con
sult
lng\
\ALL
El R FILES\\bo_5cand.r"
156
157
pres
erve
158
drop_all
159
use "C
:\Us
ers\
rand
y\De
skto
p\Ge
nerl
cRes
ults
Fold
er\R
resu
lts.
dta"
, cle
ar160
save "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\HD105 Results\exog_'year'_HD105_res'kk'.dta", rep
lace
161
rest
ore
162
163
loca
l kk='kk'+1
164
}165
166
29
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 158 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02/12/18 Page 30 of 37
Appendix G:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer file ti
tled
"elec2012_HD105_contest_2.do";
Used to create results for the
second 2012 election contest analyzed in Ta
ble 1 of
Dr. Alford's January 31,2018 rebuttal report.
1 2 /* th
is fi
le is pa
rt of a sequence of
file
s tha
t do on
e election eac
h for t
he State of G
eorgia, HD105 exogenous el
ecti
ons.
Each of
these do fi
les
3 gets
call
ed from a ru
n fi
le (r
un_e
xog.
do)
4 5 */
6 7 /* set th
e home directory and
the
contest and year gl
obal
s
9 NOTE: Di
rect
ory of th
e co
rrec
t R fi
les a
re har
d co
ded below, as is
the
loc
atio
n where those
10
file
s will be locking fo
r tempdata.
1112
13
*!14
15
glob
al mys
tart
"'C:
/Use
rs/r
andy
/Dro
pbox
/r'
1617
global dat
apat
h *"
_red
istr
icti
ng-s
hare
d-ri
ck-r
andy
\Gwi
nnet
t - Geo
rgia
\_fi
nal/
/"'
1819
global analpath "'
cons
ulti
ng\S
tate
of Georgia\HD1 O
S/f"
20
2122
23
glob
al year=2012
24
25
global contest=2
2627
global numcans=3
2829
30
r Bri
ng in t
he dem
ogra
phic
s, do tr
ansf
orma
tion
s, and sav
e as
a sorted st
ata file *!
3132
33
import excel "$
{mys
tart
}${d
atap
ath}
${ye
ar}\
demo
grap
hlcs
_${y
ear}
.xls
x", s
heet("Sheet1") firs
trow
clear
34
3536
dupl
icat
es li
st pre
cinc
t_na
me /*
che
ck fo
r dupllicate precincts */
37
3839
gen bl
ktrn
=bf+
bm40
gen a!
loth
tum=
nvf+
nvm+
of+o
m+uu
+wf+
wm+a
pf+a
pm+h
sf+h
sm41
gen
tott
rn=t
otal
42
30
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 159 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02
/12/
18 Page 31 of 37
Appendix G:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer fil
e ti
tled
"elec2012_HD105_contest_2.do";
Used to cr
eate
results for
the second 2012 election co
ntes
t an
alyz
ed in Table I of Dr. Alf
ord'
s January 31,2018 rebuttal report.
43
keep
if pre
cinc
t_nu
mber
==60
| III
44
preclnct_number==711 II
I45
precinct_number==78| II
I46
precinct_number==80| II
IA1
precinct_number==911 II
I48
precinct_number==134|///
49
precinct_number==144|///
50
preclnct_number==146| I
II51
precinct number==147
52
53
rena
me precinct_number pre
cinc
t54
sort pre
cinc
t555657
save "${
myst
art}
${an
alpa
th}d
emog
raph
ics_
${ye
ar}.
dta"
, re
plac
e58
59
r bring in the election data for th
e contest in
question, mer
ge with demographics, bu
ild no
vote variable and sav
e fo
r use in
R *
/60
6162
import ex
cel "
${my
star
t}${
data
path
}${y
ear}
\con
test
_${y
ear}
_${c
onte
st}.
xlsx
", sh
eet(
"She
et1"
) fir
stro
w clear
63
64
capt
ure drop total
65
rena
me pre
cinc
t pr
ecin
ct_n
ame2
66
rena
me precinctid precinct
67
68
sort precinct
69
merg
e 1:1 pr
ecin
ct usi
ng "${
myst
art}
${an
alpa
th}\
demo
grap
hics
_${y
ear}
.dta
"70
7172
73
/* cre
ate no vot
e */
74
75
egen cast=rowtotal(cand*)
76
gen novote=total-cast
77
drop
if novote<0
7879
r add some var
iabl
es the
R fil
e needs to have under certain names *1
80
81
gen Of
fice
lD=$
{con
test
}82
gen El
ecti
onlD
=${y
ear}
83
gen cands=${numcans}
84
31
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 160 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02
/12/
18 Page 32 of 37
Appendix G:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer fil
e ti
tled
"elec2012_HD105_contest_2.do";
Used to cr
eate
results for the sec
ond 2012 election co
ntes
t analyzed in Table 1 of Dr. Alf
ord'
s January 31,2018 reb
utta
l report.
85
keep pre
cinc
t bi
ktrn
allothturn ElectlonlD OfficelD ca
nd* novote
86
sort precinct
87
8889
save "$
{mys
tart
}${a
nalp
ath}
\Rda
ta_$
{yea
r}_c
onte
st_$
{con
test
}.dt
a", r
epla
ce !*
this
is the
file R wi
ll read ~ ac
tualy we wi
ll mak
e a te
mp fi
le90
copy
of
it to rea
d so the
y will al
l ha
ve the
same name */
9192
r cre
ate th
e te
mpda
ta that R will a
ctually read (the fi
le above is f
or ref
eren
ce ~ change the na
mes of th
e ca
ndid
ate va
riab
les to
Vs *!
9394
95
loca
l numcans=${numcans}
9697
fore
ach kk
of nu
mlis
t 1/
'num
cans
' {98
rename cand'kk' V'kk'
99
}100
101
save
"C:\Users\randy\Dropbox\consulting\GenericTempData\tempdata.dta", rep
lace
102
103
104
105
r run
the
r fi
le - which saves out res
ults
as "Rresults", which ar
e then read
in and saved under a different name in
the
cor
rect
directory
106
107
Note tha
t the
re is a kk variable which not needed here - I le
ave
It in
for
ease of tr
ansition this t
o a loop
108
•/109
110
local kk
=${c
onte
st}
111
loca
l numcans=${numcans}
112
loca
l year=${year}
113
114
capt
ure er
ase "C
:\Us
ers\
rand
y\De
skto
p\Ge
neri
cRes
ults
Fold
er\R
resu
lts.
dta"
115
if'numcans'==2{
116
shell "
C:\P
rogr
am Fil
es\R
\R-3
.3.2
\bin
\x64
\R.e
xe" CMD BATCH "C:\\Users\\randy\\Dropbox\\consulting\\ALL El R FIL
ES\\
bo_2
cand
.r"
117
118
preserve
119
drop _all
120
use "C
;\Us
ers\
rand
y\De
skto
p\Ge
neri
cRes
ults
Fold
er\R
resu
lts.
dta"
, clear
121
save
"C:\Users\randy\Desktop\HD105 Res
ults
\exo
g_'y
ear'
_HD1
05_r
es'k
k'.d
ta",
replace
122
rest
ore
123
124
C:\Users\randy\Dropbox\consulting\ALL El R FILES
125
local kk
='kk
'+1
126
}
32
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 161 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02
/12/
18 Page 33 of 37
Appendix G:
Dr. Alford's computer fi
le titled "e
Iec2
012_
HD10
5_co
ntes
t_2.
do";
Used to cr
eate
results for the second 2012 ele
ctio
n co
ntes
t analyzed in Table 1 of
Dr. Alf
ord'
s Ja
nuar
y 31,2018 rebuttal report.
12 7
else
If' numcans'==3 {
128
shell "
C:\Program Fil
es\R
\R-3
.3.2
\bln
\x64
\R.e
xe" CMD BATCH "C
:\\Users\\randy\\Dropbox\\consulting\\ALL El
R FILES\\bo_3cancl.r"
130
pres
erve
131
drop
all
132
use "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\GenericResultsFolder\Rresults.dta", c
lear
133
save "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\HD105 Results\excg_'year'_HD105_res'kk'.dta", re
place
134
restore
135
136
137
local kk
='kk
'+1
138
}139
else
If' numcans-=4 {
140
shell "
C:\Program Fil
es\R
\R-3
.3.2
\bln
\x64
\R.e
xe" CMD BATCH "C
:\\Users\\randy\\Dropbox\\consulting\\ALL El R FILES\\bo_4cand.r"
142
pres
erve
143
drop
al
l144
use "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\GeneiicResultsFolder\Rresults.dta", c
lear
145
save "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\HD105 Results\exogJyear'_HD105_res'kk'.dta", r
eplace
146
restore
147
148
149
loca
l kk
='kk
'+1
150
}15
1 el
se If'
numc
ans'
==5 {
152
shel
l "C:\Program Fll
es\R
\R-3
.3.2
\bin
\x64
\R.e
xe" CMD BATCH "C
:\\Users\\randy\\Dropbox\\consulting\\ALL El
R FIL
ES\\
bo_5
cand
.r"
154
preserve
155
drop_all
156
use "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\GenericResultsFolder\Rresults.dta", c
lear
157
save
"C:
\Use
rs\r
andy
\Des
ktop
\HD1
05 Results\exogJyear'_HD105_res"kk'.dta", r
eplace
158
restore
159
160
local kk
='kk
'+1
161
}162
163
33
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 162 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02
/12/
18 Page 34 of 37
Appendix H:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer file ti
tled
"elec2012_HD105_contest_3.do";
Used to cr
eate
results for
the
third 2012 ele
ctio
n co
ntes
t analyzed in Table 1 of Dr. Alf
ord'
s January 31,2018 rebuttal re
port
.
1 2 r this f
ile i
s pa
rt of a sequence of
fiies t
hat do one election each for the
State of Ge
orgi
a, HD105 exogenous elections. Each of t
hese do fi
les
3 gets
called fr
om a run
file
(run
_exo
g.do
)4 5
•/6 7
/* set the
home directory and the
contest and yea
r globals
8 9 NOTE: Di
rectory of
the
cor
rect
R fi
les a
re har
d co
ded below, as is
the
location wh
ere th
ose
10
fiies will be lo
ckin
g for tempdata.
1112
13 7
14
15
glob
al mys
tart
'"C:/Users/randy/Dropbox//"'
1617
global dat
apat
h ■"
_red
istric
ting-
shar
ed-ri
ck-ra
ndy\
Gwi
nnet
t - G
eorg
ia\_
final
//"'
18 19
globa
l ana
lpath
"'co
nsul
ting\
Stat
e of
Geo
rgia
\HD1
05//"
'20 21 22 23
glo
bal y
ear=
2012
24 25
glob
al c
onte
st=3
26 27
glob
al n
umca
ns=2
28 29 30
r Br
ing in
the
dem
ogra
phics
, do
trans
fom
natio
ns, a
nd s
ave
as a
sor
ted
stata
file
731 32 33
im
port
exce
l "${
mys
tart}
${da
tapa
th}$
{yea
r}\de
mog
raph
ics_$
{yea
r}.xls
x", s
heet
("She
et1"
) firs
trow
clear
34 35 36
dupl
icate
s lis
t pre
cinct_
nam
e /*
chec
k fo
r dup
liicat
e pr
ecinc
ts 7
37 38 39
gen
blkt
rn=b
f+bm
40
gen
allo
thtu
m=n
vf+n
vm+o
f+om
+uu+
wf+w
m+a
pf+a
pm+h
sf+h
sm41
ge
n to
ttm=t
otal
42
34
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 163 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02
/12/
18 Page 35 of 37
Appendix H:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer file ti
tled
"elec2012_HD105_contest_3.do";
Used to cr
eate
results for
the thi
rd 2012 ele
ctio
n co
ntes
t an
alyz
ed in Table 1 of Dr. Alf
ord'
s January 31,2018 rebuttal re
port
.
43
keep if
precinct_numbep==60| I
II44
prec
inct
_num
ber=
=711
III
45
prec
lnct
_num
ber=
=78|
III
46
prec
inct
_num
ber=
=80|
III
47
prec
inct
_num
bep=
=91|
///
48
preclnct_number==134|///
49
prec
inct
_num
bep=
=144
| III
50
precinct_number==146|///
51
prec
inct
number==147
52
53
rena
me pre
cinc
t_nu
mber
precinct
54
sort
pre
cinc
t555657
save
"${
myst
art}
${an
alpa
th}d
emog
raph
ics_
${ye
ar}.
dta"
, replace
5859
/* bring in th
e election data for t
he con
test
in que
stio
n, mer
ge with demographics, bu
ild no
vote variable and save for us
e in
R *
/60
6162
import exc
ei "$
{mys
tart
}${d
atap
ath}
${ye
ar}\
cont
est_
${ye
ar}_
${co
ntes
t}.x
lsx"
, she
et("
Shee
t1")
firs
trow
cle
ar63
64
capture drop tot
al65
rena
me precinct precinct_name2
66
rena
me pre
cinc
tid precinct
67
68
sort pre
cinc
t69
merg
e 1:
1 pr
ecin
ct usi
ng "${
myst
art}
${an
alpa
th}\
demo
grap
hics
_${y
ear}
.dta
"70
7172
73
/* create no vot
e */
74
75
egen cast=rowtotal(cand*)
76
gen novote=total-cast
77
drop
If novote<0
7879
r add some variables the
R file needs to have under certain names */
80
81
gen Of
fice
lD=$
{con
test
}82
gen Ei
ecti
onlD
=${y
ear}
83
gen ca
nds=
${nu
mcan
s}84
35
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 164 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02/12/18 Page 36 of 37
Appendix H:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer fil
e ti
tled
"eIec2012_HD105_contest_3.do";
Used to cr
eate
results for
the thi
rd 2012 ele
ctio
n contest an
alyz
ed in Table 1 of Dr. Alf
ord'
s January 31,2018 reb
utta
l report.
85
keep
pre
cinc
t bi
ktrn
allothturn El
ecti
onlD
Office!D ca
nd* novote
86
sort precinct
87
8889
save "$
{mys
tart
}${a
na!p
ath}
\Rda
ta_$
{yea
r}_c
onte
st_$
{con
test
}.dt
a", r
epia
ce /*
this
is the fi
le R wi
ll read ~ ac
tual
y we wi
ll mak
e a te
mp fi
le90
copy of
it to
rea
d so the
y wi
ll all
have th
e same name */
9192
/* cre
ate th
e te
mpda
ta that R wi
ll actually read (t
he file
above is f
or reference - ch
ange
the
names of t
he can
dida
te var
iabl
es to V's */
9394
95
loca
l numcans=${numcans}
9697
fore
ach kk
of nu
mlis
t 1/"numcans' {
98
rename cand'kk' V'kk'
99
}100
101
save
"C:
\Use
rs\r
andy
\Dro
pbox
\con
sult
ing\
Gene
ricT
empD
ataU
empd
ata.
dta"
, replace
102
103
104
105
/* run
the r file - whi
ch sav
es out results as "Rresuits", which ar
e then rea
d in and
saved under a different name in
the cor
rect
directory
106
107
Note tha
t the
re is a kk variable which not nee
ded he
re -1 lea
ve it
in for ease of tr
ansition thi
s to a loop
108
*/109
110
loca
l kk
=${c
onte
st}
111
loca
l nu
mcan
s=${
numc
ans}
112
loca
l year=${year}
113
114
capture er
ase "C
:\Us
ers\
rand
y\De
skto
p\Ge
neri
cRes
ults
Fold
er\R
resu
its.
dta"
115
if'numcans'==2 {
116
shell "
C:\Program Fil
es\R
\R-3
.3.2
\bin
\x64
\R.e
xe" CMD BATCH "C
:\\U
sers
\\ra
ndy\
\Dro
pbox
\\co
nsul
ting
\\AL
L El R FILES\\bo_2cand.r"
117
118
pres
erve
119
drop_all
120
use "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\GenericResultsFoldertRresults.dta", c
lear
121
save
"C:\Users\randy\Desktop\HD105 Re
sult
s\ex
og_'
year
'_HD
105_
res'
kk'.
dta"
, re
plac
e122
rest
ore
123
124
125
}126
else
if'
numc
ans'
==3 {
36
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 165 of 166
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Case l:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 94-1 Fi
led 02/12/18 Page 37 of 37
Appendix H:
Dr. Alf
ord'
s computer file ti
tled
"eI
ec20
12_H
D105
_con
test
_3.d
o";
Used to create results for the thi
rd 2012 election contest an
alyz
ed in Ta
ble 1 of Dr. Alford's January 31,2018 reb
utta
l report.
127
shel
l "C:\Program Fil
es\R
\R-3
.3.2
\bin
\x64
\R.e
xe" CMD BATCH "Ci
WUse
rsWr
andy
WDro
pbox
Wcon
sult
ingW
ALL El R FIL
ESWb
o 3cand.r"
128
129
pres
erve
130
drop_all
131
use "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\GenerlcResultsFolder\Rresults.dta", c
lear
132
save "C:
\Use
rs\r
andy
\Des
ktop
\HD1
05 Res
ults
\exo
g_'y
ear'
_HD1
05_r
es'k
k'.d
ta",
replace
133
rest
ore
134
135
136
137
}13 8
else
If'
numcans'==4 {
139
shell "
C:\Program Files\R\R-3.3.2\bin\x64\R.exe" CMD BATCH "C
;\\Users\\randy\\Dropbox\\consulting\\ALL El
R FIL
ESWb
o 4c
and.
r"140
141
preserve
142
drop
_all
143
use "C
:\Us
ers\
rand
y\De
skto
p\Ge
nerl
cRes
ults
Fold
ertR
resu
lts.
dta"
, clear
144
save
"C:
\Use
rs\r
andy
\Des
ktop
\HD1
05 Results\exogJyear'_HD105_res'kk'.dta", r
eplace
145
rest
ore
146
147
148
149
}15 0
else
if" num
cans
'==5
{15
1 shell "
C:\Program Flles\R\R-3.3.2\bln\x64\R.exe" CMD BATCH "C
:WUs
ersW
rand
yWDr
opbo
xWco
nsul
tlng
\\AL
L El R FIL
ESWb
o_5c
and.
r"152
153
preserve
154
drop _all
155
use "C:\Users\randy\Desktop\GenerlcResultsFoldertRresults.dta", c
lear
156
save "C:
\Use
rs\r
andy
\Des
ktop
\HD1
05 Results\exogJyear'_HD105_res'kk'.dta", re
plac
e157
restore
158
159
160
}161
162
37
Case 1:17-cv-01427-TCB-WSD-BBM Document 140 Filed 03/27/18 Page 166 of 166