cabiri ritual.pdf

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A Cabiric RiteAuthor(s): Arthur Darby NockSource: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 45, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1941), pp. 577-581Published by: Archaeological Institute of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/499535.

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2/6

A

CABIRIC

RITE

PROFESSOR

K.

LEHMANN-HARTLEBEN'S

reports

on

his

excavations at

Samothrace

are

most

welcome

to all students

of ancient

religion.'

The cult of the Cabiri

at-

tracted

great

and

growing

interest

in the Graeco-Roman

world:

the fact that alex

sacra was

set

up

in

Latin as well

as

Greek

2

(about

00

A.D.),

is even more

significant

than the

abundance of

the

records of

initiation. We

may hope

that

further excava-

tion

will throw

light

on

some of the

problems

outstanding.

What was the

relation

of

the various

buildings

in the

precinct

to one another and to

the cult?

3

Did

the

model of Eleusis

(with

the

prestige

which accrued

to it

from

the

literary

and

cultural

preeminence

of

Athens)

affect

the Cabiric

mysteries

in the

Hellenistic

period

(e.g.,

was

the

grade

of

epoples

copied

from

Eleusis)?

4

Were

the

Cabiric rites at

any

time

deemed to

guarantee happiness

in

the

afterlife?

5

And

did

the

glorious gifts

of the

Cabiri

(Orph.

Arg.

2~7)

nclude

more than

safety

at

sea,

good

luck

in

perils

and

ven-

tures of various kinds, and greater righteousness? 6

In the

meantime,

provisional

comment

may

be made on one

point

in

the second

report

-

the wooden frame

(strengthened

by

a stone

ring),

3.95 m.

in

diameter,

in

what is there called the

Anaktoron.

Lehmann-Hartleben

compares

the

wooden

plat-

1AJA.

1939,

pp.

133

ff.;

1940,

pp.

328

ff.

Professor

Lehmann-Hartleben,

as also his

fellow-workers,

Mr. and Mrs. Edward

L.

Holsten

and

Miss

Phyllis

Williams,

and Professor

Campbell

Bonner,

Drs.

S. Dow and G.

M.

A. Hanfmann

have

given

me

generous

help.

2

I

do not know

any

strict

analogy:

the

warning

against entering

the inner court of the

temple

at

Jerusalem

was

necessary

in

view

of

the death

penalty.

3

Presumably

the

precinct

was used for other ceremonies

and not

only

for the various

grades

of

initiation and

for the

annual

festival. We

may

compare

the

complex

of

buildings

in

the

precinct

at

Eleusis and, above all (as O. Conze remarked,Archdiol.Unters. auf Samothrake i, p. 26), the precinct

of

Despoina,

etc.,

near

Akakesion

as described

by

Pausan.

viii,

37.

4

At Eleusis

epopteia

was traditional and

it would

appear

that

initiates

commonly proceeded

to

it:

at

Samothrace

apparently

a limited

proportion

did so.

Professor Lehmann-Hartleben

informs me that he does

not hold to

his

suggestion

that the

northern

part

of his Anaktoron was the

place

of

epopteia.

In

Roman

times,

at

least,

epopteia

sometimes

followed

initiation

on the same

day. May

it be that after

the initiation

proper

there was a

special

proclamation

(-rrp6ppnacs5),

fter

which

only

those

who desired

epopteia

stayed

for it? These

ceremonies were not

necessarily very

protracted:

Pausanias'

initiation at Akakesion

cannot have taken

very

long,

and,

what-

ever the Cabiric

myesis

at

Pergamon

was,

all the

ephebes

received

it in a

single day

(Dittenberger,

Or.

gr.

inscr.

sel.

764).

On Eleusinian

influences at Samothrace cf. L. R. Farnell

in

Hastings,

Enc. Rel. Eth.

vii,

p.

631.

,

This can be

argued

on

the

following grounds: (1)

the association

of

Hermes

with

these rites

(F.

Chapouthier ap.

P.

Collart-P.

Devambez,

BCH.

lv,

1931,

p.

180: but if

you

had to find a

Greek

equiva-

lent of the subordinate Cabiric

deity

Kadmilos,

whom else could

you

choose?); (2)

the

exigencies

of

competition

with other

mysteries

(Farnell,

1.c.,

p.

6392:

ertainly

Samothrace had

a

capacity

for

propa-

ganda,

cf.

n.

6,

but

in

the extant evidence this

aspect

is not

mentioned,

while as far

as

Eleusis

was

concerned,

it was

emphasized);

(3)

Orphic Hymns

38.920

ff.

KoupfirEs

KopipavT-rEs

. .

.

?v

Iapoep

KT,

avaKTES

. .

.TWvoiciavaol,

ulYXoTrp6ool

but

~uXorp6poi

is

an

epithet

of

the

winds,

cf.

16.3,

and

means

"sustaining

life": we

may compare

also 38.3

3cpoy6vol

rrvoial,

IG.

xii, iii,

1334

Trav

avPcp

rpq)-ral

Kai

&p'

lXiOU,

E-iTa

a

vXs.

The

Orphic

Hymns

show

no

interest

in

the

afterlife); (4)

the

chthonic

nature

of

the

cult,

which fits but does

not

prove

the

assumption;

(5)

the identification

of

the

Cabiric triad

with

Demeter,

Persephone,

Hades

(Schol.

in

Ap.

Rhod.

i,

916-18:

cf.

A.

Schober,

JOAI.

xxix,

1934,

pp.

13 ff. on the

frieze

of the

New

Temple):

this

may

be

a

pure

hypothesis,

but cannot be

ignored.

Non

liquet.

6

Diod Sic.

v,

49.6: Schol.

in

Ap.

Rhod.

i,

916-18.

577

THE

ARCHAEOLOGICAL

INSTITUTE

OF AMERICA


3/6

578

ARTHUR

DARBY

NOCK

form,

in

ipso

aedis sacrae meditullio

ante deae

simulacrum

constitutum

tribunal

ligneumin

Apul.

Met.

xi,

24),

on which

Lucius after

his initiation

stood

to

receive the

homage

of

the

faithful,

and

suggests

that

the

Cabiric

initiate stood

on this

platform

and was presented to the community.

This is

certainly possible.

Constitutum

might

seem to

imply

that

the

platform

was

a

temporary

one,

erected for this

specific

occasion,

but the verb

constituo

is

used of

permanent

placing

7

and

tribunal,

although

in Plin. NH.

xvi, 3,

denoting

a

tempo-

rary

platform,

is

commonly

used

of a

permanent

structure for

public,

judicial,

mili-

tary,

theatrical or

religious

purposes.8

On

the

whole,

I think it

likely

that

this

tri-

bunal

was

a

temporary

structure,9

but the

ceremony

is

attested,

and a

sanctuary

in

which

anything

of the sort

was

regular

might

well have

a

permanent

tribunal.

With it we can

compare

the

adoration accorded

to

a man

who had

just

received

the

taurobolium,

he acclamation

in

certain rites

of

the Near

East to

the

newly bap-

tized Christian,

10

after he had received the holy oil of confirmation, and the homage

paid

in

modern times to

a

Catholic

priest

who has said his

first

Mass.

Now that the

graffiti

of the second Mithraeum at

Dura-Europos

have

proved

nymphos

to be the

name of

a Mithraic

grade,

we

might

be

tempted

to

interpret

(cV)>8E

v4P1E

XaIpE

vX4)E

XalpE

vEov

qcos5

in

Firmicus

Maternus

de

err.

prof.

rel.

19,

as

referring

to a

similar

act

of

homage,

but this is

unlikely. Nymphos

denoted

an

early

grade,

the

second;

the

acclamation,

if such it

be,

might

come

from the

initiator

or initiators

and not

from the

congregation,

and

Firmicus

clearly

thinks

of

the words as

addressed

to

a

god.

In

any

case,

the

initiation of

Lucius

represents

a

distinctive

ceremony.

We do not

know how common it was: the Isiac initiates of Plutarch's treatise

Concerning

Isis

and Osiris

are

simply people

who

have witnessed the

ordinary

sacred drama of the

7

E.g. Hygin.

Astron.

ii, 7: lyra

inter

sidera constituta

est;

Cic. Scaur.

46.

8

V.

Chapot

in

Dar.-Saglio

s.v.

Tribunal;

E.

Weiss-Fr. Lammert

in

RE.

vi,

A 924928

f.;

H.

Dessau,

Inscr. lat. sel.

iii,

p.

904 s.v.

(tribunal

in

Tac. Ann.

i,

18

refers to

a

temporary

structure,

but one

which

corresponded

to

regular legionary

structures: A.

von

Domaszewski,

Abh.

rom.

Rel.,

pp.

86

ff.).

The

extended use of

tribunal was

common,

and

Apuleius

is

not

using

a

definite

metaphor.

9The

"prothesis"

at the back of the Iseum

at Eretria

(N.

Papadakis,

AETr.

i,

1915,

pp.

190 and

116,

fig.

2)

which

I

compared

with this tribunal

(Conversion,

9294)

eems rather

to have

carried votives.

Nor can we

compare

the

objects,

resembling

footstools,

on which

priests

of

Isis

are

represented

in

the

reliefs

on

columns from her

temple

in

the

Campus

Martius

(R.

Lanciani,

BullComm.

xi, 1883,

p.

49,

pl. X: O. Marucchi ap. H. S. Jones, Cat. Capitoline Museum, 360: J. Leipoldt, Religionen in der

Umwelt

des

Urchristentums,

in

H.

Haas,

Bilderatlas

z.

Religionsgeschichte,

pt.

9-11,

Abb.

60-61;

I

take

it

that their

purpose

is

architectural),

or

the

balcony

from

which

gesticulating

spectators

are

watching

an

Egyptian

religious

dance,

on

a

relief

from

a

tomb

in Aricia

(R.

Paribeni,

NS.

1919,

pp.

106

ff.:

CAHI.

Plates

v,

p.

160

f.).

K.

Kerenyi (cf.

O.

Weinreich,

Phil.

Woch.

1995,

p. 694) brought

into

this

connection the

tribunal to

which Trimalchio was

raised

by

Mercurius in Petron.

29,5:

but

71,9

shows

that the

tribunal

of

municipal

officials is

meant.

10

Th.

Michels,

Jahrbuch

.

Liturgiewissenschaft

viii, 1928,

pp.

76 ff.

11

(aQVS)

is due to H. Diels

ap.

A.

Dieterich-O.

Weinreich,

Mithrasliturgie

3, p.

256;

F.

Cumont,

CRAI.

1934,

p.

108,

prefers

cISE:

his

discussion clarified the

whole

problem

of

this

grade:

cf. F.

Cumont-M.

Rostovtzeff,

Excavations at

Dura-Europos,

vii/viii,

p.

123;

F.

J.

D6lger,

Antike

u.

Christen-

turn

v,

1936,

pp.

3

f.;

287

f.-ostenderunt

cryfios

CIL.

vi, 751a;

last

discussed

by

C.

I. M.

I.

van Beek in

Pisciculi . .

.

Franz

Joseph Dolger

. .

dargeboten, pp.

41 ff. is

presumably

identical with tradiderunt

chryflos

(CIL.

vi, 753;

four

years

later)

but

has

defied

interpretation:

cf.

Rostovtzeff,

Mhm. div.

say.

Acad. Inscr.

xiii,

396

for

a

possible parallel

(but

the

interpretation

of F.

J.

Ddlger,

IXGYX,

i, 426,

n.

1,

deserves

consideration. Cf.

bibliography

in

G.

Kazarow,

AA.

1936,

p.

75

f.).


4/6

A

CABIRIC

RITE

579

finding

of Osiris

and who have attached

to it an

importance

such

as

belonged

to

the

witnessing

of the

Eleusinian

drama. As an initiate who had

received

this

personal

rite,

Lucius

had a distinct

status

in the

community-so

did

the

men

who

had

ac-

cepted the expense of the taurobolium. An epoptes at Samothrace might be in a some-

what

comparable

situation,

since

almost

certainly

his

religious

dignity

involved

additional

expenditure.12

Nevertheless,

I should

like

to

suggest

another

possibility.

Plato

Euthydem.

077D

informs

us of

a telete of the

Corybantes,

called

thronosis,

in

which

the

initiate sat

on

a

throne

and a dance

was

performed

around

him

prior

to

his

initiation,13

and

some-

thing

of the

sort is

parodied

in

Aristoph.

Nub.

-50

ff.14

The

essence

of

the

ceremony

seems

to

lie

in the

making

of a circle around a man

(cf.

the word

TreplKae1ipco)

and

in

the

projected

energy

of music

and the dance., The

Corybantic

ritual

is

known

at

Erythrae

to

have included

a

washing

of "those

being

initiated"

16

and

belongs

to

the

fairly extensive category of rituals of purification-proceedings

which

were, so to

speak,

medical,

as well as sacramental.

What

has this

to do with Samothrace?

To

be

sure,

when

Statius

refers

to

religious

dances

on

Samothrace,

modo

quo

Curetes

in

actu

quoque

pii

Samothraces

eunt,

although

the

word

pii

makes it almost certain that he

is

thinking

of

Cabiric

rites,

the context

suggests

that

he

is

referring

not to a

purificatory

dance,

but to

an

ordinary

interlacing

choral

movement."7

Yet

Cybele,

who is also

Rhea,

was

goddess

of

Cory-

bantes

and Curetes

alike

and has a

predominant place

on

the

coins

of

Samothrace:

18

and,

though

the

goddess

of the Cabiric cult was

probably

not

called

Cybele,

she

12

Lehmann-Hartleben,

AJA.

1940,

p.

357.

13

Cf.

K.

Latte,

De

saltationibus

Graecorum,

.

95

f.;

Dio

Prus.

xii,

33

(i,

p.

163,

v.

Arnim)

and

Hesych.

s.v.

ep6vcoais

may

well be derived from Plato:

they

add

nothing.

14

A.

Dieterich,

Kleine

Schriften,

pp.

117

ff.

15

Cf.

S.

Eitrem,

Opferritus

. .

d.

Griechen

u.

Rdmer,

pp.

-8

f.

and his

whole

discussion

of

the

powers

ascribed

to circular

motion.

For

purificatory

dances,

cf. P.

Boyance,

Le culte

des

Muses,

and

K.

Latte,

De saltationibus

Graecorum,

p.

31,

n.

2

(on

the dance called

telesias. It was a

war-dance,

popular

in

Macedonia,

but

may

once

have

implied

something

like a

telete,

and

perhaps

akin

to

the

Corybantic

dance.

The secularization

of a

dance is natural

enough).

The fact that the

enthronement

comes

before

and not

after

initiation

seems to me to exclude the

suggestion

of

lmmisch

(in

Roscher's

Lex.

ii,

p.

1616)

that the

man

enthroned

was

assimilated

to

Dionysus.

The dances

of

Corybantes

or

Curetes

around the young god were always regardedas protective: cf. H. Usener, Ki. Schr. iv, p. 188 f. and for

more material

A. B.

Cook,

Zeus

i,

p.

153

(the

ivory

pyxis

mentioned

ib.,

n.

5,

now

at

Bologna,

is

ascribed

to

the

fifth

century

of our era:

P.

Ducati,

Museo civico di

Bologna,

p.

94).

That

Dionysus

is

sometimes seated

or enthroned

during

the

process proves

nothing:

was

it not

a

natural

way

of

represent-

ing

a

god?

16

Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,

"Nordionische

Steine,"

Abh.

Berlin,

1909,

p.

33;

J.

Poerner,

Diss.

phil.

Hal.

xxii,

ii,

p.

308

f.

17

Ach.

ii,

157

=

i,

831.

O.

Conze,

Reise

auf

den Inseln des Thrakischen

Meeres,

p.

63,

compared

this

passage

with

a

relief

from

Samothrace,

thought

to come

from

the Old

Temple,

on

which we

see

women

in a formal dance

(Conze,

Archdol.

Unters.

ii,

pl.

9: cf. Ed.

Schmidt,

Archaistische

Kunst

in

Griechen-

land

u.

Rom,

p.

39 f.

and

Chapouthier,

Les

Dioscures,

p.

157):

cf. the Roman

derivation of

the

Salii from

Samothrace

(Lobeck,

Aglaophamus,

1299:

Geiger,

RE.

IA,

1877).

Lucian asserts

(Saltat.

15)

TEXET~iV

a-pxic oJElaVc crrT1V IpEIV

&VEvJ6pX'IECAS.

a X a

T V p V V V

1 E C O S

18

Beschreibung

d.

ant.

Miinzen,

Berlin,

i,

p.

284

f.;

Head,

Hist. Num.

2,

p.

263: K.

Regling,

Z.f.

Num.

xxxviii,

1928,

p.

102

f.

I

accept

Professor Lehmann-Hartleben's

view

that these

coins

do

not

prove

anything

as

to the

identity

of

the

goddess

of

the Cabiric

cult.


5/6

580

ARTHUR

DARBY

NOCK

surely

was,

or

became,

a

cognate figure.

The title

of

a

lost

Orphic

work,

Thronismoi

mietrooi,'l

suggests

that

such

ritual fell within

Cybele's sphere,

and

that

is not

all.

From

Pherecydes

onwards

ancient

writers often

assimilate

Cabiri and

Corybantes,20

and Strabo (x, pp. 466-67) makes it clear that there was no little resemblance

between

the emotional

ceremonies of

Cabiri,

Curetes,

and

Corybantes,

as well

as

between

popular

concepts

of

Corybantes,

Curetes,

and

Cabiri as identified with

Dioscuri.

Zeus was

Zeus,

and

Athena was

Athena,

but Anakes

or

Cabiri

or

Dioscuri

or

Corybantes

were

indeterminate

entities:

in

spite

of

their

supposed

power

to

aid,

they

were

in

the

main minor

deities,

and

they

could

easily

be

put

in one

category.21

They

were

all

concerned

with

deliverance,

in one

way

or

another,

and

Cabiri,

Dioscuri,

and Curetes

alike

became

more

widely prominent

in

the

Hellenistic

age:

we

can

imagine

Cabiri or Curetes

absorbing

Corybantic

rites.22

This is not

exactly

what

has

often been

meant

by

the term

syncretism,

a

fusion of

deities

once

sharply

distinguished: it is the pervasive influence of a category of ritual and representation:

Dionysus

is

the classic

example.23

Whether

thronismos was or was

not

employed

in

the

cult

of

the

Cabiri,

it would

certainly

have

been

in

place,

as

a

sequel

to the

enquiry

into the

guilt

of would-be

initiates

24

and

as

a

myesis preliminary

to admission

to the

mysteries proper.

Pro-

fessor

Lehmann-Hartleben,

when

I

put

this

idea

before

him,

drew

my

attention

to

the fact

that the

construction

of the

platform,

for

which

no

precise

date

between

500

B.c.

and

the

beginning

of the

Hellenistic

period

can

yet

be

given,

is

characterized

by

its "double bottom":

inside the

supporting ring

of hard field stones

there

must,

he

19

0. Kern, Orphicorum ragmenta, p. 298. Cf. W. Schmid-O. Stathlin,Gesch.griech. Litt., i, pp. 347,

575,

n.

2,

on the

Enthronismoi,

ascribed

by

Suidas to

Pindar,

as

possibly

connected with his interest

in

the

cult of the Mother of the

gods.

Dittenberger,

SIG.3

1009,

n.

12,

suggests

that the reference

is to the

installation

of

priests:

but such occasions can

seldom have been

thought

important

enough

for

people

to

pay

for Pindar's services to

glorify

them. The

same consideration tells

also

against

the view

that the

songs

were connected

with

this

type

of

purificatory

ritual,

unless we

suppose

the

personal

devotion

to

the

Mother and her

supposed powers

of

healing

(on

which

cf.

Latte,

op.

cit.,

p.

96

f.),

indicated

in

Pyth.

.iii,

77,

to

be

a sufficient

explanation.

E.

Hiller,

Ilerm.

xxi, 1886,

pp.

357

ff.

urged

that

the title and

Bakchika,

which follows in

Suidas,

were

interpolated

from

the

catalogue

of

Orphic

writings.

20

In H.

Orph.

38,

20:

KoupfiTEs

KopPf3avTEs

means the

Cabiri.

In

general,

cf. J.

Poerner,

1.c.,

pp.

367

ff.; Nilsson,

Minoan-Mycenaean Religion,

p.

472,

n.

3;

F.

Chapouthier,

Les

Dioscures

au

service

d'une

dkesse,

pp.

154,

172,

234,

n.

6,

241.

Of

course

Curetes

and

Corybantes

had

different

backgrounds

and,

what was

more,

different

names;

various

texts

(Poerner,

pp.

356

if.,

372)

show

that

this

was not

wholly

forgotten. Nevertheless, even a late oracle of Apollo (of Claros: Ch. Picard, BCH. xlvi, 1922, pp. 190

ff.)

speaks

of

the Cabiri as

rendering

to the infant

Zeus the service

commonly

ascribed

to the Curetes

(Kaibel,

Epigr. gr.

1035).

21

Hence their

identification with

the

Idaean

Dactyls

and

the Lares. Cf.

also

Pausan.

x,

38,7

on

the

telete

of the Anaktes at

Amphissa:

some called them the

Dioscuri,

some

the

Curetes,

"but

those who

think that

they

know rather

better,

the Cabiri"

(with

Nilsson,

Griech.

Feste,

p.

422,

and

Chapouthier,

op.

cit.,

pp.

180

f.):

Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,

Glaube

d. Hellenen

i,

p.

99,

n.

1,

on

Kaio',

who

may

be

Corybantes.

22

Cf.

J.

Poerner,

1.c. p.

294, n.,

on

the Curetic

dyvEpXj5 1'a3s piou:

ib.

p.

293;

Ch.

Picard,

Ephese

et

Claros,

p.

299;

J.

Keil,

in

Anatolian Studies . . W.

H.

Buckler,

p.

120

f.

on

6Xo\XOKvrpova

V1E

?..

nKTE-Ecacrav

rTa

vrTTpa wvrav Ta

vvXCos

oK-r0caTTTav

in a

Curetic

text; Lobeck,

op.

cit.,

pp.

640

ff.;

also

Dionys.

Hal.

Demosth.

2

(i,

p.

176, 20,

Usener-Radermacher).

23

For the use of the

Curetic

type

cf.

O. Walter,

JOAI.

xxx, 1938, pp.

53

ff.;

A. B. Cook Zeus

ii, p.

587

(in

Caria);

iii,

pp.

1127

f.,

fig.

886. We

may

compare

the

spread

of the

type

discussed

by Chapouthier,

op.

cit. For

Dionysus

at

Samothrace

cf.

Conze,

Arch.

Unt.

i,

27,

Chapouthier,

BCH.

xlix,

1925,

261.

24

Cf. R.

Pettazoni,

La

confessione

dei

peccati iii,

pp.

163

if.


6/6

A

CABIRIC RITE

581

argues,

have

been

a

hollow

interior

space

and "the

most natural

explanation

would

be

that it was

a

resounding

space

which contributed

to

the effect

of

beating

the

ground

in

dances.

It

is

exactly

this

feature,

after

all,

which

is characteristic

of the

Corybantic dances."

25

Yet the suggestion is no more than a possibility.

ARTHUR

DARBY NOCK

HARVARD

UNIVERSITY

25

Dr. S. Dow draws

my

attention

to the size

of the

platform

as

an

argument

for the

hypothesis

here

advanced.

cabiri ritual.pdf

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