by david k. twigg caribbean studies association twenty

by David K. Twigg

Caribbean Studies Association Twenty-Sixth Annual Conference Maho Bay, St, Martin May 27 -June 2,2001

Th~s paper is a work in process and should not be quoted or used without written permission of the author: David K. Twigg 8951 SW 60 Terace, Miarm, Florida 33173, USA, be-ritaTc dm.m.com

Human Capital Development in the Caribbean To Build or to Bug?

Introduction

This paper focuses on a major dilemma faced by developing nations of the Anglophone

Caribbean in the early 21a century. The Anglophone or British Caribbean is herein defined as

those countries and territories within and proximate to the Caribbean Sea that share British

colonial history. Further review would no doubt reveal the same or similar dilemmas in other

parts of the world, but no effort will be made here to generalize globally or even to compare the

specific dilemma to other parts of the Caribbean region.

My approach is to briefly describe the worldwide revolution known as globalization; a

phenomenon that is clearly economic but not necessarily limited to economics. I then explore

the economic development of the British Caribbean, an excellent practical case study of the

dependency theory. Development in the Caribbean, I argue, will necessitate the development of

the human capital of the region. I define human capital as the skills, knowledge, and abilities of

people - individually and collectively. Individually, human capital "consists of education, skills

and work experience that can help one find a job."' Collectively, it is an aggregate of individual

human capital of the society.

Although this is hardly a revelation for any development minded Caribbeanist, the region

has a long-standing cultural pattern of migration. Therein lies the challenge for regional leaders

and the dilemma driving this investigation. In order to develop countries in this modern era,

human capital is key. Education and training are therefore essential. But the tradition of

migration draws particularly the more highly skilled, those who can compete and succeed in

Humancaw Development To Build or to Bug?

developed countries. If you enhance human capital, are you building the local economy or are

you providing skills that will allow more of the population to bug out - to leave the region for

better opportunities elsewhere? This is the central issue I pursue. I survey current education

status in the region and offer some suggestions for policy consideration and W e r research.

Theoretical Base

I base this line of investigation on what I will call (for lack of better terminology) a un-

dependency theory of democracy. Modernization theories suggested that the level of

development in a country was determinant of a state's turn to and development of democratic

institutions and practices. Dependency and underdevelopment theories suggested that colonies

and former colonies had developed, and remain, in a subservient position relative to more

developed industrial states. Modernization theories holds up reasonably well under general

analysis but cannot account for too many specific exceptions, including the poorer states and

territories of the British Caribbean that maintain democratic traditions. Ronald Chilcoate agues

that these theories "leave the student with revising or rejecting" their contribution^.^

Dependency and underdevelopment theories explain fairly well the historical economic and

political relationships between former colonies and more developed states, but do not adequately

provide a way out of the dependency. Many suggested state planning and state economic

controls as a way to force development in dependent nations; many were socialist or Manrist in

design.3 Central state planning has been tried in a number of states and has generally proven

unsuccessful.

' Alex Stepick, Pride A m Preiudice, AUyn and Bacon, Boston, 1998. page 37. Ronald H. Chilcoate, Theories of Com~arative Politics, Second Edition, Wemiew Press, Boulder, Colorado, 1994,

$ge 229. lbid., pigs 239-246.

H u m a n C a p a a l D e v e 1 ~ t To Build or to Bug?

Un-dependency theory maintains that democratic states must improve conditions for their

citizens in order to maintain or consolidate democratic institutions, practices and traditions.

Parties in government can be replaced in the electoral process, as happens in numerous countries

when the party in power is seen as being responsible for economic woes or being impotent to fix

economic or other problems. Captured in the concept of democratic consolidation is the idea that

democratic regimes can be dramatically dumped, as the short-lived New Jewel Movement

"revolution" did in Granada. More likely is the gradual erosion of trust in democratic institutions

or involvement in democratic practices as a result of governmental institutions that are not

perceived by their citizens as being competent.

This erosion may be for any number of reasons. One example, a current cause of concern

in the Caribbean, is the wealth and violence of those involved in the drug trade. Drugs provide

big profits; big profits can be used to bribe government officials. Profits also pay for guns that

outshoot police, as well as boats and airplanes that outrun police or coast guards. Dmgs provide

individual and community income where government policies resulted in high unemployment.4

In such a scenario, voting and other democratic practices and institutions can seem irrelevant,

impotent, and unnecessary. Thus government-sanctioned (as opposed to illegal) economic

advancement is important for the maintenance and consolidation of democracies.

Un-dependency theory does not suggest a turn toward independence. In an

interdependent world, greater independence might be dysfhctional, especially for small states

with limited resources, small populations, and small security or defense forces. But for these

states, a break from historical dependency and more interdependent relations would be desirable.

Un-dependency theory therefore has a somewhat normative base.

HumanCapitalDevelapment To Build or to Bug?

Globalization

Much has been written about the globalization of the world economy. Stephen Quick

credits three trends that have led to globalization - enormous expansion of communication

systems, a faster pace of innovations in technology, and the liberalization or fieeing of financial

markets that allow funds and financial instruments to easily pass over national borders.' Modem

modes of transportation and communication allow corporations to move people, goods, and

services around the world at record speeds.

Most importantly, information and financial instnunents move effortlessly en un clin

d'oeil - in the blink of an eye - or in even faster nano-seconds and nation-states are powerless to

do anythmg but react after the fact. Such reactions may not be as quick or as effective as the

initial action, as national money managers have frequently di~covered.~ Speed, although

important, is not the sole key to the new global economy.

Capitalism itself is being transformed, according to Lester Thurow, and with it the

economic concept of comparative advantage. Traditional economics holds that the availability

of natural resources and the proportions of capital and labor drive the location of production. A

country produces what it is advantaged to produce, based upon the factors of production within

its jurisdiction.' But today's industries are increasingly brain-powered, and labor and capital are

no longer distinct factors of production. Traditional labor can be obtained anywhere in the

See Ivelaw Grifiith, Druw and !3ecuritv in the C a r i i Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, Pennsylvania, 1997 and Ivelaw GdZith, Editor, me Political Economv of Dnrns in the Caribban, St. Martin's Press, New York, 2000. 5 Stephen A Qu& "The International Ewnomy and the Caribbean: 1990 and Beyond," Demmcv in the Carilkan, edited by Jorge I. Domhguez, Robert A Pastor, and R DeLisle Worrell, John H o w Umversity hess, 1993, pages 212-213. See William Greider, One World Readv or Not, Simon and Schuster, 1997. ' Lester C. T h m , The Future of Camtalism. How Today's Economic forces Shaue Tomorrow's World, ?enguin Books, New York, 1997, page 65.

Humaa Capital Development To Build or to Bug?

world, cheaply, and human capital (largely thinking qualities) is as important as physical capital

if not more so. Money capital can be moved quickly to wherever in the world profits are

possible. "(K)nowledge and skills now stand alone as the only source of comparative advantage.

They have become the key ingredient in the late twentieth century's location of economic

activity"'

Availability of natural resources is less important than it was previously. The size of any

particular sector of a nation's economy is unimportant. The key to success in the new global

economy is "whether the economy is making a successfbl transition from low-wage, low skill

industries . . . to high-wage, high-skill industries . . ." Technological advances attract capital

and give comparative advantage. This is true in all fields - manufactwing, agriculture, mineral

extraction, services, etc.1°

The key to success in this new economy is competitiveness. The key to competitiveness

is then investment in research and in human capital. A country's economy grows if high-skill

(and therefore high-wage) jobs grow. According to Rex Nettleford, education and training, and

particularly higher education, are "at the heart not only of the discourse but also of meaningfbl

plans of action targetting the development process and its relation to the human resource as well

as the paradigm shifts and quixotic changes attendant on the new situation.""

Ibid, page 68. 9 Thurow, page 72. ' O Roger Prichar4 "Future JXrectiom for Research In CariWean Higher Education Wtutions." Hipher Mucation in the Caribkm, edited by Glenford D. Howe, University of West Indies Press, I(mgston, Jamaica, 2000, pages 254-2-57. l 1 Rex Nettleford, "Contmhg Problems Facing Universities in the Developed and Developing Worlds: Same Prob1em," Higher Education m the Caribbean, edited by Glenford D. Howe, Uzwersay of West Inrfies Press, hingston, Jamaica, 2000, page 24.

Human Captat Development To Build or to Bug?

Caribbean Economy

Dependency and underdevelopment theories depict the world economy as divided

between core, or industrial center, and periphery. l2 The core is, generally speaking, comprised

of the developed countries of Europe and North America that sought colonies or economically

less developed areas fiom which to obtain agricultural, mineral, or other raw materials to be used

in the expansion of the economies and societies of the core. The periphery is the less developed

part of the world, predominantly located near or below the equator, used by the developed world,

with or without the agreement of the periphery. * The periphery colony "was a capitalist state

that defined its principle function as aiding the process of global capital accumu~ation."~~ That

capital accumulated in, and benefited, the core.

The British Caribbean colonies developed as extraction or exploitative economic

instruments of the mother co~ntry. '~ Agriculture was the prime extractable, with some minerals

added later in some colonies. Slave labor was used, and education (considered dangerous for the

slave population and unnecessary for much of the fiee population) was reserved for the planters

and the very wealthy. Sons were sent to England for fomd higher education.16

Many Caribbean planters owned homes or estates in England, and lived between the two

locations. Some were absentee owners, getting their profits fiom their distant Caribbean

businesses. Some even sat as members of the British Parliament based on their homes in

l2 Chilcoate, pages 232 and 238. 13 Tony Smith, "The Dependency Approach," New Directions in Comuarative Politics, edited by Howard J. Wiarda, Westview Press, Bouider, CO. Revised Edition 199 1,pages 1 13-1 16. l4 Carl Stone. 'The Caribbean and the World Economy: Patterns of insertion and Contemporary Options," The C a r i i World Politics, edited by Jorge Heine and Leslie Manigiit, Holmes and Meier, 1988, pge 76. " Alvin 0. Thompson, The Hamti~~g Past: Politics, Economics and Race in C a n i n Lrfe, M E. Sharpe, New York, 1997, pages 28-29: see also Franklin W. Knight, The Carikha~~: The Genesis of Fragmented Nationalism, Second Edition, Oxford University Press, New York, 1990, Cbapter 3. l6 b1 M i l l t z , "Access to Tertiary Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean in the 1990q" Hi* Education in the C a n i edited by Glenford D. Howe, University of West Indies Aess, -on, Jamaica, 2000, pages 120- 121; see aim Knight,pge 81.

Human Capital Development To Build or to Bug?

England. A e r emancipation agriculture was still the mainstay of the economy. Minimal-wages

were paid to laborers, but profits still were invested at home and the big plantations still took up

most of the best land.

The Caribbean generally prospered after World War 11. Commodity prices were

favorable, the mother country supported her colonies, and investment funds helped the tourism

industry grow. Low priced, fast air travel made the Caribbean a destination to experience, not

just to dream of " With the dual pressure of local demand and the West's need for Cold War

demonstrations of success, independence came to many Caribbean states. Local populations

were enthusiastically supportive of the new democracies that provided so many benefits to their

constituencies. l8

Then, in the 1970s, two significant oil price increases sent the world's economy into a

tailspin. Tourism, on which much hope had rested, declined, as citizens of developed nations cut

back on discretionary expenditures. The Caribbean region was still dependent on core

economies. Commodity prices also declined, and governments of the Caribbean and elsewhere

looked for other sources of revenue to keep their expenditure levels steady. Funds to restore the

economy were available through International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other loans, but with

conditions, and the 1980s saw a retrenching of government expenditures, employment and

benefits. l9

- " R DeLisle Worn4 "The Jhnomies of the English-spealang C a n i n Since 1960." Democracy in the Caribbean, edited by Jorge I. Dormnguw Robert A Pastor, and R DeLisle Worrell, John Hop- University Press, 1993, page 194. 8 Jorge 1. Doaninguez, "The Caribbean Question: Why has Liberal Demomcy (Swprisingly) Flourished?"

Democracv in the Caribbean, edited by Jorge I. Do-ez, Robert A. Pastor, a d R DeLlsie Worrell, John H o w Umersity Press, 1993, ptge 12. 19 Dominguez, page 22; see also Dennis Conway, "Misguided Directions, Mismanagd Models, or Missed Paths?" Globalization and Neoliberalism, edited by Thomas Klak, Rowman & Littlefield, Publishers, Lanham, Md, 1999, pages 4345.

HumanCa~Development To Build or to Bug?

The history of Caribbean (and especially British Caribbean) development, or the lack

thereot has been consistent with dependency theory, as summarized above. Is the region

doomed to repeat this history? Can a way or ways be found to break fiom this dependency and

to become more like the core? Might the Information Revolution provide an opening for

improved or increased economic development? An affirmative answer might also give the

region tools for a strengthening of democracy and democratic institutions.

R. DeLisle Worrell has suggested that Caribbean nations have been generally

unsuccessll at export diversification because of several factors." One is a lack of adequate

expertise in export marketing, which shows a need for human resource development in that area.

Another factor is a shifting of human resources to insurance, retailing, the development of

shopping malls and other nontradable activities. These nontradable activities are short lived

without an economy growing fiom the expansion of export markets and therefore earning foreign

exchange.

Export competitiveness can be maintained only through increased productivity, which

comes fiom investment in new processes, technologies, and products and quality improvements.

These require 'increased job flexibility and enlightened labor practices that promote self-

m~tivation"~' and that, in turn, requires workers with higher skills. Worrell calls for stabilization

policies, the balancing of governmental budgets "accompanied by policies for export

diversification, human resource development, and the improvement of infrastructure.'"

Quick agrees that exports are a key ingredient for economic development.23

Manufacturers must invest in the newest technologies, the service sector must invest to increase

- - - - - -

'O Wonell, pages 204-208. 21 Womll, page 205. " Worrell, page 206. 23 Qlllck, page 221.

Human Capital Development To Biuld or to Bug?

their productivity, and governments must invest in the infrastructure and in human capital to

empower their private sectors. For small island nations with Limited resources, a narrow focus

on a few sectors is necessary. Carefbl selection of which sectors to target for development and

who to target as investors is important. Export oriented businesses will shy away from investing

in areas where their taxes will be high, and Caribbean nations have typically kept taxes of

foreign corporations high to benefit local companies and local property o ~ n e r s . ~

Manufacturing has never become much of an economic boost for the Caribbean,

especially the Anglophone Caribbean. Today agriculture remains a mainstay of the regional

economy, although it is less profitable than it once was. Mineral extraction is important for a

few Caribbean nations and tourism (creating largely low-wage, low-skill employment) and

finance have grown in importance during the past few decades. Caribbean nations generally

have fewer jobs than people, with high unemployment adding incentives for involvement in drug

and other illegal act ivi t ie~.~~

Various efforts have been made to diversG the economy, including some progress in

niche agriculture, export processing zones, etc. Even with ample population, Caribbean nations

lack labor competitiveness because of relatively high minimum wage rates. Businesses are

reluctant to invest in labor in the Anglophone Caribbean where minimum wages are the

equivalent of USS1 .OO per hour when they could use Haitian labor at USS0.60 per hour or

Chinese labor at US$1 .OO per day.

24 Janet Henshall, "Can'bbean Tourism and Agriculture: New Linkages in the Global Era?" Globalization and Neoliberalism edited by Thomas Khlq Rowman & Littlefield, Publishers, L a n k Md, 1999, page 125. 25 Richard L. Bernal, Winsome J. Leslie, and Stephen E. Lamar, "Drugs, Debt and S t m d Adjustment in the Caribbean," The Political Economv of Druw in the CarNxxm d t e d by Ivelaw L. GnfEth, St. h-s Press, New Yo& 2000, pages 58-59.


As an example, Thomas Klak and Garth Myers review St. Lucia's efforts with export

processing zones and note that "St. Lucians occupy most EPZ management positions" but the

nation could not maintain its level of low-wage garment assembly because foreign capital would

not stay.26 Beverly Mullings reports on Jamaica's entry into the information sector - largely in

data entry occupations that are "the lowest-value-added, rapidly disappearing part" of the

ind~stry.~' The work was organized very similarly to "blue-collar factory production,"

"unstable," and Jamaica's were "among the lowest paid information workers in the Caribbean

and the

Throw describes capitalism as "a process of creative destruction whereby dynamic new

small companies are continually replacing old large ones that have not been able to adjust to new

Adjusting to new conditions requires flexibility, and in the modern technological

economy, it requires skills. Skills are obtained through education and training, and reliance on

on-the-job training is insufficient.

Education is primarily (but not entirely) a government expense, especially through the

secondary level. Government expenditures, in general, were curtailed in the 1980s and 1990s,

affecting education as well as other sectors. Demand for education (and other services) did not

decrease. The population within the Caribbean continued to grow between 1970 and 1985, with

26 Thomas Klak and Garth Myers, "How States Sell Their Countries and Their People," Glot.ializaton and Neoliberalism: The Caribbean Context, edited by Thomas Klak, Rowman & Littlefield Pubhshers, Laham, MP)., 1998, page 105. 27 Beverly Muliings, "Jamaica's Information Processing Services: Neoliberal Niche or Structural Limitation," Globalization and Neoliberalism: The Can- Context, edited by Thomas Klak, Ro~man & Littiefield Publishers, Lanham, MD., 1998, page 134.

Mulling, page 148. 29 Thmw, page 66.


~arbados experiencing a 0.3% increase, St. Lucia a 2.5% increase, Jamaica 1.5%, and Trinidad

and Tobago 1.4%."

Education has been at the forefront of Caribbean policymakers' attention for several

decades. Barbados, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago had achieved nearly universal attendance

at the primary school level by the 1980s. Secondary attendance had increased.)' R. DeLisle

Worrell finds that Caribbean "(e)ducation is of an international standard."32 The economic crisis

of the 1970s and 1980s eventually caused reductions, with Jamaica cutting the education portion

of its budget nearly in half, fiom 20% in the early 1970s to 1 1% in the 1980s." Even more

drastically reduced, Trinidad and Tobago spent one-fifth as much on education in 1995 as in

1 9 8 2 . ~ ~

Political decisions about resource allocation are neither easy to resolve nor unique to the

Caribbean region. In the United States local school boards have the primary responsibility for

administering primary and secondary schools. Special financing for new school construction,

substantial upgrading, and other significant projects frequently makes use of special bonds, loans

issued by financial institutions and paid back over time through tax revenue. Local voters, who

will pay extra taxes to pay off the bonds, approve these bonds.

The voting population is growing older as the Baby Boom generation matures, and school

boards have increasing difficulty in getting bond issues approved. Those most reliant on the local

public schools, the poor and the young, are the people least likely to vote. "The group with the

highest proportion now in poverty is children under the age of eighteen. Yet government spends

30 Franklin W. Kmghf "The Societies of the Caribbean Since Independence," Democracy in the C a r i u edited Jorge I. Dormnguez, Robert A. Pastor, and R DeLisle Worrell, John HopW Umversity Press, 1993, page 34.

'I(night, pge 35. 32 R DeLisle Worrell, 'The Economies of ?he English-spealang Caribbean Since 1960," mocracv in the Caribbean, edited by Jorge I. Donunguez, Robert A Pastor, and R &Lisle Worre4 John Hogkm University Press, 1993, page 191. 33 Knight, pages 35-36.

Human Capital Development To Buld or to Bug?

nine times a much per person on the elderly (those who do vote) as it does on the young (those

who don't vote).'35

Yet the importance of the linkage of education and the economy cannot be

overemphasized. Appendix A lists the countries and territories of the British Caribbean in rank

order according to their 1997 per capita GDPs. With one exception, those with universal

secondary education have higher per capita GDP than those without universal secondary

education. The exceptional case is Antigua and Barbuda, whose per capita GDP, at $8,791, is

higher than those of Barbados ($8,178), Turks and Caicos ($7,700), and St. Kitts and Nevis

($6,405), all of which have universal secondary education.

This relationship may not necessarily be uniquely causal - higher education alone causing

higher income - but it is instructive. The two factors may bolster each other, with higher income

allowing more education and more education enhancing income. Other factors also enter into

the picture. Countriesltemtories with higher income (and more education) also have higher

percentages of their GDPs coming from the service sector (including tourism and financial

services) and less coming fiom agriculture.

Freedom House's 1997 ratings of political rights and civil liberties (see Appendix A)

rank all but Antigua and Barbuda high, at 1 or 2 on the seven-point scale. Leaving out the

exception, in the category of political rights, Freedom House lists all but the three countxies with

the highest rating (I), with Guyana (GDP of $88 I), St Vincent and the Grenadines (GDP of

$2,543), and Jamaica (GDP of $2,634) rated at 2. This gives slight support for the un-

dependency theory, suggesting that those with the worst economic levels might be in the early

" World Bank Web Site: World Bank Group Countries: Trinidad and Tobago. 35 Thurow, page 104.

12


stages of losing their consolidation of democratization, or that consolidation might never have

been fblly achieved in those countries.

Migration Tradition

Migration has been part of the British Caribbean experience from its inception.

Englishmen migrated to the Caribbean to establish colonies, then forced migration of Afiicans

for slave labor. Great Britain was the first to end slavery in the Americas, and former slaves

could not initially go safely to territories where the institution of slavery still existed.36 Former

slaves, however, did not want to just keep working on the same plantations where they had been

slaves, so a family would help a family member (usually male) go to another British colony to do

the same type of work. Psychologically it was better work because they were not just working

for their own former slave masters, and on return they typically had some money to enhance

family condition and social status."

As slavery was abolished in other temtories migration patterns increased concentrically.

Some employment opportunities drew large numbers of West Indians, such as the French and

then the US efforts to establish the Panama canal3* After World War I1 large numbers of West

Indians went to Great Britain, and when the UK cut off migration in the early 1960s the stream

of migrants shifted to the US and canada.)'

Dawn Marshall, "The History of Caribbean Migration: The Case of the West Ind\es," C a r i m Review, Volume Xi, Number 1, Winter 1982, pages 6-9. 37 Bonham C. Richardson, C a r i i m i m t s : Environment and Huaan Survival in St. Kitts, University of Tennessee Press, KnoxviIk, 1983, pages 17- 18. " Margaret Byron, Post-War Caribbean Mimtion to Britain: The Unfinished Cvcle, Avebury's Ashgate Publishing Co., Aldershat, England, 1994, pages 33,78. 39 52-53.

HumancaQIta lDeve l~ t To Build or to Bug?

Migration is a social and cultural phenomenon as much as it is an economic

phenomenon." Migrants are apt to be better educated, on average, than those who stay behind.

Educational levels of migrants are likely to be further enhanced while away,41 Migration is

frequently intended as temporary, but stays away from home often last longer than expected.

Cases - Status of Education

I selected three Caribbean countries to survey educational conditions in the region. Two,

Barbados and St. Lucia, are small nations, while Trinidad and Tobago is larger. This is not a

scientific sample, and therefore no generalizations can be made &om them, but they essentially

represent conditions found throughout the region.

The following discussion assumes three distinct levels of education - primary, secondary,

and tertiary. Primary education is generally considered to be universal throughout the British

Caribbean, with 95%+ of the primary school age group attending school. It is from this level

that literacy rates" are usually determined. This paper will not focus on the primary level, since

it is universally accessible throughout the region. However, information provided by the

Trinidad and Tobago Ministry of i ducat ion" reveals some recent slippage in attendance:

Year Total Enrollment School-Age Gross Enrollment (d ages) Population Ratio

1991 248,696 200,342 124.1% 1995 179,346 203,007 88.3% 1998 162,406 204.034 79.6%

40 Mary Chamberlain, Narrarives of Exile and Return, St. Martin's Press, New York, 1997, pages 21-24,33; see also Richardson, page 19. 4' Miller, pages 128-129. 42 Literacy rates are many times f f i e d as having attended school, or having basic readinghmtmg skills. " "Table 4: Indicators 5 and 6 - Gross and net enrollment ratios in pimary education" h m Annual Statistical Return, Public Schools C.S 0. Population Data, provided i p n request by the Trinidad and Tobago Ministry of Fhcation, Division of Educational Research and Evaluation.


Secon&ry Level

Secondary level education is universal in only some of the British caribbeaqu in other

countries attendance rates may be as low as 50% to 60%. A Common Examination of

Competencies is given in many Caribbean countries, allowing for comparison of school success

rates. Of the seventeen countries reported, my sample countries show various but low levels of

success averaged over the 199 1 - 1997 period:

English Mathematics Rank Country Avg. 7 Year Rank Country Avg. 7 Year

% Passing % Passing 5 Barbados 51.72 4 Barbados 48.24 7 St Lucia 43.26 7 St. Lucia 4 1.25

12 Trinidad & Tobago 35.66 12 Trinidad & Tobago 33.76 Source: OCED from Minisby of Education Web Page, G o v m of St. Lucia

Barbados is the only country of the three selected with universal secondary education.

All primary students are required to sit for the Barbados Secondary Schools' Entrance

Examination (BSSEE), typically at 11 years of age. The readiness to sit for the exam is,

however, based on competency determinations, and individuals may be deemed ready anywhere

fiom 9 years old to 12 years old." Competency levels of those sitting for the Common

Examination of Competencies, however, have been weak as the table above shows.

Nevertheless, only students fiom Cayman Islands, Netherlands Antilles, and British Virgin

Islands ranked above Barbadian students in both English and Math, with Montserrat students

also scoring better in English.

Barbados spends about the same amount of money on the primary and secondary levels

With slightly less (95%) going to secondary in raw Barbadian dollars and slightly less (93%)

going to primary on a per student basis:

* Miller, page 125, reports that the Bahamas, Barbados, the British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Montsenat, St. Kitts and Nevis, and the Turks and Caicos islands had aheved this by the first half of the 1990s. 45 Information provided by Barbados Ministry of Education, 2000.

Human Capital Development To Buld or to Bug?

Expenditures Enrollment Expenditures per Student Primary BDS$100,6 18,279 24,460 BDS$4114 Secondary BDS $95,875,929 21,752 BDS$4408

St. Lucia has a goal of expanding its universal education (now only primary is universal)

to include the secondary level by the 2005/06 school year. St. Lucia spends less (70%) on

secondary education in absolute expenditures, but less (64%) at the primary level on a per

student basis:

Expenditures Enrollment Expenditures per Student Primary EC$3 9,700,000 28,975 EC$1,3 70 Secondary EC$27,600,000 12,817 EC$2,153

Source: St. Lucia Central Statistics Oflice Web Site, Tables 19 and 72

The proportion of students transitioning fiom primary (grade 6) to secondary (form 1)

increased fiom 54% in 1994/95 to 68% in 1999/2000.~~ The nineteen secondary schools in St.

Lucia are small, having enrollments that range fiom 3 11 to 932. Six are overcrowded for the

school's capacity but the rest can handle more students than currently attend." Student

achievement as reflected in pass rates on the Common Examination of Competencies vary

considerably among schools:

Year Basic Proficiency General and Technical Range Proficiency Range

1999 22% - 74% 40% - 92% 1998 19% - 1 OO?? 20% - 93% 1997 17% - 54% 28% - 87%

Trinidad and Tobago report$' a significant improvement in the passage rate for the

Government of St. Lucia Central Statistics OEfice Web Site, "Table 87: Transition Rates for Students who sat CEE and Grade 6 Enrolment to Form 1 of Secondary Schools, 1994/95 to 1999/00." 47 St. Lucia Central Statistics Oflice Web Site, "Table 78: Secondaxy Schools in St. Lucia Ranked according to Excess Capacity, 1999100." " Ministry of Education, Trinidad and Tobago.

Human Caw Development To Build or to Bug?

Common Entrance Examination during 2000:

Year Sat Placed Percent 1997 28,961 20,883 72% 1998 28,626 20.846 73% 1999 30,339 20,939 69% 2000 29,3 55 29,3 5 5 100% Source: Trinidad and Tobago Minlstry of Education

Although not all secondary school-age youth attend school, the dropout rate for the

secondary level is low (0.83% for 199511996), The numbers of secondary students repeating

grades, however, approaches ten percent in some areas:

Form V Form VI Form VI 1" Yr. znd yr.

M F M F M F 8.6% 9.8% 0.9% 0.8% 8.4% 4.9% Source: Ministry of Eklucation, Trinidad and Tobago data for 1992/1993 school year

Trinidad and Tobago currently (1998) spends less, in total (55%) and on a per student

basis (88%), on secondary education as it does on the primary level. This trend will need to be

adjusted to achieve universal education at the secondary level:

Expenditure Enrollment Expenditure per Student Primary TT$569,809,394 169,580 TT$3360 Secondary TT$3 12,956,407 105,790 TT$2958 Expenditure data includes both capital and public current expenditures. Data provided by Trinidad and Tobago Ministry of Education

Tertiary Level

Tertiary education is the level beyond secondary, and may be academically oriented

(college, university), vocationally oriented (post-secondary vocational or technical schools), or

combinations (community college, etc.) University attendance has been low, with fewer than

16,000 students enrolled in the University of the West Indies (UWI), the prestigious regional

institution, all three campuses, Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, combined, in

1995/1996. (Needless to say, countries with less than universal secondary attendance will not


send proportionally as many people to college, since graduation from secondary education is

typically a prerequisite for university attendance.)

UWI Registration for 199511 996

Cave Hill, Mona, St. Augustine, Total Barbados Jamaica Trinidad & Tobago

Undergraduate Full Time 1,768 4,467 3,454 9,689 Part Time 1,053 1,677 396 3,126

Graduate Level 275 1,527 965 2,767

Total 3,096 7,671 4,815 15,582 Source: Claudia Harvey, "Current Issues in Distance Education in the English-Speaking Caribbean: Challenges and Responses," HiPrher Education in the Caribbean, edited by Glenford D. Howe, University of the West Indies Press, Kingston, Jamaica, 2000, page 329

Prime ministers of the CARICOM nations issued the Montego Bay Resolution in 1997

setting goals of having 15% of the region's 18-24 year olds in tertiary or higher education by the

year 2000:~ increasing to 2% enrolled by 2007.'~ As of 1990 the our selected countries had

achieved the following:

2 1.8% Barbados 10.7% Trinidad and Tobago 4.8% St. Lucia

Source: Miller, page 127.

In addition to the Cave Hill UWI campus, Barbados is home to the Samual Prescott

Jackson Polytechnical School, Barbados Community College, and ~rdiston." Barbadian citizens

do not pay tuition to these schools or to UWI, although financing is becoming problematic.

Nevertheless, with the highest rates of secondary school attendance and competency

" Harvey, page 325. 50 Miller, page 126. 51 Carlisle A. Pemberton, Sarojini Ragbin, and Rita Pemberton -'Higher Education and AgnculW Development in the Caribbean," Higher Education in the Caribbean edited by Glenford D. Howe, University of West Indies Press, Kingston, Jamaica, 2000, page 143; Alan G. Cobley, "The Historical Development of Higher Education in the Anglophone Caribbean," Hider Education in the Caribbean, page 20; "White Paper on Education Reformy' Executive Summary, available on Government of Barbados Ministry of Education Web Site.


achievement among the four selected counties, and with fiee university tuition, it is little wonder

that Barbados has the highest rate of university attendance. Although it is not suggested here

that education is the only causal factor related to economic well being, it is informative that

Barbados also has the highest per capita GDP among the three countries in our sample:

Barbados 6077 6668 6693 6576 6133 6373 6681 7143 7639 St. Lucia 2538 2833 2996 3194 3507 3508 3638 3911 3999 Trinidad 3698 3526 4100 4257 4327 3670 3791 3963 4178 and Tobago

Figures are in US dollars. Source: United Nations Statistical Yearbook: Fortv-third Issue, 1999, pages 148-1 62.

As a member state of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) St. Lucia is

part of an agreement to selectively specialize educational programs. Under this division of labor

Centres of Excellence are certified within different states, and nationals of other states relocate to

those Centres to enroll in a particular course of St. Lucia is home to the Sir Arthur

Lewis Community UWI Cave Hill provides a Bachelor of Science in Management in

St. Lucia for government civil ser~ants.'~ UWI also has an outreach office in St. Lucia, part of

the Caribbean Agricultural Extension Program (CAEP) to provide training and other services to

agricultural interests in the Leeward ~ s l a n d s . ~ ~

Barbados is not taking a complacent attitude about this relative level of development, but

is working to continue to improve its situation. Its current educational reform effort, called

Edutech, intends to make the education system more child-centered and less didactic, provide

52 OECS - Eastern Caribbean - Education Web Site. 53 Carlisle A Pemberlon, Sarojini Ragbin, and Rib Pemberton, "Higher Education and Agricultural Development in the Caribbean," Hieher Education in the Caribbeaq edited by Glenford D. Howe, University of West Indies Press, Kingston, Jamaica, 2000, page 143; Alan G. Cobley, '"The Historical Development of Higher Education in the Anglophone Caribbean," Hiher Education in the Caribbean, page 20 59 UWI - Cave Hill Web Site. 55 Carlisle A Pemberton, Sarojini Ragbin, and Rita Pemberton, "Higher Education and Agricultural Development in the CariWean," Higher Education in the Caribkm, edited by Glenford D. Howe, University of West Indies Press, Kingston, Jamaica, 2000, page 157.

Human Caw Development To Build or to Bug?

additional training and incentives for teachers, reform the curriculum, and upgrade school

facilities, including providing technology equipment. The World Bank has provided Barbados

with a $6.9 million, 6-year grant to " strengthen the quality and efficiency of basic education,

with a view to raising student achievement" as well as to improve the vocational and technical

educational system and to enhance "employment services and labor market informati~n."~

In addition to the campus of the University of the West Indies at St. Augustine, Trinidad

and Tobago is home to two two-year teacher training colleges, one public and one private. There

are also three technical or vocational schools, as well as the Eastern Caribbean Institute of

Agriculture and Forestry.

Improvement Plans

The World Bank has provided a $6.7 million grant over 5.3 years to reform and equalize

access to education in St. Lucia. Better resource allocation is one goal within this effort. Over

25% of the government's expenditures for 1998/99 and 1999/00 were on education. This

enabled St. Lucia to achieve low student-teacher ratios that range fiom 17-1 to 23-1 in 1999/00.~*

Such low ratios at the secondary level, however, may not be efficient. Thus the World Bank

recognized that "already relatively high levels of resource allocations to public education" must

"better respond to current and projected need^."'^

56 World Bank Web Site, 3 6 5 9 f 3 0 7 7 6 1 e 8 5 2 5 6 7 e d ) O 5 4 e e 1 W b O f c 2 4 7 0 3 ~ '' St. Lucia Central Statistics O£Eice Web Site, "Table 153: Actual and Projected Education Expenditure in Relation to Total Government Recurrent Expenditure, 1994195 to 2005/06." " St. Lucia Central Statistics OEce Web Site, "Table 107: Secondary Schools in St. Lucia, Ranked According to Student/ Teacher Ratios, 1999100." '' World Bank Web Site.


Conclusion and Suggestions

In conclusion, Caribbean states are moving on the right track to break away fiom their

dependent past. The key to breaking away is through education, beginning with the provision of

primary and secondary education to all citizens. Barbados is doing so7 and St. Lucia is

expanding secondary education to reach that goal. St. Lucia also collects information of student

success rates and other school achievement results, which are available for anyone to see how the

various schools are functioning, enabling administrators and parents to easily determine where

improvement is needed. More effective schools are the likely outcome of current curriculum

revision and other reform efforts. With already high levels of expenditure on schools,

improvement in effectiveness is essential for a competitive society in the global economy.

School effectiveness begins at the primary and secondary levels. Improved student

achievement at the lower levels will enable more West Indians to be qualified for tertiary level

education. Efforts at specialization and distance learning, already underway within the Eastern

Caribbean subregion as well as the UWI system, will also enhance access and achievement

levels at the tertiary levels. Higher education levels will enable more Caribbean nationals to

demand higher income, either within or outside of the Caribbean. The challenge will be to

attract natives to stay, to return, or to invest in the region as members of the transnational

Caribbean community. The following suggestions are offered toward that goal, and toward the

possibility of fbrther research in this area.

Access to primary education must be universal, and steps must be taken to assure that youth

actually do attend. Laws requiring attendance are one step, but accountability and

effectiveness of the schools must be assured. Where this is lacking, curriculum development,

teacher training, and computer training for teachers and students will provide the carrot to the


mandatory attendance stick. Schools must attract students, and their parents, by offering a

good product - educational achievement. Barbados and St. Lucia are proceeding along this

line. Close attention must be paid by any state where primary school attendance is eroding,

as appears to be the case in Trinidad and Tobago. Success and competence attainment at the

primary level is critical for further educational success.

Secondary school access, and attendance, must also extend to the entire school-age

population. Where secondary attendance is universal, accountability and competence

attainment should be the focus of attention; Barbados is taking this approach. Where

secondaty attendance is not universal, plans must be implemented to achieve that goal. St.

Lucia is exemplary in taking on both tasks - attendance and achievement - at the same time.

As greater numbers and proportions of the population achieve secondary level competencies,

more demand will be made on the tertiary system. Countries must determine their most

efficient mix of policies - fiee tuition, reduced tuition, scholarships, computer/Internet

access, distance learning. These options are being tried, and studies should be coordinated

within the region to determine their success rates and the best mix.

Salaries and wages should be set at reasonable levels to attract and keep competent workers.

States should begin this effort with their teachers, to assure effective results among students.

This may require higher student/teacher ratios at the secondary level where some subjects are

conducive to larger class sizes. Measures of competence and established goals for results

should enter into the determination of pay scales, not just tenure. Parental input should be

encouraged in establishing those measures and goals. Teachers should also be involved in

setting standards, so they buy in to new rules that lead to additional professionalization and

Human Capml Development To Build or to Bug?

prestige, as well as pay incentives.* Issues of professional salaries and minimum wages are

tricky for decision-makers. Business competition drives low skill wages down, but high skill

wages do not necessarily follow the same logic. Public professional and managerial skills

should also be high enough to keep competent workers. Sociological studies among

immigrants in the United States have found that immigrants do not compare their

socioeconomic status to their adopted society, in which they are doing relatively poorly, as

much as they compare it to the conditions they left behind, where they typically were doing

worse.61 Keeping skilled workers employed and in relatively good socioeconomic status

should reduce their propensity to migrate. Education helps individuals to obtain skills, which

makes a country more attractive to investors and businesses, and gives individuals more

entrepreneurial opportunities.

With the Caribbean tradition of migration, familial and other social connections to the North

American mainland, Great Britain, and other areas are well established. Public policy must

be established to make not migrating attractive, and to make return attractive to those who

have migrated or will migrate. Migrating becomes less attractive as societal stability,

individual and group rights and fieedoms and economic opportunity increase. Return

becomes more attractive as the same conditions improve, and when tax laws are not

restrictive. Collecting data on such returns is important to develop measures of the financial

impact on return migration. Jamaica passed laws in 1992 exempting some household and

60 See Joan M Nelson, Reforming Health and Education, Overseas Development Council, Washington, D.C.,1999, ge 17.

'See John D. Oghr "Immigrant and lmoluntary Minorities in Comparative Pe-e," pages 3-33. and Marce1o M. Suata-CXozco, "Immigrant A&-on to Schooling: A Hispanic Case," pages 3761. both in bfinoritv Sbtus in Schooling: A Cornmmtive Study of Immimt and Involuntarv Minorities, edited by Margaret A Gibson and John U. O&u, Garland Press, New Yo* 1991.

H u m a n C a p i t a l D e v e l ~ To Build or to Bug?

other goods fiom taxes for returnees." Similarly, governmental assistance - wen if through

simply not passing restrictive taxes or licensing requirements - can encourage remittances to

family members and investments. There is evidence that this could aid in the economic

development of a country." Remittances can be substantial, and in Jamaica have grown in

recent years:

Net Transfer of Money to Jamaica s (1 991-1997) (Millions of US Dollars)

1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 153.3 248.2 306.4 447.2 544.4 583.8 606.3

Source: Bank of Jamaica, in Thomas-Hope, page 204

Finally, as states of the British Caribbean find that these various issues are important -

educational attendancdachievement, migration patterns, remittance levels, etc. - public

policies must be adjusted to address needs. Common data collection is also important to

researchers and academics, who find comparative analyses difficult across national

boundaries, and to governments to assess their policies and to see which ones are working as

intended, and which should be adjusted for better effectiveness. What works in one nation

may not work in another, but positive results in one may give others ideas about how to make

their own policies more effective. Having centralized data collection/analysis centers,

possibly through CARICOM, UWI or some other common vehicle would allow all nations to

benefit fiom the data and analysis and to share the costs incumbent therein.

" Elizabeth Thomas-Hope, "Re- Migration to Jamaica and its Development Potential," Int~onalMi~zration, Volume 37, Number 1, 1999, page 187. " Barry Chavannes and Heather Ricketts, "Return Migration and Small Business Development in Jamaica," Caribbean Circuits: New Directions in the Sludv of Caribbean Mieration, edited by Patricia R.Pessar, Center for Migration Studies,New York, 1997, page 163.

APPENDIX A Selected Data - Caribbean Statesrrerritories

Ranked by 1007 Per Capita GDP

Country 1997 Per Universal Democracy 1907 Pop; Surface Capita GDP Secondary Ed. Rating (thousands) Area (km2)

Guyana 881 NO 2, 2, F 735 214,940 StVincent &Grenadines 2,543 NO 2,1,F 112 388 Jamaica 2,634 NO 2, 2, F 2,554 10,990 Belize 2,788 NO 1, 1, 230 22,696 Granada 3,353 NO 1,2 ,F 93 344 Dominica 3,427 NO d l 1, F 7 1 751 St. Lucia 4,031 NO 1,2, F 1 46 622 Trinidad & Tobago 4,397 NO 1,2, F 1,307 5,130 St. Kitts & Nevis 6,405 YES 1,2, F 41 26 1 Turks & Caicos Islands 7,700 YES 1, 1, I= 15 430 Barbados 8,178 YES 1, 1, I= 262 430 Antigua & Barbuda 8,791 NO 4,3, PF 67 442 Montserrat 10,168 YES 2, 1, F 11 1 02 Anguilla 10,996 YES 2,1, F 8 96 The Bahamas 13,047 YES 1, 1. F 289 13,878 British Virgin Islands 26,787 YES 1, 1, F 20 151 Cayman Islands 26,917 YES 1, I# F 33 264 Bermuda 36,652 YES 1, 1, 60 53

1907 Density

3 288 232 10

270 05 235 255 157 35

600 152 108 83 21 132 125

1,138

United States of Am. 28,780 YES 1, 1, F 267,001 9,303,520 29

Primary Economic Sectors AG 34.7%; SE 32.8%; IN 32.5% SE 71 .9%; IN 17.5%; AG 10.6% SE 50.5%; IN 42.1%; AG 7.4% SE 56%; IN 22%; AG 22% SE 75.3%; IN 15%; AG 9.7% SE 63%; AG 21%; IN 16% SE 57%; IN 32.3%; AG 10.7% SE 54%; IN 44%; AG 2% SE 72%; IN 22.5%; AG 5.5% SE ; AG SE 70.5%; IN 15.6%; AG 4.9% SE 83.5%; IN 12.5%; AG 4% SE 81%; IN 13.6%; AG 5.4% SE 78%; IN 18%; AG 4% SE 02%; IN 5%; AG 3% SE 92%; IN 6.2%; AG 1.8% SE 95.4%; IN 3.2%; AG 1.4% SE 89%; IN 10%; AG 1%

Sources: United Nations "Statistical Yearbook," 1007, Table 22, pages 165180 and Table 7, pages 35-37; and Miller, page 125;

and "Education in Bermuda," page 1 ; and CIA WorM Factbook 2000 various countries and Freedom House Country Rankings for 19982000

Notes: Freedom House - Political Rights (1-7), Civil Liberties (1-7), Frredom Status Freedom Status - Average of Political Rights and Civil Liberties Scores, 1-2.5 = Free; 3-5.5 = Partly Free; 5.5-7 = Not Free

Economic Sectors - SE = Services; AG = Agriculture; IN = Industry

APPENDIX B-1 Enrollment in Secondary Education

1995196 Attend Rate 1996197 AttendRate 1997198Attend Rate 1998199AttendRate 199912000Attend Rate Barbados 23,437 110% 23,346 110% 23,028 110% 22,528 110% 21,752 108% St. Luciab 15,130 89% 15,611 91% 15,716 92% 15,897 93% 16,158 97% Trinidad & Tobago 103,016 769'0 106,249 79% 106,050 1 05,790 105,509

'Includes Senior Primary Enrollment. During period, Sr. Primary shows steady decline in enrollment while Seondary shows steady increase, reflecting improved transition rate from Primary to Secondary as well as increase in proportion of age group attending.

Attendance Rate (Attend Rate) is a proportion of attendees compared to the school age population. Attendance Rates over 100% are due to younger or older youth enrolled in secondary education Trinidad & Tobago attendance rate calculated as enrollment divided by census of 10-14 age bracket, the closest available age range in the UN "Demographic Yearbook:" the next range Is 15-10 and a combination of the two ranges would provide a denominator too large for the numerator, which should be 11-10 or 11-18.

Sources: St. Lucia Ministry of Education Web Site; data requested from and provided by N Ministries of Education of Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago; m and census data from United Nations "Demographic Yearbook" for 1996 (page 158) and 1907 (page 192)

Appendix 6-2 Studenttleacher Ratio for Secondary Education

Country Year StuKeach Range Within Ratio School System

Barbados 1999/2000 15.5: l NIA St. Lucia 1999/2000 2 0 : l 17 :1 to23 :1 Trinida & Tobago 199511 QQ6 21 : 1 14 : 1 to -29 ; 1

Sources - St. Lucia Ministry of Education Web Site; Data requested from and provided by Ministries of Education of Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago

HumanCapltalDevelopment To Build or to Bug?

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by david k. twigg caribbean studies association twenty

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