california, here we go—again

1
On June 2, 1998, by an overwhelming vote of 61% to 39%, California’s voters passed Proposition 227. Beginning in the 1998-1999 school year, this legislation mandated that pub- lic schools provide instruction only in English (thus repudiating bilingual education) and, fur- ther, that they have only 1 year to prepare stu- dents to enter mainstream English classes. Vox populi had spoken, and those who teach ESOL in California were left to implement a lan- guage-in-education policy with which many disagreed and felt was of questionable educa- tional value. Is the Proposition 227 debacle just one of those election quirks that periodically occur in the State of California or are there lessons to be learned that affect all of us in ESOL? California is the largest state in the United States and a bellwether for emerging social pol- icy trends. Often, initiatives and movements that begin in that state radiate throughout the entire nation. The resurgence of the English- only movement began in California and spawned laws, referenda, and proclamations in other parts of the country, as well as efforts to deny immigrants, both legal and illegal, their basic rights, such as educational and medical services. It is, therefore, not surprising that the passage of Proposition 227 has generated antibilingual education sentiments, pronounce- ments, and legislation nationwide at the state and local levels. One such bill, cynically named The English Fluency Act (H.R. 3892), was introduced in the U.S. House of Representatives to limit bilingual education programs. This bill passed the House by a vote of 221 to 189, with 24 abstentions. As of this writing, the U.S. Senate has yet to vote on this bill. The Proposition 227 episode in California revealed another trend in language policy in the United States: The public is largely uninformed about the realities of education and is influ- enced more by rhetoric than by empirical data. Most of those who wrote or spoke in support of Proposition 227, either within California or elsewhere in the country, did not produce any evidence showing that bilingual education was ineffective, that children were not learning English, or that children learning ESL could master sufficient academic English within a year to compete successfully with English- dominant children. When opponents of 227 argued that the proposal was unsound educa- tionally, their views were largely ignored by the general public. Voters seemed to hold the view that the United States is a monolingual country and that all immigrants should abandon their native languages immediately in favor of English. The fact that bilingual education has always been used as a transitional program to ease nonnative speakers into English-dominant classrooms (and not a program of language maintenance) and that data indicate that lan- guages other than English are eroding in favor of English is unimportant. If students who are not proficient in English become casualties of the school system, that is simply the price to be paid for their not learning enough English. English-only in the classrooms and let immi- grants be damned! Three lessons emerge from this experience in California. The first is that all of us need to pay close attention to language legislation, not only in our immediate geographic vicinities, but throughout the country and the world. Ideas that begin in one place quickly spread to others. Second, language legislation is rarely about lan- guage alone. It is also about those who speak the languages. If groups are perceived to be threatening, disloyal, or alien, policies are pro- posed and enacted against them. It is the groups themselves who are targets for repression, with the difference in language used as camouflage. We, in ESOL, must learn to dissect legislation to expose the hidden agendas behind laws. Further, we must look at how all legislation affects our students’ lives, even if it is not cate- gorized as a language piece per se, because both language and nonlanguage bills become public policies, which then have social ramifi- cations. Finally, those of us in ESOL must do a better job of communicating to the general pub- lic the issues in second language learning and teaching and sound educational strategies. This is an ongoing task, one that must occupy our constant attention. If we wait until a specific legislative proposal emerges to take action, we run the risk of losing the battle and putting our students at the mercy of an uninformed public led by those who capitalize on ignorance to fur- ther their own personal agendas. Author Elliot L. Judd is director of the MA TESOL program at the University of Illinois at Chicago, in the United States. He was the first editor of TESOL Journal, from autumn 1991 to summer 1995. One of his research interests is language-in-education policy in the United States. 4 TESOL Journal P E R S P e C T i V e S California, Here We Go—Again Elliot L. Judd

Upload: elliot-l-judd

Post on 11-Jun-2016

212 views

Category:

Documents


0 download

TRANSCRIPT

Page 1: California, Here We Go—Again

On June 2, 1998, by an overwhelming voteof 61% to 39%, California’s voters passedProposition 227. Beginning in the 1998-1999school year, this legislation mandated that pub-lic schools provide instruction only in English(thus repudiating bilingual education) and, fur-ther, that they have only 1 year to prepare stu-dents to enter mainstream English classes. Voxpopuli had spoken, and those who teach ESOLin California were left to implement a lan-guage-in-education policy with which manydisagreed and felt was of questionable educa-tional value. Is the Proposition 227 debacle justone of those election quirks that periodicallyoccur in the State of California or are therelessons to be learned that affect all of us inESOL?

California is the largest state in the UnitedStates and a bellwether for emerging social pol-icy trends. Often, initiatives and movementsthat begin in that state radiate throughout theentire nation. The resurgence of the English-only movement began in California andspawned laws, referenda, and proclamations inother parts of the country, as well as efforts todeny immigrants, both legal and illegal, theirbasic rights, such as educational and medicalservices. It is, therefore, not surprising that thepassage of Proposition 227 has generatedantibilingual education sentiments, pronounce-ments, and legislation nationwide at the stateand local levels. One such bill, cynically namedThe English Fluency Act (H.R. 3892), wasintroduced in the U.S. House of Representativesto limit bilingual education programs. This billpassed the House by a vote of 221 to 189, with24 abstentions. As of this writing, the U.S.Senate has yet to vote on this bill.

The Proposition 227 episode in Californiarevealed another trend in language policy in theUnited States: The public is largely uninformedabout the realities of education and is influ-enced more by rhetoric than by empirical data.Most of those who wrote or spoke in support ofProposition 227, either within California orelsewhere in the country, did not produce anyevidence showing that bilingual education wasineffective, that children were not learningEnglish, or that children learning ESL couldmaster sufficient academic English within ayear to compete successfully with English-dominant children. When opponents of 227argued that the proposal was unsound educa-tionally, their views were largely ignored by thegeneral public. Voters seemed to hold the view

that the United States is a monolingual countryand that all immigrants should abandon theirnative languages immediately in favor ofEnglish. The fact that bilingual education hasalways been used as a transitional program toease nonnative speakers into English-dominantclassrooms (and not a program of languagemaintenance) and that data indicate that lan-guages other than English are eroding in favorof English is unimportant. If students who arenot proficient in English become casualties ofthe school system, that is simply the price to bepaid for their not learning enough English.English-only in the classrooms and let immi-grants be damned!

Three lessons emerge from this experiencein California. The first is that all of us need topay close attention to language legislation, notonly in our immediate geographic vicinities, butthroughout the country and the world. Ideas thatbegin in one place quickly spread to others.Second, language legislation is rarely about lan-guage alone. It is also about those who speakthe languages. If groups are perceived to bethreatening, disloyal, or alien, policies are pro-posed and enacted against them. It is the groupsthemselves who are targets for repression, withthe difference in language used as camouflage.We, in ESOL, must learn to dissect legislationto expose the hidden agendas behind laws.Further, we must look at how all legislationaffects our students’ lives, even if it is not cate-gorized as a language piece per se, becauseboth language and nonlanguage bills becomepublic policies, which then have social ramifi-cations. Finally, those of us in ESOL must do abetter job of communicating to the general pub-lic the issues in second language learning andteaching and sound educational strategies. Thisis an ongoing task, one that must occupy ourconstant attention. If we wait until a specificlegislative proposal emerges to take action, werun the risk of losing the battle and putting ourstudents at the mercy of an uninformed publicled by those who capitalize on ignorance to fur-ther their own personal agendas.

AuthorElliot L. Judd is director of the MA TESOL

program at the University of Il l inois atChicago, in the United States. He was the firsteditor of TESOL Journal, from autumn 1991 tosummer 1995. One of his research interests islanguage-in-education policy in the UnitedStates.

4 TESOL Journal

PERSPeCTiVeS

California, Here We Go—AgainElliot L. Judd