carnival anthropology

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Rubensiein 1990 53 CARNIVAL UNMASKED: TRANSFORMATIONS OF PERFORMANCE IN VENICE Joseph Rubenstein Department of Anthropology Stockton State College Pomona, NJ 08240 SUMMARY No city in the world prides itself more on its unchanging character than Venice. It is a place both larger and smaller than civilized life, and the stories it tells serve to bind citizen and visitor alike to a myth of fairytale serenity. This paper will describe the performance of Venetian carnival as observed in 1987. It will illustrate how decreasing popular participation in the festival is due to an increasing manipulation of carnival through an alliance of political and touristic interests. The people of Venice have always loved feste, and they have also always suffered from the pull and tug of competing interests. In the heyday of the Republic it was the ability of the elites to control ritual and popular performance that secured Serenissima, or serenity. Today, in a revived and transformed carnival, that class still dominates and determines the festival's character, as well as its role in defining civic identity. Carnival in Venice had never been simple per- formance. The festival was always political and sometimes dangerous. Its nature demanded legal regulation; authorities realized early on that while in one venue carnival could preserve the social order it could, in another, unleash a violence that threatened the civic foundation. This fact became obvious by the Middle Ages and authentic local rituals were reconstructed by au- thorities as expressions of civic identity and control. Muir writes, 'These communal festivals informed strangers and inhabitants alike of the town's power, grandeur and well-being, and they disappeared only when the process of political centralization made them appear embarrassing" (1989, 59). What was embarrassing was carnival's spirit: "A carnevale ogni scherzo vale" "In carnival all jokes are acceptable". Power and grandeur might be one thing, joking was another. Renaissance writers themselves argued about the danger of carnivals: Were the jokes "safety valves" and actually de- fenders of the status quo; were they unconscious and therefore true artistic statements; or were they thinly veiled political threats that required control and manipulation? The answer, in 16th century Venice at least, was that while "rites of violence" were to be genuinely feared, patrician efforts to curb the uprisings were muted by the equal desire to play along. Muir notes, "[They] . . . tippled from the carnival cup themselves by sponsoring the most stupendous and entertaining shows. .. . [There was violence and excess] . . . but none of these incidents had dis- tinctly political overtones: The Venetian Carnival never became the Venetian Revolution" (1989, 63) Carnival in Venice was not guerilla theater. It maintained continuity and a serene image of the Republic through a symbolic redress of grievances that offered no real threat to class privilege. Much of Serenissima was achieved through stateritualand when, like other Italian city-stakes, Venice set aside large portions of public squares to recount historic triumphs or to ceremonially mark the entrance of royalty, it was decidedly propagandistic and "civic" with the purpose of stabilizing the mercantile envi- ronment. Four hundred years later, in Piazza San Marco, the re-bom carnival is a pale imitation of the original festival. Venetian citizens have all but absented themselves from the performances and are content to watch highlights on the television news. This is not an isolated outcome. In this, for example, the locals are like their counterparts in Trinidad. Stewart o ',»«»••••>•• '.V/.VAW.V

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Page 1: Carnival Anthropology

Rubensiein 1990 53

CARNIVAL UNMASKED:TRANSFORMATIONSOF PERFORMANCE INVENICE

Joseph RubensteinDepartment of AnthropologyStockton State CollegePomona, NJ 08240

SUMMARY

No city in the world prides itself more on itsunchanging character than Venice. It is a place bothlarger and smaller than civilized life, and the storiesit tells serve to bind citizen and visitor alike to amyth of fairytale serenity. This paper will describethe performance of Venetian carnival as observedin 1987. It will illustrate how decreasing popularparticipation in the festival is due to an increasingmanipulation of carnival through an alliance ofpolitical and touristic interests.

The people of Venice have always loved feste,and they have also always suffered from the pulland tug of competing interests. In the heydayof the Republic it was the ability of the elites tocontrol ritual and popular performance that securedSerenissima, or serenity. Today, in a revived andtransformed carnival, that class still dominates anddetermines the festival's character, as well as its rolein defining civic identity.

Carnival in Venice had never been simple per-formance. The festival was always political andsometimes dangerous. Its nature demanded legalregulation; authorities realized early on that while inone venue carnival could preserve the social order itcould, in another, unleash a violence that threatenedthe civic foundation.

This fact became obvious by the Middle Agesand authentic local rituals were reconstructed by au-thorities as expressions of civic identity and control.Muir writes, 'These communal festivals informedstrangers and inhabitants alike of the town's power,grandeur and well-being, and they disappeared onlywhen the process of political centralization madethem appear embarrassing" (1989, 59).

What was embarrassing was carnival's spirit:"A carnevale ogni scherzo vale" "In carnival alljokes are acceptable". Power and grandeur might beone thing, joking was another. Renaissance writers

themselves argued about the danger of carnivals:Were the jokes "safety valves" and actually de-fenders of the status quo; were they unconsciousand therefore true artistic statements; or were theythinly veiled political threats that required controland manipulation?

The answer, in 16th century Venice at least, wasthat while "rites of violence" were to be genuinelyfeared, patrician efforts to curb the uprisings weremuted by the equal desire to play along. Muirnotes, "[They] . . . tippled from the carnival cupthemselves by sponsoring the most stupendous andentertaining shows. . . . [There was violence andexcess] . . . but none of these incidents had dis-tinctly political overtones: The Venetian Carnivalnever became the Venetian Revolution" (1989, 63)

Carnival in Venice was not guerilla theater. Itmaintained continuity and a serene image of theRepublic through a symbolic redress of grievancesthat offered no real threat to class privilege. Muchof Serenissima was achieved through state ritual andwhen, like other Italian city-stakes, Venice set asidelarge portions of public squares to recount historictriumphs or to ceremonially mark the entrance ofroyalty, it was decidedly propagandistic and "civic"with the purpose of stabilizing the mercantile envi-ronment.

Four hundred years later, in Piazza San Marco,the re-bom carnival is a pale imitation of the originalfestival. Venetian citizens have all but absentedthemselves from the performances and are content towatch highlights on the television news. This is notan isolated outcome. In this, for example, the localsare like their counterparts in Trinidad. Stewart

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54 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HUMANISM QUARTERLY fc(2/3)

writes, "They treat it as a series of happenings to beenjoyed, perhaps, but then abandoned—or ignoredaltogether—with no profound engagement of self inthe process" (1986).

True to Renaissance form carnival remains un-der the sway of centralized, government control.Now, however, rather than violence, it is the touriststhat require management. During carnival, visi-tors are ushered into the vast array of hotels andpensiones alongside the mock procession of actor-ambassadors disembarking from their trompe l'eoilgondolas.

In order to understand the re-defined placeof carnival in the lives of Venetians, and how itrelates to civic identity, it may be helpful to lookat participation in other popular festivals. One suchexample took place on March 25, 1987 when thecity celebrated its "birthday."

Venetians accept the chronicle of a Paduandoctor named Dondi (writing between 1328 and1339) whose story recounts the founding of thecity at about noon on March 25, 421. That datewas filled with mythological significance; since thetime of Ovid it marked the founding of Rome andthe onset of spring. Further, its association withthe Christian celebration of the Annunciation, themoment in which Christ's spirit entered Mary'swomb and became incarnate, strengthened the birthand renewal motif. On this day Venice is tied notonly to God, but to Nature and to Rome; a betterexample of civic and liturgical concurrence couldnot be found.

On March 25, 1989, the statue of the Madonnawas just outside the entrance to the railroad station.By II A.M. workmen were putting the finishingtouches to the display—in this case a red carpetextending from the base of the statue to the GrandCanal to receive arriving dignitaries. The Madonnawas already adorned with great wreathes of flowersfrom various parishes and businesses throughout thecity and would wear more as the day went on.

A gathering was waiting for the Patriarch(il Patriarca) of Venice who was to deliver hisbenediction at the ceremonial hour of noon. ThePatriarch, much beloved by Venetians, often arrivedto a celebration by public water bus (yaporetto).Today, however, he arrived in the considerably moreexpensive private taxi (motoscafo) and was greetedwith great enthusiasm by the approximately 100schoolchilren who, with bright sprigs of flowers intheir hands, had been brought to the site by thenuns who were their teachers. While waiting, thenuns had the children sing religious songs beginningwith Ave Maria, and in a quiz game, they askedthe children questions about the celebration. Achild, flower in hand, would proudly walk up to themicrophone, and oblivious to its technology shout,

'The birthday of Venice."* or "March 25, 421" or"We are waiting for Patriarch.'"

In addition to the schoolchildren, the civicpower of Venice was also in evidence. The Mayor,Prefect of Police, Chief of Police, and various headsof the armed forces were in the crowd and alsowaiting for the Patriarch. They arrived with littlefanfare and would eventually form a semi-circlein front of the Patriarch whose back was to thestatue of the Madonna. In a brief homily addressedspecifically to the Mayor, the Patriarch recountedthe history of the founding of Venice and neatlytied it to theological themes. He then recited thebenediction and the ceremony ended.

Several things impressed the ethnographic ob-server. First, the ordinary Venetian citizen wasabsent. It seemed that almost everyone present wasthere because they had been brought (the school-children), or because they were required (civic andreligious officials), or because they had just comeout of or were going into the railroad station. Itwas obvious that many in this latter group wereunaware of the cause for the celebration by thepuzzled questions they asked one another.

Then, too, there was the religious primacy ofa public event ostensibly celebrating the birth ofthe city. Admittedly the civic myth specificallygained its power through its association with thingsreligious, but the Mayor and the other officialsentered and exited so quietly they might have beenmistaken for commoners but for their business suitsand military uniforms. On the other hand, the en-trance and leave taking of Patriarch was an occasion.Especially the exit when it took him several minutesto wade through an adoring crowd of childrenand adults alike intent upon receiving his blessing.Nowhere did civic officials make public statementsabout the birth of the city, and the day endedat the Scuola Grande di San Rocco, the GreatSchool of San Rocco, with Monsignor AntonioNiero's discussion of the event and its relation tothe Annunciation.

In Venice, March 25, the founding of thecity, did not nearly bring forth, for example, thepublic participation that July 4th would in theUnited States, or that Bastille Day might in France.Political leaders did not use the day to makespeeches and extend their influence. The birthdayof the city had, in modem times at least, beenreduced in meaning for Venetians. On this score itwould be well to briefly contrast the celebration atthe church of Santa Maria delta Salute, Holy Maryof Health, staged five months earlier in Novembersince it involved the same official cortege and alsospoke to the health and welfare of the city, butin this case provoked an enormous outpouring byVenetians. The rites at Madonna delta Salute galva-

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nized Venice, and in anticipation newspapers beganwriting about the event days before its celebrationon November 21. // Gazzettino, for example, rana special page on the history of the ceremony withthe headline "Grande Festa di Popolo" 'The GrandFestival of the People." The festival commemoratesthe miraculous ending of a plague in the city inthe year 1631. A commission for a church tomemorialize the Madonna's intervention was won inthat year by Longhena, and while he would not liveto see its completion fifty years later, a magnificentbasilica now stands at the mouth of the Grand Canal.

Unlike Venice's birthday, or the Carnival forthat matter, it was hard to find a Venetian, hard-boiled as some might be, who did not, at some pointin the day, make the pilgrimage (pellegrinaggio)to Madonna delta Salute. The crowds became sodense that a special bridge was constructed acrossthe Grand Canal to facilitate traffic. MassesSwereheld the night before and throughout the day ofNovember 21; by noon the church filled for eachone even though there was an uninviting rainstorm.Outside the church vendors did a brisk business invotive candles, and after the service a second groupsold traditional sweets and pastries (fritelle). Somuch associated with health and thanksgiving is thisholiday that Gazzettino also printed a recipe for thetraditional Venetian dish, "castradina con le verze"(a dish consisting mainly of lamb), and restaurantsthroughout the city were overflowing.

The high mass in the Salute attracted leadersand ordinary citizens from every quarter in thecity. In this case, since the ritual occasion waswell understood, there was no question of primacy.The Patriarch presided over a packed and emotionalservice attended again by the same civic groupingmentioned above, but who this time were accompa-nied by their wives, all of whom sat en masse tothe right of the altar; to the left in an impressivephalanx of black were priests from all the parishes.This time the proceedings lasted almost an hour andthe Patriarch's message spoke of the necessity ofsafeguarding the city so wonderfully spared that dayin 1631. More recently, he held up the revival ofthe city after the disastrous floods of 1966 as anotherexample of God's continued vigilance.

Although popular participation varied, in boththe birthday of Venice and the miracle of Madonnadelta Salute, there was a twining of religious andcivic symbolism that served to maintain a healthyimage of the city. In the 1987 carnival, civic andliturgical themes moved in opposing directions, butthe goal remained to represent the city.

Venetian students began playing with the ideaof reviving carnival fifteen years earlier (it had beenbanned with demise of the Republic as an expressionof decadence). After school, a number of them

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started dressing up, and in addition, they wouldthrow eggs at passersby and pelt them with chalk-filled stockings. In 1979, the neighboring island ofBurano sponsored a successful carnival week, andVenetian commerciante, quick to see the potential,held their first carnival in 1980.

The early efforts were strictly ad-hoc affairsdominated by students, artists, theater groups, andlocal quartieri (barrio) associations. What they hadin common was a desire to celebrate the originalcarnival spirit as they understood it. This meantsome tie to the Roman saturanalias and GreekDionysian festivals, as well as the historical Vene-tian carnivals of the Renaissance. The commontheme was transition, and it was played out publiclyand often riotously.

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Carnival was soon wrested from the locals bythe wealthier commerciante by invoking claims ofpublic safety. Quickly, laws were passed in the CityCouncil forbidding the throwing of foreign objects.More recently, as the carnival grew in popular-ity with students throughout Europe, the Councilpassed an ordinance outlawing young backpackers(saccopelisti) from camping out in public squaresor train stations.

More than safety, however, was at stake. Itwas also the good name and image of the city. Anexample of this tension between local and tourisminterests was demonstrated in the 1987 performanceof the renewal ceremony called, "The Burning ofthe Old Woman" (La Sagra de la Vecia, Rogodella Vecchia), ordinarily staged at the close of thecarnival.

In its traditional celebration all that was oldand evil was symbolically shouldered by this scape-goat/puppet named, interestingly, in some later ver-sions, Carnevale, although this name does not sur-vive. The Old Woman was bumed in a publicsquare, and in this one act was observed the death ofevil, scarcity, and winter, and the birth of goodness,abundance and spring. In the Christian era theceremony was performed halfway through Lent (LaFesta di Mezzo) as a respite to abstinence and areminder, in addition to the season, of the fulsomepossibilities of Jesus. Finally, with the burning ofCarnevale (the Old Woman), a season's end waseffected and a time of hard work was ushered in.As the Carnival period wound down, in the Venetianspringtime, although one suspects not with the sameprospect of toil as rank and file, nobles would repairto the nearby Lido to exercise and restore muscleslittle used but for drinking and eating.

On March 26, 1987 "The Burning of theOld Woman" ceremony was performed by anewly formed, rogue Carnival company called LiStrazzacassi. The original carnival companies,Le Compagnie delle Calze, which referred tothe different colored hose adopted to identifythemselves, were formed in the 16th century byyoung nobles whose task was to plan parties andpageants during the season. Up to this year onlytwo remained active—/ Nuovi Cortesi and I Antichi.

Strazzacassi is a word play in Venetian that isa corruption of the Italian/Venetian words for "rag"and "penis," and when translated in this context sig-nified "rubbing the city the wrong way" or "breakingballs." This group embodied the "anything goes"spirit of carnival and were identified as 'Tricksters"to be ignored or controlled. Li Strazzacasi hadno formal ties with the official civic carnivalorganization (housed in the Department of Tourism)although they were able to make an alliance with /Antichi who had just this year finally broken with

the official Carnival Director (Assessore di Turismo)over financial and artistic conflicts carried over fromthe 1986 carnival.

Such are the new controversies of carnivalthat the Assessore and his Artistic Director, inorder to repair this latter defection, revived a third,defunct carnival company, lAccesi. This group wascomposed of thirty or so wealthy sons and daughtersof Venice, and was to demonstrate to the gatheredmedia who would report it to the community, matthe carnival "helping" spirit (as opposed to itsdestructive side) was alive and well. It was obviousthat Li Strazzacassi was / AntichVs satiric, offshootreminder of other times. The different activities ofthe two new companies would be illustrative of the"image control" throughout carnival. / Accesi weregiven the prestigious Campo San Stefano (formally/ Antichi's) as their own. They organized rockconceits in the evening (and children's costumecontests in the daytime) as a strategy to lure igiovanni, or teenagers, away from the Piazza SanMarco and the middle class. In addition, in theirflowing blue velvet robes, / Accesi formed a noblebackdrop to the variety of activities introduced bythe Assessore or his Artistic Director.

Li Strazzacassi for their part, along with / An-tichi, carried out a number of guerilla performancesduring carnival, and as a closing act unofficiallyorganized and re-staged 'The Burning of the OldWoman.'* First performed during the day for chil-dren and later that evening for adults, the festivitieswere marked by singing, dancing, and food anddrink for all. Especially runny was a puppet showfor the children in which Li Strazzacassi engageda debate over whom to bum. Critical stories aboutthe fearsome and much maligned Assessore wererelated to the delight of the mothers in attendance,but after a vote by the children (happily ignorant ofthe politics of carnival and preferring to maintaintheir myths) a smaller version of the vecia wasbumed and thrown into a canal. The performancesof Li Strazzacassi and / Antichi, were always joyfuland frankly sexual; it was this joking spirit thataroused the ire of the Assessore in 1986 and waspartly responsible for the break in 1987. The firstsalvo in 1987 was fired on February 21, the daybefore the official opening of Carnevale, in the formof a procession through the streets entitled "AddioCarnevale," and dedicated, "polemicamente," to thedeath of carnival as currently organized by theDepartment of Tourism.

Commenced as a wild march through the streetsof Venice, "Addio Carnevale" picked up hundredsof followers along the way and ended up in thecity's fish market where everyone was treated tobread (shaped like penises) and wine and traditionalmusic. Later in the week an hilarious, but less well

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attended procession took place, entitled "Omaggio aVespasiano" or "Homage to the Toilet" This eventwas a wry dig at the lack of facilities in Venice andhistoric "lost" public toilets were searched out andcommemorated in brief candle lighting ceremonies.Finally, on Giovedi Grasso, in the Piazza San Marcowhen the Assessore was handing out a prize forthe "Most Beautiful Mask" of Carnival, nearby /Antichi held its own ceremony for "La MascheraPiu Bruta" or 'The Ugliest Mask" of carnival.

The efforts of the "outlaw" companies of / An-tichi and Li Strazzacassi notwithstanding, Venice's1987 carnival evolved into a cleansed, public re-

lations performance, acted out for tourists, largelyby professional performers and invited non-localparticipants.

Turning carnival into an entertainment ratherthan a popular ritual is not unknown historically.Lavenda describes the carnival of Caracas in 1873as having undergone drastics changes. Leaving itsrowdy past, it became an epitome of progress, civi-lization, modernization, and political centralization"(1979).

Before 1873, carnival in Caracas resembledthe classic, Venetian style: it heightened andcommented on class antagonisms, occasionally grew

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violent, and permitted role reversals. Although theVenetian students were unaware that their rowdyrevival of carnival had precedent, 19th centurycaraquenos too threw, among other things, paint,fetid water, urine, grain and eggs at passersby.This was eventually forbidden by the Caracas gov-ernment. So, too, did the Venetian City Coun-cil have its precedent. Today, without defend-ing the excesses, modern Venetians invariably de-scribed the character of early carnival as "piu spon-taneita" "more spontaneous," implicitly criticizingthe canned new form.

Finally, the takeover of carnival by the Ass-esorato di Turismo was also a repetition of history.In Caracas the unruly carnival came under attackby the gente decente, the press and certain polit-ical figures. Lavenda describes Antonio GuzmanBlanco as a "progressive, modernizing dictator"who ended sixty years of rebellion when he tookcontrol of Venezuela. Guzman Blanco was tightlylinked to the commercial bourgeoisie of Europe;in the process of consolidating power and ensuringeconomic prosperity for the business class, he alsosaw as his mission the "civilizing" of Venezuelawhich meant, in the case at hand, to purge carnivalof the practices he associated with "Patagoniantribes." In what could have been a model for modemVenice, in the Caracas carnival, local improvisationdisappeared, organization emanated from the topdown, and a tightly drawn schedule of events wasstrictly enforced.

Modem examples are also available that con-firm the Venetian case. Stewart's discussion ofcarnival in Trinidad displays many of the samefeatures. He writes, ". . . . whereas in the past thefestival construed an alternate context with reflexiveand rebellious potentials, in recent times it hasbecome more openly an extension of a moderating(modernizing) process central to the overall objec-tives of current political leadership" (1986, 291).In Venice, where tourism is an overwhelming pres-ence (between 1976 and 1986 tourist related storesincreased by 91%, while food stores decreased by19%), the Assessore di Turismo unapologeticallystated that it was his mandate to promote carnivalas a "product" to increase a faltering winter touristtrade.

In Trinidad, since the mid 19th century whenthe local, laboring class street festival known ascamboulay was incorporated into the upper classcarnival, steps have been taken to reduce its violentundercurrent Again, not unlike Venice, many ofthe disruptive elements of camboulay (such as stickfighting, the playing of noisy instruments, and thesinging of obscene songs) were finally controlledand banned in order that the streets be made safefor middle and upper class participants.

Carnival in Trinidad underwent many transfor-mations in the succeeding one hundred years but,as Stewart concludes, the net outcome has led to a"feeling of encroaching emptiness in the festival."Government policy was designed to cultivate botha national identity and a tourist trade. He writes,"Local culture was conceptualized as both industryand commodity within the entertainment field." Thecarnival was handed over to a carnival developmentcommittee (CDC), and as a result, in the last twentyfive years, "the national festival has evolved into aseries of staged, competitive performances for bothadults and children" (1986, 306-310).

The Assessore's staged performances in Venice's1987 carnival came under intense criticism at theclose of the festival. This was nothing new in Italiangoverning, where intense criticism is more the rulethan the exception. In Venice there was a coalitiongovernment, or giunta (junta), and its deliberationsin the City Council were always confrontationaland, at times, when the opposition had a cause, thebest theater in town. Carnival was such a cause,and provided a focus for long-standing, politicalinfighting that could bring down a giunta.

This year of 1987 a serene carnival seemed outof the question almost from the start. In addition tothe loss of / Antic hi, and the normal opposition inthe council, there was a parting of the ways betweenformer carnival allies whose combined effect wasto leave the Department of Tourism isolated. TheHotels Owners Association, the Fenice and GoldoniTheaters, and Venetian commerciante all went offin their own directions. In addition, the Consiglieridi Quartieri, or local advising groups, had verylittle money to organize events for children and theelderly.

The popular forum for the discussion of thefate of carnival, in addition to that going on in thesquares, bars, and cafes, were the two newspapers,// Gazzettino and Nuova Venezia. While it wasexpected in the latter case—Nuova was a "leftwing"paper—Gazzettino stole some of the critical thunderby sponsoring both a debate and a reader's write-inreferendum on carnival. The responses turned outto be overwhelmingly against They were summa-rized, no less, by a reporter (and my key informant)who had taken a leave of absence to work with theDepartment of Tourism on the organization of thefestival. Such are the fences the many participants,with conflicting allegiances and interests, had tojump over and then back again.

Most Venetians railed at the chaos created at thecenter of the city. Every tourist, it seemed, wantedto be near the Rialto or Piazza San Marco, and itis hard to see a solution to this problem: Eithercarnivale catered to the masses or it did not, and thespecial difficulties of Venice's topography combined

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with the strategy of bringing greater, not fewer,visitors to the city made for pedestrian gridlock.

On the final Sunday, March 1, there were over100,000 people in the city (500,000 having attendedover the two week period of February 22-March3). "Venezia e andata in crisi," "Venice in Crisis!"trumpeted Gazzettino, and if by way of illustration,Nuova wrote, "Non c'e spazio per i piccioni" andlamented that even the beloved pigeons of Venicecould not find a space to hunt for their kernels ofcom. More dramatically, in the council, the speakerfor / Verdi denounced the "suicide" of the city,and pleaded, "Cosi non si va lontano, si distrugge,""This can't go on any longer, we are destroyingourselves."

What else bothered Venetians? First, in thedebate of gli intellettuali in Gazzettino, subtitled,"Questa festa non ci piace," "We don't like thisfestival," the question of the loss of Venetian tra-dition and participation by the average citizen wasraised over and over again. "Certainly," says amusician, "Salvadori (the Assessore) has broughtmore people than any other year. Everything isfull. But they continue to lose the Venetians."On May 5, twenty-two important intellectuals andofficials in the Venetian cultural world signed apetition against carnival entitled, "Basta carnevalicosi" "Enough with carnivals like this." They wrotethat the environment of the city was incompatiblewith the phenomenon of mass tourism developingin the city. And in summary declaration stated:

It is the hour to save Venice from the degener-ation of Carnival that no longer has roots in ourtraditions or history, nor any longer connectionswith the needs, and with the happiness (/ sorrisi,literally, "the smiles") of the Venetian people.

In addition to the newspaper debates, othervoices began to be heard: Communist Partyposters appeared on walls throughout the city withthe caption, "La Citta Espropriata," "The CityExpropriated." Nuova reported that the CommunistParty "Wants His Head," referring to the Parry'sdenunciation of the Assessor?, and an even moreradical group, The Tenants Committee for HousingRights (Comitato Inquilini per il Diritto alle Casa),set up tables throughout the city asking citizensto sign a petition against "Salvadori's Carnival."Assessore Salvadori was a particular target of theTenants Committee since in addition to his officialtourism post and law practice, he also owned manyapartments in the city, which they felt were goingto foreigners and not to the Venetians who neededthem. Many thousands signed these petitions,and long debates ensued wherever the tables werelocated. The petition specifically objected to theloss of Venetian participation in the carnival and tothe spending of so much public money in the midst

of a housing crisis in Venice. On March 8, theformer Mayor and now Assessore di Cultura, and astrong opponent of the present Assessore di Turismo,spoke out, The headline in Nuova summed up itssentiments: "Carnevale, Grazie, Stop." "Carnival,Thanks, Stop." On March 10, the Assessore diTurismo suffered a mild heart attack and was takento the hospital. His condition was not diagnosed asserious; in an interview in Gazzettino his wife said,"He was very tired in these days, carnival, his lawpractice, the polemic . . . He was afraid this wouldhappen . . . " While the Assessore was recovering,the results of the Gassettino referendum were beingtabulated by his former assistant The outcome wasnot likely to aid his recuperation.

Gazzettino received 1733 valid replies to theirreferendum, and another 545 that arrived too latefor the counting. There were four questions, andspace for comment about how the writer would liketo see future carnivals. The questions were:

1. Are you in favor of an organized carnival?2. Who should be entrusted with the organi-

zation?3. Should public money be spent on the or-

ganization?4. Are you satisfied with the way you have

seen carnival from 1980 until today?

In response to the last question, 13.33% or 231people indicated satisfaction with the progressionof carnival from 1980 through 1987. While thatlow figure is certainly negative, the phrasing of thequestion served to mute even more severe criticismof the present carnival, since it made it a referendumon the last seven years. The impression remains,however, that if asked to compare the 1980 carnivalwith the present one, the latter would have beenfound even more lacking. This is indicated by thefact that while most were in favor of a carnival,and of an organized one, only 64 people or 3.69%responded that the Department of Tourism shouldbe responsible for the organization. This was adirect criticism of the Assessore1 s carnival. Finally,and true to their frugal natures, only 12% believedthat public money should be spent on the festival.Again, in their comments, people spoke of thedisruption in their everyday life and the lack ofconnection with the carnival.

After the discussion in the streets and the criti-cism in Nuova Venezia and // Gazzettino, the Mayorof Venice finally felt inclined to state his view ofcarnival. In an interview with Gazzettino on March22, he declared, "Change the Formula," Towing amiddle line, he called for a scaling down of the eventand, reminiscent of governors long gone, made aplea for a more dignified carnival with a strongercultural component that would reflect well on the

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60 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HUMANISM QUARTERLY 15(2/3)

image of the city. While the Mayor called for achange in the formula, in what may be held as anexample of the Venetian way, the Communist Partyheld a debate in the Justinian House, in a room justbelow the offices of the Assessore. It was billedas "La Festa e Finita," "The Festival Is Finished,"and along with business leaders, academics, offi-cials from all the political parties, the Assessoredi Turismo was also invited. This conformed tothe standard definition of a Venetian: Observe twogondolieri arguing midcanal, and further observethem sharing a glass of wine upon reaching theembankment.

The parties to this debate may not be readyto drink with one another, but a quieter and morereflective Assessore agreed that changes neededto be made. Nuova reported there was "quasid accordo col PCI," "a semi-agreement with theCommunist Party." In a masterstroke attempt atbridgebuilding the Assessore opened his remarksby thanking the PQ for sending him messages ofsupport during his stay in the hospital and heldthis as an example of the possibilities of further

dialogue. This defused much of the rancor at themeeting, except for a particularly vocal group ofwomen from the housing committee who contin-ually disrupted the Assessore1 s remarks and anyother who spoke positively of the festival. Thisserved notice that without a compelling vision,that included Venetians, carnival's identity was stillhighly debatable.

REFERENCES CITED

Lavenda, Robert. 1979. From festival of progressto masque of degradation: Carnival in Caracas asa changing metaphor for social reality. In Playand culture, ed. Helen B. Schwartzman, 19-29.New York: Leisure Press.

Muir, Edward. 1989. Civic Ritual in RenaissanceVenice. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Stewart, John. 1986. Patronage and control inthe Trinidad Carnival. In The anthropology ofexperience, eds. Victor W. T\irner and EdwardM. Bruner, 289-315. Urbana: University ofIllinois Press.