bryce - omen wisdom in ancient israel_1975

Omen-Wisdom in Ancient IsraelAuthor(s): Glendon E. BryceSource: Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 94, No. 1 (Mar., 1975), pp. 19-37Published by: The Society of Biblical LiteratureStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3266032 .

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OMEN-WISDOM IN ANCIENT ISRAEL

GLENDON E. BRYCE

PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, PRINCETON, NJ 08540

THE relation between wisdom and cult has been one of the perennial concerns of scholars of the wisdom literature of Israel.1 This interest has

been prompted by important questions concerning the wise men which up to the present have not been satisfactorily answered. Who were these sages of Israel and in what circles did they move? What is the precise social and

religious context in Israel from which wisdom emerged? Are the concerns of the Israelite wise men primarily religious or secular? Was the separation between the priest, prophet, and wise man (Jer 18:18) so rigid that we can

categorically assert, as G. von Rad does, that the wise men were not priests?2 If this is true, does it signify that the intellectual pursuits of the erudite coun- sellors of Israel had led them beyond the realm of cultic observance to moral and ethical concerns, a kind of ancient "practical reason"? On first glance, the answer to this last question might appear to be an affirmative one. The sages of Israel do not seem to be greatly concerned about religious rites, and their references to cult are frequently negative. Their counsel is often pragmatic, motivated by an ethic of self-interest. Paradoxically, these aged teachers of wisdom seem to be dominated by more mundane concerns related to success in social life.

On the other hand, references to the cult and the use of priestly terminology on the part of the wise men suggest that they were aware of the meaning of worship and its impact upon human behavior. They not only subjected religious

1J. Fichtner, Die altorientalische Weisheit in ihrer israelitisch-jidischen Auspragung (BZAW 62; Giessen: Tbpelmann, 1933) 35-43; H. Gressmann, "Die neugefundene Lehre des Amen-em-ope und die vorexilische Spruchdichtung Israels," ZAW 42 (1924) 291-92; L. Diirr, "Das Erziehungswesen im Alten Testament und im antiken Orient," MVAG 36 (1932) 108-9; W. Zimmerli, "Ort und Grenze der Weisheit im Rahmen der alttestamentlichen Theologie," Les sagesses du Proche-Orient ancien (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1963) 130-31; U. Skladny, Die dltesten Spruchsammlungen in Israel (G6ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962) 16, 28, 65; S. Mowinckel, "Psalms and Wisdom," Wisdom in Israel and in the Ancient Near East (VTSup 3; Leiden: Brill, 1955) 206-8; W. McKane, Prophets and Wise Men (SBT 44; London: SCM, 1965) 55- 56; H.-J. Hermisson, Studien zur israelitischen Spruchweisheit (WMANT 28; Neukirchen- Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1968) 130-32; G. von Rad, Wisdom in Israel (Nashville: Abingdon, 1972) 186-89.

'G. von Rad, Wisdom, 188.

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JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE

rites to criticism but also coined proverbs which contained direct allusions to cultic practices. In his study of the relation between wisdom and cult J. Fichtner concluded that the Israelite sages were not opposed to religious observances as such; they were simply not interested in them.3 Yet, scattered throughout the wisdom literature of the OT, he discovered about forty references to personnel, places, and observances related to cult. Subsequently, W. Zimmerli adduced a small group of terms, some of which appear frequently in Proverbs, which derive from priestly circles. Scholars such as S. Mowinckel and H. L. Jansen asserted that this was to be explained as a result of the close relationship between wisdom and cult, the priests of Israel serving as the patrons of wisdom, the editors of the collections of wisdom which we now possess. If as early as the time of the prophet Jeremiah, some interrelationship between priestly and wisdom traditions can be inferred, the question may be raised concerning the content of Israelite wisdom which derives from priestly circles.4 More precisely, does this wisdom reveal sufficient connection with esoteric priestly lore that it could only have been composed by priestly sages?

In the ancient Near East the direct relationship between wisdom and cult has

already been demonstrated in the case of Babylonian omen-wisdom.5 With the

exception of the Romans few peoples carried the practice of divination further than the Babylonians. The signs and portents, or "omens," observed, analyzed, and recorded by Babylonian priests covered a vast range of natural phenomena. Two factors which played an important role in divination were physiognomical characteristics and unusual movements of animals or even objects.6 By the

apparent likeness of a newly born offspring to some animal, with the configura- tion of its feet being similar to those of a bird or animal, a prognostication could be made. Similarly, by the movements of an animal or object, favorable or unfavorable signs would be forthcoming for those priests trained to perceive the significance of the slightest deviation from the normal pattern. Of

*J. Fichtner, Die altorientalische Weisheit, 36. For the following references the reader is referred to W. Zimmerli, "Ort und Grenze," 130; S. Mowinckel, "Psalms and

Wisdom," 207; H. L. Jansen, "Die spatjiidischen Psalmendichtung, ihr Enstehungskreis und ihr 'Sitz im Leben,'" Skrifter utgitt av det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi i Oslo

(Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1937) 3 (cited from H.-J. Hermisson, Studien, 130).

H.-J. Hermisson, Studien, 131. 5 The connection between omens and wisdom was recognized by E. Ebeling as early as

1927 ("Reste akkadischer Weisheitsliteratur," Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesell-

schaft 3 [1927] 28). Bibliographical references and studies of various types of Babylonian divination will be found in J. Nougayrol's article, "La divination babylonienne," La divination (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1968), 1. 25-81 and La Divination en Mesopotamie ancienne et dans les regions voisines (Paris: Presses universitaires de

France, 1966) 5-139. 6F. R. Kraus, "Die physiognomischen Omina der Babylonier," MVAG 40 (1935)

1-107; M. Jastrow, Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens (Giessen: T6pelmann, 1912), 2. 836-945; E. Reiner, "Fortune-Telling in Mesopotamia," JNES 19 (1960) 24, 28-30.

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BRYCE: OMEN-WISDOM IN ANCIENT ISRAEL

course, these practices were also brought to bear upon human births and actions. The physiognomical characteristics of new-born infants were studied and catalogued as a means of determining the future. The recent discovery of psepho- mancy in Babylonian divination reminds us of the oracular lots called the Urim and Thummim in the OT.7 In Israel certain forms of divination were a legiti- mate means of discovering the will of Yahweh and predicting the future.

Moreover, a survey of the history of the tradition of omen-lore reveals that the similarity between the two cultures extends beyond the mere use of cor- responding instruments such as the oracular lots. As we shall observe subsequently, it includes the development of the tradition itself. Both in Meso- potamia and in Israel it is possible to identify three somewhat distinct stages in the process of the transformation of omens into omen-wisdom. In the oldest Mesopotamian catalogues, which represent the first stage, magical conceptions of reality dominate omen-techniques.8 The connection between the sign and its meaning is largely non-rational and mysterious. From these collections of omens, recorded and catalogued by the priests, an esoteric tradition grew up. Of course, this does not mean that all prognostications based upon the observation of natural phenomena and the study of physiognomy lie in the realm of super- stition. As ancient men encountered the multiplicity of events in the world, it was important that they seek to discover their significance and their effects. All unusual occurrences needed to be observed, for even something as unob- trusive as the stirring of a strange wind could bode ill for the marsh-man or the farmer. Toward the hidden forces in nature ancient man was neither compla- cent without care nor optimistic without courage.

Through certain divine powers granted to him, the diviner sought to comprehend events by interpreting the signs around him. He was deemed wise because he could give counsel based upon his special relation to the divine powers embodied in nature and his ability to comprehend the totality of events according to the communications received from the gods." His wisdom, then, was not whol- ly dependent upon a haphazard kind of revelation disclosed by the fall of lots. Inherent abilities and acquired skills contributed toward his powers of observation and his sagacious judgment concerning the meaning of both natural events

7 E. Reiner, "Fortune-Telling," 25; A. Guillaume, Prophecy and Divination among the Hebrews and Other Semites (New York: Harper, 1938) 120; R. Press, "Das Ordal im alten Israel II," ZAW 51 (1933) 227-31; A. R. Johnson, The Cultic Prophet in Ancient Israel (Cardiff: University of Wales, 1962) 5-7, 36; I. Mendelsohn, "Urim and Thum- mim," IDB, 4. 739-40; J. Lindblom, "Lot-Casting in the Old Testament," VT 12 (1962) 164-78; E. Robertson, "The :Orim and Tummim: What Were They?" VT 14 (1964) 67-74.

F. N6tscher, "Die Omen-Serie: lumma alu ina mele sakin (CT 38-40)," Or os 39-42 (1929) 1-247; A. L. Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1964) 220-21.

To refer to the Babylonian diviners as "priests" does not signify a confusion of West Semitic practices with those of Mesopotamia, nor is it intended to deny the special place of the diviner among the religious personnel. As the equivalent of the term Wahrsage-

21




and human actions. His predictions were determined by a variety of factors

affecting the course of events. This is confirmed by the fact that some of the oldest catalogues of omens contain predictions which are based upon an empirical approach to reality or upon moral and psychological considerations. Of course, this aspect of Mesopotamian divination was also based upon the belief that a

supernatural agency was at work revealing the will of the gods and guiding the diviner in the interpretation of the signs.

In the process of time, omens which pertained directly to human behavior were moralized and thereby developed into a distinctive type of saying which we may call omen-wisdom. These proverbial sayings are not hard to identify because, like the omen, they have the form of a simple conditional statement. The protasis is introduced by the conjunction "if" (summma); in the apodosis the

verb, which is sometimes from the same root, appears in a different form. The

following examples, which are unrelated, represent the two types of omens, the second belonging to the genre of omen-wisdom to which I have just referred.

summa martum itbima ittasi, rub1m ina dannatim ussi.l1 If the gall bladder is raised and protrudes, the prince will escape in need.

summa gamil igammiluisu. If he is obliging, they will oblige him.

The second of these two omens is atypical because it does not introduce some external sign and foretell the future by it. However, it illustrates an important principle pertaining to the interpretation of omens. Originally, the priests did not make a sharp distinction between those omens which predicted the future by speculation and those which simply determined it on the basis of a normative

description of a person's character. For example, in one collection we find an omen which relates to a disaster which will strike the flocks of the farmer side

by side with an omen which promises blessing to the son who honors his

father.l2 Likewise, even in collections of physiognomical omens which seek to predict the future on the basis of the color of a person's hair or the shape of his feet, other omens appear which are simply moral teachings, such as

priester, it simply recognizes the relation of divination to the cult in general and assumes the existence of considerable differentiation among cultic personnel, even among those who might have been exclusively diviners. A. L. Oppenheim, "Perspectives on Mesopo- tamian Divination," La divination, 40; J. Renger, "Untersuchungen zum Priestertum der

altbabylonischen Zeit," ZA 58 (1967) 112; 59 (1969) 202. 10A. Goetze, Old Babylonian Texts (Yale Oriental Series, 10; New Haven: Yale

University, 1947) 31, IV 45-50. I am indebted to E. V. Leichty of the University Museum (University of Pennsylvania) for his suggestions on the transcriptions of the

Assyro-Babylonian texts cited from the transliterations. 11 F. R. Kraus, "Ein Sittenkanon im Omenform," ZA 43 (1936) 81. I have normalized

the transcription gammil in my transliteration. "E. Ebeling, "Reste," 28-29 (7-8).

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[Vumma libba b]atti~i inazz[iq]. If in his heart he is a sinner, he will worry.

This counsel predicated the future of the individual upon his moral and ethical qualities and his strength of character, not simply upon certain obvious physiognomical traits.

In the second stage we perceive the emergence of the genre which we have designated omen-wisdom. As the omens were collected and catalogued by the priests, a distinction was made between those which were magical and others which were based upon psychological and moral factors.l4 No doubt, this process may be traced back in part to the time when omens were first created and when this technique was applied to human life. In the later period, par- ticularly, the process of cataloguing the omens and developing canons was ac- celerated. At this time Mesopotamian diviners began to group clusters of omens together according to their subject matter. Whereas centuries earlier omens of an exclusively personal and moral content might be found scattered throughout the collections, now they are dissociated from their original con- texts and brought together in what has been called Sittenkanon. These catalogues, which contain omens relating primarily to psychological states, personal traits, and moral teaching, are distinctive because the original impulse which gave rise to the omen, the magical association of two phenomena in a cause- effect relationship, is gradually suppressed. Moral and psychological causes are now being adduced to explain events, and ethical teachings are displacing magic. At this point we have moved from the realm of omens to the sphere of omen- wisdom.

The final stage of this process is reached in the Babylonian instruction en- titled "Advice to a Prince."15 In order to protest the aggrandizing intentions of the royal house, the priests compiled a political instruction. Its purpose was to protect the rights of the citizens of three important cities. Its form, like that of its original counterpart, consists of a series of conditional statements. Its

prototype is an ancient form of royal instruction found in the catalogues of the great omen series summa alu ina mele Sakin, parts of which date from the Old Babylonian period.'6 However, it is important to observe that whereas the ancient royal instruction in the omen-series is dominated by religio-cultic conceptions of the relation between the king and the gods, this political instruction is rooted primarily in moral and ethical considerations. The threat of judgment directed against the king is linked to civil and political injustices arising out of

'F. R. Kraus, "Die physiognomischen Omina," 26; CAD 6. 153. "F. R. Kraus, "Ein Sittenkanon," 82-83; "Weitere Texte zur babylonischen Physi-

ognomatik," Or ns 16 (1947) 199; F. M. Th. Bohl, "Der babylonische Fiirstenspiegel," MAOG 11 (1937) 11-27; A. L. Oppenheim, "Zur keilschriftlichen Omenliteratur," Or ns 5 (1936) 201.

" W. G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature (Oxford: Clarendon, 1960) 110-15; F. M. Th. Bohl, "Fiirstenspiegel," 28-51; S. Langdon, "An Early Babylonian Tablet of Warnings for the King," JAOS 28 (1907) 145-54.

: F. Notscher, "Die Omen-Serie," 41-48.

23




his desire to subject certain cities in question to taxation and conscription. The

consequence of his violation of stipulated agreements will be his punishment by the gods. The causal nexus between act and consequence in this instruction is clearly one of guilt and punishment. An ethical conception of reality pre- dominates in the second part of the instruction as the priest applies the theme of the book to the social and political issues. This theme is announced in the

introductory clause of the first instruction, which forms the scribal colophon at the end, in the words, "If the king does not heed justice." This political instruction reaches its high point as it addresses the question of justice to the king utilizing the ancient form derived from the omen. In this book we mark the culmination of a long process, in which the omen has been transformed into an instruction which admonishes the king, by applying the moral law of cause and effect to the specific political issues of the time.

Having traced the development which gave rise to Babylonian omen-wisdom, a matter which will have an important bearing upon the discussion of Israelite wisdom, we must explore one further aspect of this tradition in order to show its precise relation to a small group of sayings in the Book of Proverbs. It is quite significant that Babylonian omens which were derived from the observation of the physiognomical characteristics of persons were also extended to include involuntary physical movements of one kind or another, such as the direction of the glance or the motions of the body during sleep.l7 The con- tents of some of these omens are diagnostic, almost scientific in their description and analysis of a set of symptoms. The involuntary physical movements which

gave rise to these priestly prognostications are not merely tics. Evidence that this is not the case comes from one of the collections. It specifically asserts that the movements involved are to be observed while the person is engaged in some particular activity, such as speaking.18 This means that they are valid

only for a specific situation.

[Sum]ma ina dababisu qaqqara inattal silipta itamu?.

If he looks at the ground when he speaks, he will speak treachery.

Of course, the boundary line between the more normative types of omens based

upon traits of character and those related to physical movements is a fluid one. Some clearly refer to specific situations, such as dreaming; others characterize what appear to be more habitual mannerisms. In at least one case the physical activity itself almost embodies the ensuing moral truth figuratively.

17F. R. Kraus, "Babylonische Omina mit Ausdeutung der Begleiterscheinungen des Sprechens," AfO 11 (1936) 219-30; F. K6cher and A. L. Oppenheim, "The Old Baby- lonian Omen Text VAT 7525," AfO 18 (1957-58) 62-77.

' F. R. Kraus, "Babylonische Omina," 219, 222, 224 (1). "Ibid., 223 (23).

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summa awilum naplussu Jusuris ibassi ilsu ana damiqtim kayyanjum ina kirntim illak.20

If a man's way of looking is straight, his deity will always be with him for his good; he will live in truth.

What is important for this study is the fact that the priests sought to determine the future of a person by interpreting his "body-language."

In the OT a small group of sayings, including three proverbs, are similar in content to the physiognomical omens of the Babylonians. In the process of transmission these proverbs have been modified by the influence of the wisdom

tradition, yet we can still detect in them their ancient pedigree. The first

example is found in the first stichos of Prov 10:10:

rnmy In tFy :Pp

If a man closes his eyes, he will cause grief.

Influenced by the Greek versions, translators and interpreters have assumed that the movement of the eyes was a signal of communication of some kind.21 Of

course, the translation "wink" (RSV, NEB, JB) also presupposes that only one

eye was involved in the activity. Yet like the Babylonian omens this proverb predicates a specific consequence or intention upon a particular physical movement. The connection between the two is itself quite mysterious, as in the case of other proverbs of this kind.

In order to determine more precisely the significance of this activity and its relation to Babylonian materials, the Hebrew idiom used must be carefully examined. The verb r1ji signifies a pinching action and, when used with

"eye" as its object, refers to the closing of the eyes or to blinking.22 Although

20F. Kocher and A. L. Oppenheim, "VAT 7525," 65 (21-22; text ka-a-a-an-sum). 1 F. Delitzsch, Biblical Commentary on the Proverbs of Solomon (Edinburgh: Clark,

1874), 1. 216; W. Frankenberg, Die Spriiche (HKAT; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1898) 67; C. H. Toy, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Proverbs (ICC; Edinburgh: Clark, 1899) 204, 126; B. Gemser, Spriche Salomos (HAT 16; Tiibingen: Mohr, 1937) 42; C. T. Fritsch, "The Book of Proverbs," Interpreter's Bible (ed. G. A. Buttrick; New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1952), 4. 841; H. Ringgren and W. Zimmerli, Spriiche, Prediger (ATD 16/1; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962) 32; R. B. Y. Scott, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes (AB 18; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1965) 59, 84; W. McKane, Proverbs: A New Approach (Old Testament Library; Phila- delphia: Westminster, 1970) 418; R. N. Whybray, The Book of Proverbs (The Cam- bridge Bible Commentary; Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1972) 63.

22Job 33:6; ri"p mrn 1QS 11:22 (1QH 10:4; 12:24) translated as geformter Lehm by E. Lohse, Die Texte aus Qumran (Miinchen: Kbsel, 1964) 43. The same root appears in Ugaritic signifying "to pinch off." C. H. Gordon, Ugaritic Handbook: Texts in Trans- literation (AnOr 38; Rome: Biblical Institute, 1965) 194 (126 V 29); J. Aistleitner, Worterbuch der ugaritischen Sprache (Berlin: Akademie, 1967) 283. In Old Babylonian

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it has been generally accepted that the singular object designates only one eye, hence a "wink," what has been overlooked in this case is the precise usage of this idiom. In Hebrew no sharp distinction is made between the singular and dual forms when the eyes are mentioned. Numerous times the singular refers to both eyes (Job 7:8; 10:18; Isa 64:3). Occasionally, the singular and the dual will be used with the same noun, each referring to the two eyes (Pss 33:18; 34:16). The other passages in the Book of Proverbs which employ this idiom have the dual form of the object (6:13; 16:30). In the clause which is in

parallelism the object of the action is also dual. Furthermore, in Mesopotamian omens, if only one eye is designated, it is specifically identified as the right or left eye.23 The best rendering of the idiom, then, is "closes his eyes." The

precise significance of this would be ambiguous if it were not for the Babylonian parallels which can be of assistance in the interpretation of this saying.

Two collections of Babylonian omens contain a series of prognostications based upon the observance of the eyes of a person. In one of the collections the references are specifically limited to a situation in which the person is doing some activity such as speaking. In the other the situation is less defined. In the latter catalogue we are informed that if a person cannot focus (?) his eyes, or if he stares, these are signs of confusion of mind.24 Upon occasion, even in such serious matters the priests could display what appears to us to be a sense of humor.

summa awilum insru sa kilattimma issapar mubbhasu mahis kima mubhisuma temsiu ibassi.2?

If a man winks (squints?) both of his eyes, his skull has been struck; as his skull, so will his intelligence be.

The second series of omens, which describe movements of the eyes that occur while the person is speaking, contains one omen which is strikingly similar to Prov 10:10. In general, this collection contains omens which refer to

rubbing the eyes, staring with the eyes wide open (a favorable sign), and fixing the eyes upon someone (an unfavorable sign).26 In one case, however, the action is clearly that of closing the eyes:

the roots sabaru or sapdru, equivalents of the Hebrew root r1p, were used in reference to the movement of the eyes or lips instead of the root karasum. Initially saparu, the transitive form, was translated, in accordance with its appearance as a symptom in medical texts, "to squint." Subsequently, however, the same verb is rendered "to wink." Cf. CAD 16. 96; 8. 355, 209-10.

23 M. Jastrow, Die Religion, 2. 906-7. 2F. Kocher and L. A. Oppenheim, "VAT 7525," 65 (16-19). 25Ibid., 65 (28-30). 6 F. R. Kraus, "Babylonische Omina," 223 (11, 18, 19).

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[slumma i[ne]su ukattam sattam itammu.'

If he closes his eyes, he will speak falsehood.

Although the verb is in the present tense, and not in the iterative stem, since this action is occurring while another is in progress, it must be repetitive. While the person is speaking, he is frequently opening and closing his eyes. What is

impossible to determine is the period of time involved. Is the person blinking them frequently, or is he holding them shut a few moments as if meditating? In either case it was a bad omen, a sign that the person was speaking falsehood with injurious intent. In Prov 10:10 there is no doubt about the results of this

person's activity; he will cause pain to those around him. The parallelism between the Babylonian omen cited and Prov 16:30 is

even closer.

niss,nn Itn? iny ,ny

If he shuts his eyes, he will plan perversity.

In the process of transmission, attempts were made to assimilate this proverb more fully into the traditions of the wisdom school. It would appear that the verb "close" (:~)), which is also found in Isa 29:10 and 33:15, was changed to "counsel" ( il:y).28 That the verb which originally stood in the verse

probably was :gp is evident by its parallelism to Y}'l in the second stichos and the translation in the Greek versions. Apparently, the LXX rendered the first phrase, "he who fixes his eyes," basing the translation upon a different meaning of the same root (DCY hiphil, "make firm"). This verse and Prov 10:10 are, then, simply variant renditions of the same omen. Both regard the closing of the eyes as an unfavorable sign.

One special difficulty in the association of these sayings, however, is that the Babylonian and Hebrew forms are distinctly different. Whereas Babylonian omens are conditional statements, commencing with a conjunction, the two Hebrew examples begin with participles. Usually they are treated grammatically as descriptive nominal phrases and translated by a participle (LXX) or a rela- tive clause (Vg). A survey of the usage of the participle, however, indicates that it may function as a conditional statement in wisdom literature. This is also true of legal texts, the same law beginning either with a conditional clause introduced by a conjunction (Exod 21:20) or a simple participle (Exod 21:12). The same usage is found in proverbs which have a conditional statement in the first stichos in parallelism with a participial statement in the second (Prov 11:15):

"Ibid., 223 (17). Another alternative adopted by scholars was the designation of ,2y as a hapax

legomenon signifying "to close the eyes," based on the Arabic root g4d. W. Gesenius and F. Buhl, Hebriiisches und aramiisches Handworterbuch iiber das Alte Testament (17th ed.; Berlin: Springer, 1949) 610.

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n tl'p- 3 pin-p :

A man will suffer harm if he makes a pledge on behalf of a stranger,

but if he hates making pledges, he will be secure.

The first stichos may be regarded as a conditional statement because of its use of the conjunction (Prov 4:8; 6:30), its sequence of tenses (Jer 49:9), and the subordinate clause in the second part (Prov 21:7). Both of the verbs in the second stichos are participles including, of course, the verb parallel to the preceding conditional clause. In the interests of syntactical variety, the creator of this proverb employed several grammatical forms.

If we compare the proverbs which are equivalent syntactically to Prov 10:10, it is true that most of the introductory participles are best rendered as descriptive nominal phrases commencing with the phrase "he who." In some cases, however, where the consequence described in the main verb is dependent upon the antecedent action contained in the participle, we have a virtual conditional clause. The proverb translated in the RSV, "He who sows injustice will reap calamity" (Prov 22:8a), could be rendered just as well, "If a man sows in-

justice, he will reap calamity." In fact, many proverbs are probably best translated in this manner to highlight the conditional relationship. Proverbs which refer to a specific situation, even when commencing with a participle, make better sense when they are translated as conditional statements, e.g., "If a man holds back grain, people will curse him" (Prov 11:26a). The tendency of translators to interpret introductory participles as characterizing phrases often robs the proverbs of their specificity. For instance, the contrast between rebuke and flattery in Prov 28:23 is intended to assert that the same man who could have flattered someone found more favor in the end by rebuking him. To render the second clause "than he who flatters with his tongue" makes it appear as if the persons are different and thus robs the proverb of its point. The same man who rebuked the person found more favor afterward, "than if he flattered him with his tongue." By rendering the participle in the second stichos as a conditional clause, the proverb loses its banal quality. These examples reveal, then, that the line between the descriptive participle and the conditional participle is not sufficiently distinct to attach any decisive significance to the grammatical form alone.

We do possess one example of a Hebrew proverb (Prov 9:12) which

duplicates the form of Babylonian omen-wisdom:

J nnn no= n-tK stn T1^5 ns51

If you are wise, you are wise for yourself; but if you are scornful, you shall bear it alone.

28




In one respect, the first line of this saying is similar to Babylonian omen-wisdom found in the catalogues of omens.29 In both the protasis and the apodosis the verb is the same. Although the Hebrew proverb reflects more directly the ethos of the wisdom-school, its form, at least, connects it with the type of

saying which was originally derived from omen-wisdom.

Up to this point we have treated only the first part of the two Hebrew proverbs, but it is when we consider them in their totality as proverbs that we move to a new stage in the development of the tradition. At this stage another factor must be taken into consideration, the artistic creation of distinct proverbs according to the patterns of Canaanite-Hebrew parallelism. In this process the omens have not only been removed one step from their original setting, but they have also undergone a process of secondary moralization. No longer is the focus upon a specific situation which determines the prognostication. Because the literary proverb consists of two parts, each saying is now connected with another one. Together they color each other and create a more general impres- sion. Attention is not directed to one specific mannerism and its significance, but a conceptual whole is projected, greatly reducing the stark realism of the individual assertion. At this point we have moved from the realism of the omen to the impressionism of omen-wisdom. Once having been drawn into the loom of wisdom, the omen is woven into a new pattern which, although retain- ing its specific coloration, is given a new shade of meaning in its new setting.

The process of secondary moralization, to which I have referred, may be achieved in one of two ways. The first way, exemplified in Prov 16:30, is realized by the addition of a second omen of a similar type to the first. In this way the distinctiveness of the two activities is maintained, but the emphasis in the proverb has been shifted from the particularity of an action to a characteriza- tion of the behavior which one would expect to find in an evil man. Thus to the omen in Prov 16:30, which regards the shutting of the eyes as a sign of injurious intent, a second omen has been added which describes a similar mannerism.

If a man closes his lips, he will execute evil.

The precise movement of the lips described in this saying has eluded translators. The verb, which means "close" with reference to the eyes, has been translated by a variety of words, e.g., "part" (LXX), "scratch" (A E ?), "bite" (Vg), "move" (KJV), "compress" (ASV, RSV), "purse" (JB), or even "close-lipped" (NEB). If according to the meaning of the verb and the parallelism, the action is that of closing the lips, an ambiguity still remains. Was this activity only momentary, a continuous action which would approximate the movement of the lips in murmuring, or was it delayed as though one were grimacing or pursing the lips? In Babylonian omens movements of the lips and mouth such as rub-

29F. R. Kraus, "Ein Sittenkanon," 98 (36), 86 (16), 96 (14), 102 (38).

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bing or biting were interpreted as signs of vexation or a quarrelsome disposi- tion.30 However, since we have no direct parallel, we can only surmise that the Hebrew sage considered the two actions to be sufficiently alike to associate them and form a distinct proverb, possibly the first guide to the meaning of facial expressions in Hebrew wisdom literature!

The second example of this process of moralization, found in Prov 10:10, is more direct. In this example the original omen has been directly connected with a saying which originated in Israelite wisdom. In fact, it would appear that the original counterpart has been lost, something not unusual, given the technical nature of omen literature. Thus a rather artificial travelling-companion was

placed with the omen in its journey through tradition. The phrase "foolish of

lips," also found in Prov 10:8 but not elsewhere, appears to be a rather con- trived expression. One possible explanation for this text is that the verb which

originally stood in the verse, MD% ("close"), was lost by haplography since the first two letters of the preceding word are the same.31 If this is the case, its restoration here would certainly provide a striking parallel to Prov 16:30:

And if he closes his lips, he will cause ruin.

By the introduction of the word "foolish" the interpreter has shifted the focus of the verse from the activity to the moral quality or lack of self-control evident in the expressions of the fool. The Greek translators show even less understand-

ing of this verse and contrast the man who closes his eyes, i.e., overlooks evil (NEB), to the man who reproves boldly. The process of moralization, which has begun in the Hebrew tradition, is completed in the total reinterpretation of the saying on the part of the translators of the LXX.

From the study of these proverbs we may distinguish two stages in the de-

velopment of Israelite omen-wisdom. In the first stage the omen, originally composed by a priest connected with divinatory rites, was extant in a collection of omen-wisdom sayings consisting of prognostications. At this early stage the omen would have had reference to both the magical and the moral spheres representing the two types of priestly counsel, that which was achieved through divinatory rites and that which accrued from experience and observation. Even-

tually, however, this omen-wisdom was collected and interpreted in the priestly wisdom-schools, being subjected to a process of artistic reinterpretation and further moralization. In the process of time the efficacy of behavioral peculiarities as a means of determining a person's character was diminished and overcome. This was partially because the later interpreters of the tradition did not

80F. R. Kraus, "Babylonische Omina," 223 (50-56). ' Although =.v is never used with "lips" as its direct object, its parallelism with r"p,

which is used for both eyes and lips, means that no decisive objection can stand in the

way of the translation "closes his lips." In the Talmud it occurs with the direct object "eyes." See M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi and the Midrashic Literature (New York: Pardes, 1950), 2. 1102.

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understand the original significance of these sayings. But it also shows that the real power of the wisdom tradition lay in another direction, and therefore such quasi-magical sayings could not sustain themselves in the tradition through the passing of time. They were suppressed by the sheer weight of ideas and concepts which focused upon man's moral experience and his insight into the moral and ethical qualities of persons which determined their decisions. Sur- prisingly enough, this appears to have begun at a very early period and may well have been aided by the literary conventions of Hebrew parallelism which tended toward an equation of sayings and a blurring of the particularity of a situation necessary for understanding and interpreting omens. This does not imply a misunderstanding of the omen on the part of those who created proverbs such as we have studied. Indeed, the very skill shown in combining similar omens according to correct literary canons shows that they were intimately familiar with their significance and thereby were able to utilize them in the creation of new proverbs.

The culmination of this second stage of the development of the tradition may be found in Prov 6:13. In a small descriptive section consisting of twelve clauses (vss. 12-15), a Scrooge-like character is depicted in an unusual way. After a brief introduction of him as a worthless person who spreads iniquity and slander like a contagious disease, his typical behavior is portrayed in a caricature. According to vs. 13 he goes about closing his eyes, a trait which we have already described, but he also scrapes his feet and points his fingers. Con- stantly active in the pursuit of evil, such a man is a purveyor of strife. About his fate we are left in no doubt. In explicit terms his sudden destruction is predicted. He is incurably evil; his terminal illness cannot be halted; his end will come swiftly. Using the ancient and foreboding imagery derived from the sphere of omen-wisdom, the sage envelops this character in gloom and pre- dicts for him a future which will be marred by his sudden doom.

Since the first of the three activities performed by this evil man, closing his eyes, is from the sphere of omen-wisdom, we might expect that the other two would come from this same genre. What does the rubbing of the feet signify? Since the time of the translation of the LXX interpreters have regarded this activity as some kind of oratio pedestris (LXX semaino, "signal"). Even those who rejected the root "speak" ('5t piel) and adopted the meaning "rub" or "stamp" from talmudic usage believed that some kind of communication was intended.32 As we have already observed, however, the first activity described is not intended as a means of communication. We do have evidence that pawing or stamping the feet is a sign of hostile intention. In a text from Ugarit which contains a description of Baal in the bull form, we find the same verb used of the feet:

uzCrt. tmll. isdh33

sa Ibid., 2. 792. sC. Virolleaud, "Les nouveaux textes mythologiques et liturgiques de Ras Shamra,"

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Although there is considerable disagreement over the precise meaning of this clause, the last two words apparently refer to the pawing or stamping of the feet on the part of the deity, whether Baal or his female counterpart.

Although Babylonian omens pertaining to the feet provide no direct parallel to this kind of activity, in the OT stamping the feet is connected with aggressive sentiments. In an oracle against the Ammonites the prophet Ezekiel announces that Yahweh is angry with the people of Ammon for clapping their hands and

stamping their feet ( 3 Y3p) .34 Since the clapping of the hands is an activity performed in worship (Ps 47:2), this does not appear to be an informal act, but, as Ezekiel asserts, a malicious act done deliberately against Israel. Else- where he himself had exhorted the people to do this in view of the impending destruction of Israel (6:11). Evidently, the prophet was referring to a rite, a

sign which, when performed, makes effectual the reality which it embodies. Because the Ammonites had actually intended evil against Israel and had sealed this intention by rites performed in the cult expressing their hope for Israel's downfall, Ezekiel countered with his own sign, a pronouncement that Yahweh was going to bring about the destruction of the Ammonites themselves.

Like the stamping of the feet, the pointing of the fingers was also a hostile act. In the ancient Near East it had both legal and religious implications. In

Babylonian law it signifies a formal accusation.35 However, it also appears as an admonition regarding the avoidance of certain acts in a collection of omens.

jumma eli abisu u ummJ'su ubana usatras . . mamit abi u ummi isabbassu."

If he points his finger at his father and his mother, the curse of (his) father and (his) mother will seize him.

In this omen it is obvious that the mood of the person described, his anger toward his father and his mother, has reached the intensity that is expressed in an action of cursing by an overt sign. However, because the curse violates a

deeper reality, viz., the affection and obedience due to the parent on the part of

Ugaritica V (Mission de Ras Shamra, 16; Paris: Geuthner, 1968) 556-59; E. Lipinski, "Epiphanie de Baal-Haddu, RS 24.245," Ugarit-Forschungen 3 (1971) 82-85; M. H. Pope and J. H. Tigay, "A Description of Baal," Ugarit-Forschungen 3 (1971) 127-28; P. J. van Zijl, Baal: A Study of Texts in Connexion with Baal in the Ugaritic Texts (Alter Orient und Altes Testament, 10; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1972) 358, 361.

'Ezek 25:6. Cf. 2 Kgs 13:18. W. Zimmerli, Ezechiel (BKAT 13/1; Neukirchen- Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1969), 1. 145.

5J. Kohler and A. Ungnad, Hammurabi's Gesetz (Leipzig: E. Pfeiffer, 1909), 2. 46 (1. 28), 48 (11. 77-82); T. J. Meek, "The Code of Hammurabi," ANET 171 (no. 132).

s8 F. R. Kraus, "Ein Sittenkanon," 92, 106. Kraus supplies the first line of the omen on the basis of a proposal put forth by B. Landsberger ("Das 'gute Wort,'" Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesellschaft 4 [1928] 297-98).

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the child because of the filial relationship, the black magic returns upon the one who exercises it. The prognostication in this omen is grounded in a profound moral reality, and it is given as a warning to help the rebellious child avoid an act which will ultimately destroy him.

In Isa 58:9 a reference is also made to pointing the finger. Although the verb (MtI') is not the same as in Prov 6:13, the equivalence of meaning is demonstrated by their use in 1 Sam 20:20, where they both refer to "shooting" arrows. In Isaiah the pointing of the finger is associated with oppression and wicked speech. Like its Babylonian antecedent, this phrase is a technical term referring to slander or false accusation (Isa 59:3). Since some kind of formal rite is probably connected with false accusation in court, it is no doubt a form of cursing. Also, since the accused would stand under the ban of the evil with which he has been associated by the community, a sharp separation between slander and cursing is unnecessary. In the Babylonian lament known as the Ludlul Bel Nemeqi a whole range of negative realities is associated: plots against the author, fearful omens, slander, and curses.37

In this description of the wicked man, two of the three activities mentioned are found in omen texts. Nevertheless, the predictive aspect of these mannerisms has been subordinated to the more dominant moral realities. Peculiarities of behavior do not stand in and of themselves as signs of a deviant and evil reality. The closing of the eyes is here associated with the pointing of the finger, an act of dishonesty and slander. The first act, which might not neces- sarily imply that a person is morally culpable, when associated with the other two, subordinates the whole to the more dominant moral qualities. Moreover, when Prov 6:13 is associated with its context, where a whole range of moral and ethical concepts are presented (evil, iniquity, crookedness, plotting, evil, and strife), it is evident that any reaction of abhorrence or avoidance of a person with some physical peculiarity has been overcome; and the magical reality has been broken by an insistence upon the consideration of the fundamental moral realities which govern the future of the evil man. Here the man with a physical malfunction is in no way the target of suspicion, as he could well be in a world in which the abnormal was suspected as being divine or demonic. In being ethicized in this manner, the religious reality has in a sense been profaned. The intense focus upon right conduct in accord with the norm for social relations in a religious community has obliterated a concept of holiness which asserts that it transcends the moral order.

Another example of this process is found in Prov 4:25.

etT r1ou orbyyl

Let your eyes look forward, and set your eyes straight before you.

I W. G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom, 32-35.

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Originally, no doubt, this verse referred to a particular way of looking, as one would find in an omen. It was in the eyes and in the glance that the character of a person could be determined. The person who was weak of eyes was un- desirable.38 Redness of eyes was a sign of incontinence, and eyes or eyelids which were lifted showed ruthlessness. On the other hand, the eyes could be benign or bright, both favorable signs. The most direct parallel to this verse, however, we have already cited from Babylonian omen-wisdom. There the person whose way of looking was straight was promised good.39 Likewise, in Prov 4:25-26 the man who looks straight ahead and who follows a direct path will be sure of his ways. The ethical quality of this saying is strengthened, of course, by the use of the verb "be straight" (IWt) in the second stichos. By the use of this word and by combining the assertion with other injunctions which pertain more directly to ethical reality, such as shunning dishonest speech and avoiding evil, what was originally a concept derived from omens has be- come a moral injunction. Gradually, as the magical and superstitious elements

gave way to more profound judgments based upon the determination of character

by virtue and morality, as in the wisdom of Sirach, the process which I have described as the moralization of omen lore, beginning in Babylonia and ending in Israel, came to fruition.40

At the commencement of this study we raised the important issue of the relation between wisdom and cult. Are the allusions in Proverbs to cult of such a general nature, as G. von Rad suggests, that they reflect only observations which could be made by non-priestly writers?41 Or do the specific sayings which we have examined reflect an esoteric religious lore which only priests could formulate? The striking similarity of the content in these sayings with

Babylonian omen-lore suggests a priestly Sitz im Leben. Also, the history of their tradition, which shows an analogous development to Mesopotamian omen- wisdom, indicates the influence of priestly redaction. Of course, there are dif- ferences in the developments of the Mesopotamian and Hebrew traditions. In

Babylonian catalogues we observe a progressive differentiation between the

magical and moral type of sayings. Since we have no comparable body of evidence in Israel, we can only mark the tendency of the tradition to modify the

proverbs gradually in the direction of the ethical teachings of wisdom literature. This suggests that there were priestly wise men in Israel who created and de-

veloped omen-wisdom so that the omens were eventually assimilated into the proverbial lore of Israel and domesticated by its moral and ethical conception of reality.

Nevertheless, is it possible that these proverbs were not derived from omens but simply represent observations about mannerisms of certain criminal types?

38Gen 29:17; Prov 23:29; 30:13; 22:9; 15:30. 39F. K6cher and A. L. Oppenheim, "VAT 7525," 65 (21-22). 40Sir 19:29-30; 12:11; 13:6-7, 11; 14:8-10. 41 Wisdom, p. 188.

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If the impact of the Mesopotamian parallels is denied, of course, then the most cogent evidence for the interpretation of these sayings is ruled out. In that case the advance which we have made is the identification of the actions described as a type of body-language. If this is the case, what these specific mannerisms signify and why they are regarded as portents of evil must be left in the realm of conjecture. Several factors, however, suggest that this approach is too limited. For instance, a glance at similar types of proverbs elsewhere, some of which we have already cited, reveals that the relationship between the physical sign and its meaning is often quite rational. We can readily understand why redness of eyes (Prov 23:29), or a dishevelled appearance (Sir 19:29-30), or a cringing manner (Sir 12:11) would be associated with some instability in character. Also, certain idioms, such as "evil of eye" (Prov 23:6; Sir 14:6), sustained themselves in the tradition as recognized designations of specific character-types. If the proverbs which we have studied were understood as belonging to this genre of sayings, a tradition which described specific physical mannerisms and their significance for the interpretation of character, why did the interpreters of the tradition reformulate them and attempt to domesticate the mysterious elements in them? Moreover, who were these wicked people who stamped their feet and closed their eyes? What kind of evil persons were they, so mysterious and yet so obvious? Do these proverbs not point to the aura of mystery surrounding the wicked man? Moreover, who would have the expertise to read the implicit intention betrayed by such body language? Of course, using the striking evidence which we have accumulated from Mesopo- tamian sources, we are made aware of the difference between these proverbs and other more obvious descriptions of body-language. As part of an esoteric religious tradition they were created and preserved by Israelite priests who recognized their source in divine revelation as well as their utilitarian value. As the Mesopotamian parallels show, the perennial fascination of men with mysterious signs expresses a deeply religious concern.

For that matter, ancient Near Eastern wisdom belonged to the priestly domain.42 The concerns of these religious sages fluctuate rather remarkably between what we would call the secular and the religious. The wise composi- tion of the Egyptian vizier Ptahhotep, whose priestly credentials are impeccable, is remarkably secular in its range of subject matter. The wisdom of the Egyptian

"The close relationship between priestly and royal wisdom is attested in Egypt in the royalist instruction of Sehetepibre, concerning which G. Posener states, "The veneration of the sovereign takes on the character of a developed religion; the author wishes that the royal cult at one and the same time be made up of personal piety and outward practices displaying confidence as well as fear" (Litterature et politique dans l'Egypte de la XIIe dynastie (Paris: H. Champion, 1956) 121; R. O. Faulkner, "The Loyalist Instruc- tion from the Sehetepibre Stela," The Literature of Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Stories, Instructions, and Poetry ([ed. W. K. Simpson; New Haven: Yale University, 1972] 198-200). In Assyro-Babylonian religion, instructions addressed to the king were composed by priests. See F. N6tscher, "Die Omen-Serie," 41-45; F. M. Th. B6hl, "Fiirsten- spiegel," 25-27.

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king Merikare reveals that criticism of the formalism implicit in cult does not

imply a rejection of religious rites as such.43 From its very inception, however, Israelite wisdom had its own unique religious impulse. The rubric, "fear of

Yahweh," which is regarded by some as the later introduction of piety into

wisdom, appears in an Egyptian proverb adapted at an early period into the Hebrew tradition in Prov 15:16.44 When this proverb is more fully assimilated to Hebrew literary traditions of parallelism at a later stage, the rubric is dropped (Prov 16:8). In the subsequent history of tradition, however, the saying is recast (Prov 28:6; Ps 37:16) to focus upon the difference between the economic and moral status of the righteous and the wicked. As this study has shown, the moralization of omens also begins fairly early in Babylonia and in the wisdom of Israel. If it is true that the sages of Israel were neither secular diplomats nor a special religious group dissociated from the priestly class, the place of wisdom in Israelite thought will have to be re-assessed.

Having examined a small group of proverbs from a new vantage point, we conclude that they show that among the wise men of Israel there did exist a

priestly sage who composed and collected proverbs. No doubt, his view of

reality was similar to that of the priests who later edited the Tetrateuch and

stamped it with their own theological mark.45 We would expect, then, to find

points of contact between the priests and those who contributed to the wisdom

'3 The statement in the instruction for Merikare concerning the superiority of character over sacrificial rites, which is similar to Samuel's rejection of sacrifice (1 Sam 15:22) and reminiscent of the anti-cultic statements found in Israelite wisdom (Prov 21:3), is

preceded by an exhortation to make ready funerary arrangements and followed by an in-

junction to serve God by replenishing and beautifying the sacrificial altars. See R. O.

Faulkner, "The Loyalist Instruction," 191. "W. McKane, Proverbs, 486; W. K. Simpson, "The Instruction of Amenemope,"

The Literature of Ancient Egypt, 249 (9:7-8); A. Erman, "Eine igyptische Quelle der

'Spriche Salomos,'" Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 15 (1924) 87-88; H. Gressmann, "Die neugefundene Lehre," 278. References to the expression "fear of God" (paah iii) in Babylonian wisdom literature and religious texts are further evidence that the appearance of this expression in Proverbs is not the end-result of a process of the religious re-interpretation. See W. G. Lambert, Babylonian

Wisdom, 105 (146), 136 (165), 229 (24); W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwdrterbuch (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1969), 1. 375; 2. 813.

46 "Recent research has removed the law from the windblown heights of Mt. Sinai, and placed it rather in the catechism class, and more specifically in direct relationship with wisdom teaching" (S. E. McEvenue, The Narrative Style of the Priestly Writer

[AnBib 50; Rome: Biblical Institute, 1971] 183). His reference is to the work of W.

Richter, Recht und Ethos (StANT 15; Munich: Kosel, 1966) 189 and E. Gerstenberger, Wesen und Herkunft des "Apodiktischen Rechts" (WMANT 20; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1965) 147. Gerstenberger overstates the case, however, when he asserts that Israel was not conscious of any difference between the admonitions of the

sage and the legal command (p. 147). Descriptions of priestly religion and writings may be found in the following sources: R. H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testament

(rev. ed.; New York: Harper, 1941) 188-209; J. Hempel, "Priesterkodex," PW 22/2 (1954) 1947, 1963-66; G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology (New York: Harper, 1962), 1. 139, 143, 265-66.

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BRYCE: OMEN-WISDOM IN ANCIENT ISRAEL 37

of Israel centuries earlier. These may be found in the priestly development of the doctrine of creation, in the universalism of the priestly and wisdom school, in its emphasis upon the transcendence of God, and in its belief in an eternal order. Both traditions emphasize revelation through the cult and treat the immanent effects of sin in a similar way. The absence of historical concerns in the Book of Proverbs can be explained on the basis of separation of genres. That the priestly division of history into epochs is not alien to wisdom literature is shown by Hesiod's Works and Days, where a remarkable combination of myth and practical wisdom is found. Finally, in this more limited study of the relation between wisdom and cult we have discovered that the sharp division between priest and wise man cannot be maintained. The insights of the priestly sages of Israel into the nature of moral and ethical behavior were not only derived from cult but in the end applied to it, thus purging it of magical conceptions and bringing into sharp relief the sense of righteousness implicit in it.



bryce - omen wisdom in ancient israel_1975

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