brill_christianity in early modern japan

Christianity in Early Modern Japan: Kirishitan

Belief and Practice

IKUO HIGASHIBABA

BRILL

CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MODERN JAPAN

CHRISTIANITY IN EARLY MODERN JAPAN

Kirishitan Belief and Practice

IKUO HIGASHIBABA

BRILL LEIDEN BOSTON. KOLN

200 1

BRILL'S JAPANESE STUDIES

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Higashibaba: Ikuo. Christianity in early modern Japan : Kirishitan belief and practice / by Ikuo Higashibaba.

p. : cm. - (Brill's Japanese Studies library, ISSN 0925-6512 ; v. 16) Tndudes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004122907 (alk. paper) I . ,Japan-Church history-To 1868. 2. Catholic church-Japan-History.

I. Title. 11. Series.

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Hisashihaha, Ikuo : Christianity in early modern Japan : Kirishitan belid arid practice / by Ikuo Higashibaba. - Leiden ; Boston ; Kijln : Hrill, 2001

(Brill'sJapancst* studies library ; Vol I I?) ISBN 90-0.1- 12290-7

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ..... ......... .. ........ ......... .. ............................................. ..ix Notes on Translations and Japanese Names ........................................... x Abbreviations .,...,...................................................................

... Introduction ...................................................................................... xlu

The Plan of the Book ............... ... ....... . ................. ...... . .......... xxi The Syncretistic Religious World of Japan ............................. xxiii

CHAPTEK ONE The Jesuit Mission to Japan: The Origin and Growth of the Kirishitan Tradition ............................... 1

The Fjrst Message .......................................................................... 1 A Policy of Adaptation .......................... , ............ .. ........................ 12 Native Missionary Staff .. ................................ ............................. 20

CHAFIER TWO Understanding New Symbols ............................................................... 29

Kirishitan and Christian Symbols ................................................ 31 Images of European Priests ......................................................... 43

CHAPTER THREE The Dochiriina Kirishitan, a Catechism . . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .50

A Text for Popular Edification .................................................... 54 A Kirishitan Text: Some Characteristics ..................................... 58 The Structure of the Text ............................................................. 65

CHAPTER FOUR The Kirishitan Teachings in Japanese Context .................................... 76

The Afterlife as the Place of Salvation ....................................... 77 The Kirishit an Divinity .. ......... ........ ... .......................................... 85 The Sinful Human and the Kirishitan Salvation System ............ 95

... vln CONTENTS

CHAPTER FIVE Ritual Practice of the Kirishitan ......................................................... 102

................................................................. Baptism and Penance 103 Ritual Life of the Kirishitan ....................................................... 117

CHAFTEP. SIX Apostasy. Underground Practice. or Martyrdom ............................... 126

Development of the Anti-Kirishitan Policy .............................. 127 The Kirishitan under the Tokugawa Persecution ...................... 141

...................... Apostasy. Underground Practice. or Martyrdom 153

Conclusion ........................................................................................... 161

.......................................................................................... Appendices 165 .................................................................................. Appendix I 165 ................................................................................ Appendix I1 176

........................................................................................ Bibliography 180 ............................................................................................... Glossary 191

.................................................................................................... Index 196

This work is based on my doctoral thesis submitted to the Graduatc Theological Union in Berkeley in 1996. I did most of my research for this study in Tenri, Japan, using the resources of Tenri Central Library. I am especially grateful for the kind assistance of Professor Iida Teruaki, director of the library, who arranged and facilitated my access to the library's Kirishitan collection. I also thank Mr. Miyajima Ichiro, a senior librarian there, for his many valuable comments and suggestions. I also appreciate the cooperation of Mr. Kawakami Shigeji, Ms. Yamanaka Matsue, and Rev. Terada Kimi- nobu in Hirado. I extend my deep thanks to my teachers at the Graduate Theological Union, especially Professors John Hilary Mar- tin, Richard Payne, and Delmer Brown. I am grateful for the comments and support I received from the late Professor Jose Luis Alva- rez-Taladriz, Professor Yanagida Toshio, Mr. William Londo, Mr. Keith McGaughey, and Mr. David Rosenzweig. I also thank the anonymous reader of Brill for many constructive comments, and Dr. David Akin who not only copy-edited this volume but also provided me with many insightful suggestions concerning the contents. Finally, 1 greatly appreciate the assistance I have received from the Tenrikyo Ovcrscah Department. Although this work was only made possible by the support of these people, any errors are my own.

An early version of Chapter Two appeared as "Making Sense of Christianity in Sixteenth-Century Japan: Kirishitan and Christian Symbols" in Tenri Journal of Religion 27 (March 1999): 169-191. Parts of the Introduction, and Chapters Four and Five were previously published in ''Historiographical Issues in the Study of the 'Christian Century' in Japan," in Japanese Religions 24-1 (January 1999): 29-50. I thank the editors of these journals for granting permission to reprint these.

NOTES ON TRANSLATIONS AND JAPANESE NAMES

English translations in the pagcs that follow arc mine unless indicated otherwise. Readers are advised to note that my English translations of Japanese Kirishitan texts was done with special attention to retaining the flavor of Japanese sentences, valuing the words as they appear in the Japanese texts. I have taken this approach in order to highlight characteristics of the Japanese texts which might be lost if the texts are translated into technical Christian terms and idioms of English.

Japanese persons' surnames precede their personal names, following the Japanese convention.

ABBREVIATIONS

FX 3 Schurhammer, Georg, S.J. Francis Xavier: His Life, His Timrq Vol. III Indonesia and India, 1545-1549. Translat- ed by Joseph Costelloe, S.J. Rome: The Jesuit Historical Institute, 1982.

F X 4 Schurhammer, Georg, S.J. Francis Xavier: His Life, His Times, Vol. N Japan and China, 1549-1552. Translated by Joseph Costelloe, S.J. Rome: The Jesuit Historical In- stitute, 1982.

FN Frois, Luis, S.J. Furoisu Nihonshi. 12 vols. Translated by Matsuda Kiichi and Kawasaki Momota. Tokyo: Chaaka- ronsha, 1977-1980. A Japanese translation of Luis Frois, S.J., Historia de Japam (1549-1593).

INH 1 6 1 7 seiki Iezusukai Nihon hokaku sha (Jesuit relations from Japan in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries). Translated and edited by Matsuda Kiichi et al. Kyoto: Dohasha, 1987-.

JLCJ (J) Nihon kankei kuigui shirya: Historical Documents in For- eign Languuges Relating to Japan (Japanese translation), Selec~ion III: Jesuit Letters Concerning Japan, Volume I (Purl I). Translated and edited by the Historiographical Institute (Shiryo Htmsan-jo), The University of Tokyo, and published simultaneously with the series of original text. Tokyo: The University of Tokyo, 1991.

JLCJ Jesuit Letters Con cerning Japan. Vol. 1, Novmber, 1547-December 15, 1552, Nihon kunkei kuigui shilyo: Historical Documents in Foreign Languages Relating to Japan (Original Texts), Selection 111 Volume I. Edited by the Historiographical Institute (Shiryo Hensan-jo), The University of Tokyo, and published simultaneously with

xii

KH

KK

VMPJ 1

VMPJ 2

ABBREVIATIONS

the series of translations into Japanese. Tokyo: The Uni- versity of Tokyo, 1990.

Kirishitan sho) Hai-Ya sho (Kirishitan and anti-Christian texts). Edited by Ebisawa Arimichi, Hubert Cieslik, Doi Tadao, and Otsuka Mitsunobu. Nihon shisa taikei 25. To- kyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970.

Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai. Kirishitun kenkyll (Kirishi- tan studies). 36 vols. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1942-1989; Tokyo: Kyabunkan, 1991-.

Schiitte, Josef Franz, S.J. Valignano's Mission Principles for Japan, Vol. I . From His Appointment us Visitor until His First Depurture from Jupun (1573-1582)) Part I: The Problem (1573-1580). St. Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1980.

Schiitte, Josef Fra~iz, S.J. Valignano's Mission Principles for Japan, Vol. 1. From His Appointment as Visitor until His First Depurlure from Japan (1573-1582), Part 11: The Solution (1580-1582). St. Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1985.

INTRODUCTION

When the Jesuit missionary Francis Xavier (1506-1552) introduced Catholic Christianity lo Japan in 1549, it developed quickly in the country. By the early seventeenth century it had more than three hundred thousand baptized Japanese adherents who belonged to approximately two hundred churches. The Japanese called this new religious movement and its believers Kirishitan, a transliteration of the Portugucsc Christ%>, and the word is now used to dcsignate the Christian beliefs and practices of early modern Japan. Historians conventionally divide Kirishitan history into two periods: the "Christian century" (1549-1639), the years of the Catholic mission in early modern Japan, and the subsequent "underground pcriod" or senpuku jidai (1640-1873). This study focuses on the Christian century, during which the Japanese first encountered Christianity, developed their faith under the guidance of Catholic missionaries, and finally apostatized or were martyred.

Two historiographical perspectives have dominated both contemporary and traditional studies of the Christian century. The first, which can be regarded as that of conventional historiography, has focused on political and economic aspects of the Christian mission. This perspective has been mainly promoted by Japanese secular historians. Their main interest is the negotiations and conflicts between mission leaders and Japanese political leaders. Missionary documents provide historians today with first-hand information about developments in Japan during the period, and are indispensable sources not only for studies of the Kirishitan tradition per se, but also for studies of political, economic, intellectual, and even linguistic history. In such studies, the Catholic missionaries' non-religious activities tend to figure more prominently than their religious work.

A more influential historiographical perspective in studies of the Christian century is perhaps that which centers on individual or collective biographical histories. Mainly Jesuit church historians have promoted this approach by focusing on the "great figures" of the Jesuit mission to Japan, such as Francis Xavicr and Alessandro Valignano. These studies are extremely detailed and comprehensive, carefully following chronological developments of the subjects'

X ~ V INTRODUCTION

thought and experience with reference to a great number of primary sources. Although they have contributed significantly to the development of Kirishitan scholarship, the "great missionary's history" has generally restricted itself to the narrow context of the church organization in Japan-the Japanese people's religious expressions tend to fall outside of its scope or receive only secondary attention.

In reaction to these traditional paradigms which focus on historical accounts of great figures and the political and economic developments of the period in question, in this study I aim to promote exploration into the popular religious life and culture of ordinary Japanese followers. We need to explore the historical experiences of these people, whose existence has been so often ignored i n the traditional histories of the Christian century.

Few historians have not been impressed with the sincere enthusiasm and devotion of Francis Xavier and his mission companions. However, a dramatic history of Xavier, eloquently recounting his devotion and enthusiasm, will provide us with few clues to the faith of the people whom he baptized and left behind. What was the faith of those nominally Christian converts like?

Irmlo Luis de Almeida (1525-1583) rcportcd in 1561 and 1562 on his visit to some of the earliest Kirishitan that Xavier had fostered in Kagoshima. His reports include interesting stories illustrating approaches of some early Kirishitan to their faith.' Almeida was the first missionary to visit Kagoshima since Xavier had left more than a decade before. According to Almeida, the Japanese Kirishitan Mi- guel asked Xavier to leave him something that would serve as a remedy for physical illness. Xavier gave him a small altarpiece with the picture of the Blessed Virgin as the remedy for his soul. Xavier further gave Miguel a scourge as the medicine for the body, saying, "Whenever a Christian or pagan becomes sick with a fever, you should take five mild blows with this scourge, invoking the most holy names of Jesus and Mary over the sick persons, and they will regain their health."2 Miguel in fact lived another fourteen or fifteen years and many sick people came to be healed by the blows of the scourge. Meanwhile, the Kirishitan mistress of the castle of Ichiku,

' 1,uis de Almeida, letter from Yokoseura, 10/25/1562; FN 6: 267. See also FX4: 128-129.

FX 4: 129.

INTRODUCTION xv

Kagoshima, received a small silk purse to wear as a reliquary around her neck. This contained the Litany of the Saints, the Creed, and other prayers, as well as the names of Jesus and Mary, all written by Xavier's own hand. When she hung the purse on the neck of sick people it would heal them. When she did so for her pagan husband, who was sick and expected to have only a short time to live, he immediately recovered.

Commenting on these episodes, Almeida, significantly, wrote, "These and other similar things helped them keep their faith despite the fact that there was no one available to preach to or instruct them tor thc last thirteen year^."^ By reporting those stories, Almeida probably intended to impress European readers with the fact that the Japanese converts kcpt their faith despite their loss of contact with missionaries for many years. This must be an exciting discovery for a missionary in any time and place, and certainly called for a report to his church. Keading his report today, however, one is struck by the gap between the heroic mission of Xavicr and the poor spirituality and this-worldly faith of the Japanese followers.

Historical narratives by both church and secular authors have ignored this aspect of Kirishitan history or have treated it negatively. In both cases their presupposition has been the theological model of the "convert." The Kirishitan faith was a new religion in Japan, and historians often refer to the native followers as "converts." Their uncritical use of the terms "convert" or "conversion" is problematic, however, because they imply an ideal type of Christian faithfulness which is defined theologically. Although the theological notion of the Christian is a useful tool, alone it does not sufficiently explain a variety of phenomena in Kirishitan history. "Convert" or "Christian" can be misleading labels because they give the impression that all Japanese followers' religiosity was as uniform as the theological definitions of these terms imply.

It is clear that the missionaries did not produce full-fledged Euro- pean-style Christians in Japan because there were a variety of Kirishitan expressions of faith that do not fit the ideal model of "Christian" conversion. As a result, viewed as secondary or unimportant. sciously or unconsciously, sometimes

these expressions have been Even secular historians, con- use such terms as "genuine,"

xvi INTRODUCTION

"more serious," or "better" to describe the faith of the Japanese followers, implicitly accepting theological value judgments. Setting aside this normative presupposition, what sort of history can we write? IIow can we understand a variety of Kirishitan practices, including those which have been labeled as "false," "less serious," or "worse"? As this study will demonstrate, what developed on the popular level was in fact a Japanese Christianity that incorporated traits of the popular religious culture of Japan and came to constitute a segment of Japanese religion. We may draw an analogy between this transformation of Christianity in Japan and that of Buddhism in Japan. As Buddhism became popular by becoming "Japanese Bud- dhism," so also Christianity became popular by becoming "Japanese Christianity." We may properly label its adherents "Kirishitan" to better underscore their distinctiveness.

I have suggested the importance of exploring the faith of non-elite, ordinary followers. "Commoners," "people," and "ordinary people" are useful terms to highlight their distinction from elites, but the implications of these broad terms are inevitably vague and sometimes confusing. Because this study concerns itself with the members of a specific religious community, I will use the term "lay" in order to distinguish them from non-members. "Laity," though more specific than "commoners," has yet to be defined as a proper conceptual frame of reference. Who were the lay Kirishitan? Let us first consider the encyclopedia definition of "laity":

Laity is a term . . . to refer to those members of a religious community who, as a group, do not have the responsibilities of fulfilling the priestly functions appropriate to the offices of the clergy or ordained minister^.^

This definition is similar to the following definition in the Roman Catholic Church. Both definitions make a clear distinction between laity and priests based on the special position of the priest:

The word originally referred to the early Christian community as the new "chosen people." Eventually it was used for the nonclergy,

Stanley Lushy, "Laity," in The Enqdopedirr of Religiorz, ed. Mircea Eliade et al. (New York: Macrnillan, 1987).

INTRODUCTION xvii

distinguishing them as the common uneducated dependents of the clerical, governing elite.5

Both definitions suggest above all the basic categorical aspect of laity: they are non-priestly members of a religious community. Fol- lowing this categorical criterion, we may define "lay Kirishitan" as baptized Japanese in sixteenth- to seventccnth-century Japan, ex- cluding Japanese priests and members of Catholic orders, that is, the Jesuit, Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian orders.

Within the Catholic Church, laity has its own definition and meaning. In Japanese religious culture at the time the Jesuits arrived, however, laity could also imply a conscious and unconscious commitment to syncretistic popular religious practice that existed across the boundaries of particular religious systems. Often an ordinary member's religious practices are inexplicable if they are examined only from the perspective of the teachings of the religion to which she or he nominally belongs. Consequently, a discussion of lay Kirishitan beliefs and practices would be seriously misleading if carried on only from an orthodox Catholic point of view.

In the first thirty years of the Jesuit ~nission to Japan (1549-1580), the doctrinal information available to the Japanese was very limited due to the linguistic barrier between the European missionaries and their Japanese followers, and the small number of mission personnel available to convey teachings to followers. We may reasonably assume that during this stage the message was conveyed to the Japa- nese mainly by non-verbal means, that is, through Christian symbols and rituals. Under such circumstances, what primarily defined the Kirishitan was their engagement with the rituals and symbols of the new religion.

In the second stage, covering the next thirty-five years (1580- 1614), doctrinal instruction became available and was emphasized, promoted by the increasing education of native and European mission personnel and by the publication of Japanese texts. During this phase, Japanese followers were expected to be familiar with theological aspects of the faith. In the final stage (1614-1630), followers were expected to prove themselves "Kirishitan" by the ultimate demonstration of faith-martyrdom. As state persecution intensified,

"eonard Doohan, "Laity," in The Harpercollins Encyclopedia of Catholicisnr, ed. Richard P. McBrien et al. (New Ynrk: HarperCollins, 1775).

xviii INTRODUCTION

martyrdom was emphasized and commended, and publications that encouraged martyrdom were circulated.

Needless to say, these three stages of Kirishitan faith are ideals constructed for analytical purposes. In actual historical development the stages overlapped and included the types of expression from the preceding stages. Even in the final stage, for example, many were concerned only with the mysterious power of the Kirishitan symbols and rituals. They typically apostatized, and, as a result, they were not Kirishitan according to the (ideal) Kirishitan type of that stage. They were, however, Kirishitan by the definition of the first stage.

Having addressed the importance of popular aspects of the Kirishitan tradition, how can we in fact understand their beliels and practices? What methods can we use'? For studying lay practice of the Kirishitan faith, I suggest employing methodological insights from the History of Religions, historical and phenomenological approaches being its basic tools. Historically, it treats Kirishitan beliefs and practices within their immediate cultural and historical contexts. Phenomenologically, it examines aspects of Kirishitan practices, using categorical frameworks sucli as doctrine, ritual, and symbol. Comparisons between the Kirishitan tradition and other religious traditions are possible using these phenomenological concepts.

In an attempt to understand the significance of Christian beliefs and practices in Japanese religious history, it is important to explore the meanings of the religious expressions of common Japanese followers against the background of Japanese religion. As to a contextual analysis of religion, Lewis Rambo has argued in his recent theoretical study of religious conversion that:

contextual factors shape avenues of communication, the range of religious options available, and people's mobility, flexibility, resources, and opportunities. These forces have a direct impact on who converts and how conversion happens. People can often be induced, encouraged, prevented, or forced to either accept or reject conversion on the basis of factors external to the indi~idual.~

Rambo classifies contextual factors into four basic groups: social, cultural, religious, and personal. He also considers these factors in terms of "macrocontext" and "microcontext." Macrocontext refers to

Lewis K. Rambo, Understanding Religioca Conversion (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), 20.

INTRODUCTION xix

the total environment, including such elements as political systems, religious organization, and economic systems, while "microcontext is the more immediate world of a person's family, friends, ethnic group, religious community, and neighb~rhood."~ Scholars who attempt to describe a people's acceptance and practice of a new religious system generally agree that a cluster of factors (or reasons) are involved in one's conversion.

Rambo's observation provides a very useful insight to the study of Kirishitan by suggesting the examination of the broader Japanese social, political, economic, and religious contexts in ordcr to understand lay Kirishitan beliefs and practices. Of these, the Japanese religious context should of course be most closely examined because of the nature of the subject matter. I understand "religious" phenomena in terms of the "sacred," following a theoretical perspective developed in the study of the history of religions. Jonathan Z. Smith has offcred a valuable perspective for contextual analysis of religious phenomena in which a particular conception of the "sacred" is pivotal:

A ritual object or action becomes sacred by having attention focused on it in a highly marked way. From such a point of view, there is nothing that is inherently sacred or profane. These are not substantive categories, but rather situational ones. Sacrality is, above all, a category of ernpla~ement.~

If we apply this perspective to the case of early Christianity in Japan, the religious meanings of Christian elements-that is, the sacredness of Christian symbols and rituals-may have been determined not by virtue of the inherent nature of those elements, but rather by the spa- tial, temporal, and cultural situations in which they were located.

An analysis of pre-existing elements of Japanese religion can help us understand the situation in which Christian elements became sacred as well as how they became sacred. For example, many of the early Kirishitan churches used the buildings of former Buddhist temples. For the local people, the space had already been established as sacred. In this situation, it must have been easy for people to recognize the sacredness of the new religion. Despite the severe refutation

Lewis R. Rambo, Understmding Religioru Conversion, 22. Jonathan 2. Smith, To Tuke Pluce: Tuwurd Theory in Ritiral (Chicago: The

University of Chicago Press, 198), 104.

XX INTRODUCTION

of Buddhism by Christian missionaries, the people obviously found similarities between the two traditions. Those similarities created many situations where Christianity could more quickly be grasped as sacred. Indeed, one of the most important benefits of our using Japa- nese popular religion as an analytical context is that it enables us to explain the gap between the lay followers' actual practices and the ofticia1 teachings of their faith. Therefore, if we are to understand the meaning of Kirishitan religious beliefs and practices, it is important to pay as much attention to the popular religiosity of Japanese culture as to the Catholic teachings that lay Kirishitan learned.

A comparative and contextual study of the Kirishitan tradition presupposes that the Japanese people's pre-Christian religious experience played a large role in determining their approach to Christian- ity. Wherever Catholicism presented elements to the Japanese, either familiar or foreign, we may assume that the Japanese could recognize and understand them through conscious or unconscious comparison with their counterparts in Japanese religion. Likewisc, the people's contemporary social, cultural, and political surroundings affcctcd the development of their religiosity, providing incentives lor their quest for religious satisfaction.

Sixteenth-century Japanese commoners were fully part of the popular religious culture of Japan. The Jesuit mission's arrival in Japan in the middle of that century coincided with the country's tran- sition from the medieval (chasei) to the early modern (kinsei) period. The Japanese had inherited a religious culture from the medieval period, but they also had begun to experience religion in a way typical of the early modern period. By the sixteenth century, religious syncretism had already been established as the basic religious pattern for the Japanese. This syncretism was seen in the combination of religious elements from traditions of separate origins, including Shinto, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism, and it strongly influenced popular religious beliefs and practices in Japan. Meanwhile, Japanese in the sixteenth century saw new religious developments in such areas as popular desires for peace in this world and beliefs about life after death (genze-annon, goshn-zensho), the activities of popular priests, and the growth of communal integrity incorporating religions.

How, then, did the ordinary Japanese who lived in such religious circumstances understand Christian teachings? Did they understand

INTRODUCTION xxi

the Christian God as one of many deities available to help them? How did they reconcile their syncretistic beliefs with the exclusivistic instruction of the missionaries? Did Christianity answer the needs of ordinary people, and if so, how? Were the merits of faith in Chris- tianity, as the Japanese found it, innate in the Christian tradition, or did Christianity have to accommodate itself to the people's distinctive needs? These questions challenge us, and lead us to explore the meanings of Kirishitan expressions, meanings which may differ from those furnished by missionaries and modern church historians.

The Plan of llze Book

This study examines these various aspects of Kirishitan faith and practice by following their historical development. Christianity was a new rcligion in sixteenth-century Japan. For this new faith to grow in Japan, interactions between the missionaries and the people were necessary, and this required effort on both sides. The first chapter provides an account of Jesuit approaches to the Japanese by investigating what they brought to the people and how they presented it. The discussion addresses the content of Xavier's catechism, the translation of the text, and the methods of preaching. Close attention is given to Anj i r~ , the first Japanese Christian as well as the translator of Xavier's catechism into the Japanese language. An analysis of Anjiro's knowledge of the Portuguese language and of the Christian catechism helps us understand and explain some essential characteristics of the translated text. I then discuss Jesuit methods of evangelization under Japanese social, religious, and cultural conditions, focusing on such issues as mass baptisms under the order of regional lords, and Jesuit efforts to take root in the Japanese society by adopting Japanese social and religious customs and manners. The first chapter concludes with an account of the native missionary staff called dojuku and kambo, the chief agents of the Christian message to the Japanese.

The second chapter explains the meanings of Christian symbols for Japanese followers. I will use two kinds of tools for interpretation: historical, and cultural anthropological. Accordingly, Kirishitan approaches to Christian symbols are examined in two contexts: chronological development inside and outside the Kirishitan community

xxii lNTRODUCTION

(historical), and Japanese popular religious culture (cultural anthropological). Based on the insight that religion is a symbolic system (a cultural pattern), and by appealing to a contextual method to interpret the symbols, I will argue that Japanese Kirishitan accepted Christian symbols either as replacements of, or additions to, similar elements in their existing religious system. Furthermore, they did so in accord with the structure of Japanese popular religion in which elements from different religious traditions are incorporated.

The third chapter explores the Dochiriina Kirishitan, a catechism published for popular edification, in order to offer an account of the Kirishitan teachings as they were actually given to the followers. It illuminates tlic characteristics of the Dochiriina Kirishitan by comparing it with its original Portuguese text. Based on the differences between the two texts, I assert that the Japanese catechism was unique and propose that it be viewed on its own terms, not simply as a translation. The chapter also sutnmarizes the structure and content of the text. Relative to the many past discussions about the format and transmission of the texts, little has been written about the religious interpretation of the Kirishitan literature. Perhaps Western church scholars and theologians have ignored them because most Kirishitan texts were translated from or based on European sources; they may well have presumed that the contents of the works are apparent from merely reading their titles. Japanese scholars may have overlooked them because they thought the contents of a Kirishitan text should and could be adequately discussed only by Christian theologians.

After defining the uniqueness of the Japanese catechism in relation to its European counterpart, the study continues in chapter four to explore the significance of the Kirishitan doctrine for the Japanese populace. I will establish the uniqueness of the Kirishitan teachings within the framework of the Japanese popular religious setting by comparing the teachings with those of the Honganji branch of the True Pure Land Buddhist school (Jodo Shinshti), probably the most powerful popular religious movement in the late medieval to early modern period. Similarities and differences will be discussed under three themes: salvation in the afterlife, divinities, and sinful humans.

Chapter five examines various Kirishitan rites. First, I focus on Baptism and Penance, the two sacramental rites taught to the Kirishitan as indispensable to their salvation in the afterlife. I explore

INTRODUCTION xxiii

their meanings to the Japanese faithful by examining the textual explanations found in the Kirishitan publications and by analyzing them against the background of the Japanese purification ritual. I also discuss the Eucharist in a brief account. Second, I discuss non- sacramental ritual activities in Kirishitan life, including prayer and the scourging. Kirishitan ritual was an inclusive practice-it not only functioned as the core of the Kirishitan life but also incorporated the Kirishitan system's conceptual aspect by transforming the teachings into ritual practice through the process of verbal ritualization. Kirishitan ritual was, furthermore, thc main method o f transmitting the Kirishitan tradition to subsequent generations.

The final chapter explores the most rcceat stage of the historical development of the Kirishitan tradition in the Christian century. Af- ter offering an account of the development of the anti-Kirishitan policy of Toyotomi Hideyoshi and the Tokugawa shogunate, I discuss how the Kirishitan faith and practices were transformed due to the persecution. I then examine the three modes of the Kirishitan response: apostasy, underground practice, and martyrdom. This section reconsiders the conventional explanation of the Kirishitan faith under the persecution, one that has employed a dichotomical model of either apostasy or martyrdom. The Kirishitan devotees' hidden practice has been regarded as a form of apostasy from a Catholic point of view because it entailed their external apostasy and their becoming members of a Buddhist temple. Yet, those hidden Kirishi- tan outnumbered the Japanese martyrs even during the Christian century. I discuss them not as apostates but as the Kirishitan who maintained their faith under the persecution. No other Kirishitan way could have survived throughout the Tokugawa period (1600-1868).

The Syncretistic Religious World of Japan

Christianity was not the first foreign religious system brought into Japan. The Japanese had already imported several foreign religions from the continent and integrated them into their own religious world view and ethos. This led to formation of a syncretistic religious world in which elements from separate origins such as Shinto, Bud- dhism, Confucianism, and Taoism were combined. In this syncretistic religious climate the amalgamation betwecn Shinto and Bud-

xxiv INTRODUCTION

dhism was especially remarkable and well established by the sixteenth century.

The process through which the Japanese accepted the Buddhist beliefs and practices offers a precedent case of the Japanese people incorporating a foreign religious system into their own religious culture. Moreover, the syncretistic popular religion that was consequently created was the religious world in which people accepted Christianity. Thus, in a double sense, an overview of the process in which Buddhism was accepted in Japan will provide a valuable background for our understanding of the Japanese approaches to Christianity.

Within the pre-Buddhist Japanese religion, kami, natural and human spirits (tanta), and human beings comprised the major religious dements in the ancient Japanese mind. The primary characteristic of kami was that the people felt in kami a mysterious power or vitality. They conceived of kami not in any absolute sense but rather in a relative sense: kunzi's presence was relative because kumi appeared and disappeared at the request of human beings. The kami's character was also relative because kumi could easily become evil. The second "relativeness" of kanzi's character is based on a similarity to "spirit," which existed either as a good spirit or an evil spirit. The ancient Japanese made little distinction between spirits and kami. Perhaps the people recognized the difference according to their "subtle difference of feeling" or "potential ability to sense it."9

Grasping the relative character of kami and spirits as well as their mutual continuation is essential to understanding the religious beliefs of ancient Japan. The Japanese religious ethos concerned itself with how to treat both good and evil kami and spirits, but it primarily focused on evil ones. The people believed that all suffering was caused by evil spiritual beings. When one was stricken by trouble, it was necessary to "purify oneself' from their influence. Actual methods of doing so included sending away, pacifying, subduing, manipulating, and rectifying evil kami and spirits. The rationale that suffering is caused by invisible evil kumi and spirits, which underlay the ancient Japanese world view and ethos, is extremely important for us in in-

Miyata Noboru, "Sosetsu," in K*zr.a Ni /~nl 110 ~ttinzoku s h ~ i k y ~ 3: Knmi lrnnnet~ to minzoku, ed . Corai Shigeru et al. (Tokyo: Kubundo, 1979), 3.

INTRODUCTION XXV

terpreting the religious amalgamation throughout the medieval period.

After the arrival of Buddhism in Japan in the mid-sixth century, the Japanese came to appreciate and recognize the mysterious religious power of the new religion in its magnificent expressions-architecture, icons, and ritual, to name but a few. The people began to incorporate various Buddhist practices into their own religious systems. By the twelfth century, religious elements from Shinto and Buddhist traditions had become thoroughly mixed and comprised thc people's religious views, ritual practices, and religious institutions.

Buddhist divinities and rituals provided a number of powerful alternatives that could respond to Japanese religious needs to take care of kami and spirits; they also satisfied the people's individual and social needs because the purification of evil spirits meant protection, cures from illness, and general happiness. Expecting more mysterious powers from the Buddhist esoteric rituals, nenhulsu chanting, and sotra recitation, the Japanese incorporated these Buddhist elements into their ethos. Previously that ethos had consisted of such purification methods as abstinence and taboo (imi) purification rites (misogi and harae), and rites for the spirit of the dead (so-sai).

In the Nara period (710-784), for example, the belief prevailed that the recitation of the Dai-hannya-kyo (Maha-prajiiap2ramita- satra) was effective in protecting people from lightening, and it gradually became part of seasonal events. The commoners believed that the satra-not only its recitation but also the satra itself-had magical power to ward off evil spirits. They recited the satra for solving problems both large and small, from halting natural disasters to driving away noxious insects. They placed the sotra on ailing parts of the body so that the evil spirit causing the ailment would depart.

For the Japanese, the most dreadful condition of religious pollution was death. Believing that the human spirit remains alive after death, the people were greatly concerned with proper treatment of the dead. Thus Japanese funeral rites in medieval times were done for the sake of controlling the spirits of the dead. In a funeral, it was necessary to copc with a spirit in two ways: to keep thc spirit of thc dead from becoming evil, and to keep a malicious spirits from possessing the body of the dead. The Japanese used the religious powers of the Lotus Siitra, mantra, the recitation of the nenbutsu, and other

xxvi INTRODUCTION

Buddhist symbols and practices for their system of controlling evil spirits, adopting it in place of the preceding religious magic and spells.

The nenbutsu, or the recitation of the name of Amida (Amitsbha) Buddha, became probably the most popular religious practice among the medieval Japanese people. Although it was originally a practice that enabled human beings to reach the western paradise of the Pure Land of Amida Buddha, "it gradually expanded its function to become a memorial service for the spirit of the dead, with the expectation that Arnida's helping hands would be extended to them."1°

Later rzenhutsu prayer was spread further among the laity by itinerant popular priests specializing in the prayer (nenbutsu hijiri). However, popular nenhutsu practice was devoid of the sophisticated Buddhist doctrine that lay behind it." The popular practice of the nenbutsu for pacifying spirits of the dead and for exorcism preceded the great Pure Land movemc~lts in the Kamakura period (1192-1333), and persisted even after the Pure Land schools had advocated the soteriological significance of the practice. The medieval commoners hoped that the nenbutsu would satisfy thcir this- worldly needs as well as their salvation after death.

Buddhism furnished the Japanese not only with ritual alternatives but also with significant new religious ideas. Like rituals, these ideas were deeply absorbed by the medieval Japanese people. One significant theological contribution of Buddhism was the teaching of karma as a new explanation of human experience in the past, present, and future lives, and the assertion that individuals could determine their own future course-their afterlife experience in particular. Before they adopted this striking new idea about the human being, the Japa- nese had no vision of exerting their control over spiritual beings outside their world, nor did they possess a means to so influence their own life after death. In short, the Japanese had no means to approach the other world and had no clear-cut, unified idea about that world. Nonetheless, the people were always vulnerable to the influence of "visitors" from the other world. The only way to secure their safety was to protect themselves from the malicious work? of evil spirits.

'"chiro Hori, Folk Religion in Japan: Continuity and Change (Chicago, Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1968), 96.

l' lchirii Hori, "On the Concept of Ilijiri(Holy Men)," Nirtwrz V (1958), 138.

INTRODUCTION xxvii

Before the importation of Buddhism, the people's safety had been only passively secured, and their well-being had been contingent on external spiritual forces. The Japanese could certainly understand the idea of karma as a rationale for unfortunate happenings. But they could also understand it more positively as a rationale that ensures one's ability to determine one's future, including one's life after death. While the former was an "alternative" model to interpret the world, the latter was indeed a new idea, one that taught the Japanese a clearer vision of human experience in this world and future. As such, it directly influenced their religious practice. To prove this point, we need only point to such enthusiastic movements as the Pure Land schools in the late medieval period.

The commoners also accepted a number of Buddhist divinities. These had specific providence: Kannon (Avalokitehara) for mercy and compassion, beneficial to the people in this world; Jizo (Kshiti- garbha) for the protection of souls in hell; Yakushi (Bhaishajya-guru) for healing; Amida (Arnit2bha) for rebirth i n the western Pure Land; Fudd (Acalanatha) for strength and protection, and so on. The people usually venerated more than one divinity, and sought benefits from different divinities for different purposes.

The gorya-e festival which began by the mid-ninth century illustrates one manner in which the Japanese incorporated Buddhist rites and divinities into their religion in the Heian period (794-1191). The goryo-e took place on occasions of natural disaster, including fam- ines, epidemics, droughts, and floods, as well as on occasions of personal suffering such as illnesses, bad dreams, and difficult childbirth. The purpose of a gorya-e was to stop problems by soothing, entertaining, subduing, and manipulating gorya, or the angry and evil spirits, which were believed to have caused disasters. Both Shinto and Buddhist tools were employed, but it seems that the people expected more from the religious power from Buddhist practices such as nenbutsu chanting and satra recitation, and from the power of Buddhist divinities.

The goryfi-e festival marks a crucial historical development of the Japanese idea of kumi because, in the festival, the powerful evil spirit causing disasters was identified with a specific historical figure, usu- alIy one of high noble rank who had died in an unfortunate or extraordinary way. Identified with a particular historical figure, the kumi was no longer a vague and hidden spiritual being. Pacificd and

xxviii INTRODUCTION

consoled by a goryo-e, the evil spirit was transformed into a good kami. A well-known example of this kind of kami is tenjin, or kami of thunder, identified with Sugawara Michizane (845-903). The angry spirit of Michizane, who died in despair over a political conspir- acy, was believed to be the cause of consecutive disasters, especially lightening, which occurred in the capital following his death. Pacilied by the goryo-e, however, Michizane's spirit became the kami Tenjin. The people worshiped this kami as being especially beneficial to those seeking success in learning, according to Michi- zane's reputation as a great scholar.

What made this transformation possible was the spirit's potency. Such an evil spirit, potent enough to do extraordinary things such as causing natural disasters, could become a good kami if its character was changed. The evil-spirit-turned kami (goryo-shin) was enshrined, and the people had faith in thc kami as bcing a kami of some specilic benefit. From this example we may better understand that people recognized "power" as the feature common to gory0 and kumi. Thc example further demonstrates that people ritually manipulated divinities for their own interests.

The tendency among non-sectarian and non-clerical Japanese to incorporate Buddhist divinities and ritual elements according to their religious needs was intellectually justified from a Buddhist philosophical standpoint, within which kami were defined as this-worldly manifestations of Buddhist deities (hotoke). This intellectual justification of the association between Shinto and Buddhist divinities is called honji su i j ah (original nature, trace manifestation) theory.

The honji suijaku theory was issued by the Buddhist intellectuals, based on the Tendai school's interpretation of the Lotus SOtra. This adaptive thought dominated not only intellectual understandings of the relationship between Shinto and Buddhist divinities, but also greatly influenced the popular approach to divinities in Japan. Honji suijaku thought had begun by the mid-eighth century, and became formulated as the theory that particularly defined kami as phenome- nal manifestations of the buddhas or bodhisattvas. By the twelfth century, the theory was applied to almost all the kami enshrined at major shrines, such as Ise, Kasuga, Usa, and Hie, with the karni's original nature (honji) identified.

This honji su i j ah theory permeated every level of the Japanese religious view, with shrine priests, monks, and popular priests as its

INTRODUCTION xxix

propagandists. Their method of propagation was to tell mystical narratives about the origin of kami (engi-mono, or honji-mono) in which Buddhist divinities were illustrated as the historical origin of kami. In accordance with the theory, it also became customary to enshrine statues of Buddhist divinities in Shinto shrines. Kami statues were made in the guise of Buddhist statues, and figures of kumi were painted. Arnalgamative paintings were created in the form of mandala, graphic representations of the buddhas and bodhisattvas in Esoteric Buddhism.

The institutional combination of the shrines and temples also promoted the association between kami and Buddhist deities, giving further tangible demonstration of the association. During the Nara period (710-7841, Buddhist temples began to be built on the grounds of major Shinto shrines. These temples, called jingri-ji (shrine- temples),12 housed the buddhas and bodhisattvas who protected and guided the enshrined kami. Most of the early jingd-ji were built by Buddhist mountain ascetics as tutelary shrines belonging to powerful local clans. By the Heian period (794-1191), it was a nearly univcr- sal phenomenon in Japan for major Shinto shrines to have affiliated Buddhist temples, including even Ise Shrine.

Conversely, major Buddhist temples had affiliated Shinto shrines, building chinju (temple-shrines) on the grounds of their own precincts. A chinju housed a kami that would protect the Buddhist deities in the temples. The most famous example of the chinju was Hachimanga, which enshrined the kami Hachiman. In 752, the first Hachirnanga was built in the compound of the Todaiji Temple to protect Vairocana Buddha. Thereafter, Hachimangti was built to protect other major Buddhist temples, including Daianji (807) and Yakushiji (896). The temple-shrine complexes combined Buddhist and Shinto elements into integrated religious systems.

With the development of these associations between kami and Buddhist divinities, the image of kami was undoubtedly elevated. In early times kami were mysterious and unknowable beings without clear character. The Japanese now began to perceive them according to the protective and meritorious images of the Buclclhist divinities

l2 Those temples usually bore the name composed by attaching the word "jingnjlji" tu the name of the shrines with which they were associated, for example, "Usahachirnan jinguji (725); "Ise Dai-jingnji (766): and "Isonokami jingnji (866)." The first parts of these names were shrine names.

XXX INTRODUCTION

with which they were associated. In the Heian period (794-1191), although numerous small and unknown kami continued to exist, the characters of major and enshrined kami became more and more specific, together with divine personification. The providence of these kami also became more specific.

This is not, however, to suggest that the average Japanese no longer made a distinction between Shinto and Buddhist deities as a result of the amalgamation of kami, the buddhas, and the bodhisattvas. The people did not understand a Shinto deity and a Buddhist deity to belong to separate religious traditions, as we tend to assume today from the "separate-tradition model" that stresses the independence of religious traditions based on doctrinal difference. Hav- ing gone through the amalgamation process, both kami and hotoke (Buddhist deities) were supernatural beings. So far as their mysterious "supernaturalness (or sacredness)" was concerned, the common people may no longer have even recognized a difference between a kami and a hotoke. The difference existed, instead, in the specialized benefits provided by the individual divinities, regardless of the tradition to which that divinity belonged. A major kami differed from another kami as much as it did from a Buddhist divinity.

When we discuss the religion of the non-clerical, non-intellectual, average Japanese, the conventional assumption of the separation of Shinto and Buddhism is seriously misleading. We must understand the popular faith structure in which the separateness based on doctrinal purity had much less significance. This was especially true in medieval times when the amalgamation was the universal religious tendency, both on elite and popular levels. Buddhism provided a variety of new and alternative religious ideas and practices for Japa- nese religious culture. Theologically, ritually, and institutionally, it gave an extremely rich variety to the Japanese religion. For the average Japanese, the association between Shinto and Buddhism did not mean an association of two religious "systems," and much less that they accepted the whole Buddhist system. Rather, Buddhist-Shinto association was a process of the Japanese people's incorporation of Buddhism into their religious system, based on their religious needs. From the original Buddhist perspective, the association meant its transformation into the Japanese religious culture, eventually producing a new form: Japanese Buddhism.

INTRODUCTION xxxi

The Japanese populace accepted Buddhism according to a decep- tively simple purpose: to ward off evil spirits (evil kami, and evil tama), and to keep good spirits from becoming evil. This rule remained within the Japanese popular religious mind throughout the medieval period as the primary reason for accepting foreign religious systems or elements of them. It therefore provides us with an essential foundation upon which to build our study of the Japanese popular acceptance of Christianity in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

CHAPTER ONE

THE JESUIT MISSION TO JAPAN: THE ORIGIN AND GROWTII OF TI1E KTRISIIITAN TRADITION

The First Message

"Here, in the Land of the Rising Sun, the newcomers found themselves suddenly transported into an entirely new and exotic world." Thus wrote the Jesuit historian Georg Schurhammer, describing the first Christian mission delegation to Japan, which landed in Kago- shima of southern Kyushu on 15 August 1549. The group was composed of three Jesuit missionaries, St. Francis Xavier, Padre Cosme de Torres, and Irma0 Juan Fernhndez, accompanied by Anjiro, his brother, and three servants. Schurhammer continues, "And they encountered strange sounds, strange sights, and strange customs."l

In 1543 the first Portuguese had reached Tanegashima island, off the shore of Kagoshima. Thereafter, Portuguese merchants had visited several ports in Kyushu almost every year. Because people in Kagoshima had already interacted with Portuguese merchants for several years, Xavier and his mission fellows were perhaps less strange lo them than they themselves were to the Europeans. Anjiro and his younger brother were natives of Kagoshima, and their presence in the delegation perhaps helped the local people gain access to the foreign visitors. For the rest of the Japanese, however, Europeans were people of exotic sounds and a strange look. They came from "an entirely new and exotic world," and cultural shock was felt as much by the Japanese as by the European missionaries. In the beginning, the Japanese called these missionaries Tenjiku-jin, or people from Tcnjiku (IndiaFthey associated them with the most distant land in the world, a half-real and half-mythical place, vaguely known as the original place of Buddhism. This revealed how the Japanese perceived these missionaries: they could only make sense of them as men from the most remote land possible.

2 C W T E R ONE

Soon after landing in Kagoshima, Xavier (1506-1552) and his companions began their evangelical work, but during their first year these labors were not fruitful. They baptized about a hundred people in Kagoshima and neighboring areas, most of whom were Anjiro's friends and relatives. Xavier had originally planned to visit the capital of Miyako (Kyoto) in order to obtain a mission permit from the emperor and the Ashikaga shogun, and to visit the "universities" of Mt. Hiei to undertake disputation with "Japanese scholars." Xavier left Kagoshima for Miyako in August of 1550, and after traveling through Hirado and Yamaguchi he arrived in Miyako i n December. Yet the capital had been devastated by civil wars since 1467, and it was in 110 condition to help Xavier to fulfill his aims. He returned to Yamaguchi in January of 1551 where he had most fruitful mission results-baptizing five hundred Japanese. Among them was 1x)urenr;o (1526-1592), who later became the first native irm6o (brother) of the Society (1561) and contributed to the conversion of thousands. After two years of pioneering Christian missionization in Japan, Xavier left the country for India in September of 1551.

The core of thc Christian message to the Japanese was the catechism that Xavier translated with Anjiro in Kagoshima during the winter of 1550. The missionaries preached by reading passages from that Japanese catechism. Today the text is not extant, but its contents are known from various s o ~ r c e s . ~ The first Japanese catechism included: the creation of heaven and earth by God; the fall of

Jo5o Rodrigues, S.J., Historia cia Igreja do Japao; Nihon Kyokaishi, vol. 1, trans. Doi Tadao et al. (Tokyo: Iwanarni Shoten, 1967). Cited in FX 4: 106, n. 9; Luis Frois, letter, 3/6/1565, and Gaspal Vilela, letter, 10/6/1571, which give an outline of the Twenty-five Articles (Nuu-go kajo), a catechism compiled by Padre Balthazar Bago in 1555 based on Xavier's catechism (Gonoi Takashi, Nihon Kirisutokyo shi [Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kabunkan, 19901, 105-106; a partial English translation in George Elison, Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan [Cambridge, M A : Harvard University Press, 19731, 36). See also FX 4: 107.

It is known that the Japanese catechism edited in Kagoshima was an enlarged edition of the catechism that Xavier and Anjira had translated in Goa in 1548. The original text for the first Japanese translation (1548) was Xavier's catechism, still extant, which he cditcd in 1546 from J o b dc Barros' catechism published in Lisbva in 1539. Therefore, as the Jesuit historian Hubert Cieslik points out, Xavier's catechism (1546) is also an important reference for understanding his Japanese catechism used for actual preaching. For the development of the Japanese catechism, see, Hubert Cieslik, S.J., "Zabieru no kyvri sctsumei: shodai kirishitan no scnkyu ni kansuru ichi kfisatsu to snno shiryij," KK 15 (1974): 1 13-141.

THE JESUIT MISSION TO JAPAN 3

the angels; the creation of Adam and Eve; an account of Noah and the Flood, the building of the Tower of Babel, and the beginnings of idolatry; the destruction of Sodom and the ugliness of sodomy; the preaching of Jonah in Niniveh, the history of Joseph, the son of Ja- cob, the captivity of the sons of Israel in Egypt and their liberation by Moses; the Commandments on Mount Sinai and the entrance of the Jews into thc Promised Land; thc fall and pcnance of King David, of the prophet Elisha, of Judith and Holophernes, of the statue of Nabuchodonosor, and of the prophet Daniel; the Incarnation, an extensive description of thc life and sufferings of the Redeemer, His resurrection and ascension, and His return at the time of the Last Judgment; thc reward of thc good in thc cvcrlasting bliss of heaven, and the punishment of the wicked in the eternal torments of hell. Xavier provided an especially detailed description of "the creation of the world and the immortality of souls, the necessity of the incarnation of the Divine Word as a remedy for sins, the life, sufferings, and death, the resurrection and glorious ascension of Christ our Lord.""

The message was certainly full of new ideas for thc Japanese, but what made the Jesuit preaching especially unique was its exclusivity which, of necessity, attacked the Japanese religious traditions in all their aspects. For the Jesuits, the refutation of other religions was a reasonable consequence drawn from their message. In his Historia de Japam, Padre Luis Frois (1532-1597) described the preaching of Xavier and Ferndndez on streets in Yamaguchi in November of 1550. Fernindez would first read the chapter on the creation of the world and of man, and then loudly tell his listeners how the Japanese sinned seriously in three things. First, they forgot Dainichi or the almighty God, and instead they worshiped the devil in wooden objects, stones, and senseless things. Second, they committed the sin of sodomy, a grievous and hateful sin which had caused a great punishment to be inflicted upon the world by the Lord of heaven and of earth. And third, the women performed abortions and infanticides to avoid the obligation of rearing children, which was the greatest cru- elty and inhumanity."

Ju2o Rodrigues, Historicr du Igreja c b Jnpno; Nihon Kyakaishi, vol. 1. Cited in F X 4: 106, n. 9.

FN 6: 55-56; English translation, F X 4 : 154.

4 CHAPTER ONE

The Jesuit refutation of Japanese religion deserves close examination for understanding the uniqueness of the Jesuit message, and it will be detailed in Chapter Four. Here I confine myself to the question of how these messages were transmitted to the Japanese. All preaching had to be done in Japanese so that the audience could make sense of them. Who preached? Did the missionaries know the language? Were their translations accurate? Did the message remain unique after translation? These questions lead us to an important observation concerning the background of the Japanese followers' understanding of the new teaching. When we explore the significance of the Jesuit message, we must examine the message as it was made intelligible to the audience; that is, we must read it from the perspective of the Japanese who received it. With this approach, the levels of information are made equal, and wc can compare the Christian message with pre-existing religious ideas. It facilitates an understanding of the significance of that message to the average Japanese. If wc only take the perspective of the deliverer, assuming that the missionaries' original message was transmitted directly to the audience, we will not understand thc divergence we can observe between what people were taught and what they actually did.

Xavier arrived in Japan with little knowledge of the Japanese language. In a famous letter dated 15 November 1549, Xavier writes about the difficulty that the European missionaries are experiencing because they do not know Japanese. He deplores the situation, lik- ening the missionaries to "statues" among the Japanese, because they can only remain mute while the Japanese speak and say many things about them.5 No doubt Xavier saw these language barriers as the mission's most serious handicap. He writes, "If we knew how to speak the language, I have no doubt that many would become Chris- t i a n ~ . " ~ He prays, "May it please God our Lord to grant us the language so as to be able to speak about the things of God, since we shall then produce much fruit with his help, grace and f a ~ o r . " ~

' Francis Xavier in his letter to his Jesuit confreres in Goa, 11/15/1549; JLCJ (J) , 208; English translation, F X 4 : 91.

JLCJ (J ) , 192; English translation, FX4: 86. JLCJ ( J ) , 208; English translation, FX 4: 9 1. As regards Xavier's skill in the Ja-

panese language, in 1562 Irmao Luis d7Almeida quoted Ninjitsu, a Zen master in Kagoshima with whom Xavier allegedly had a religious dialogue in 1549: "When Mestre Francisco stayed here, I desired to understand his preaching. But since there


Among the first three Jesuits in Japan, Juan Fernhndez (1525-1567), the youngest, made the best progress in learning Japa- nese. He had started to learn on the voyage to Japan and could speak a little when he arrived. When Xavier wrote, "we are explaining the Ten Commandments forty days after beginning to learn it,"s he was probably referring to Fernindez. In Kagoshima, Xavier preached on the streets twice a day by reading passages from the Japanese catechism. By the time he left Kagoshima, however, it had fallen to Fernandez to preach to the public, and "as Fernhndez preached, Xa- vier stood next to him and prayed silently for the success of his word^."^ The European missionaries' poor language skills made it inevitable that they would depended on the written catechism-reading from it was a major part, if not the whole, of their preaching. Further, Xavier produced copies of the Japanese translation of his catechism and left them with the new followers in Kago- shima, Ichiku, Hirado, and Yamaguchi so that they could memorize the text. He also made copies written in roman letters for himself and other European missionarics.

Since the written catechism was the basis of the Christian message to the Japanese, we need to examine the quality of its translation. Was Xavier's message properly translated? For a good translation, both a propcr understanding of the original text and a good command of the language into which it was to be translated are indispensable. Especially important is having sufficient knowledge of the meaning of the adopted langnge, because a translation risks retaining the original meaning of the adopted terminology. The quality of the translator is thus key, and it is therefore important to examine the translator of Xavier's catechism to better understand how the lirst message was conveyed to the Japanese.

The translator was Anjiro, a native of Kagoshima, and the first Jap- anese Christian baptized in Goa in 1548. He landed in Kagoshima with Xavier in 1549. Historians have provided a rather unfair account of Anjiro. Almost all historical writings on the Jesuit mission to Japan mention Anjirb, but their accounts usually focus on his problematic translation of the Christian "God" into the Buddhist

was no interpreter, I did not understand him at all" (Luis d'Alrneida, letter from Yokoseura, 10/25/1562; F N 6 : 275).

JLCJ (J), 192; English translation, F X 4 : 86. F N 6 : 56; English translation, FX4: 154.

6 CHAPTER ONE

"Dainichi" (Mahsvairocana), the central deity of the esoteric Shin- gon Buddhism. Dainichi, literally "the Great Sun" or "the Great 11- lumination," is the embodiment of the reality of the universe and is the central buddha in the doctrine of the Shingon school. Based on the information given by the Japanese, the Jesuits understood Daini- chi as indicating not a personal God of Christianity, but "the material beneath things, the materia prima of the scholastic^"^^ They therefore believed that Dainichi was not a correct translation of their God. Accordingly, historians have described Anjiro as an uneducated man whose "mistranslation" caused serious trouble for the Jesuit mission in Japan. What is missing in this depiction of Anjirb is an analysis ot the inter-religiuus context in which any translation of the religious literature is involved. A sketch of the process through which Anjiro made his translation helps clarify why such a translation would occur.

As the first Japanese translator of a Christian text and as the first Japanese Christian, AnjirO's life is an inspiring story. A merchant in the trading port Kagoshima, A n j i r ~ was acquainted with Portuguese merchants. He was hiding in a monastery after committing a murder when a Portuguese trading ship anchored in the bay of Kagoshima. Anjirb found a Portuguese merchant named Alvaro Vas, who, listening to what happened to Anjirq wrote a reference for him to the captain of a Navio ship in a nearby port, asking the captain to take care of him. Anjirii, however, mistakenly brought the reference to Jorge Alvares, the captain of another ship anchoring there who happened to be a great friend of Francis Xavier. The captain Alvares took care of Anjirii and decided to entrust him to Xavier in Malacca. Anjirb thus boarded on Alvares' ship together with his brother and servants and left Kagoshima in 1546.l'

lo F X 4 : 225, n. 52. I' Anjira's letter from Goa to Ignatius de Loyola and other Jesuits in Rome,

11/28/1548 (JLCJ ( J ) , 68-76). For Anjira's motivation for escaping overseas, we must note the flourishing international trade in which Kyushu lords and merchants were already engaged. From the early fifteenth century, lords and powerful families in Kyushu were active in official and private overseas trading in East Asia (mainly with China but also with other East Asian and Southeast Asian lands), which brought them great profits. By 1546, the Portuguese who had cut into this East Asian trade had reached at least fifteen ports in Kyushu, following their first landing in Tanegashima island in 1543 (See Watsuji Tetsura, Sukok~t: Nihon no higeki, vol. 1 [Tokyo: Twanami Shoten, 19821, 267-308). Jorge Alvares, who brought Anjira to Xavier, was une of such early Portuguese merchants. The Japanese wcre traveling to


Anjirb finally met Xavier in Malacca in December 1547 through the arrangement of Alvares. Anjiro made a good impression on Xa- vier, who sent him to Collegio de SHo Paulo in Goa the following March. Two months later Anjiro became the first Japanese Christian, baptized by Bishop Joiio de Albuquerque with the name Paulo de Santa Fe.

When he met Xavier in Malacca, Anjirb could already communi- cate in Portuguese, and later while in Goa his Portuguese seems to have improved, although different reporters vary in their evaluation of Anjiro's fluency. Xavier, for example, wrote, "Paulo [Anjiro] has learned to read, write, and speak Portuguese in eight month^."'^ However, Xavier perhaps did not mean that Anjirb had mastered the langwage in all of his reading, writing, and speaking skills; in a letter dated only nineteen days before Xavier's, Nicolh Lancilotto reported that Anjirb "still cannot spcak [Portuguese] wcll, but since he is very discreet, he lets me understand him in a circumlocutional way."13 Anjiro was already thirty-six years old when he entered the college i n Goa, and no grammar texts or dictionaries were yet available for a Japanese person to learn Portuguese. As far as his speaking ability of Portuguese, Lancilotto's more negative evaluation is probably more accurate than Xavier's. But at the same time, Anjiro's listening abil- ig of Portuguese must have improved greatly, and so did his knowledge of Christian teaching, as Cosme de Torres (1510-1570) reported that Anjiro had a very good sense of judgment, compre- hended Deus well, and was equipped with a good memory and talent.I4 It was perhaps based on an evaluation of these aspects of Anjira's ability that led Xavier to think that he could be a good informant about Japan and a useful translator of his text.

Anjiro's understanding of Portuguese and Christianity was good, but his knowledge of Japanese religion and the quality of his written Japanese were not those of an educated man. A n j i r ~ could talk about

East Asia and South East Asia too. It was perhaps not so surprising for a merchant in a Kyushu port town to be interested in escaping to southern countries.

l2 "Pu~.tlo en ochu meses aprendid u Ier y rscrivir y crblur portugctDM (Francis Xavier, lettcr to Ignatious de Luyvla in Rome, 1/14/1549; JLCJ, 59).

l3 "el p a l e non sapeva ancora parlare hene, ma B ello tanto dircreto che me dava intendere tuno per circonloquii" (Nicolb Lancilotto, letter to Ignatitus de Loyola in Rome, 1212611548; JLCJ, 52). '' Cosrnc de Torres, letter to Companions in Portugal, 1/25/1549; JLCJ, 78; JLCJ (J), 125.

8 CHAPTER ONE

his own understanding of Japanese religion but he had little knowledge of "religion in scripture." He could write vulgar kana letters, but he did not know how to read or write the language of religious texts. For an informant and translator, that difficulty was a problem. Xavier knew that Anjird was uneducated, but his greatest concern was Anjira's inability to provide scriptural information on Japanese religion. Xavier wrote in a letter of 20 January 1549 lo SimCo Rodri- gues, "I would send a detailed report of things written in their texts, because uneducated Paulo [Anjird] does not understand Japanese written texts."l"e most serious problem stemming from Anjiro's uneducated background, however, was that he inevitably produced inaccurate translations.

AnjirO was an able man. His intellectual talent was an advantage which Xavier recognized upon their first encounter in Malacca, and it motivated Xavier to go to Japan. Anjird measured up to the expectations of European missionaries by becoming n good Christian, and his understanding 01 Christian doctrine was impressive in the eyes of the Jesuits. But it was unfortunate that Anjirb was given the task of translation. His knowledge of the Japanese language and religions was only average, and furthermore reading sixteenth-century Japanese religious texts required knowledge of Chinese, almost exclusively the property of elite intellectuals. Accordingly, by telling A n j i r ~ to translate a catechism into Japanese, Xavier was, consciously or not, expecting from A n j i r ~ the skills and knowledge of an intellectual cleric or scholar, a Japanese counterpart to himself.

In 1555, Padre Balthazar Gago (1515-1583) reported problems with the Japanese translation by noting that it contained more than fifty detrimental terms. Since preaching the truth with false words would induce misunderstanding, the Society decided to use in place of those terms Portuguese or Lain words by transliterating them into Japanese letters. This "non-translation" policy was necessary not only because new concepts required new words but also because the original meanings of the Japanese words were remarkably different from their intended meanings in the Christian context. "For example," Gago explained, "if we use their term j~rnoji to explain the cross, since it means the number ten [in Japanese which is written] in

l5 JLCJ (J), 103. In other letters also, Xavier frequently attributes the lack of Fapanest: religious information to Anjiro's uneducated hackground.


the shape of cross, a simple person seems to think cross and the letter are the same." Consequently, when they read from the text, they had to explain phrase by phrase or word by word, or even change words.16

The translation adopted many Buddhist terms to express Christian religious concepts. Buddhist terms Anjiro used in his translation included dainichi (Mah2vairocana), jado (Pure Land), jigoku (hell), tea'nin (heavenly persons), tamashii (souls). The more than fifty problematic terms Gago found in the text were perhaps not exclusively Buddhist, but there is no doubt that most of the Japanese words adopted for technically Christian terms were Buddhist terms. As Ebisawa Arimichi suggests, Buddhist terms were perhaps the only available Japanese counterparts to express salvific religious and philosophical concepts of Christianity.17 The tendency to adopt Bud- dhist terms for Christian catechisms continued in the years that followed. Starting with Gago's revision of Xavier's Japanese catechism in 1556, only former Japanese Buddhist priests or monks translated Christian texts into Japanese. Neither the sender and the receiver of the Christian message could help using Buddhist terms as mediators.

The Jesuits found early on in their mission the risk involved in their Japanese translations, especially in the translation of such a crucial word as God, the first article of their Japanese catechism. The problem surfaced when Xavier visited Yamaguchi in April of 1551, less than two years after he had started preaching Dainichi. Xavier found an unexpected popularity of his Christian preaching among Buddhist monks of the Shingon school, who thought that the Jesuits were sharing and spreading the same Buddhist teaching. Xavier, on his part, wondered if bonzes shared his Christian teachings. To clarify the point, he asked the bonzes about the mystery of the Blessed Trinity; and whether they believed and preached that the Second Person of the Trinity had become a man and died upon the cross in order to redeem h~mankind. '~ The Buddhist monks, of course, knew nothing about this, and Xavier immediately stopped using Dainichi and began to use the Latin word Deus for God.

l6 Ballhazar Gago, letter to I r m h in India, 912311555. Cited in Doi Tadao, "16-7 seiki ni okeru Nihon lezusukai fukya ja no kyiikai ydgo no mandai," KK 15 (1974): 51.

l7 Ebisawa Arimichi, N i h n Kirislzitan shi (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobo, 1966), 179. I8 FN 6: 62. English translation in FX4: 225.

10 CHAPTER ONE

Had Xavier anticipated such confusions? Most likely he had. The problem of the Dainichi translation essentially reflected an ignorance of the formal Buddhist meaning of Dainichi on the parts of A n j i r ~ and Xavier. As for h j i r d , we must not overlook that his translation of God into Dainichi was preceded by his explanation of Dainichi in Portuguese when he was requested to provide information on Japa- nese religion.19 This is a significant point for understanding the real issue of Anjiro's translation. Before the Jcsuits explained Christian- ity in Japanese, AnjirU was asked to explain Japanese religion in Portuguese. Just as the Jesuits had to use Buddhist terminology to explain the Christian message, Anjird had to use Christian lerminol- ogy to explain Japanese religion. Moreover, as far as "religious" knowledge was concerned, A n j i r ~ by then probably had inore knowledge of Christianity, which he learned in a college, than he had of Japanese religion, in which he had no education. In explaining Japanese religion to the Jesuits, his knowledge of the Christian teaching, ironically enough, misled the Jesuits about Japanese religion, exactly as Buddhist terms misled the Japanese in their understandings of Christianity.

According to Lancilotto's report on AnjirU's accounts of Japanese religion, Anjirn apparently explained Dainichi with the background of the Christian concept of God:

They preach that there is only one single God, the Creator of all things. . . . All adore one single God whom they call in their language Denychy [Dainichi]; and he [Anjiro] says that they sometimes paint this Denychy with only one body and three heads. They then call him Cogy. But this man [Anjiro] said that he did not know the meaning of those three heads; but he knew that all were one, Denychy and Cogy, as with us God and Trinity.20

A n j i r ~ had probably not mastered Portuguese well enough to explain Dainichi in detail in its own terms, even if he had good knowledge of the deity. The Christian tone of Dainichi in Anjiro's explanation was further amplified when written down by Lancilotto who, because of

In the summer and the winter of 1548, Lancilotto made three reports on Japanese religion based on the information provided by Anjira. For an English translation of Lancilotto's letters, see FX 3: 479-488, 572-573, and 574. See JLCJ (J) , 3 5 4 3 for a Japanese translation of his first letter; and JLCJ, 23-39 for its Italian version.

FX 3: 483484.


similarities between Christianity and the Japanese religion as he heard it from Anjira, "was inclined to believe that some Christian heretics had gone to preach in China" and eventually reached Ja- pan.21 Consequently, the character of Dainichi in Anjira's information came to resemble that of God. Such was the knowledge of Dai- nichi available to Xavier when he accepted it as the translation of God.

As the historian Kishino Hisashi suggests, Xavier could probably neither deny nor affirm Lancilotto's view about the possible early spread of Christianity to China and Japan. The meaning of Dainichi was not available to Xavier since it was found only in written texts. Nonetheless, he chose to apply the Buddhist term to God, and the use of Dainichi consequently made it easy for him to reach the people.22 This access to the people was a necessity for Xavier, who wanted to investigate closely the Japanese religious situation and to examine the possibility of an early Christian mission in Japan.23

Given this information about the first Christian message to the Japanesc, we may easily imagine that the first Christian message sounded rather different to the Japanese from what the Jesuits had intended. If the Buddhist monks thought this message to be Buddhist, how could ordinary Japanese discern the difference? In 1551, the Lord Owhi Yoshitaka of Yamaguchi granted a former Buddhist temple to the missionaries, referring to them in his statement as "monks who have come from the western region [India] to spread the law of Buddha (buppa o shoryn no tame)."%

21 FX 3: 571. As Schurhammer notes, Lancilotto's supposition is especially clear in his second report wherein he often mentions similarities between Japanese religion and Christianity (FX 3: 572-573).

22 Kishino Hisashi, "Furanshisu Zabieru no 'dainichi' saiyo, shiyo ni tsute," KK 26 $1986): 193.

See, for example, Francis Xavier's letter, 1/12/1549; JLCJ (J), 90-95, and 1/14/1549; JLCJ (JJ , 96-101.

23 Shimizu Hirokazu, ed., "Kirishitan kankei h&i shirya shii," KK 17 (1977): 263. This famous document is quoted in many Japanese works. Schurhammer argues that "the law of Buddha (buppo)" here means what is "rcligion" to us today, and that it does not refer to a specifically Buddhist tradition. His argument is difficult to support, however, because there was no concept in those days equivalent to "religion" as we use it today.

12 CHAPTER ONE

A Policy ofAdaptation

In the first decade of evangelization in Japan (1549-1560), the Jesuit mission acquired about six thousand Kirishitan. The new faith spread first in Kyushu, from Kagoshima to Hirado, Yamaguchi, Bungo, and Chikuzen. The mission in Miyako (Kyoto) began in 1559. Most new followers were commoners except for a few former Buddhist monks in Yarnaguchi and some village warriors (kokujin) in Hirado. Nine Kirishitan churches had been built by 1560, and the Kirishitan community grew steadily in the 1560s. The new "harvests" in this decade included the first Kirishitan lord Omura Sumitada in the h u r a domain (western Kyushu) and converts from the intellectual and warri- or classes in the Kinai area (the central five provinces of Japan: Ya- mashiro, Yamato, Kawachi, Izumi, and Settsu). By 1569, approximately thirty thousand Kirishitan and forty churches were iound across the country.

In the 1570s, the number of Kirishitan increased remarkably, reaching approximately one hundred thousand. This rapid growth was due mainly to mass baptisms in the provinces of western Kyushu, which took place following the baptism of the provincial lords. Out- side Kyushu, the Jesuit mission focused on the Kinai area, where at least fifteen thousand Japanese became Kirishitan by 1580. Although mass baptisms also took place in Kinai, most notably in the Takatsu- ki domain of the Kirishitan lord Takayama Ukon, missionaries believed that more people in Kinai entered the faith through "the front door," demonstrating a better understanding of Christianity than the people in Kyushu. In 1575, there were twelve missionary residences, including nine in Kyushu and three in Kinai. The development of the Kirishitan community during the first thirty years of the Jesuit mission, especially during the third decade, is impressive, but it also challenges historians to examine how that rapid growth was ever possible.

What characterized the Jesuit approach in the approximately thirty years after Xavier was their adaptation to the Japanese political, social, and religious situations. In sixteenth-century Japan regional warlords tried to establish unified autonomous domains, using the concept of "state" (kokka) as their political ideology to legitimize their authority ovcr territories. For a provincial lord, the "state" did not mean all of Japan but rather only the consolidated sphere of his


own political control. The autonomy or complete integrity of the sphere of political control was a key facet of the military lord's understanding of the state. His assertion of state autonomy entailed the concept of the "separateness" of his state from those of other lords, which was concretely realized in the imposition of unified standards applicable only to the home state. Numerous laws regulated weights and measures, transportation, markets, and also religious institutions. All of the inhabitants of a domain, not merely the lord's direct re- tainers, were constituent members of the state-the laws regulating the state were applied to all of them. The sphere of territorial authority and the people residing within that spherc comprised a state.=

The independence of the military lord's territorial control sustain- ed in this way both helped and hindered the spread of the Kirishitan faith. It was advantageous because even if one lord showcd himself

-

hostile to the missionaries' preaching they could move on to the next to perhaps be accepted there. Missionaries could thus avoid being expelled from the entire country, which only a strong unilied government could force. But thc autonomous rule of local lords could easily become disadvantageous to the Kirishitan when situations changed. When their lord lost their domain to hostile forces, thcy were instantly deprived of his protection and could be exposed to severe threat. A regional lord's acceptance of Christianity meant that the new religion could become the faith of his state, viz., the "unified religious standard which was applied to all inhabitants. In this case, the Christian faith was given to the commoners as the faith of the community, not of individuals. From the missionaries' perspective, such a manner of entering into the Christian faith involved a problem of quality of faith. In the Japanese religious context, however, such a social system helped the Kirishitan faith spread rapidly among the people.

From 1550 to 1551, Xavier sought permission to evangelize in Ja- pan from the shogunate and the imperial court in Miyako. He eventually succeeded in obtaining permission in Yamaguchi from Ouchi Yoshtaka, the lord of the province. Later, however, the Jesuit approach to local lords apparently changed. They sought not only to

" Katsumata Shizuo with Martin Collcutt, "The Development of Sengoku Law," in Japan Before Toklrgawa, 112-119; Katsurnata Shizuo, "Sengoku ho no tenkai," in Sengoku hir?l)'0 no keizkvu, ed. Nagahara Keiji (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kabunkan, 1483), 451467.

14 CHAPTER ONE

receive permission and protection from the political and military authorities, but also to take advantage of the mechanism by which the lord determined the religion in his domain. Padre Francisco Cabral (1528-1609), Mission Superior in Japan from 1570 to 1580, observed in a 1571 letter that the people living in the land appor- tioned by their lord depended so completely on him that they could be readily induced to adopt the religion of his choice. Accordingly, Cabral maintained that the lord's favor and permission decided the conversion of large groups of people, and, therefore, that "the best apostles [in Japan] are the lords."%

The first Kirishitan lord was Omura Sumitada (1533-1587) of the Omura domain in western Kyushu, baptized in 1563 with the name Bartolomeu. The collective conversion of the people in his domain began full-scale in 1574 after the lord Omura established his authority over his land. Ovcr the next three years approximately thirty-five thousand people in his domain becamc Kirishitan, including all of his fifteen hundred vassals.27 Kirishitanization swept thc wholc h u r a

26 "Tha bcst apostles are the lords and towos, for the people in general live off the lands or the income which they get from the lords, and they are all so poor that they have nothing else except what the land provides them with when it is cultivated, and they are so utterly dependent on the lord that he is the only god they know; the result is that if the lords tell them to take up this or that religion they will readily do so, and will usually abandon the one they previously held to; and if the lord does not give them permission to take up another religion, no matter how much they want to they will not take it up. And I have had personal experience of this in several of the places I have been this year, places where Our Lord produced much fruit in conver- sions; for in order to make many places Christian all that was required was for the lord to order them to listen to a sermon and then they all immediately became Christians; on the other hand there were others who had heard the things of God and had been enlightened and were extremely desirous of becoming Christians, and these asked me to obtain permission for it from their lord, and told me that without his permission it was not possible. And it has to be a real permission, so that it is clear that the lord grants it because he is pleased that it should be so. So they are Christians at a word of command from the tono, and also, if he then orders them not to be Christians, for the most part they cease to be Christians. Always, however, there are some among them chosen of God, who would rather lose their property and their lives than retreat" (Francisco Cabral, letter to general, 9/5/1571; Jap.-Sin. 7. (1) 20-22v). This part is cited in J. F. Moral, The Japanese and the Jesuits (London: Routledge, 1993), 102. For Cabral'b view on military lords' influcncc on peaple's faith, see also VMPJ I : 206-207. " These numbers are drawn from Gonoi Takashi, Nihoiz Kirisurokyo shi, 93-95;

and Tayama Mikio. Omnm Szunitada (Tokyo: Seizan Sha, 1981), 178. Frois wrote that the converts in the Omura domain numbered more than Corty thousand (FN 10: 14).


domain. "Pagans were directed to accept baptism or leave the land."28 Temples were either changed into Christian churches or demolished. Two hundred Buddhist monks at about fifty monasteries received baptism in exchange for the lord's protection of their social and economic status.29 Many of the former Buddhist monks and priests thus became local lay ministers of Kirishitan churches.

Mass baptisms took place also in Arima in the Shi~nabara domain, where the lord Arima Yoshisada (1521-December 1576) was baptized in April of 1576, followed by twenty thousand people in six months. In Bungo, the lord Otomo Yoshishige (1530-1587) had favored the Jesuit missionaries and permitted their activities since 1551. The number of Kirishitan in his domain rapidly increased after his baptism in 1578 and eventually reached thirty thousand by 1587. Meanwhile, in the Kinai area, after the Kirishitan Takayama Ukon (1552-1615) became thc lord of Takatsuki in 1573 most of the people in his new fief became Kirishitan. When the Jesuit Visitor Ales- sandro Valignano (1539-1606) came to Takatsuki in 1581, eighteen thousand were already Kirishitan in the domain out of a populalion of twenty-five thousand, and the numbcr of convcrts continued to grow thereafter by two to three thousand each year.

The military lords who became Kirishitan were often motivated by economic interests. Cabral viewed their motives as "the temporal interest which they have, especially those who have sea ports where ships come."30 Portuguese trading ships came to the ports which Eu- ropean missionaries requested. By becoming Kirishitan and so winning the favor of missionaries, the lords could attract Portuguese trading ships to their ports, which brought them anchorage fees and trade. Further, they could purchase military supplies from Portuguese merchants and even receive financial support from the Society. His- torians often emphasize such "dubious motives" of the Kirishitan lords, implying that their Kirishitan faith was not genuine. But, it is important to emphasize that the Jesuits were aware of the lords' temporal motives and their ability to convert whole populations, and used them to their advantage. This enabled the missionaries to proselytize as many Japanese as possible-ne of the most crucial

George Elisnn, Deus Destroyed 42. 2 " ~ ~ ~ 1 : 22.5. " Francisco Cabral, lettcr to general, 9/5/1571; Jap.-Sin.7. (1) 20-22". Cited in J.

F. Moran, The Japanese und the Jewrtr, 102.

16 CHAPTER ONE

mission objectives of the Jesuits in Japan-and the method was ap- proved in their first mission consultations of Japan in 1580 and 1581.31

The Jesuits, moreover, adopted Japanese social and religious manners so that they could facilitate their mission in the country by rooting European missionaries within Japanese society, rather than keeping them as tloating strangers. Adopting Japanese manners into the practice of the Society was advocated from the beginning of the Jesuit mission in the country. Xavier and Torres encouraged Europe- an missionaries to practicc Japanese social customs, and stressed that it was important to their efforts to spread the new message in a different cultural setting. However, it was only after the arrival of Valignano that this adaptation policy became a "rule" o l the Sncicty in Japan.

When Valignano stayed in Kyushu, Kirishitan lords, most notably Arima Harunobu (Dom Protasio), Onlura Sumitada (Dom Bar- tolomeu), a o m o Yoshishige (King Francisco), had complained about the unJapanese behavior of the European missionaries. They demanded that the missionaries change their attitude and respect Japanese sensibility and customs.32 Not only because of their complaints, but also because of his own experience, Valignano believed that the adoption of Japanese manners would help solve two serious problems confronting the Society: the uncertain position of the order and its members within Japanese society, and the lack of unity between the Japanese and European members within the order itself.33

As for the problem of the Jesuits' ambiguous social position, Valignano wanted to ensure the members of their proper prestige in Japanese society. In the past, the missionaries had incurred ridicule by associating with the poor. A well-known case was their reputation

31 The fourth question in the consultations: "Expansion of missionary work, or only consolidation of the Christian won so far?'The decision was made to expand missionary work so that "no opportunity should be lost in extending the Christian faith" (VMPJ 2: 224). For a record of the first mission consultation of Japan, see Consdra de Jappdra, Pregunta (Jap. Sin., 2, ff. 42-86v.), or a Japanese translation, "Nihon Iezusukai dai ikkai kyogikai (158S1581) to Higashi Indo Junsatsushi Barinyano no saikctsu (1582)," trans. Ide Katsumi, KK 22 (1982): 245-343. For the fourth question, see 261-263 and 310 (translation). " VMPJ 2: 158. " Nassandro Valignano, letter to the superiors in Japan, 4/17/1587; VMPJ 2,

163.


in Funai, Bungo, where they ran a hospital to treat the poorest sick, especially those afflicted by leprosy, who had no other means of receiving medical care. This welfare activity prevented the Japanese of high social classes from approaching the Jesuits, and there was only one warrior convert in Funai during the first twenty years of the m i s s i ~ n . ~ As for the strain between the Japanese and Europeans within the Society, mutual complaints and distrust resulted from poor communication, and also from the prejudicial treatment inspired by Cabral. The rcsult was spiritual disharmony. The persistent use by European missionaries of their own customs and languages was a powerful symbol of this spiritual disharmony.

Why were etiquette and manners, seemingly extraneous and trivial relative to the greater Jesuit cause in Japan, believed so important that they might solve difficult problems? We must not underestimate the power of manners in traditional Japancsc society, particularly as they prescribed different behaviors for those within different social grades-one's behavior clearly displayed one's position jn society. The Jesuits needed to use proper manners to establish their prestige and social status. Othenvjse, they would remain outsiders, or easily slip into an undesired social position.

But to which social class should they belong? While their status as a padre or an irmlio of the religious order required no explanation in their home countries, in the complex cultural context of Japan it had to be translated and redefined. European missionaries had to define who they were before they began adopting Japanese manners. The Jesuit order in Japan chose as its model the hierarchical ranking system of the Buddhist Rinzai Zen school, which they understood to be the most influential religious order in Japan. In particular, they incorporated the system of a Zen monastic organization in Miyako and Kamakura named gozan, or "five mountains."

It was intended that the rank of each mission personnel of the Jesuit order in Japan would clarify his status not only in Japanese society generally but also within the order, especially in relation to the Japanese members. The Mission Superior in Japan, as head of the entire Christian Church in the country, corresponded to the head priest of Nanzenji, the superior temple of the whole Gozan system.

34 Francisco Cabral, letter, 91911576. Cited in Ebisawa Arimichi, Kmshttnn no ~hukai kihtrcl0 oyobl Nrxnban igaku (Tokyo: Toyamado, 1 Y44), 45.

18 CHAPTER ONE

The three regional superiors of Shimo, Bungo, and Miyako corresponded to the remaining heads of the five temples in Miyako. Other padres paralleled the remaining superiors, doctors, and professors, and irmios corresponded to the head monks at Zen temples.3s

The Jesuit adaptation policy was not limited to their mission to Japan. In China, for example, they first adopted the customs of Bud- dhist monks to show the religious nature of their mission: "it fitted the initial perception of them [the Chinese], as most Chinese tended to see them as a special sort of Buddhist, much as the Japanese had i n i t i a l l ~ . " ~ ~ They dressed like Buddhist monks, shaved their heads and beards, and placed a plaque on the entrances to their homes. They soon learned, however, that the Confucian literati played a central role in Chinese society and state, and they therefore shifted their focus to this group of intellectuals. Following Valignano, Mateo Ricci (1552-1611) had the policy that "the Jesuits had to fit into a specific category or role within C h i n e ~ e . " ~ ~ He succeeded in estab- lishing himself among Chinese literati by virtue of his understanding of science, world geography, and other fields of Western knowledge.

Ricci believed that attaining a foothold in the class of literati would lead to toleration of the Society and its mission by that class; this alone would enable a Christian mission to operate successfully in China. Thus the Society of Jesus attempted first to establish itself as a part of elite Chinese society before reaching out to the mass of the people. One remarkable fruit of Ricci's efforts was the publication of his own Chinese text entitled Tianzhu shiyi (On the True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven, 1603), in which he fully utilized local (Confucian) terms, including Tianzhu (Lord of Heaven) for God. We cannot here sort out all of the issues of Jesuit mission policy in China; suffice it to note that, compared with their approaches in Japan, their adaptation to the Chinese setting was much more clearly focused on the single social class which was most influential in both Chinese society and the Chinese state.

We must note that the Jesuit adaptation to the local Buddhist hier- archy in Japan was undertaken to clarify the manners of the different grades of missionaries, and it did not mean that a missionary actually

35 VMPJ 2: 161-162. 36 Andrew C. Ross, A Vz.rlon Benayed (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1994), 120. '7 Andrew C ROSS, A V i ~ i v n Betrrcyed, 143.


employed the title of his corresponding position in the monastery system. In the case of lay helpers called dojuku, however, the Jesuits did adopt both the corresponding name and role from the Buddhist monastery practice. The dojuku in the Buddhist monastery referred to lay acolytes who performed household duties. In the Jesuit order, they were given more important tasks such as those of lay preachers, couriers, secretaries, burial assistants, and helpers at Mass and baptisms. They further performed domestic services which, in accordance with Japanese custom, could be done only by lay helpers. Until the Jesuits adopted the dojuku system, the Japanese members, either irrniios or lay helpers, did not know where in the Japanese social scale they belonged, which resulted in great uncertainty among themselves and the European m i s s i ~ n a r i e s . ~ ~

Valignano's instructions on Jesuit manners in Japan were compiled in 1581 as a book of ceremonies, entitled Advertimentos e avisos ucerca dos costumes e culungues de Jappii(~.'~ Subjects in this book ranged from methods of gaining the authority and confidence of the native people-followers and non-followers-to the meticu- lous etiquette of greeting nobles, even the manner of serving sake wine. Valignano explained the significance of the book:

Now we have no rules in Japan to guide us in these forms of etiquette and social intercourse save those which were in vogue with the Japa- nese themselves between lay folk, and their priests, the bonzes. . . . My purpose in this was to adapt them to our circumstances so that we might know how to conduct ourselves in our dealings with the Japa- nese. . . . My sole purpose was to ensure that in the practice of the ceremonial and social customs we should proceed with di~cernment.~~

Charles Boxer explains that the Jesuit adherence to Japanese social manners was done "as an essential preliminary to their ultimate con- ~ersion."~ ' Boxer's point is hard to deny because every activity of

38 VMPJ 2: 159. 39 Published as II Cerirnoniale per i rnissionari del Giappone: Advertimentos e

avisos acerca dos costumes e catangues de Jappho, di Alexandro Valignano, ed. Josef Franz Schiitte, S.J. (Rome, 1946). See also VMPJ 2: 158-190 where Schiitte provides a detailed introduction of the work; and George Elison, Deus Destroyed, 5 M O .

'* Alessandro Valipano, letter to the superiors in Japan, 4/17/1587; VMPJ 2, 163. " Charles Boxer, The Chrisriatz Century in Juputi: 1549-1650 (Berkeley: Uni- versily of California Prebs, 1951), 227-228.

20 CHAPTER ONE

the Jesuits in Japan was aimed at the ultimate conversion of the Japanese. In adopting Japanese manners, however, the Jesuits' concern was with a more basic question: how to situate themselves within Japanese society. We must read Valignano's statement of the purpose of the adoption of Japanese etiquette with due consideration of the social context in which the Jesuits found themselves after a decade of the remote policy under Francisco Cabral. Out of his distrust and frustrations with the Japanese, Cabral kept his distance from the native people and adhered to European etiquette, diet, and language. Valignano found this situation dreadful. Thus the essence of the problem was more basic and was concerned with the social existence of the European missionaries.

Native Missionury SluJ

In the eyes of Visitor Alessandro Valignano, who came to Japan in 1579, the quality of the Japanese "converts" was disappointing and problematic. According to him, the majority of Japanese converts--particularly in the district of western Kyushu where collective conversion was forced-had "no supernatural motives" in becoming Christian. They only served their own interests and lacked "the requisite dispositions of faith and love of God." Since they lacked proper disposition even for baptism, he thought they should not be baptized. Indeed, in terms of religious quality they were no different from the other Japanese. "They seem no better,'' Valignano wrote lamentably, "nor holier nor more reliable than the followers of heathen sects, seeing that both abandon their doctrines with the same facility and both live the same sort of lives."42

Valignano, however, did not always see the situation in such a pessimistic way. He believed that the reason for this situation was not the method of conversion (mass baptisms), but rather the lack of mission personnel who would guide new Kirishitan along the right path of spiritual de~e lop rnen t .~~ I-Ie believed that if new Kirishitan received good spiritual care they would become good followers, as was hoped for. "Even though earthly motives may have been the occasion of their conversion," he wrote, "still many turn out very

42 Alessandro Valignano, letter to general, 1212 Sr 5J1.579; VMPJ 1: 296. " VMPJ /: 299.

THE JESUIT MISSION TO JAPAN 2 1

well later on and confess their faith with constancy and resolution, provided they were sufficiently instructed and cared for [emphasis mine]." He further asserted, "Experience . . . has shown that in places wherk they are instructed and taken care of, and where they have churches and permanent pastors, many become excellent Chris- t i a n ~ . " ~

Valignano's optimism depended on training native missionaries. His view is ~ionetheless surprising if we look at the number of the missionaries available then, which was desperately short for a Church which had already had one hundred thousand followers and was growing by thousands each year. By 1579, only fifty-five Jesuits were i n Japan, including forty-eight European missionaries (twenty- three padres and twenty-five irmaos) and seven Japanese J e s ~ ~ i t s . ~ ~ For example, when mass baptisms proceeded in the Omura domain, starting in 1574, only Padre Gaspar Coelho (1530-1590), who did not understand Japanese, and two Japanese catechists (dojuku) were there to take care of the thirty-five thousand Kirishitan. Until Padre Alfonso de Lucena (1551-1623) came to the domain in 1578 as a resident padre, the Kirishitan in the domain knew no more than some of the basic catechism necessary for Baptism. They had access to neither confession nor the E ~ c h a r i s t . ~ ~ Valignano was well aware of the situation, writing,

So far they have had no stimulus to rouse them to a zealous life, especially no imposing churches and no permanent clergy. Sometimes eight or ten months pass without their seeing a single father, and when at last they have him to themselves, it is only for a day or two. . . . And often it is a priest who does not understand their language nor they his.47

The problem of mission personnel was probably the most difficult that confronted the Jesuits in Japan, and a crisis emerged as they began to gain large numbers of new followers in the 1570s. On the one hand the mass baptisms created the possibility of acquiring a great number of new followers in many provinces, but on the other hand there were not enough members who could preach to them and

VMPJ 1: 297-298. 45 These numbers are drawn from Hubert Cieslik S.J., ''[Jsuki no shiiren'in," KK

Elison, Deur Destroyed, 63.

47 VMPJ 1: 298.

CHAPTER ONE

guide them. The absolute shortage of European missionaries meant they had no choice but to use native members. The Japanese personnel for the Jesuit mission were comprised of four basic categories: irm6os, dajuku (lay catechists and/or lay helpers), kamba (local lay ministers), and komono (servants in the Jesuit houses). In all there were more than four hundred native staff as of 1583.48 Irmios and dojuku participated in evangelical activities and preaching. They were missionaries and belonged to the Society. Kumbo took care of the church buildings and engaged in the ordinary ministerial care of the local followers where there was no resident padre. Although kumha did not belong to the Society, they did receive a stipend from it. Japanese irmiios, dojuku, and kamba were the native missionary resources.

Throughout the Christian century, these native staff performed the crucial role o t mediating betwecn the Europcan missionaries and the Japanese. Their role was especially indispensable to the Catholic mission in Japan in its early years because they mediated betwecn the senders and the receivers of the message, in both directions. To the Japanese, the native members were the main channels through which the Christian message was given. Meanwhile, to the European missionaries, these members were examples of Japanese character, intelligence, religious aptitudes, and understanding of the new teaching. Since this chapter's goal is to portray the Jesuit approach to the people, I focus here on the Japanese members' role as mission staff.

By 1580, the Japanese mission staff were already playing essential roles in the Jesuit activities in Japan. Especially important were the translation and preaching roles assumed by the native irmlios and dojuku. In Sumario de las Cosas de Japdn (1583), Valignano lists reasons for recruiting Japanese Jesuits, one of which clearly demonstrates how much European missionaries depended on the Japanese members for translations. He writes that, as far as books written in Japanese are concerned, "all that has been done has been done by some Japanese brothers that we have in the Society." This is because "they know all about the writing and the language of Japan, and be-

48 Alessandro Valignano, Sun~ario de las Cosas de J a p h (1583), 73; Nihon jrm- sarruki, trans. Matsuda Kiichi et al. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1973), 32.


ing native speakers they can become very learned and accomplished in all this."4g

We must note, however, that this observation by Valignano is not necessarily a positive appraisal of the Japanese members. He lamentably continues, "That is something that none of us, foreigners, can do. For, however much we learn of the language, and with however much effort, we still sound like children compared to them." Valig- nano's lament here is not just over the insufficient language abilities of European missionaries; he is obviously unsatisfied with thc quality of Japanese texts produced by the native staff. He therefore believes that Europeans must learn to write books themselves, and argues that it "is something absolutely essential in Japan. For without it we shall never earn the reputation or be held in the esteem which we need, nor shall we be able to translate or write the books neccssary for the fostering and the governing of Chri~tianity."~~

Around 1580, when Valignano observed the above situation, only native missionaries were capable of preaching to non-Kirishitan Japanese. Consequently, as Cabral reported, "the real conversion work would have to be shouldered by Japanese preacher^."^' The Japanese were after all "the people who preach to the pagans and convert them."52 European missionaries required a very long period of training before they were able to preach in Japanese. For example, even Padre Luis Frois who, after sixteen years of study, had the best knowledge of Japanese among the European missionaries, could not address non-Kirishitan in public. Even speaking before Kirishitan "cost him a great effort."53 In the Sumario, Valignano also portrays a painful situation for the European missionaries, noting that even fathers who have reached the point of being able to preach to the Kirishitan are reduced to silence when there is a Japanese brother present, because when they preach, "it is so different from what any Japanese brother, even an ignoramus, can do."54

49 Alessandro Valignano, Szunurio, 183; Nihon jrtnsatsuki, 85. 50 Alcsssandru Valignano, Sunmrio, 183; Nihon junsat.wki, 85.

VMPJ I : 232. 52 Alessandro Valignano, letter to general, 10/27/1580, VMPJ 1: 253. 5"1bf~~ 1: 233. " J~lessandro Valignano, S~unario, 200. Cited in J. F. Moran, The Jupanesr atzd

the Jesuits, 179.

24 CHAPTER ONE

The great majority of the native preachers were dojuku, lay catechists. Before 1580, there were only seven Japanese irmhos. By 1583, the number of the Japanese irmGos increased to twenty, but they were still outnumbered by approximately one hundred d ~ j u k u . ~ ~ Were those Japanese lay preachers ready to preach the Christian message? It is true that the Japanese Church was already blessed with a few prominent native preachers by 1580, such as Lourenqo (152f%1592),56 and translators such as Yaho Paulo (1508-1595),$' but generally Cabral was unsatisfied with the native lay preachers. After they had been trained with much effort to preach, they might easily quit the service of the Church at any time, because they had no obligation to stay on.

Further, most diijukii in the Jesuit order were, as in Buddhist monasteries, recruited from the noble and warrior classes, the two highest social classes of the time. They were recruitcd in their early teens, and their motives were not necessarily favored by European Jesuits. The Japanese lay preachers also needed further training because "all they knew was the catechism, which they learned by heart and gave out like parrots; they did the same with occasional sermons which

55 Alessandro Valignano, Sumario, 71; Nihon junsatsuki, 32. The European Jesuits in Japan were eighty-four to eighty-five in number, including thirty-two padres. See also Yanagida Toshio, "Kirishitan kyakai nai no hi-kaiin nihonjin-11. Kyakai soshiki no kasei to mondai oyobi kyokai to nihonjin no kankei ni tsuite," Shigakl~ 49/1 (July 1978): 8 6 8 7 .

j6 Lourenqo was an outstanding Japanese preacher. Originally an almost blind minstrel, he was baptized by Xavier in 1551. His greatest contribution was a pioneer mission in the Kinai area which led to the baptisms of thousands of people. Credited to Louren~o especially are the conversion of Takayama Hidano Kami and his son Ukon who later became the lord of Takatsuki, in 1563 and 1564, respectively. He accompanied missionaries and served as their ears and mouth on almost all occasions of meeting with top political authorities such as Ashikaga Yoshiteru, Oda Nobunaga, and Toyotomi Hideyoshi. He also often represented the Jesuits in disputation with Buddhist monks. He became the first Japanese Jesuit in 1563. According to Frois, Lourenqo was "one of the most important preachers that the Society gained in Japan" ( F N 6 : 64). For Lourenqo, see also Ebisawa Arimichi, "Irmlo Louren~o: The First Japanese Lay-Brother of the Society of Jesus and his Letter," Monumentu Nipponica 5 (1942): 225-233.

57 Yaho Paulo was a highly learned man who was baptized by Padre Gaspar Vilela in 1560. Ile had been a d~j~juku f o ~ fifteen years before he entered the novitiate in Usuki to become an irm&u in 1580. Talented in Japanese literature, he translated Christian texts, edited Japanese dictionaries and grammar books, and taught Japane- sc at the college in Funai. He was a specialist of the Japanese language and never studied Latin even after becoming an irnrio.


they impressed on their memory."58 They had no experience of monastery life, books, or other education. Nonetheless, they taught the catechism, preached, and performed other ministry work in the place of European missionaries who did not know Japanese manners or styles of living. Since they knew Japanese they gave much better sermons than European J e s ~ i t s . ~ "

This was a serious dilemma for the European Jesuits. Although Japanese lay preachers were quite unprepared, they were the only ones who could preach the teaching. Two obvious problems were involved. One was the insufficient theological and spiritual background of the Japanese preachers, and the other was the insufficient skill of European missionaries in the Japanese language. In order to solve the problem of the unpreparedness of the Japanese preachers, it was necessary to admit more Japanese to the Society and instruct them to grow into good Jesuits and eventually into a Christian clergy. In the first mission consultations of Japan in 1580 and 1581, participants (European missionaries) unanimously agreed on the necessity of the admission of Japanese J e s u i t ~ . ~ ~

The participants in the consultations further agreed that the Japa- nese novices must be fuIly examined and instructed with the greatest care in the spiritual life, according to the method of the Jesuit order. They intended to provide an intensive and complete training at the novitiate to the extent that during the two-year training period the trainees were allowed to leave the novitiate house only when absolutely necessary, and only in the second year.61

These plans were soon implemented. The number of the Japanese admitted to the Society greatly increased after 1580. In 1583, as already pointed out, there were twenty Japanese Jesuits listed, and ten years later their number had increased to seventy.62 To raise Japanese Jesuits and padres, three seminaries, one novitiate, and one college were planned. The novitiate was opened in 1580 in Usuki, Bungo,

j8 Alessandro Valignano, letter to general, 10/27/1580; VMPJ 1: 253-254. 59 Alessandro Valignano, Swnario, 184-185; Nihon jur~s~tsuki, 87. " The tenth question of the consultations, "Should the Japanese be admitted to

the Society?" See, "Nihon Iezusukai dai ikkai kyagikai (158CL1581) to Higashi Indo Junsatsushi Bariny8no no saiketsu (1582)," KK 16 (1976): 282. For an English summary, see VMPJ 2: 31.

"Nihon Iezusukai dai ikkai kysglkai (158C1581)," 283. " 2. F. Moran, The Jupunese and the Jesuits, 166.

26 CHAPTER ONE

with twelve students including six Japanese. That same year two seminaries in Azuchi and Arima and a college in Funai also began operations. In the novitiate and the college Japanese language, grammar, and literature were also taught for both foreign and Japa- nese students. Dictionaries such as the Japanese-Portuguese dictionary (1604) and grammar books of Japanese were planned and eventually compiled at the college.

With an educational system established, the distinction between the scholastic and the non-scholastic was made with regard to Japanese dojuku and irmdos based on their knowledge of Latin.63 The scholastic dojuku intended to enter the Society with the aspira- tion of becoming padres. All seminarians were in this category. D~jziku in this group were the only pool from which to recruit Japa- nese Jesuits, and they were supposed to learn Latin as well as Japa- nese literature. The non-scholastic dojuku did not expect to become irmaos but to remain as lay catechists and helpers. Similarly, the scholastic Japanese irnuios would eventually become pudres, while the non-scholastic irmiios would not expect ordination.

By 1583, about two hundred Kirishitan churches had been built in the country.@ Padres, irmdos, and dojuku routinely visited these churches. In places where no padre resided, the maintenance of the churches and the ordinary ministerial care of the local Kirishitan were entrusted to kambo, lay ministers. Like dojukzi, kambo was originally a Buddhist term referring to those who took care of the temple buildings and local followers in the place of Buddhist priests. The name was perhaps taken up in the process of the Jesuit adoption of Japanese religious ranks in the early 1580s. The adoption of the position and role of lay minister preceded it, however, and there had already existed lay people fulfilling the task as early as 1563.65 In a letter to Cosme de Torres in 1567, Irm5o Jacome Gonqalvez writes about a Kirishitan named Tome in Neshiko village of Hirado island. Tome was a former Buddhist monk, and "as he used to do at his

63 J. F. Moran, The Japarzere and the Jesuits, 167. 61 Alessandro Valignano, Sumario, 73; Nihon junsatsuki, 32. 65 IrmIo Juan Fern&ndez. letter to confreres in Bundo, 4/17/1563. Cited in Gonoi

Takashi, Tokugawa shoki Kirishitan slii kenkya, hot& ban (Tokyo: Ynshikawa K~bunkan, 1 Y92), 363.


temple, Tome has taken care of the church and taught c a t e c h i ~ m . " ~ ~ In those days such lay ministers were perhaps called, as the historian Gonoi Takashi suggests, b ~ z u (bonze) like their Buddhist counter- p a r t ~ . ~ ~

Unlike dojuku (lay catechists), karnba did not engage in evangelization work, and their task was limited to the maintenance of the local churches and the care of the Kirishitan community. Compared to dojuku, the European missionaries' reports on kamba, including on the name itself, were very few. The first detailed report on kambo, giving their concrete number, is found in a report by the Bishop Luis Cerqueira (1552-1 61 4) in 1603:

Villages undcr the supervision of the Residenciu have each a church appropriate to the number of the villagers. Churches are entrusted to the care of men, called knrnba, who shaved thcir head and are held in high esteem by the Christians in the villages. They are in charge of the sacristy and the maintenance of the church and are entrusted with the task of instructing the children in the doctrine, and further, with reading spiritual books for the congregation on Sundays and festdays if no pudres, irrnaos, or dojuku are available. They visit the sick people and call the padre for their confession. They also inform the padre of the physical and spiritual crises of the Christians in their village. When people are in danger of death and there is no time for calling the padre, karnbo baptize them and even help their

In the same letter, the bishop Cerqueira reports that there are more than 170 kambo. The Church was then running 190 local churches, including twenty that did not require kambo because those churches belonged to the Jesuit houses, residences, a college, or s e m i n a r i e ~ . ~ ~

In order to fulfill their duties, the kamba needed to read and explain the Japanese catechism to Kirishitan. They were also expected

66 Jacorne Gonqalvez, letter from Hirado to Cosrne de Torres, 7/3/1567; Yasokai nenp4 2 vols., ed. and trans. Murakarni Naojira, Nagasaki siisho 1 (Nagasaki: Na- gasaki Shiyakusho, 1916), 320.

67 Conoi Takashi, Tokugawa shoki Kiriskitan shi kenkya, 362-364. The obscurity of the origin of the name of kambo is due to the shortage of documents referring to them, which reflects the European reporters' lesser concern with local lay ministers than with dojuku.

68 Luis Cerqueira, letter 1/12/1603, Jap. Sin. 20 TI, f. 154. Cited in Gonoi Takashi, Tokugawa shoki Kirishitan slzi kcnkyiz, 370. My English translation is from Gonoi's Japanese translation with reference to an English translation in Joseph Jennes, A Hirtory ojtlze Cnfholic Ch~trch in Japan: From irs Beginnings to the Early Mriji Era (1549-1873) (Tokyo: Oriens Institute for Religious Research, 1973), 239.

69 Gonoi Takashi, Tokugnwa shoki Kirishitan shi kenkyii, 366.

2 8 CHAPTER ONE

to be the leader of the local community, demonstrating good examples of Kirishitan life. It is not surprising that most of the kamba were chosen from the learned groups in the village, such as former Buddhist monks and priests, as well as from former village leaders, such as elders (otona), and village warriors (kokujin). A kambo could be selected from either secular or religious com~nunity leaders, indicating the strong communal character of the Kirishitan faith in villages.

When we observe the communal character of the karriba's role as well as their qualifications, it is clear that the system of village faith itself did not change much. Mass baptisms converted the whole village, allowing the villagers to maintain a communal faith, just as they had before. The kurnhrr system enabled the former communal leaders to hold the position of lay ministers in charge of the members of the communal faith, just as before. Many Buddhist priests remained to take care of their parishioners, just as bcfore. What differed were the message and ritual. But, so far as the early years of the Kirishitan tradition are concerned, the Jesuits did not successfully present their message to the Japanese, as we saw earlier regarding early translations.

Finally, we do not know exactly what sorts of education the lay ministers received to fulfill their duties, or what types of Kirishitan faith they had in the early years of the Christian century. We do know that in later years there were at least two developments that contributed to the education of the kambo: the importation of a printing press and the education of the Japanese scholastics made the Kirishitan texts available in Japanese, which were circulated among local Kirishitan. Furthermore, the padres' supervision of the kamba was systematized, and prescribed in the "Obedientias" which the Visitor Padre Pasio edited in 1612, based on the regulations established by Valignano. These changes perhaps contributed to the education of the local lay ministers, many of whom showed strong leadership and faith for local Kirishitan after they lost contact with the missionaries due to persecution.

CHAPTER TWO

UNDERSTANDING NEW SYMBOLS

In the first thirty years of the Jesuit mission to Japan, the doctrinal information available to the Japanese followers was very limited due to linguistic barriers between the European missionaries and the Jap- anese and the lack of mission personnel able to preach in Japanese. The main part of the Christian message was non-verbal, transmitted through Christian symbols and rituals; what primarily made followers Kirishitan was their engagement with the symbols (and rituals as symbolic systems) of the new religion. An investigation of how Kirishitan used Christian symbols can therefore help us understand one of the most vital aspects of the Christian faith and practice in early modern Japan.

Before we interpret the meanings of a variety of Kirishitan symbols, a fcw words are necessary to clarify our assumptions concerning the nature of symbols and the procedure of symbolic analysis, and to argue for the advantages of this kind of analysis for our study.

Common lo the various theories of symbolism is an understanding of a symbol as "one thing, usually concrete and particular, [which] stands for something else, usually abstract and generali~ed."~ Sym- bols are explicit, objective expressions of things implicit, such as ideas, beliefs, and inner experiences which "employ an indirect rather than a literal means of expres~ion."~ Clifford Geertz has explained this basic characteristic, saying that a symbol "serves as a vehicle for a conception-the conception is the symbol's meaning." Symbols are for Geertz "tangible formations . . . fixed in perceptible forms, concrete embodiments of ideas, attitudes, judgments, longings, or belief^."^ Two points are, therefore, essential to assumptions about the nature of symbols. One is that a symbol takes a concrete, objec-

I quote this description of the nature of symbols from James W. Heisig, "Sym- bolism," in The Encyclopedia of Religion.

%. Thomas Lawson and Robert N. McCauley, Rethinking Religion: Contzectirzg Cognition and Cultwe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 38.

Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 91.

30 CHAPTER TWO

tive, and observable form, while the other is that the meaning of a symbol is not any quality inherent in the symbol itself but what the symbol implicitly encodes-a particular social and psychological attitude of the people involved. With this understanding of the nature of symbols, the scholar's task is to decode the implicit meanings which symbols bear, that is, to interpret the symbols.

There are at least two advantages of using "symbol" as an analytical tool to explore the religious world of Kirishitan. First, since common people did not ordinarily use literary forms to express their faith, the various ways in which they used symbols provide important "windows" through which we can explore their religious orien- tations. Second, because of the explicit and objective character of symbols, the historian, who must depend upon records written by othcrs, is able to interpret those records differently from those who originaIly wrote them, namely, European missionaries and Japanese authorities.

Missionaries interpreted Japancse followers' use of Christi'an symbols as conforming to Catholic teachings, assuming that Japa- nese believers were "Christian converts" and that the symbols used by these "Christians" should therefore maintain their formal Chris- tian meanings. This was the interpretation of the original recorders. I will attempt to interpret the same symbols in a different way, hoping to discover meanings of Christian symbols which have been ignored. Since catechistical instruction progressed very slowly in the first decades of the Jesuit mission to Japan, we can hardly assume that Kirishitan understood from the beginning the various Christian symbols and sacraments with theological sophistication. Instead, we must undertake alternative or additional hermeneutical interpretations in order to understand the faith of these early Japanese followers.

There are two main presuppositions that guide me through this endeavor. One is concerned with the synchronic cultural context of the symbols. The Kirishitan church grew within the Japanese religious climate, and its popular aspect was inevitably intluenced by the experiences of Japanese followers with similar popular religious practice in Japan. We may, then, assume that Christian symbols bore meanings similar to other popular religious symbols. The other presupposition is concerned with the diachronic historical context. Situ- ations inside and outside of the Kirishitan community affected the

UNDERSTANDING NEW SYMBOLS 3 1

degree of access that Japanese followers had to formal teachings about the new religious symbols, which influenced their understandings of those symbols. Because only limited theological information was available to the Japanese followers in the early period, most early Grishitan could not help but project their own religious understandings onto the symbols of the new religion.

Kirishitan and Christian Symbols

Let us begin with several examples that epitomize the carly Kirishi- tan approaches to Christian symbols. Kirishitan often drew the cross on a piece of paper and placed it at the entrances to their houses or on a wall. In one case there was a married fisherman living on Iki- tsuki island whose wife was pregnant. When he knew her delivery was near, he put on a wall of his housc a piece of paper on which hc drew the cross, and made wishes to the cross many timcs a day to have a baby boy. His wife delivered a boy, but the baby soon passed away. The fisherman became angry about the cross on the paper, cut it into pieces, and threw it away.j The material cross was also used as part of ordeals. In Hirado, peasants scraped a piece from the wooden cross and put it in a cup with water so that they could divine the criminal among seven or eight suspects. The one whose stomach swelled after drinking the water was determined to be g ~ i l t y . ~

Reading Kirishitan documents, we may be impressed by the popularity of "discipline" among the Japanese followers. It surprised and somewhat puzzled missionaries, so much so that Frois wrote in his report that "Japanese Christians have a natural inclination to compensate for the sins they have ~ornrnitted."~ In Takushima, for example, Kirishitan followers' enthusiasm for penance was extraordinary during Lent. Every day at the church, followers scourged their bodies, shedding much blood and tears, which amazed local resi- d e n t ~ . ~ A pagan warrior in Osaka saw Kirishitan earnestly performing the penance of the scourge. He asked one of the Kirishitan if he,

FN 6: 222-223. Okada Akio, Kirishitnrt fizoku to Nartbnrt bzrnka (Tokyo: Shihunkaku, 1983),

21. F'N 7 : 25. ' FN 9: 138.

3 2 CHAPTER TWO

a pagan, could also receive some merits by the scourging. Told that he could, he began to scourge himself. He did this so hard that the wound from the scourging did not heal.8 Such discipline was popular among Japanese Kirishitan in two ways. One was that the scourge itself was a material symbol of mysterious healing power. The other was that the act of hitting the body with the scourge was regarded as an austere conduct for gaining meritorious power.

One of the greatest interests of the Japanese Kirishitan was in relics. In Takushima, more than fifteen hundred people gathered to receive relics. In order to distribute the relics to them all, missionaries had to divide the relics into tiny pieces. People individually made containers for the picccs they received, and inscribed "IESUS" and the cross on each box.9 Kirishitan treasured holy relics, the cross, and rosary beads, and they competed to obtain them whcn missionaries visited their villages.

These examples show us that early Kirishitan engagement with Christian symbols were in some respects at least motivated by their belief in and expectation of the symbols' power of healing and pro- tcctition. Especially remarkable in this respect was their belief in holy water. According to Frois' report in 1563, Kirishitan in Takushima evinced a special faith in holy water. They came on Saturdays from near and far to receive holy water and take it home. They kept holy water in their homes so that in cases of illness they could cure with it.lo Similar records appear in many places in missionary reports, showing that people's interest in holy water was evident wherever the Jesuit mission was evolving. An episode reported by Padre Fran- cisco Perre is stimulating. According to Perre, in Yamaguchi a possessed woman was brought to Shugendo practitioners for healing. They took her to a waterfall and put her under it (although Perre failed to articulate it, this was undoubtedly misogi, a popular purification ritual). There was a Kirishitan boy watching, and he said to

FN 1: .261 ' FN 9: 138-139. '' FN 9: 140. Other sources include the reports by IrmCo Duarte da Silva from Funai, Bungo, 20 September 1555; by Frvis from Sakai, 8 July 1567; and by Padre Gaspar Coelho from Nagasaki, 15 February 1582. For missionary reports, see, for example, Yasokaislti Ni l~on tsrishin, ed. and trans. Murakami Naoj i r~ and Watanabe Yosuke; 2 vols. (Tokyo: Yiishodo, 1966); and Yasokaislzi Nihon tsmhin: R~~tzgo-lzen, ed. and trans. Murakarni Naojiro (Tokyo: Teikoku Kyoikukai Shuppan Bu, 1936).

UNDERSTANDING NEW SYMBOLS 33

the woman's brother who accompanied her, "If your sister wants to become a Kirishitan [and cured], she had better take the medicine which my father has at home. To be sure, your sister will be freed from the devil." Perre, the reporter of the story, noted that it was blessed water, saying, "Christians use the holy water as medicine to heal illness, and many have been cured.""

Padre Giovanni Battista de Monte reported from Funai in 1564 that even pagans believed that the sick must come to the Christian church to recover from illness. What they wanted was holy water:

They bring many sick people to our church. And by virtue of the power that our Lord Deus has given to holy water, the sick people restore their health. There are many who are possessed by the devil. In the church, we pray for them and perform exorcism. Then because of the mercy of Lord, they are freed from the enemy (devil), and some of them become Kirishitan out of their gratitudc for the mercy. Thus he idea spreads umong pagans thut the sick must come to our church, not [heir church, to recoverJrom il1nt's.s [emphasis mine].12

Not only peasant followers but also warriors-whose lives were regularly threatened in the battles of late sixteenth-century Ja- pan--expected healing and protection from the symbols of the new religion and eagerly requested them. In the Gotb Islands, Kirishitan warriors visited a missionary before leaving for a battle to ask for holy relics that would protect them.13 In this case too, the missionary seems to have accepted the warriors' attitude toward the symbols. He said, "In place of holy relics, I will give you the sign of the cross and the holy names of Jesus and Mary. Whenever you are in trouble, you make the sign of the cross and chant the names." The missionary who reported this episode allegedly witnessed for himself that they really worked.

Kirishitan warriors printed the cross, the name of Jesus, and some Latin letters on their banners, helmets, and military clothes, wishing for divine protection in battle. They also painted images of angels.'"

" INH, 1-1: 111. l2 Giovanni Battista de Monte, letter from Funai, December 1564, in FN 7:

3&31. '"N 9: 258. '%ePorts by Frois from Sakai, 30 June 1566. Cited in Okada Akio, Nat~ban

shrzzak~ ka (Tokyo: Chijinshokan, 1942), 137-140.

34 CHAPTER TWO

The Kirishitan lord Omura Sumitada was one of those who showed a special trust in the power of the cross. He wrote to Cosme de Torres:

By the virtuous power of the cross that I always kept next to my skin, our Lord blessed me with a number of victories, and helped me escape from many dangers. I will send the cross to you as proof of my faith. But please send me another cross. For, 1 will further deepen my faith (in the cross), if the cross is given by you.15

European missionaries did not deny Kirishitan belief in the healing power of holy water and other symbols. On the contrary, they provided symbols to them for that very purpose, without questioning the motivations of those who requested them. In so doing they justified and even promoted the Kirishitan faith in the symbols. Indeed, the missionaries themselves reported many cases of healing by holy watcr, In 1555, for instance, when a number of sick people came to a church in Bungo, "the medicine that missionaries usually provided to the sick was holy water and it was very effective. People came from ten to twelve legira away to recover by holy water."'Vn the same year, some people in Hirado who were possessed by the devil were restored to complete health by holy water.17 There is no denying that people's faith in Christian symbols became a "path breaker" for the Jesuit mission in many locales.

We may understand the Japanese Kirishitan's symbol-related expressions in light of the historical condition of the Japanese Church, where there was insufficient instruction available to the followers in the theological meanings of the symbols. Their expressions were, then, typical of the early stages of the Christian mission in Japan, revealing how the early followers made sense of the new religion.

Three of the impediments to sufficient doctrinal instruction were laid out in the previous chapter. First, due to persisting language barriers, Christian teaching was difficult to understand for the Japa- nese, ordinary followers and catechists alike. Second, most Kirishi- tan were converted through mass baptisms after only hearing a simple catechism. Third, the number of missionaries was desperately short for the large number of followers-it was impossible for a handful of European missionaries to teach thoroughly the catechism


and ritual of the new faith. Because of the different information available to the Japanese at different stages of mission activities, we cannot assume that the Japanese followers throughout the Christian century had the same understanding of the new symbols, which, logically speaking, must have determined their approach to those symbols. Doctrinal information undoubtedly became more available in the middle and late phases of the Christian century, and the content of that information likewise changed.

This does not mean, however, that the Japanese approach to the Christian symbols illustrated above faded out entirely once the preachers began to provide more and better catechisms. The historical explanation, which aanalyzes the expressions in the context of the historical development of the Church in Japan, is justified but it fails to explain the simplc hut vital point that the same expressions continued to appear throughout the Christian century and beyond. For example, after the Kirishitan Church began to have martyrs due to persecution, thc martyrs' relics, such as clothes and bones, were collected by followers to be used for healing purposes. According to the Jesuit annual report in 1612, a dying Kirishitan recovered by eating sands soaked with a martyr's blood.1s A record of the Bungo domain written in 1614 shows that 126 Kirishitan in Shimoge County submitted a total of 133 sacred objects, including sacred images and rosaries, when they apostatized under the order of the lord Hosokawa Tadaoki.lg

Here arises the need to interpret the Japanese followers' use of symbols in the context of Japanese religious culture. A great number of Kirishitan continued to worship holy images, articles, and relics, and believed that with the power of those symbols, they could cure illness and escape from sufferings. Such popular faith was essentially the same as the general popular faith in Japan.

The key concept here is "system." The overall symbolic system, viz., religious system, of the Japanese followers remained intact even after they began to use Christian symbols. For the system to be intact, symbolic constituents integrated within the system had to keep functioning in their proper positions, for the same purposes. People's

IS INH, 11-1: 341. "Shirnoge gun Baterzn monk on'aratame ch6." Cited in Furuno Kiyato,

Kirisl~itnrliznrnu no hiknku ker tky i (Tokyo: San'ichi Shobo, 1973), 76.

3 6 CHAPTER TWO

engagement with the Christian symbols can be understood as either substituting new symbols for existing symbols or adding new symbols to old ones. In either case, the motivation on the part of followers is the mysterious power which they found in the new symbols. When they found these so powerful that they no longer needed the old ones, they adopted the new and discarded the old. When the new symbols were thought to be less powerful but useful, however, they used them as a backup for the older ones.

As we saw in the Introduction to this work, the Japanese people's religious practice focused on gaining protection from illness, disaster, and misfortune in this world and in lives to come. During the century of conflict among regional warlords (the Sengoku period, 1467-1568), they added "peace in the afterlife" (gosho zenslzo) to their set of religious concerns. For this grand purpose, the Japanese used a variety of symbols and performed various rites. Some symbols, such as charms Cfu), wcrc believed to ward off evil spirits, and rites like incantation were believed to exorcise. The Kirishitan practice of placing the cross at the entrance of or inside of houses is apparently based on the Japanese popular custom of putting a charm at the house entrance to prevent evil spirits from coming inside. People joined pilgrimages to erase their bad karma, and recited the nenbutsu to ensure rebirth in the Pure Land. Each symbol or rite functioned for a separate purpose within the same popular religious system.

What people expected from the new religion was an alternative means to help them escape from the difficult reality of life-pain and suffering. They used Christian symbols as a replacement for or an addition to other popular religious practices thought to be effective for protection and healing. It is apparent that a large number of Kirishitan continued to engage in Japanese popular religious practices and use non-Christian symbols even after their baptism. In other words, new and old symbols (religious elements) coexisted within the same religious system. The Kirishitan text Sarubatcrru Munji (Salvator Mundi Confessionariunz), a text for confession translated and published in 1598, adds the following questions as a guidance for repentance:

Have you worshiped kami and hotoke after you have become Kirishi- tan? If you have, how many times?


Have you worried about the punishment of kami and hotoke? Also, have you thought that they could give human beings punishment or providence?

Have you, according to pagan practices, performed the worshiping of the sun and the moon (tsuki machi hi machi), or called for a miko20 and an ~ n r n ~ ~ j i ~ ~ for prayer ritual kit^) and incantation?

Have you participated in pagan events even if you remained Kirishitan inwardly?

Have you perf&ned fortune-telling for yourself or made others do it?22

These warnings, added in the Japanese translation, suggest that as late as 1598 Japanese followers were still engaged in such popular religious practices. Indeed, a Kirishitan confessed:

When my son was seriously ill, seeing his pressing hardship, I as Kirishitan prayed single-heartedly to Deus for saving his life. Yet, there was no use. I was afraid that he was so sick as to die. Agonized by seeing his hardship, and out of fear of losing him, I accepted the suggestion of a pagan. I called a yumubushi, who performed kit0 and provided him with an amulet [to protect him from the evil spirit].23

Frois' report on an event in 1564 in Iimori of the Kawachi district provides another curious example of the type of the Kirishitan practices which I am discussing. An elderly nobleman, who had become Kirishitan a few days before, was reciting the prayer of the Pure Land Buddhism (nenbutsu), "Namu Arnidabutsu," in front of a new Christian church. He was reciting with beads in his hand that were different from the ones for the Christian prayer. "Aren't you Kirishitan?" asked the priest who saw him praying. "Yes, Padre." answered the man. "Then, where are your Christian beads?" "I have them here, hanging on my waist." Asked why he was praying with the wrong beads, the man replied:

20 The shamanic medium who acted as mouthpiece for invisible spirits such as kami and ancestors.

The diviner, fortune-teller, and astrologer who, like Shugenja, performed many ritual services for the people, such as selling charms and performing incantation rituals.

22 Cited in Ebisawa Arimichi, Nzhort Kirishitan shi (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobb, 1966), 229.

23 NlHON NO COTOBA NI YO CONFESION: MODVS CONFITENIN ET EX- AMINA NU1 Pmrliter~tem Iaponerfen!, fonnrda filarnet lingua laporzica (Rome, 1632). Reprinted in Koriyado zange rokrl, ed. Otsuka Mitsunobu (Tokyo: Kasama Shobo, 1957), 12.

3 8 CHAPTER TWO

Padre, I have been a very sinful person, and I prayed with Christian beads, asking our Lord to have mercy for my soul. In a sermon, however, I learned that the Lord is very strict in his judgment. Since my sin is so great, I may not deserve the glory of Deus. I am, therefore, praying to Amida Buddha too so that I will be able to go to paradise (gokuraku), the Pure Land of Amida, in case I cannot go to heaven.z4

This amusing episode is a textbook example of the religious practice of lay Kirishitan. This story demonstrates a popular pattern of Japa- nese religious practices in two rcspccts. First, it illustrates the coex- istence of elements from the Pure Land tradition with those from the Catholic tradition in a double symbolization: the beads and the divine names. The man had two kinds of beads: one for the Christian prayer and the other for the Buddhist prayer. Beads here are the symbolic expression of his faith to diftercnt divinities.

Second, the narrative clearly depicts a common popular religious urientation of faith, which we may call a "spiritual insurance system." In case one method fails, people rely on another. The man was praying to Amida Buddha in case his prayer to Dcus failcd. For people with a "symbol-replacement/additionn type of faith, the origin of the symbols, which for intellectuals and scholars defines the formal meaning of religious symbols, was never a major concern. Any difference in the meaning of religious symbols for them did not constitute a difference in doctrine. The difference primarily lay in whether a religious symbol was efficacious for them or not. The separation of religious traditions which we tend to conceive, based on the pre- sumptive purity of tradition, does not effectively explain the man praying to both Deus and Amida Buddha.

The syncretistic character of the popular Kirishitan faith, in which old and new symbolic elements were incorporated into one religious structure, was also evident in the faith of military lords. An example is the first Kirishitan lord Omura Sumitada (1533-1587), who used religious names in various documents in place of his secular name. A religious name or title was probably the most straightforward symbol demonstrating one's relation to a particular faith. Using a religious name in a document was therefore a strong affirmation of one's devotion to the faith, as shown by the Japanese followers' use of Christian names in their documents during the persecution.


In the oft-quoted written oath ( k i s h ~ r n o n ) ~ ~ that Sumitada issued in 1576 to his most threatening foe R y m ~ j i Takanobu and his son Shigemasa, Sumitada promises that he will never take a hostile action against them. "Should I break my promise," he states in the oath, "the grace of the Heavenly Way (tento no garasa) and the luck of arms will end, and punishment would incur even to my descendants." The document is sealed with his Buddhist priest name " R i ~ e n . " ~ ~ The Heavenly Way (tento) was a term used by missionaries and Kirishitan as an alternative to Deus. The Jesuit policy of using original languages (Latin and Portuguese) for Christian terms, set by Nunes in 1555, did not exclude Japanese alternatives once and for all. Tent0 was one of at least four alternatives to Deus, and was perhaps in the most popular. By "the grace of the Heavenly Way" Su- mitada apparently meant the Christian divinity and providence. Thus, in the document, the Buddhist Sumitada made the oath under the name of the Christian deity.

According to thc historian Toyama Mikio, Sumitada rcceived the Buddhist priest name "Risen" when he took the tonsure (shukke) in Shingon Buddhism. This happened, as Toyama says, probably in 1574, eleven years after Sumitada was baptized (1563) with the Christian name of bar to lo me^.'^ A lay local patron of the Jesuit mis-

s Kishomon was a written oath in which one pledged under the names of divinities, and was similar to ordeal in that the wrong-doer would receive divine punishment. The format of kishonzon was specified in the thirteenth century. It became a popular practice among warlords and commoners during the Sengoku period, reflecting unstable political and social conditions. The first half of a written oath included items they pledged, and the second half articulated the divinities who would punish them if they should break their pledge.

'6 "Rymaji monjo" in Sagakerz shiryo shasei, komonjo hen 3, cited in several works, including Toyama Mikio, Chasei Kyushu shakai shi no kenkyli (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kiibunkan, 1986), 275-276.

27 Toyama Mikio, Chasei Kyushu shakai shi no kenkya, 274-280. Toyama finds this fact in several Japanese sources, including a record of the Omura family. It is not mentioned in European records.

We do not know much about the reason Sumitada came to have a Buddhist title, except that he had a close relationship with the priest of the Shingon temple H-nji on Mt. Tara in his domain. Toyama suggests that Sumitada took the tonsure upon the recommendation of the priest in order to solve in a religious fashion his vassals' rebellions that continued until 1574 (Toyama, 280).

That Sumitada took the tonsure in the year 1574 puzzles historians, because in that year he began a full-scale Kirishitanization of his domain by ordering a persecution of Buddhism and Shinto after a strong request from the Vice-Provincial Gas- par Coelho. Toyama assumes from various documents that Sumitada took the ton-

40 CHAPTER TWO

sionaries, Sumitada not only had personal devotion to the new faith, but also ordered the conversion of the whole b u r a domain populat- ed by more than thirty-five thousand residents, including approximately two hundred Buddhist monks and priests. He demolished thirty-one Buddhist temples and ten Shinto shrines within his terri- tory.2Tonsequently, it has been concluded that his faith in the new religion was "pure" and "serious" despite his mundane economic and political motivations for becoming Ki r i~ l i i t an .~~ This is how Europe- an missionaries portrayed him, leading most historians to follow this same interpretation.

It is therefore interesting, even puzzling, that Sumitada received a Buddhist position and name after he was baptized. On the one hand, Sumitada was the Christian Bartolomeu and, on the other, he was the Buddhist Risen. On the clerical level, Buddhism and Christianity were in severe conilict with each other in the Omura domain, like any other district where Christian missionaries were active, but now the two traditions were both incorporated within Sumitada's personal religious practice.

Here, an attempt to determine whether Sumitada was Buddhist or Christian, based on the "either-or" presupposition about his faith, seems unrewarding. For example, to explain his seemingly ambiva- lent religious orientation, we may want to refer to the secular military leaders' custom in medieval times of taking the tonsure with a Buddhist priest title upon their nominal retirement. We may, then, provisionally conclude that his use of the Buddhist name does not

sure after March but before 18 October. On that date he had a meeting with Coelho, and Toyama presumes that after the meeting with Coelho Sumitada was single- heartedly devoted to the Kirishitan faith (Toyama, 278).

?8 Nei Kiyoshi, S h g e n d o to Kirishitan (Tokyo: Tokyodo Shuppan, 1988), 147-150. " There is no denying that economic and political interests factored into Sumi- tada's relation to the Church. In 1562, one year before his baptism, Yokoseura in his domain had been chosen as the new port for Portuguese trading ships. It was for the European missionaries to decide which ports the Portuguese ships should visit. Gaining favor with the missionaries meant securing the great economic advantage of having income from anchorage fees and from the trade the ships brought. Further, after becoming a Kirishitan, Sumitada was involved in incessant political power struggles within his own domain as well as with neighboring warlords, especially Ryiizoji Takanobu of Saga. His donation of lands of Nagasaki and Mogi to the Church in 1580 typified his efforts to solve economic and political problems by taking advantage of his relation to the Church. See George Elison, Dais Destroyed, 9 5 9 4 , and V M K I 1 : 328-330.

UNDERSTANDING NEW SYMBOLS 4 1

indicate any serious devotion to Buddhism and that he in fact was only Christian. But there is no proving that Sumitada was less serious about Buddhism in taking the tonsure than he was in receiving Baptism. At any rate, Sumitada's case demonstrates the syncretistic character of the popular Kirishitan faith, and is perhaps best understood with an integrative, syncretistic model of Japanese religion in which new and old symbols coexisted.

The Christian symbols responded well to the lay Kirishitan's religious needs. The way the new symbols satisfied people's needs, as well as the religious structure in which the new and old symbols were organized together, matches the pattern of popular religious culture of Japan. Therefore, the type of Kirishitan expressions I have discvsscd so far shows not only a historical stage in the growth of the Kirishitan tradition but also a persistent pattern of Japanese popular religion in general, sharing in the forms of popular religion of the early modern period.

People's practice of the Christian faith in conjunction with their own traditional religious practice was found in China also. Chinese Christians continued to observe "the family rites associated with the funeral of the ncwly dead and with showing respect to the ancestors." The Chinese were allowed to continue these traditional rites by the Jesuit missionaries who regarded them as expressing personal and social morality "compatible with Chri~tianity."~~ But the rituals obviously continued due to Chinese people's insistence upon pre- serving them even after becoming Christian, and this suggests that the old and new religious elements coexisted in their religious world.

Concerning people's use of Christian devotional symbols for this- worldly benefits, we again find a similar case in China. The Chinese people have a custom of placing on the entrance to their house, especially on New Year's Day, a paper on which the images of non- Christian deities are drawn, believing they will protect the house from suffering. So, the Jesuits had the names of Jesus and the Virgin Mary carved on plates, which Christians printed on papers in various colors and put at entrances or gates to their h o ~ s e s . ~ '

"' Andrew C. Ross, A Vision Betrayed, 152. " Ymawa Toshihiko et al., ed., Clzagoku Kirisutokyo f ikyoshi 2, Daikokai jidai sosho 11-9 (Tokyo: Iurruiami Shoten, 1983), 54.

42 CHAPTER TWO

Using Christian objects for the purpose of this-worldly needs, as seen among the Japanese and Chinese followers, can be further compared with popular religious practice in Europe. In Local Religion in Sixteenth Spain, William Christian illustrates a rich variety of popular practices of the Catholic faith in Central Spain. For example, the cult of relics was a part of Christian religion in Spain (as in the rest of Catholic Europe, Christian presumes) long before images of saints were objects of devotion^.^' Bones or hodics of martyrs were highly valued, and they were believed to work miracles such as warding off storms, bringing rain, or curing the sick. "In an age where all the essentials of life were beyond most people's control or foresight," people also performed rites to protect crops from blight, or used an arsenal of supernatural charms to address "the immediate pressing concerns of human s ~ r v i v d ~ l . " ~ ~ "us using Christian symbols for secular purposes was observed in Catholic Europc as well.

In this connection, Stephen Turnbull argues that the approaches of ordinary followers to holy objects in Japan were originally transmitted from the popular Catholicis~n of sixteenth-century Europe. Dur- ing the Christian century, Kirishitan were introduced to the magical and mystical beliefs and practices of European commoners who "accepted the veneration of images, the association of saints and martyrs with healing, an attitude towards objects such as rosaries that went far beyond devotional use."34 Turnbull explains how this popular Catholicism, brought to Japan by missionaries, grew within the country to root itself within Kirishitan faith and practice. In the course of this process, this popular Catholicism interacted with Japa- nese religion; the polytheistic tendencies of popular Catholicism, in particular, resonated well with Japanese beliefs in kami. Turnbull thus presents the "transformation" of Christian faith in the Japanese setting in which "old beliefs [became] mixed with the new,"35 sug-

32 William A. Christian, Jr., Local Religion in Sixteenth-Cenhtry Spain (Prince- ton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 126146. " Euan Cameron, The Eziropenn Reformation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 10.

3"teplien Turnbull, The Knkwe Kirisltirnn of Japan: A Study of their Develop- ment, Beliefr mid Rikials to the Present Day (Richmond, U.K.: Japan Library, 1998), 85.

3"~rnbull, The Kohrre Kirishirnn of Japan, 108.


gesting a process through which Japanese religious sentiments pene- trated Christian religious forms.

Turnbull's point is nicely made, but can be applied only partially. Like other transformation theories which hold that Catholic faith changed, or corrupted, in the process of years of interaction with Japanese religion, his theory presupposes that native followers were once "pure Christians," who in the beginning fully understood the "content" of each and every aspect of their faith and practice. I do not doubt at all that there were Japanese Christians for whom this transformation theory works perfectly. But the data available to us today strongly suggests that such followers were very limited in number and by no means representative of the Kirishitan faith in general.

Moreover, we must recognize that people could accept the Chris- tian faith for their own reasons and interests. They had freedom to choose what they wanted from the religious system; they could be Kirishitan in their own way. Their use of various devotional symbols of Christianity fox mundane purposes is just one example. This perspective can perhaps be usefully applied to the cases in China and Europe as well, but we should not emphasize the similarity so much as to become blind to differences. Japanese followers' eclectic religious practice, which incorporated elements from very different origins-Christianity, Buddhism, Shinto, Taoism, and so on-must be noted as remarkably unique and essentially different from popular practice in Europe that had long been dominated by Christianity.

Images of European Priests

The foregoing interpretation of symbols helps us understand the state of the early lay Kirishitan religious attitude, but it does not explain why the Japanese were attracted to the new symbols. Having argued that the meaning of religious symbols for ordinary Japanese was primarily one of healing power, let me put thc question in this way: Why did the Japanese perceive the symbols to have a mysterious power of protection and healing?

Especially important in this context is the supernatural power which the Japanese sensed in the European missionaries who brought the new religious symbols. The Europeans who sailed through India

44 CHAPTER TWO

to Japan were received as people from Tenjiku (India); they were called Tenjiku-jin (Tenjiku people), and their faith Tenjiku-shu (the faith of Tenjiku). At the beginning, the feeling that the Tenjiku people had some supernatural power was strong among the Japancse. The missionaries, who preached the religion of Tenjiku, were believed to be apparitional figures performing supernatural magic. For example, a diary of the Shinto Yoshida family, under the date of 21 September 1551, refers to Christianity as maha, or the law of apparitional devils, and attrihutes the collapse of Ouchi Yoshitaka, lord of Yamaguchi, to his people's practice of that law.36

Understandably enough, it was Buddhist monks who provoked the idea that European missionaries were strange apparitional magicians and demons. We cannot read Jesuit reports in the early years of their mission to Japan without cncountering stories of local preachers, especially Buddhist monks and Shugendb practitioners, who spread ill rumors about the missionaries as a result of their confrontation with them.

One reason for this confrontation was obviously that the missionaries role among the commoners conflicted with the local religionists who were taking care of ordinary people's mundane religious needs pertaining to individual, family, and communal lives. This further suggests that there was a similarity of "image" between the local preachers and the missionaries. Of the local priests, Shugenja perhaps surpassed ordinary Buddhist priests in terms of their presence among the populace, and they were therefore regarded as a Japanese counterpart of the European missionaries when the latter came to Japan.

Shugenja were "persons who master[ed] extraordinary religious power." The Shugenja were more commonly called yamabushi, meaning "those who make mountains their home." The name Shugenja came from the tradition they practiced, Shugendo, which means "the way [do] of mastering [shu] extraordinary religious power [gen]."37 They were not new to the Japanese in the sixteenth century, but their influence among the commoners rapidly grew during that century as Japan's institutional religious traditions lost their appeal. This loss was due in part to the religious institutions'

36 Okada Akio, Kirishitan Bateren (Tokyo: Shibundo, 1955), 160. 37 Byron Earhart, "Shugend6," in The Eucyclopedlrt oJReligion.


internal secularization and military involvement. During the sixteenth century, the Shugenja rapidly promoted ties with "parishioners" as they stopped being itinerant priests and settled in villages. The western Kyushu, where the Kirishitan faith flourished, was especially known for active Shugenja connected with Mt. Unzen in Shimabara. The people relied the most upon these popular religious practitioners, and Shugenja's world view and their ethos inevitably influenced those of the populace.

When we locate the area of popular religion in the interaction between folk practices and institutionalized religious systems, we must pay altention to those who mediated between the two religious realms and made interaction possible. 'The practice of mixing different religious elements was greatly promoted by such popular ministers as Shugenja who left their temples and shrines and evangelized among the common people.

The Shugendo practice emerged from the ancient Japanese mountain faith. Originally its practitioners focused almost solely on attaining supernatural power through religious austerities and pilgrimages to sacred mountains. During the Heian period (781-1191), however, while practitioners interested simply in pursuit of their individual salvation continued to stay in the mountains, a large number of "ordinary" practitioners began to minister to the people's religious needs by performing rituals and guiding them on pilgrimages. Popular expectations of the Shugenja7s spiritual power rapidly increased in the sixteenth century as they came down from the mountains to settle in villages, and as their practices became part of the regular communal activities of the villages. Their settlement in villages resulted mainly from the military lords' religious control in their domains and it entailed a major change in their own religious practice. Their mountain training (mineiri) became less austere and more formalized, and was substantially reduced, indicating that the practitioners shifted their focus of activities from mountain asceti- cism to ministering to the people. They became primarily concerned with service for a lay clientele.38

As a result of their closer connection with villagers, Shugenja responded more to a variety of mundane needs of the populace. Thcir

38 Miyamoto Kesao, Suto shugerz 110 kertkyn (Tokyo: Ynshikawa Kuhunkan, 1984): 19-25,

46 CHAPTER TWO

ritual system included a number of religious rites and symbols from Shinto, Buddhist, and Taoist origins. According to Miyake Hitoshi, the Shugendo rituals were structured around three central elements: identification with a deity, manipulation of the deity, and exorcism of evil influences. The bottom line was the removal of evil: "The explicit function of the religious rituals of Shugendo . . . is to remove evil influences and misfortunes from their daily lives."3'

The most frequent need of the people was healing. They sought worldly benefits in Shugenja's exorcistic healing ritual called kaji- kitn. In addition, the people received various magico-religious materials and verbal symbols that were believcd to have healing power. Charms Cfu) with magical letters taken from sutras, mantras, and Taoist divination (varying according to the type of illness) constituted the most popular symbols. The people attached those charms to houses or to their bodies in order to cure ailments and protect their bodies from evils. Spells ('jumon) were also recited for healing purposes. A specific spell was available for each different ailment such as a spell for toothaches and a spell for burns. These symbols were sometimes used individually, but often were employed in combination with other symbols or as a part of ritual exorcisms.40

Shugenja thus greatly influenced commoner daily religious life and their activities reflected popular religious needs. Shugendo activities therefore provide us with Japanese counterparts in our comparative examination between the Japanese popular religion and the Kirishitan faith. Kirishitan counterparts to Shugenja were the missionaries in general, but most of all European priests.

According to Frois, for example, monks in Miyako (Kyoto) called him and other missionaries "ones possessed by demons." Further, whenever a disturbing thing happened in their town, they would attribute it to the missionaries. They would talk about the missionaries as magicians preaching demonic teachings, bringing the whole country into turmoil.41 In his letter dated 2 October 1557, Padre Gas- par Vilela wrote that people in Hirado were saying that missionaries

3Y Miyake Hitoshi, "Religious Rituals in Shugend-A Summary," Japanese Journal of Religious Sh~dies 1612-3 ( 1 989): 113.

40 Mlyamoto Kesao, Sato shugen no kenkya, 183-210. 4' FN 3: 110.


ate human flesh, and that this rumor, spread by the Buddhist monks, had traveled across the country.42

The local preachers who spread these rumors were not necessarily driven by sincere religious motives, such as the refutation of the Christian doctrine. Rather, they were largely driven by a fear of losing parishioners to the new preachers. The Kirishitan Church was not the only group to face such negative reactions from old religious groups. Until the beginning of thc modern period in Japan, whenever new religious movements gained popularity and appeared to supplant existing religious authorities, they faced similar problems. The best known cases include the powerful suppression of new Buddhist movements in the Kamakura period by Tendai monks, and the Shinto and Buddhist authorities' clamp-down on new religious movements during the late Tokugawa period.

It is apparent from missionary reports that these negative rumors greatly influenced the common pcople's image of the missionaries and their activities. But at the same time, the European missionaries themselves were partly responsible for their image as exotic ritualists rather than evangelists of the IIoly Gospels. A 1576 report by Cabral depicts mission groups in which sacramental duties appeared magical. It says that European missionaries could only administer the sacraments, and for the rest of the missionary work they would direct the Japanese preachers who were the really effective workers.43 For the Japanese, the cognitive messages came from the Japanese catechists who, as Japanese, were familiar to the audience, while rituals and symbols were managed by the exotic Europeans. It is thus understandable that Japanese perceived the missionaries as exotic figures who manipulated mysterious rituals and symbols.

Yet, people's fear of missionaries as magicians, mysterious Ten- jiku-jin, or apparitional beings, was not necessarily disadvantageous to the evangelization of the new faith because by such a view the Japanese were conditioned to see mysterious power in the missionaries. Insofar as people recognized a person as possessing mysterious potency, the leap from an evil to a good image was a small one. A mysterious magician could become a living god, in a way analogous

" Gaspar Vilela, letter, 2 October 1557. Cited in Okada Akio, Kirishitarz Rateren (Tokyo: Sh~hundii, 1955), 163.

43 KWPJ 1: 233. Schiittc paraphrases Cabral's Icttcr to Valigano in 1576.

48 CHAPTER TWO

to an evil kami that could become a good kami, as we saw in the Introduction to this work with the example of the goryo-e rite. What changed the image of the missionary was, of course, people's faith. They expected from missionaries tangible and physical benefits, such as healing. When their desire was actually satisfied, they came to have faith in the missionaries. But their faith was groundless unless they found power in the missionaries in the first place. Behind their motives for having faith in the new religion lay their belief in the mysterious supernatural power of the missionaries themselves.

Things associated with a sacred person were certainly special and, i n most cases, they were equally sacred. Kirishitan were attracted to the mysterious power of a living European missionary, not just to the holy saints or martyrs. Many of the missionaries' own accounts demonstrate this point. According to Frois, for example, when Padre Torres cut his hair Kirishitan always secretly collected his hair. They also treasured pieces taken from his old clothes, and his writings were also treated as sacred object^.^

In summation, Japanese followers displayed a keen interest in the new symbols brought by the European missionaries. The manner in which they used the symbols demonstrated that they understood the symbols to have supernatural healing and protective powers. The fact that they continued to have faith in the healing power of the symbols themselves even after more catechismal instruction became available suggests that they understood the symbols based on broad Japanese popular religious tendencies. Emphasizing this cultural understanding, we may say that within the Kirishitan tradition-perhaps as in any religious tradition in Japanese history-a syncretistic type of faith continued to exist. And that type of faith persisted as a significant characteristic of the Kirishitan tradition.

Stressing a historical understanding, however, we may say that such uses of Christian symbols by Japanese followers rested on insufficient theological instruction, a specific historical condition in the early stage of the Kirishitan tradition. Symbols, in this circumstance, provided the first clues for the Japanese to understand the new faith brought by the Europeans. The Kirishitan use of thesc symbols demonstrates how the Japanese first made sense of Catholicism.


The sociologist Edward Shils has proposed a model of the changes in a tradition that occur as a result of association with different traditions. Assuming that a tradition is a cluster of "elements," Shils explains its change by focusing on the level of interaction between these elements. He argues that thc change of a tradition follows the order of addition, amalgamation, then either absorption or fusion. The "addition" and "replacemcnt" of religious symbols in the development of the Kirishitan tradition correspond to "addition" and "amalgamation" in Shils' model. In the stage of "addition," recipients add something new to themselves while continuing to do and believe more or less what they did before. The next stage, "amalgamation," occurs by renunciation or modification of elements hitherto regarded as integral to the traditions, and through the replacement of those elements with corresponding elements from another tradition.4s

Since Shils' model is of an ideal type, we must understand that the demarcation bctwcen stages is much less clear in actual historical progress, where the characteristics of each stage were found in juxta- position with another. Nonetheless, the model is useful for understanding the emergence of the syncretistic Kirishitan faith and for illustrating later developments of the Kirishitan tradition. The following chapters trace the development of the Kirishitan tradition by exploring new types of Kirishitan faith that emerged and came to coexist with the one I have discussed in this chapter.

" Edward Shils, Tradifion (Chicago: The IJniversity of Chicago Press, 1981), 275-279.

CIIAF'TER THREE

THE DOCHIRIINA KIIUSHITN, A CATECHISM

In his report on the Jesuit mission in Japan in 1591 and 1592, Padre Luis Frois confidently wrote that the Society had many Europeans "who have mastered Japanese enough to fulfill the duty of a teacher in Japan."' His report is substantiated by records of the European members' skills in Japanese. The Society of Jesus' annual rosters included evaluations of their linguistic proficiencies using four grades: "none," "a little," "average," and "very good." They often included additional notes such as "listens to Japanese confessions" (for padres) or "preaches in Japanese" (for padres and irmbos). A quick comparison between 1585 and 1592, for example, shows that the European missionaries had made remarkable progress.

The 1585 roll noted that fourteen out of the twenty-seven padres "listen to Japanese confessions," while the remaining thirteen "understand no Japanese." Only two out of the ten irm6os had "averagc understanding of Japanese," while the rest had none. The padres' sharp division between the categories, "listen to Japanese confessions" and "understand no Japanese," suggests that padres who understood even a littlc Japancse listened to confessions. This is no surprise in light of the great demand for confessors by 1 585.2

In the 1592 roll we find a significant change-ut of the forty-two padres, sixteen "have very good understanding of Japanese," including ten capablc of preaching, twenty-one "good enough to listcn to confessions," and three who "have average understanding." The twenty European irmaos had made similar progress: two were able to preach, nine had a good knowledge of Japanese, and five an average understanding. One padre and three irmaos ranked as having "a little Japanese understanding." The number of padres and irmbos noted as

' Luis Frois, the annual report of Japan for 1591 and 1592, 10/1/1592; INH 1-1: 205.

Jesuitas na Asia. Codex. 49-IV-56. f. 1-3. Statistics published in Arai Toshi, "Kirishitan ban no shuppan to sono shiihen (3)," Biblia 29 (October 1964): 50-51.

THE DOCHIRIINA KIRISHITAN 5 1

having no understanding of ~ a ~ a n e s e had dramatically dropped to only one in each group.3

There is no easy path to mastering a foreign language. Only the Jesuits' strenuous efforts made their impressive progress possible. Especially important was their compilation of Japanese dictionaries and grammar books. These texts were monumental achievements and amply demonstrate the extraordinary efforts and dedication these missionaries had toward the study of the new language. Their Japa- nese-Portuguese dictionary, for example, contains some thirty-two thousand Japanese words. Four centuries after publication, it remains an indispensable reference for scholars of Japanese literature of the late medieval and early modern period.

The compilation of Japanese texts was aimed at facilitating missionary language learning, but the manual transcription of these texts was extremely time-consuming. According to Frois, "pudres and irrnios had to spcnd so much time copying Japanese grammar books, dictionaries, catechisms, and other books that they might waste their whole life for it."4 Ironically, the copying work was sometimes bur- densome enough to discourage the missionaries from continuing their language study completely. In some cases it resulted in damage to their hea1th.j

On his second visit to Japan in July of 1590, Visitor Alessandro Valignano brought with him a printing press from Italy for the purpose of lessening this textual burden on the missionaries. Printing commenced immediately. The invention of Japanese press characters that year made it possible to print texts in Japanese. By 1612, when Jesuit printing (Kirishitan ban) ended due to intensified persecution,

' Numbers were drawn from "Rol das cassas e residencias que tem a compa na Vice prouincia de JapHo neste mez de nouembro do anno de 92. c6 os nomes dos pes e Jrm5os q nellas residem." Published in Japanese translation as "Nihon Yasokai rnokuroku: (1) 1592 nen no rnokuroku," in Doi Tadao, Kirishitan hunken ko (Tokyo: Sanseido, 1963), 324-341.

Luis Frois, letter to general, 12/13/1584; quoted in Japanese translation in Arai Toshi, "Kirishitan ban no shuppan to sono shuhen (I)," Biblin 23 (1962): 53-54.

Alessandro Valignano, S.J., Adiciones del Siirnario de Japdn (1592), ed. JosC Luis Alvarez-Taladriz (Osaka, 1954), 635. See also Ami Toshi, "Kirishitan ban no shuppan to so no shi~hen (2)," Bihlia 24 (March 1963): 34-36.

52 CHAPTER THREE

the Society had printed approximately one hundred works, more than thirty of which still exist.6

The Society did not limit itself to publishing language texts alone; the published texts encompassed such genres as theological education, spiritual training, and ritual performance, as displayed in the list below. Each publication's purpose and intended readership are evident from its title, languages, and characters of transcription. We may divide the Jesuit publications into four basic groups, according to their language and characters (titles are abbreviated):

1) Latin in roman characters (for European missionaries and Europe- an and Japanese students of Latin):

Exercifia Spirihdia (1596); Compendium Spiritualis Doctrinae (1596); Compendium Manualis Nauarri (1596); Catechismo Romano (1596); Aphorisrni Confessariorurn (1603); Munuule ad Sacmmenta (1605); Floscuri (1610).

2) Japanese in roman characters (for European missionaries and students who studied Japanese and preached to Japanese followers):

Sanctos no Gosagueono uchi Nuqigaqi (Extracts from the livcs of the saints) (1591); Fides no Doxi (Guide to the faith) (1592); Doctrina Christam (1592; 1600); Feiqe no Monogatari (The tale of the Heike) (1592); Esopo no Fabulas (Aesop's Fables) (1593); Qincuxu (Collec- tions of maxims) (1593); Contemptus Mundi (The imitation of Christ) (1596); Spiritual Xuguio (Spiritual exercises) (1607); Fides no Quio (Guide to the faith) (1611).

3) Japanese in Japanese characters (for European and Japanese missionaries who studied Japanese and preach, and lay followers who learned the teachings):

Orasho to mandamentosu* (Prayers and commandments) (1590, 1591); Zensa ni hio okurubeki tameni tamotsubeki jojo* (Articles for leading days with good conduct) (1590); Dochiriina Kirishitan (Kirishitan doctrine) (1591); B y ~ j a o tasukuru kokoroe* (Instructions for saving the sick) (1592); Salvator Mundi, Confessionarium** (1598); Racuyoxu (Dictionary of the Chinese characters) (1598); Gy- ado pekadorulGuia do Pecudor (1599); Dochirina Kirishi- tanlDoctrina Christam (1600); Orusho no hon'yaku (Translation of prayers) IDoctrinae Christianae (1600); Wa-kan raishu (A collection

' ~bisawa Arimichi, "Kirishitan ban," in Nilwtt Kirisulokyo rekishi dai-jitett, ed. Ebisawa Arirnichi ct al. (Tokyo: Kyobunkan, 1988).


of Japanese poems) (1600); Kontemutsusu mundilContemptus Mundi (The imitation of Christ) (1610).

* Tentative Japanese title (original title is unknown); " * Title in Latin only.

4) Latin, Portuguese, and Japanese in roman characters (for Europe- an missionaries and students who studied Japanese, and Japanese students who studied Latin and Portuguese):

De Institutione Grammatica (The Latin grammar [Latin, Portuguese, and Japanese]) (1594); Dictionarium Latino Lusitanicum ac Iaponi- cum (Latin-Portuguese-Japanesc dictionary) (1595); Vocahulario da Lingoa de Iupam (Japanese-Portuguese dictionary) (1603-1604); Arte da Lingua de Iapan~ (Japanese grammar book) (1604-1608).7

The importation of a printing press increased the momentum not only of missionary education, but also of popular edification about the Kirishitan teachings, for it raised an opportunity to print a standard translation of the Christian catechism to be circulated among the Kirishitan communities in the country. The Jesuits aimed at providing uniform catechistical instruction after a thorough revision of previous translations. In order to enforce uniformity of the teachings, the previous translations of the catechism were prohibited.

The Dochiriina Kirishitan was published in 1591 for the purpose of popular edification. It was printed in a vernacular Japanese style with a mixture of Japanese hiragana and Chinese characters. A year later the same catechism was also published in roman characters so that those European missionaries not yet familiar with written Japa- nese would be able to preach it. In 1600 the Jesuits published a revised edition of the Dochiriina Kirishitan in both Japanese and ro- manized versions. Among the Jesuit publications in Japan known to us, only the Dochiriina went into a revised edition.

Unfortunately, we do not know the total number of printed copies of the Dochiriina. We can get some idea of the extent of mission publications from the fact that more than fifteen hundred copies of the Salvator Mundi, Confessionarium, a text for confession, were

I created this list based on the following sources: Arai Toshi, "Kirishitan ban no shuppan to su no shiihen (2)-(5); Biblin 24 (March 1963): 34-41; Bibliu 29 (Octo- ber 1964): 4653; Biblia 30 (March 1965): Biblia 45-51; Riblia 31 (June 1965): 62-70; Ebisawa Arimichi, "Kirishitan ban," in Nihori Kirisutokyo rekishi dai-jiten.

5 4 CHAPTER THREE

published in 1598.8 In light of the purpose of the Dochiriina, we may reasonably assume that at least one copy of the text, either the 1591 or 1600 version, was available to most Kirishitan communities across the country. The Dochiriina Kirishitan was the standard text for popular education in the Kirishitan faith, used not only for the instruction of the catechumens but also for regular preaching to local followers .'

A Text for Popular Edification

There arc four aspects of Dochiriina Kirishilun that make it a useful source for investigating the Kirishitan teachings to Japanese followers. First, because this text was designcd for popular edification, it most directly influenced the formation of lay Kirishitan spirituality. Sccond, as a unified, standard text distributed across the country, it established a general pattern of popular edification. Third, since its original text is known, we can comparatively examine it with its original text to discover unique parts of the Japanese edition. Fourth, because the text was compiled after two decades of use, we can pre- sume that those specific parts were fairly well-established when they appeared in the finalized printed edition.

The Jesuit motivation for publishing a text for popular edification in Japan may be explained by referring to the catechism activity in sixteenth-century Europe that spread through both Protestant and Catholic communities. This activity promoted popular understanding of Christian doctrine and entailed a major change in the traditional practice of catechesis, "ministry of the Words." The change was essentially twofold: First, catechesis was no longer the preoccupation of individual elites but became also a concern of the public because it "exploded into widespread agitation and action that eventually touched every stratum of society." Furthermore, the method of transmission of the catechesis shifted from oral forms, such as lec- tures and sermons, to printed texts, catechism. Pastors and priests began to be seen as teachers of catechism. As for its contents, "sub- structures governed by a particular theological viewpoint began to be

Arai Toshi, "Kirishitan ban no shuppan to sono shuhen (3)," Riblia 29 (October 1964): 49.

'Annual report of Japan (1589); INH 1-1: 1-5, pabsim.


introduced into texts, even though traditional materials like the Creed and the Decalogue were retained."1° Designed for public edification, especially for the education of baptized children, catechisms in the sixteenth century became "more an exercise of mind and memory" to test the religious knowledge of Christians. Its question-and-answer format spurred this tendency."

The Society of Jesus was a front runner in the new catechistical movement within the Catholic Church, producing popular catechisms in many localities. The Small Catechism (Catechismus mini- mus) by Peter Canisius (1521-1597), published in Germany in 1558, was an extremely successful one that ran through innumerable edi- tions and translations. Canisius' catechism, written in the question- and-answer format, was a concise presentation of Catholic doctrine focusing on wisdom (faith, hope, love, and the seven sacraments) and justice ("evil-avoiding" and "doing good") and it became the preeminent Catholic catechism for lay Christian education.

What the Society in Japan obviously intended was to publish a Catholic catechism in Japanese. Accordingly, the Dochiriina adopted the question-and-answer format, following the style of European catechisms; its language was "close to the ears of the populace so that all people high and low may easily comprehend the points."12 Its contents basically followed the structure of Canisius' catechism, as I will discuss below in detail.

The Dochiriina Kirishitan focused on a concise presentation of the Christian doctrine in a popular form, and this editorial approach was significant because the Society in Japan had heretofore concen- trated on criticisms of non-Christian religious traditions. Christian refutation of Japanese religious traditions had formed a significant part of the teachings directed to the Japanese. These criticisms helped to establish the originality of the gospel message within the Japanese religious culture. The Jesuits' refutation-based doctrine began with the catechisms of Xavier and developed into the CATE- CHISMVS CHRISTLANAE FIDEI (1 586) by the Visitor Alessandro Valignano, and the Myotei mond~ (Myotei dialog, 1605) by the Jap- anese Irmao Fabian Fucan. Valignano's catechism was compiled for

lo John W. O'Malley, The First .lesuits (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 1 1 7-1 18. " John W . O'Malley, The Firsf Jesuils, 123-124.

l2 Prefacc to Dochiriirzn Kirishirnr~; KH, 14.

5 6 CHAPTER THREE

students at Jesuit schools in Japan and the first five of its twelve chapters argued that all Japanese religious teachings were false and illusory. It aimed to demonstrate logically that none of the kami, buddhas, and bodhisattvas were able to control this or the future world, and that none of their teachings could realize salvation.

The Dochiriina Kirishitan was the standard and the only catechism allowed to be disseminated to all Kirishitan communities in Japan. Thc First Mission Congress of Japan, held in 1592, proposed that the Dochiriina Kirishitan "prevail across the country, bringing great benefits to the Christians." The Congress was also concerned that the written messages available for popular edification be unified in both quality and content. It therefore banned the use of other written sources, saying, "We should see to it that, as the Visitor decided, no other prayers and interrogations of thc Christian doctrine are allowed and uniformity will appear in the whole Christianity." The Dochiriina was standard also as the best translation that the So- ciety in Japan had ever produced. Prior to its publication, the Con- gress said, the Christian doctrine had been "variously translated into thc Japanese language by the Japanese irmdos who did not understand the idioms of our language, and the padres were unable to decide whether it was translated well into this new language or not." However, the Dochiriina was published "after thorough and diligent examinations by the padres, who are now very familiar with Japa- nese, and by Japanese irmGos."13

Kamei Takashi and others identified the Dochiriina as a translation of the Catholic catechism written by the Portuguese Jesuit P. Marcos Jorge (1524-1608), Doctrina ChristG Ordenada a maneira de Dialogo, pera ensinar os meninos, pelo Padre Marcos Jorge da Companhia de lesu, Doutor em Theologia. . . . (Lisboa, 1566). This is a remarkable and important discovery, because a comparison of the two texts reveals that the Japanese Dochiriina is not simply the same text translated into another language. It is a commonplace that a translation is inevitably an interpretation that both adds to and de- tracts from the words in the original text. But the Dochiriina Kirishitan did much more-although its basic structure is almost the

l%ticulub XXXV. Dt: Doctrina Christians, "Primera CongrcgaciBn de Jap6n (1592)," In Adiciones del Szin~ario de Japdn (1592), ed. Jost Luis Alvarez-Talatlriz (Osaka, 1954), 728-729.


same as the Portuguese text, there are a number of crucial modifications in the Japanese text.

Significantly, the Dochiriina, published in 1591, was not the first Japanese translation of Jorge's catechism. The Portuguese text, which gained a great reputation in Portugal after it was published in 1566 in Lisbon, arrived in Japan in 1568. According to Irm5o Miguel Vas, Jorge's catechism was immediately translated into Japanese.14 In 1570, perhaps at the conference in Shiki which Francisco Cabral convened, Jorge's text was chosen as the official text for the Chris- tian edification in Japan, taking the place of Nunes' "Twenty-five Articles" (Ni j~~go-kaj~) that had been used since 1556.15 Until the publication of the Dochiriina in 1591, more Japanese translations of Jorge's text were attempted, which, we may reasonably assume, involved continuous modification of previous translations so that thcy would apply to different Japanese missionary situations. For example, the Japanese catechism had to be used most often for instructing the adult catechumens and the Kirishitan in general, rather than for the baptized children for whom Jorge's catechism was originally written.lh It is obvious, then, that additions in the Dochiriina reflect the problems and difficulties that missionaries confronted in the course of teaching the text.

The aspects of the Dochiriina Kirishitan that I have illustrated thus far make the text a useful source for exploring the Kirishitan teachings given to followers, and it suggests a twofold approach to the text. The first is concerned with analyzing the text itself. Com- parison of the original and the Japanese texts serves this purpose. Comparative analyses can help us establish the uniqueness of the Japanese catechism as a popular Christian doctrine, by examining what ideas were added, subtracted, or changed in the process of translation to make the catechism understandable to the Japanese readers. Moreover, this line of exploration may lead us to inquire as to why those changes were necessary.

'' Miguel Vas, letter from Shiki, 1568, in Nagasaki sosho, Yasokai nenpo, 340. Quoted in Arai Toshi, "Kirishitan ban no shuppan to sono shuhen (7); Bibliu 39 (July 1968): 42.

'j Kamei Takashi, Hubert Cieslik S.J., and Kojima Yukie, Kirislzitan yori: .sono lton'atz oyobi horz'yaku no jitmi (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1983), 25-26.

l6 Karnei Takashi et a]., Kirislziran yari, 21-26.

5 8 CHAPTER THREE

The second part of the twofold approach is concerned with the description of the text. As a text for Japanese readers, the Dochiriina must be described in its own terms as a structured presentation, not simply as a translation. For the average Japanese follower, it was of no significance whether the text they were learning was a translation, a modification of translation, or an original edition. It was what was given to them. It is crucial to recognize this if one is to understand the text's significance in Japanese religious culture, something addressed in the next chaptcr.

A Kirishilan Texl: Some Churucleristics

'The Japanese text, after twenty-ycars of experimental use, had incorporated answers to questions that Japanese tended to ask, and had become a reflective and adaptive text appropriate to Japanese religious and social settings. It now included detailed accounts, and sometimes even discussions between the disciple who questions and the master who answers, which were not found in Jorge's original catechism. The extended discussions in the text concern such subjects as Deus as the creator of the world, Christ's redemption, human sins, and most parts of the sacraments, especially Baptism, the Eucharist, Penance, and Matrimony.

The exposition of Deus as creator, for example, includes the following addition (italicized Latin or Portuguese words are original terms left untranslated in the Japanese text).

Disciple: I do not understand that Deus created everything out of nothing, because I think that Deus created things (gosaku no mono) out of his own wisdom. If so, we cannot say that Deus created things out of nothing.

Master: There is one important point for solving your problem. That is, although there is not a single created thing within the wisdom of Deus, the image ( shos~ ) of each [created thing] is in it. The image is called "idea" in the original language. This idea is not a thing created. It is just in the same body as Deus. When Deus created a myriad of things, he did so according to the idea that he had in his wisdom. This does not mean that Deus created things out of his will (go-nuish~). He just creatcd out of nothing. This is because Deus created things not with instruments, materials, or seeds, but only with the intention "Let there be." For example, a carpenter, when he builds a house, first has its design in his wisdom, then builds the house according lo it. The house


he builds outside [the wisdom] is not the [same as the] design in his wisdom. Likewise, although Deus created things according to their ideas in his wisdom, things created are not their ideas [in the wisdom of Deus]. Deus created them only by his power that realizes everything.

D: We should not understand it to mean that Deus created things out of nothing. Rather, Deus created things out of his divine body, because he created things from the design that he had in his wisdom.

M: If you understand what I said above, your question is clearly answered. Because, as I said with the above metaphor, although the carpenter makes a house according to his design of it, the house he makcs outside is not thc body of the carpenter. Or, if the carpenter is also able to make a house not by using materials but by just intending to let it be, we may say that he indeed makes the house out of nothing. Although Deus created things according to his intention, those things created are not the divine body. Further, since Deus is Infinitn and is the divine body that realizes everything, and created everything without materials, seeds, or instruments, we say that he created things out of nothing. Things created are limited. Therefore, the difference between them and the divine body of Deus is even vaster than that between heaven and earth.''

There are a number of possible reasons for additions in the Japanese text. One is that the Kirishitan wanted to know more about particular subjects. The above debate indicates the Japanese followers' interest in the new divinity and their willingness to understand it. In addition to wanting to understand the nature of the divinity, Japanese people certainly wanted to know how Kirishitan practices would help them avoid the influence of evil spirits and spiritual pollution. In its exposition of the signs of the cross, the Japanese catechism stresses the exorcistic effects of the cross by adding an explanation of the power of the cross to protect and redeem the Kirishitan. Following a brief explanation of the gesture and words of the sign for exorcism, the catechism adds a detailed explanation:

Nothing scares the devil (tenma, lit.: heavenly devil) more than the Cruz. Since the devil is a spiritu, there is no effect of using weapons. However, the Lord Jesus Christ0 bound the devil and freed people by dying on the Cruz, and he made it impossible for the devil to do harm to anyone except for those approaching the devil. Therefore, the devil is very much afraid of the Cruz. To use a metaphor, a chained tiger or

l7 Dochiriina Kirishiraiz; KH, 3Y~40 .

60 CHAPTER THREE

wolf snaps at only those who come near it. Likewise, after Jesus Christo bound the devil on the Cruz, the devil does harm only to those who commit sins and thus come near the devil. When you commit a mortal sin, you go near the devil. When you discard a sin, you retreat from the devil. Since the devil knows that this comes out of the virtue of the Lord Jesus Christo's death on the Cruz, the devil is very afraid of the Cruz.18

Would the Japanese find Christ's redemption through his death on the cross easy to understand? The translators did not believe so. The text therefore adds its own explanation of Jesus' redemption, using the traditional Japanese concept of "divine benevolence," or on. This concept involves the sense of obligation on the part of human beings; they must make repayment for divine favor, a merciful act for human beings. The sentiment of benevolence-repayment was a common pattern of Japanese popular faith.19

Wc therefore say that by the power of the Cruz, the Lord Jesus Christo redeems the person who is a slave to the devil. To redeem one who is a slave to a person and to set one free is truly a deep benevolence. The harder and crueler the master was to the slave, the deeper the benevolence [the slave owes to the redeemer]. Our Lord Jesus Christo redeems by grace the sinner from thc hand of the devil and sets the sinner free. How deep is his bcnevolen~e!~~

The Japanese wondered why human freedom from sin required Je- sus' death on the cross. Articles two through seven of the Apostles' Creed, discussed in chapter six of the catechism, are about Jesus Christ. Among them, article four on the redemption on the cross is again (following the discussion on the cross in the second chapter) a major topic in the catechism; and the text adds its own explanation:

D: For what reason did Deus-Filio become human and die on the cross for human sin? Were there no other means to forgive it?

M: There were other means, but he chose the means of the cross as the most proper one for many reasons.

D: Please show me some of the reasons.

'g~ochiriirta Kirishitan; KII, 21-22. l 9 It was, for example, a basis of spirituality of the True Pure Land Buddhist

school (Jbdo Shinshti). See, for instance, Minor L. Rogers and Ann T. Rogers, Rett- nyo: The Second Fomder oIShitt Buddhism (Berkeley: Asian Hurnanitics Studies, 1991), 291-294.

20 L)oclliriinn Kirishitnn; K H , 19-20.

THE DOCHlRIINA KIRISHITAN 61

M: First, because, by showing the deep and extreme love to us, he wanted us to love Deus deeply too. Second, because he wanted us to understand that our sin is deep. Deus was so angry [at human sin] that he became human and died to forgive [human sin]. Third, [Jesus died on the cross] so that [we] would ponder his deep benevolence and make repayment for it. If Deus had not experienced such hardship and had forgiven [our sin] easily, people would not have construed much of his bene~olence.~'

The above examples show that the Japanese catechism made additions not only to respond to popular religious concern, but also to make Kirishitan religious ideas that were difficult and unique more understandablc. It is interesting in this respect, then, that the following passage on the Trinity includes no additional explanations:

D: It is difficult to comprehend that Deus is only one [body] while Deus is in the threepersona.

M: It is called the misterio of the Trindade and is the supreme truth in the article of our Fides. Deus is unfathornably wide and large (mulyd- kddai). Since our wisdom is little and limited, we cannot comprehend it. Even if we are unable to comprehend it, we must believe in it because.Iesus Christo, who is Deus, taught it himself.

D: Is there a metaphor to help us comprehend it?

M: There is a metaphor. Although our anima is only one, it has memoria, entendimento, and vontade. Likewise, although Deus is only one, Deus is in the three persona, Padre, Filio, and Spiritsu S ~ n t o . ~ ~

This is a straightforward translation of Jorge's text. In addition to the excessive use of the original terms, especially unfamiliar Trindade, memoria, entendimento, and vontade, the metaphor depending on the original terms does not work by itself for the Japanese audience, and this made the whole instruction on the Trinity incomprehensible. The Japanese followers must have heard some explanation of the Trinity, as one follower stated in a confession, "The three persona is a special understanding of the Kirishitan. This is because, although Deus is only one, that single body has three persona, parent, child of the parent, and the love between the parent and the Nonetheless,

Dochiriirtn Kirishitan; KH, 42-43. 22 Dochiriina Kirishitan; KH, 38. 23 NIHON NO COTOBA NI YO CONFESION (Rome, 1632). Reprinted in Kori-

y~dozangr rokr, ed. Btsuka Mitsunobu (Tokyo: Kasarna Shobo, 1957), 3.

62 CHAPTER THREE

the above passage in the Dochiriina is surprising in the light that the text was used for the education of Kirishitan catechumens.

It is difficult to clarify why there is no explanation even though this is the only part about the Trinity in the entire text. We can speculate that this is probably because the line "Even if we are unable to comprehend it, we must believe in it" freed the translators from the obligation to explain further. In any case, the explanatory character of the Japanese catechism is not always consistent. Some teachings, such as those concerning the nature of Deus as the creator, were furnished with a detailed explanation, while others, such as those about the Trinity, included no explanation. The Dochiriina Kirishitan thus ha? a mixture of "thick" and "thin" portrayals of the Christian teachings, and this consequently molded the unique character of the Japanese text in relation to its European counterpart.

We can further substantiate this point with an example of the Jap- anese text's editing of the original catechism. The Dochiriina edits and combines the sixth and seventh chapters in Jorge's catechism, "DO CREDO" and "DOS ARTIGOS DA FE,"*~ into its own chapter six. In Jorge's catechism, the sixth chapter presents the Creed and explains its significance by referring to the authority of the Catholic Church as the infallible basis for the credibility of the Creed. The seventh chapter explains each article of the Creed. The Dochiriina limits its reference to the Catholic Church to only the first half of Jorge's sixth chapter, stating that the Catholic Church shows what one has faith in. Then it transfers the remaining second half of Jorge's sixth chapter to its exegesis of the eighth article of the Creed that is about the Sancta Ecclesia Catholica.

Finally, the Dochiriina Kirishitan in places reconciles Christian ethics with Japanese social norms. One example appears in the explanation of the fifth article of the Lord's Prayer, "And forgive us our debts, as we also have forgiven our debtors" (Matthew 6: 12). This article was in disaccord with the Japanese military norm that humiliation by others should not be forgiven, In the catechism, therefore, the disciple asks, "If we do not stop bearing grudge to others [who have humiliated us], will our sin not be forgiven?" The master

24 Marcos Iorge, UOC7'KINA CHKIS7A. Ordenada a rnarzeira de Lhalogo, pera er~sir~nr os minirtos. . . . (Lisboa, 1602); A photocopy printed with a Japanese translation in Kamei Takashi et al., Kirishilan yori, 5C-69.

THE DOCHIRIINA KIRISHITAN 63

confirms it, quoting the biblical passage, "If you do not forgive others, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses" (Matthew 6: 15). "Then," the disciple further asks, "can I not say the oratio if I do not forgive humiliation? Because, when I utter the holy words, they would come to mean 'do not forgive our sins as we do not forgive our humiliation."' The master denies this, saying, "Even those who are too mean to forgive humiliation by proximo should say the oralio because saying the oratio is making a request for G r a ~ a , which helps them to discard their grudge against othcrs. . . . Making the oratio will do you no harm."25

Apart from explanatory additions on individual subjects, the Japa- nesc modification of the catechism includes a switching of positions between the priest (master in the Doclziriiiza) and the follower (disciple). In the original text, the follower answers questions asked by the priest. In the Japanese catechism, however, it is the master who gives answers to the disciple, except for a few opening questions asked by the master. As many have suggcstcd, this accorded with the pattcrn of religious dialoppe in Buddhist intellectual traditions with which perhaps all the Japanese translators were once associated. We may also explain it in the context of the Jesuit policy of adaptation to Jap- anese religious customs. But we must note that in consequence of the exchange of positions, the Japanese catechism could no longer be used in the same way as a European catechism-to test the followers' memory and knowledge of the teachings. The additions, which often run over ten lines of text, made it more difficult to memorize the answers. Although it retained the question-and-answer format, the Dochiriina could not function as a European catechism did.

Questions, furthermore, play more important roles in the Japanese text than in Jorge's. In the Portuguese text, the priest's questions are essentially meant to guide the followers and facilitate their recitation of the passages they memorized. In the Japanese text, however, the disciple's questions do not just draw answers from the master. The disciple challenges the master, frankly expressing ideas that are difficult for him to understand. The Japanese text was written to guide the people to the light of the Kirishitan faith, but we can also read the same text as a debate between the Kirishitan master and the one who is trying to understand the new teaching.

25 Dnchiriirta Kirislzitan; KH, 2?-30.

64 CHAPTER THREE

The last point I would like to mention regarding the characteristics of the Japanese catechism is that there are more than one hundred original untranslated terms ( h o n - g o e i t h e r Portuguese or Latin terms-used in the text. The Jesuits in Japan adopted in 1555 the policy of using original European words to express Christian concepts, and so many such wards appeared in the Kirishitan literature. The Dochiriina was no exception. The original terms were technical words which the missionaries decided to keep lest their message lose unique Christian meanings. In the Dochiriina, many of those original terms were used without any explanation.

It is difficult to judge how well Japanese followers were prepared to understand the original terms in the Dochiriina. Japanese catechists and lay ministers perhaps provided their own explanalions of the terms in their talks so as to make the Kirishitan teachings intelli- gihlr: to their Japanese audiences. Ironically, the original terms, left untranslated to keep their specific meanings, could in fact easily loose their meanings when explained in Japanese, because of the possible latitude of interpretation.

On such occasions, Buddhist terms were most useful. One interesting example is a list of correspondences between Christian and Buddhist terms in the Tadi jashn ron (On quelling the pernicious faith, 1648), an anti-Kirishitan work by the Zen Buddhist Sesso S ~ s a i (1589-1649). From a confutative point of view, Sesso contends that Christianity is a heresy of Buddhism founded by Jesus Christ, who changed Brahma to Deus; the Brahma-Heaven devas to apljo [angels]; Heaven's Palace (tento) to Paraiso; the human realm (n ind~) to Purgatorio; hell (jigoh) to Inferno; anointment (kanjo) to Bautismo; contrition (sange) to confissGo; the Ten Good Laws ('jl~zenkaq to the ten Mandamento; nuns (bikuni) to virgem; the priest staff (shakuj~) to excomungado; the original food ('jihi-rinto) to mapi (apple); and prayer beads (juzu) to c o n t a ~ . ~ ~ Sesso pointed out those similarities in an effort to prove that Christianity was a heretical school of Buddhism, but his arguments also demonstrates how easy it was for the Japanese to assimilate Christian concepts to Buddhist ones.

26 Sessb Sdsai, Tmjl j a h i ron, 1648; KH, 462. For the anti-Christian character of Tniji jashrl run, see George Elison, Derrs De~troyed, 231-232.


The Structure of the Text

The Dochiriina Kirishitan was a systematic presentation of the Kirishitan teachings to the Japanese followers. It consists of a variety of elements of "world view" or conception of world order and "ethos" or proper attitude to the world conceived in world view. The Doclziriina's world view includes ideas concerning transcendent and superhuman beings (for example, God, Jesus Christ, the Virgin Mary, angels, saints, and the devil), human beings (for example, the soul, flesh, sin, salvation, and the afterlife), and the world (for example, heaven, hell, and nature). Its ethos includes the teachings of Church practices such as prayers, the law of the Church, and sacraments, as well as ethics such as the Ten Commandments.

These various elements are analytically separable hut are inter- connected in actual presentations. In order to depict a clear picture of its own structure, I will present a summary of the Dochiriina Kirishilan, according to its own construction. The Dochiriina Kirishitau consists of a prctacc and twelve chapters.27 The chapters are further divided into six groups: chapters one and two give preliminary instruction on the nature of the Kirishitan; chapters three, four, and five teach the Kirishitan divinities and the prayers to them; chapter six teaches what to believe; chapters seven through ten show how to practice the teachings; chapter eleven explains the sacraments; and chapter twelve teaches other important articles, including three prayers. Among them, the second, third, and fourth groups

" 70 (Preface); 1. Dochirina (Doctrina); 2. Kirishitan no shirushi to naru tattoki curuai no koto (On the holy Cruz which is the sign of the Kirishitan); 3. Pateru nausuteru no koto (On the Pater ~Voster); 4. Abe maria no koto (On the Ave Maria ); 5. Sarube-rejiina no koto (On the Salve Regina); 6. Keredo narabi ni hiidesu no aruchiigo no koro (On the Credo and the artigo of Fides); 7. Deusu no go-okite no to no mandamento no koto (On the ten Mandamento which are the law of Deus); 8. 9.On-hawa sartta-ekereja no go-okite no koto (On the law of the holy Mother Santa Ecclesia) [The Dochiriina combined chapters six and seven of the original text to make a long chapter six on the Creed, as a result of which the Dochiriina became one chapter short of the original text. To correct this and make the number uf chapters the same, the Dochiriina puts two chapter numbers, eight and nine, for its eighth chapter.]; 10. Nunrctsu no nzorutunr toga no koto (On the seven mortal sins); 11. Sanra-ekereja no narlatru no sakaranzento no koto (On the seven sacrrrmenlos of the Santa Ecclesia); 12. Kono hoka kirisllitarz tti utarlt k ~ i n ' y ~ no jOj0 (Othcr important articles for thc Kirishitan).

66 CHAPTER THREE

comprise the core of the instruction, teaching the virtues of hope, faith, and charity, respectively.

I begin with the preface to the Dochiriina. This preface, found only in the Japanese text, is important because it articulates the structure of the text and also provides the theme that runs through the entire work-salvation in the afterlife. Therefore, I present its full translation in English. This i s followed by a group-by-group summary of the body of the text.

Among the things which the Lord Jesus Chris10 taught to his disciples while he was alive is the special teaching that, as I will teach you, you will spread the true law of the path by which all human beings will be saved in the afterlife (gosho). This is, as scholars tell us, comprised of three ultimate points. The first is to have faith; the second is to have hope; and the third is to practice living a good life. To have faith designates the virtuc of Fidrs. This is beyond human prudence. Unless you understand this, there will be many occasions in which you will go astray on the way to the afterlife. To have hope designates the virtue of esperanp. This is what Deus promised to provide to the Kirishitan. Unless you know these points, it may happen that you lose your confidence, with nothing to rely upon, when you encounter difficulty. It is also a defect of unima. To practice living a good life designates the virtue of caridade. Unless you recognize this, there will be many occasions on which you may disobey the rule of Deus. Accord- ingly, observing these three virtues is essential to the Kirishitan. Therefore, the good people who obtained the title of scholar have written abundant texts* on these points. Important sections were selected from them and printed out so that they may become a mirror which reveals one's ignorance (mayoi). Thus, in order to teach the Kirishitan what is essential for [attaining salvation in] the afterlife, the superior of the Companhia has included them in this small text. This is called Dochiriina Kirishitan, meaning the teaching of the Kirishitan. Its language is close to the ears of the populace so that all people high and low may easily comprehend the points, but the truth is as deep as the bottom of the divine will. In order that you may quickly understand the truth, this is written in a format of question-and-answer between a master and a disciple. Since this doctrina is the only way of anjin ketsujoT* for all the Kirishitan, it is ncccssary for everyonc to know and understand it. This being the case, [this doctrinal avoids the darkness of ignorance and is based on the light of

"Dachiriirto Kirishilnn: KH. 14-15, * "Text": the character used is k y ~ , the same as for Buddhist sMt a.

THE DOCHIRIINA KIRISHITAN

A group-by-group summary:

1. Dochiriina (Doctrina). 2. Kirishitan no shirushi to naru tutloki kurwu no kolo (On the holy

Cruz which is the sign of the Kirishitan).

The Dochiriina Kirishitan begins with an exposition designed especially for the catechumen: Deus is the only deity who will save a human being in this life and thc afterlife; and the human being is thc bearer of the eternal soul (anima) that will receive suffering or peace according to human conduct in this life. The text then teaches that people become Kirishitan by the grace of Deus; that the Kirishitan receive Baptism to have the dignity of the adopted children of God; that the name "Kirishitan" is taken from Christ who is the true Deus as the true and only child of Deus and is the true human as the true child of the Virgin Mary; that "Christo" refers to "one who was anointed," namely emperors, priests, and prophets in ancient times; and that Jesus Christ was superior to them all. A focus of the first chapter is the passage that says a Kirishitan "is the person who not only receives the teachings of Jesus Christ as Fides in mind but also speaks of them." The Japanese text adds, "It is essential that you resolve to demonstrate [the teachings] in words and in practice even at the risk of your life."29

The second chapter accounts for the cross, the sign of the Kirishi- tan. This chapter begins with the emphasis that the Kirishitan must have "as much belief in the holy cross as possible," because Christ died on the cross to free people from the slavery of their own sin and Satan. The words (in both Latin transliterated into Japanese letters as well as Japanese translation) and the two gestures for the signs of the cross are taught, one to persignar (to put the sign on or to exorcise) and the other to benzer (to sanctify).jO An insertion in the part about

* * "Anjin kets~rjd': a Pure Land Buddhist term; lit., the settled mind that is established; the assured condition of being saved.

29 Dochiriiria Kirishitan; KH, 16-19. " Persignar: "Per signum sanctce Crucis de irzimicis nostris libera nos Ueus

rioster"; also in Japanese: ''Warem ga 'Deus,' 'Sarlta Crnz' no on-sliiruslii o motte warern ga teki o nogashi tanme" (Dochiriina Kirishitan; KH, 21).

Bcnzer: "111 nomine Pairis Pirlris el Filij el Spirilus Srrncti, Amen": also in Papa- ncsc: "'DCLLS, Pczdre, Filio el Spiritu Sunlo' no on-rici a inotte" (Dochiriiiiu Kirishi- m i ; K H , 23).

68 CHAPTER THREE

persigner explains the exorcistic power of the sign of the cross by telling how Satan fears the cross. In an effort to clarify the meaning of the two signs, the Japanese text provides as many expositions on the Kirishitan ideas of evil as on the salvific effect of the cross itself. It teaches three "enemies" for human beings: the world, the flesh, and the devil. Detailed accounts of evils make this chapter a central chapter in the description of evils.31

3. Pstteru nausuteru no kolo (On the Puler Noster). 4, Abe maria no koto (On the Ave Maria). 5. Sarube-rejiina no koto (On the Salve Regina).

This part on the virtue of hope teaches the thrcc prayers of the Our Father, the Hail Mary, and the Salve Regina. It devotes one chapter to each prayer. The Dochiriina7s explanations of these praycrs provide us with many sources for understanding Kirishitan ideas of God and Mary, and provide the meanings of the prayers themselves. The Dochiriina presents the three prayers in Japanese translation only.

The chapter on the Our Father first briefly explains the three virtues and the meaning of the prayer, which it defines as "the way or bridge by which we make our requests known to heaven and have our wishes to Deus realized."32 The rest of the chapter is about the seven articles comprising the Our Father. The Dochiriina explains each article. "The Pater Noster is the best oratio," the text says. Although a crucial chapter focusing on God, the text does not deepen its discussion on God so much as we see in the part on the Apostle's Creed (chapter six). The only significant addition in this chapter concerns the issue of whether one should forgive those who have humiliated one, discussed above.

The Dochiriina does not provide an article-by-article clarification for the Ave Maria (chapter four) and the Salve Regina (chapter five), like the original text. Explanatory insertion is also minimal--only an explanation of the numbers of repetition of the Ave Maria, either sixty-three times or one hundred and fifty times. One makes the "sixty-three prayers" because the number accords with the age of the

" DDocriina Kirishitan; KH, 21-25. 32 nuchiriina Kiri,\hitan; k71, 27.

THE DOCHIRIINA KIRKHITAN 69

Virgin Mary. The "one-hundred-fifty prayers" is based on the mystery of fifteen: five for her joy, five for her sorrow, and five for her glory. The messages in these two chapters are clear. Chapter four, "On the Ave Maria," focuses on Mary as the mediatrix between God and human beings, who would see to it that God would forgive human sins. Taught in the family image of mother, father, and children, Mary's role is easy to understand. The text articulates the difference between God and Mary concerning their roles in human salvation. God is the one who forgives human sins; therefore, one asks God for forgiveness. Mary is the one who helps (loriawuse) one make that request. Thc chapter on the Salve Regina cxplains little about thc meaning of the prayer itself. After presenting the words of the prayer, the chapter turns to the saints (beato), whom, it teaches, Kirishitan should also have faith in.

6. Keredo narabi ni hiidesu no aruchiigo no koto (On thc Credo and the arrigc., of Fides).

Chapter six is about the Apostles' Creed, illustrating the virtue of faith. It combines Jorge's sixth and seventh chapters into this one chapter (cutting out about half of the sixth chapter). Incorporating several of its own additions as well, the Dochiriina's chapter six becomes a very long chapter, second only to chapter eleven which is about the sacraments. The whole chapter is an article-by-article exegesis of the Creed, except for a brief explanation of "faith," which the text defines as "the light of benevolence (go-on no hikari) beyond nutura that Deus gives to the anima of the Kirishitan so that the Kirishitan firmly believe what Santa Ecclesia has taught as the revelation of Deus." Important additions in this chapter concern the attribute of Deus as the creator of the world, and the reason for Christ's death on the cross, a translation of which is presented above.

7. Dezisu no go-okite no to no mandamento no koto (On the ten Mandamento which are the law of Deus).

8. 9. On-hawa santa-ekereja no go-okite no koto (On the law of the holy Mother Sunla Ecclesia).

10. Nanatsu no morutaru toga no koto (On the seven mortal sins).

70 CHAPTER THREE

The remaining part of the Dochiriina Kirishitan teaches ethics and "practices" of the Kirishitan faith. Chapters seven through ten are grouped into the category of the virtue of charity. Compared to the preceding chapters, those in this group are more concrete and specific. This is due not only to the nature of the subjects but also to the style of the translation, which uses markedly fewer original terms (except chapter ten) and makes individual instructions more understandable by inserting its own explanations. Throughout this group we see a mixture of original and Japanese exegeses.

This feature is most obvious in chapter seven, which teaches the Ten Commandments. After presenting the ten articles of the commandment, it explains that they are summed up in two points: "Re- spect and revere Deus of the one body more than anything else," and "Care for proximo as you care for yourself." The rest of the chapter explains the ten precepts. The Japanese text adds its own explanation for seven of them. For the fourth commandment, "Honor your father and mother," h r example, it adds that servants should observe this rule by honoring their masters and superiors. For the fifth commandment, "Do not murder," it notes an exception that when there is a good reason to kill one's vassals, one may do so. This apparently takes the contemporary Japanese military ethic into consideration.

The Dochiriina shows the five essential church laws as the indispensable rules for every Kirishitan to observe: (1) to attend Missa on the days of Domingo (Sundays) and on the days of beato (holy days); (2) to make a confiss60 at least once a year; (3) to receive the sacramento of Eucharistia on Pascoa (Easter); (4) to observe jejum (fasting) and not to eat meat on Sexta (Friday) and Sabbado (Saturday); and (5) to offer Dizmos Primicias (the One Tenth Tax). Among these, the first, second, and fourth rules are explained in detail. As regards the sacrifice offered in Mass, for example, the text adds an instruction on the followers' attitude toward it, which is threefold: to offer it as gratitude for the benevolence (go-on); to offer it as compensation for their sins; and to offer it in order to receive further benevolence. The text explains the Eucharist, the third church law, only briefly because a detailed instruction is available in the part on the sacraments. The Kirishitan were not expected to observe the fifth rule.

The "Seven Capital (Mortal) Sins" articulates seven vices that become the origin of all sins: keuman (arrogance), don'yoku (greed), jain (lust), shin'i (anger), lonjiki (gluttony), shitto (envy), and kedai


(sloth). The Dochiriina teaches that these are "deadly" sins, which bring eternal suffering to the ever-living anima. The mortal sins are distinguished from the lighter venial sins, because the mortal sins are forgiven only through the sacrament of contrition and the venial sins through any sacramental act such as Mass and prayer. The text further lists humidade, liberadidade, castidade, paciencia, temper- anga, cadidade, and diligentia as the seven virtues which will cause the seven mortal sins to be put to flight. Presented only in the original terms with no Japanese explanations, however, the seven virtues were probably incomprehensible to the average reader.

11. Santa-ekereja no nanatsu no sakaramento no koto (On the seven sacramento of the Santa Ecclesia).

This chapter on the sacraments is full of the Japanese text's own explanations which override the expositions in the original catechism. This makes the chapter a rich source for discovering how these crucial rituals were explained to the Japanese. This is the longest chapter as well. I will discuss the Kirishitan teaching on the sacraments in detail in Chapter Six of this study, which examines the ritual practice of the Kirishitan.

12. Kono hoka Kirishitan ni ataru kan'yo no jojo (Other important articles for the Kirishitan).

The final chapter is a writing about works of mercy, virtues for Christian morality, Dones of Spiritu Santo (the Gift of the Holy Spirit), and prayers. Only the works of mercy and prayers are translated in such a fashion as to be understandable to Japanese adherents. The rest leaves all Christian terms untranslated, providing no Japa- nese expositions. The works of mercy are divided into two: corporal works of mercy, and spiritual works of mercy. The virtues are cardinal virtues and theological virtues. The prayers listed in this chapter are "oratio of apology," "oratio before meal," and "oratio after meal." The whole chapter is a straightforward translation; no explanations are added.

It would be naive to assume that after the Dochiriina Kirishitan and other printed tcxts circulated, all of the Japanese followers under-

CHAPTER THREE

stood the Kirishitan teachings well and conducted their religious life as taught by the texts. The great majority probably kept using Kirishitan symbols and participated in rituals without a deep knowledge of them, maintaining the religious views and practices they had inherited from the traditions of their local communities. This is not to deny, however, the power of the evangelization of the new message. We must note the dynamics of the propaganda of the Kirishitan teachings promoted with a standard catechism and the dozens of other texts that were circulated in the country. In 1592, there were approximately six hundred mission personnel available for instructing the Dochiriina (130 Jesuits, and approximately 170 dqjirkzr and 300 kamb~) .

Perhaps no religious text had been presented in Japan with so much uniformity by that number of people and on that geographical scale. The only comparable case would be the series of "pastoral lctters" (ofumi) of Rennyo (1415-1499), eighth head priest of the Honganji branch of the True Pure Land Buddhist s d ~ o o l (Jodo Shinsho), a prominent popular religious leader in late medieval Japan. His letters, also written in popular Japanese, were hand-copied and, like the Dochiriina, were distributed to the numerous local Honganji communities in central Japan.

The evangelical power of the Kirishitan texts was enough to in- culcate a type of the Kirishitan faith, one which we may reasonably distinguish from that which we discussed in Chapter Two of this study that focused on the mysterious power of the Christian symbols. The main characteristic of the new type of faith is the understanding of the divinity, human beings, and salvation in the afterlife in a way specific to the Kirishitan teachings. This specificity pertains not only to the nature of the three main ideas but also to the relationship between the divine and the human and the soteriological implications of their relationship.

Unfortunately, the sources that directly demonstrate the characteristic Kirishitan understanding of lay followers are limited both quantitatively and qualitatively, and are, furthermore, not always trustworthy. The limited number of written documents by commoners is not surprising given that literacy was at the time limited to educated members of upper social classes. This difficully is unavoid- able in undertaking any "history from below" in any cultural setting. To make matters worse, the full-scale extermination of Kirishitan by


the Tokugawa bakufu destroyed Kirishitan documents in the country, leaving us with even fewer surviving documents. The Japanese documents that are available today were preserved either by Jesuit institutions abroad, such as in Macao, Goa, Portugal, Spain, and Rome, or by Japanese followers who secretly kept them. Many of those preserved in Japan are available today for reference because the Japanese authorities confiscated them during the Tokugawa period (1600-1868).

The Japanese followers' documents preserved abroad are letters to the Pope, to the general of the Society, to individual European missionaries, and others. Some exist only in translation, some in the Japanese original as well as in translation, and still others only in Japanese. Since these letters were often writtcn for missionaries' political purposes, we must read them with caution and reasonable skepticism.

Some wcre writtcn at the rcqucst of missionaries who wished to prove they were doing fine work in Japan. In 1617, for example, Padre Matheus de Couros (1569-1632) collected forty-seven Japa- nese letters signed by 757 followers representing seventy-five re- gions in fifteen domains.33 Those letters witnessed that missionaries of the Society continued to fulfil their missionary work despite persecution. A similarity in the writing styles and information found in the letters reveal that they were written according to a few models. Although these are precious Japanese historical documents, they tell us little about the Kirishitan7s own spirituality. There were other Ietters that missionaries concocted, under the names of Japanese followers, to pretend that what they wanted to do in Japan was at the request of their Japanese followers.34

Those letters never undermine the zeal and devotion of the Euro- pean missionaries involved, but we cannot substantiate the Japanese

33 See Matsuda Kiichi, "Genna sannen Iezusukaishi Korosu choshn monjo," in his Kinsei shoki Nihon knnkei Nunban shiryo no kenkya (Tokyo: Kazama Shoba, 1967), 1022-1145.

3"or example, in 1591, Japanese followers in Yamaguchi sent a letter requesting the Franciscan Gonzalo Garcia in Manila to send Franciscan missionaries to Japan. This letter was in fact crafted by a Japanese follower and two Franciscan missionaries. The Franciscans were strenuously trying to enter Japan and were in conflict with the Jesuits who claimed an exclusive mission right in Japan. See, Yuki Ryogo, "1591 nen ni Nihon no shinto wa sei Gonzaro Garushia ni tegami o okutta de aroka," KK28 (1989): 209-226.

74 CHAPTER THREE

followers' understanding of the Kirishitan teachings by such documents written under the guidance of their European mentors. We also must exercise caution in reading letters available only in translation because there is no proof that they are faithful translation^.^^ The basis of this skepticism does not rest on any doubt about the skill of European translators. Rather, it is due to the Jesuit policy that materials for publication should include only "things of edification."

Consequently, the Myotei mondo (MyWci dialog, 1605) by Fabian Fucan (1565-1621) is the only document available today which directly conveys a Japanese follower's understanding of the Kirishitan teaching during the Christian century. Strictly speaking, Fabian was a scholastic irmiu when he wrote the dialog and was not a simple lay Kirishitan. A former Buddhist, he was one of the finest intellectuals that the Jesuits acquired in Japan. We may regard his work as an example of the highest Japanese understanding of the teaching, but not as exemplifying understandings of ordinary lay followers. If we keep this in mind, however, his work remains useful for examining Japanese understandings of the Kirishitan teachings.

The only othcr source is Nifon no cotoha ni yo cnnfesion (MoLtvs confitendi et e~arn inand i ) ,~~ a collection of confessions of Japanese followers compiled by the Dominican priest Didaco Collado (1589-1641).37 The purpose of the book was to give European missionaries a practical grasp of Japanese to prepare them for their future mission work in Japan. Although it is a published text with a Latin translation, the collected confessions themselves are recorded in colloquial spoken Japanese with little hint of editorial changes. Changes, if any, were perhaps made in the Latin translation. Since

35 Such as six letters of Japanese martyrs in 1609, compiled in an Italian text published in Rome in 1611 (Retataioni della gloriosa morte di nove christiani giaponesi, martirizzati per la fede cartolica ne i regrzi. . . .). Unfortunately no Japa- nese original letters are extant. They are translated back into Japanese and included in "1609 nen Kirishitan junky0 ki," ed. and trans. Ebisawa Arimichi, Seishirz Joshi Daignku Katorikku Bunka Kenkynsho Kiyo 1 (1959): 6%84.

36 NIHON NO COTOBA NI YO CONFESION: MODVS CONFITENDI ET EX- AMINAND1 Preniterttern lapon~rzfem, fornzrrln firamet lingua Iaporzica (Rome, 1632). Reprinted in Koriyado zartge roku, ed. Otsuka Mitsunobu (Tokyo Kasama Shoba, 19571.

3f ~ i d a c o Collado was born in Spain and joincd thc Dominican Order in 1604. He came to Japan from the Philippines in 1619 and was the acting mission superior of the Japan province of the Dominican order from 1621 to 1622. He left Japan in November of 1622.


the text was a collection of confessions, there was probably no need for edificatory changes.

Given the paucity of direct sources, my approach to the issue of the Japanese followers' understanding of the Kirishitan teachings is not based on a focus on the few direct sources we have; rather I examine the Kirishitan teachings within the wider context of popular Japanese religious thought. Direct sources will be used, of course, wherever applicable, in order to verify my interpretation. That is the theme of my next chapter.

CHAPTER FOUR

THE KIRISHITAN TEACHINGS IN JAPANESE CONTEXT

What did the Kirishitan teaching, made easier for the Japanese to understand, sound like to the Japanese audience? Were they similar to or different from other popular teachings? How did the similarities and differences influence the spirituality of the Kirishitan?

In an attempt to examine the Kirishitan teachings in the context of the Japanese religious culture of the time, I will compare them with the teachings of the Honganji branch of the True Pure Land Buddhist school (popularly called ikka-shn or the single-minded school). This was probably the most powerful popular religious movement in the late medieval to early modern period. I will espccially focus on the religious ideas developed in the letters of Rennyo (1415-1499), eighth head priest of the Honganji branch and the major figure in the group's transformation into a powerful religious order.

Rennyo's edification serves as the Japanese counterpart of the Kirishitan teachings due to its popular character as well as to the dynamics of its intluencc on the Honganji followers. Like the Dochirii- na Kirishitan, Rermyo's letters were written in colloquial Japanese, familiar to ordinary men and women in late medieval Japan. The Dochiriina was a chief instrument i n the Jesuit efforts to convey Catholic teachings to Japanese followers. Similarly, Rcnnyo's lcttcrs were his main instrument in his efforts to translate and convey to lay followers the teachings of Shinran (1173-1263), founder of the True Pure Land Buddhist school (Jodo Shinshti). They were copied and circulated among the followers through local networks established in the wide area stretching from the provinces of Kaga (north), to Kii (south), and to Ise (east). After Rennyo's death, eighty of his letters were compiled as scripture in five fascicles, and their full English translation is available today.'

For the fascicles, I refer to Rennyo, Ofirmi, annotated by Izumoji Osamu, Toyo bunko 345 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1978). Most of English translations of Rennyo's letters quoted in this chapter are taken from Minor Rogers and Ann Rogers, Renttyo: The Second Forrtuier of Shin Buddhism, as indicated in footnotes.

THE KIRISHITAN TEACHINGS IN JAPANESE CONTEXT 77

Rennyo's letters were written from 1461 to 1498, approximately one century prior to the Jesuit mission to Japan. Yet, because of their posthumous canonization, the letters were still in wide circulation and remained the most powerful popular teachings in the country throughout the sixteenth century. This is amply demonstrated by detailed and extensive accounts of the Ikkb (Honganji) group that appear in European reports. The Ikkb-shn was one of the two Japa- nese religions that attracted the missionaries' closest attention. The other was Zen Buddhism, which the Jesuits found to be their strongest intellectual enemy.*

Some scholars have done comparative studies between Luther and Shinran, intrigued by their similar assertion of sola fide or "faith alone.""ose familiar with thcir works may find it challenging to compare the Kirishitan teachings-that depended on Catholicism rathcr than Luthcran Protestantism-and Rcnnyo's that depcndcd on Shinran. I will compare the two systems of teachings in order to examine the similarities as well as differences between the Kirishitan doctrine and contemporary Japanese popular religious thought. The Kirishitan and the True Pure Land faiths coexisted as religious options for people within the same geographical and historical context. Comparison between the two is thus made from the standpoint of the receivers of the messages.

The Afterlife as the Place of Salvation

The Kirishitan texts presented "salvation in the afterlife" as the goal of faith. Let us recall how the preface to the Dochiriina Kirishitan defined the purpose of the whole Kirishitan faith in terms of salvation in the afterlife. Christ's teachings are the path by which all hu-

A convenient English reference for missionaries' views of Japanese religions is They Came to Japan: An Anthology of European Reports on Japan, 1543-1640, compiled and annotated by Michael Cooper (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: Uni- versity of California Press, 1965), especially the sections on Shinto, Buddhism, and Temples and Idols (pp. 297-354). For the section on Buddhism, Cooper translates sixteen missionary accounts of Japanese Buddhist traditions @p. 309-329).

Examples include Jean Higgins, "Luther and Shinran on Fides Solas: A Textual Study," Pacific World n.s. 4 (1988): 2 5 4 1 ; Paul 0. Ingram, "Shinran Shonin and Martin Luther: A Soteriological Comparison," Jo~~rnul of Arnericrm Academy of Re- ligion 39-4 (December 1971): 430-447; John Ishihara, "Luther and Shinran: Silul lustus Et Peccator and Nishu Jinshi," Joihrrzul oj'Religion 14-4 (July 1987): 31-54.

78 CHAPTER FOUR

man beings will be saved in the afterlife. Unless one understands the faith, one will not attain salvation in the afterlife.4 The text further shows that salvation in the afterlife comprises an important aspect of the Kirishitan theology: Unless one worships and humbly reveres Deus, it says, one will never receive salvation in the afterlife. Salva- tion in the afterlife is described as the ultimate human goal, which is realized only by way of Kirishitan beliefs and practices; therefore, "there is no afterlife salvation unless you become Kiri~hitan."~ The Dnchiriina also teaches that the three virtues of hope, faith, and charity, as well as the divine grace received through the seven sacraments, are indispensable to one's being saved in the afterlife.

A comparative examination of the Japanese and Portuguese catc- chisms raises a puzzling question regarding Japanese use and understanding of the concept of the "afterlife." The particular plmse "for the sake of salvation in the afterlife" (gosho o lusukuru lumeni), found at various places in the Dochiriina, is either a Japanese insertion or translation from the simple phrase "to be saved" i n the Portu- guese text. "Salvation" was apparently limited to "salvation in the attcrlife" i n the process of translation. We find the same sort of translation in the Sakaramenta teiyo furoku (the Japanese appendix to the Manuale ad Sacramenta Ecclesiae ministranda). In order to explain Baptism, it quotes and combines two biblical passages: "Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit" (Matthew 28: 19); and "The one who believes and is baptized will be saved; but the one who does not believe will be condemned" (Mark 16: 16). The Japanese text faithfully translates the passages, except for the "saved" in the latter which it has changed into "saved in the afterlife."6

Why was it necessary to limit salvation to the afterlife? One probable answer is that since people could also conceive of salvation in this world, Japanese translators, interpreting the Christian idea of salvation as referring only to the salvation after death, felt it necessary to articulate it so as to avoid misunderstanding on the part of the Japanese audience. Yet, since the "afterlife" was the most powerful

4Dochiriina Kirisltitan; KH, 14-15. Ihchiriina Kirishitan; KH, 16. Sakar.anz~u/u teiyojirrokic; KH, 182.


soteriological idea in Japan at the time of the growth of the Kirishi- tan tradition, we may also suggest a second, deeper reason.

For discussing this crucial salvific issue, a brief sketch of the historical development of Japanese ideas of the "other world" is helpful. Scholars have identified basically two types of ancient Japanese concepts of the other world, one vertically conceived and the other horizontally. The vertically-conceived other world appears in the Kojiki (Record of Ancient Matters, 712). It consists of the high plain of heaven (takamanohara) where important kami reside under the rule of the kami Amaterasu, which is roughly comparable to heaven, and the land of the dead Cyomi no kuno ruled by the kami Susa no 0, comparable to hell. They are located above and beneath the earth (nakatsu kuni, or the middle land), respectively. Meanwhile, the horizontally conccivcd other world, pointed out first by the folklorist Orikuchi Shinobu, consists of the land of ancestors (haha no kuni) and the land of eternal life (wkoyo), both lying somewhere across the sea.

The ancient Japanese understanding of this and other worlds did not imply time consciousness of past, present, and future. This and the other worlds existed synchronically, being parts of the same whole "universe." After their advent in Japan, Buddhism and Taoism enriched the Japanese ideas of the other world by adding variations to them. The Taoist image of Horaisan as the land of no aging or no death, the land of eternal life, was widely accepted by the populace, producing such a fairy tale as "Urashima Taro," where the utopian image of the land is stressed. Buddhism, however, made a particularly significant impact in the medieval period on the Japanese image of the other world. Buddhism became "a new paradigm for understanding the world," depicting it as constituted by the six modes of being, called rohda, and by a karmic c a ~ s a l i t y . ~ By teaching karma as a new explanation of human experience in the past, present, and future lives, Buddhism provided a clear idea that the other world comes before and after life in this world. Of special importance was the other world after one's life.

Among all new religious merits of the Buddhist teachings of karma and the six modes of being, the assertion that individuals could

William R. LaFleur, The Karma of Words: Buddhism and the Literary Arts in Medie~ml Jnpari (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 29.

80 CHAPTER FOUR

determine their own future course-their afterlife experience in particular-was perhaps the greatest novelty to the Japanese. Such an idea did not exist in Japanese religion before the advent of Buddhism in the country. The law of karma let the future experience of the human being "depend on the life lived now and the karma engendered in the present." The idea of six modes of being (creatures of hell, hungry ghosts, animals, asuras, humans, and heavenly beings) does not limit the "future" to this life alone but cxtcnds it to the realm of the life after death. Significantly, "death will result in rebirth, and rebirth always poses the possibility of either progress or slippagc to anothcr location in thc taxonomy [six modes of being]."8

The Japanese understood the afterlife in a very realistic scose. Hell and heaven were visually represented by paintings. Kanshin- jukkai-mandara (Mandala of one mind and ten realms of being), for example, describes the human journey in the present life and the afterlife. The present life begins with birth, then goes through child- hood, adolescence, marriage, middle age, the elderly, and finally to death. The afterlife is divided into ten realms: the first six are unenlightened lower states comprised of the realms of the rokudcj (six modes of being), and the last four are enlightened states comprised of the realms of s h ~ m o n (Sr%vaka), engaku (pratyekabuddha), bodhisattva, and Buddha. In the afterlife, graphic descriptions of each realm of being are made and located in the way that one makes the journey from hell, the lowest state, through other realms of r o k u d e i n the order of hungry ghosts, animals, asuras, humans, and heavenly beings-then enters into the enlightened world in which one goes from shamon, through engaku and bodhisattva, to finally reach Buddha, the highest state. In this mandala, hell and the realms of hungry ghosts, animals, and asuras are given especially detailed, horrible descriptions of physical torture, comprising the op- posite of the realm of Buddha. Monks, nuns, or other local preachers used such paintings to explain to the commoners about their afterlife, admonishing them that whether they reached the realm of Buddha or fell to hell depended upon their conduct in the present life.9

' William R. LaFleur, The Karma of Words, 29. Miyake Hitoshi, Shahyo minzoku g a h ~ (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan Kai,

1989), 259-267.

THE KIRISHITAN TEACHINGS IN JAPANESE CONTEXT 8 1

As places of salvation in the afterlife, Pure Lands of various buddhas and bodhisattvas, including Amida (Amitsbha), Miroku (Maitreya), Yakushi (Bhaishajya-guru), and Kannon (Avalokite- ivara), were presented to the commoners, often by means of imaginary pictures, called jado henso zu, which were graphic representations of Pure Lands based on scriptural accounts. Some "sacred" sites in the country, such as Kumano, were believed to be tangible manifestations of those Pure Lands. They attracted great numbers of pilgrims and became sites for ritual rebirth, as in the case of the fudaraku tokai, a suicidal ritual of jumping off of ships into the sea in order to be born in the fiuZurakzl (Potalaka), Pure Land of Kannon.

The best example of the Buddhist emphasis on the afterlife as the realm of salvation is the Pure Land doctrine that taught birth in the Pure Land of Amida Buddha as the goal of human life. It is clearly the most important theme in the letters of Rennyo:

If you wish to attain faith and entrust yourselves to Amida, first realize that human life lasts only as long as a dream or an illusion and that the afterlife [in the Pure Land] is indeed the blissful result in eternity, that human life means the enjoyment of fifty to a hundred years, and that the afterlife is the matter of greatest importance."

Rennyo thus taught people that human life in this world is only a "dream" and the afterlife is real and eternal. The afterlife is ultimately "the matter of greatest importance."

With the idea of salvation in the afterlife deeply rooted in the Jap- anese religious sentiment, the Kirishitan teachings which emphasized the afterlife as the place of human salvation were able to have a strong "religious flavor" in Japan. Gosh0 (the afterlife) was a religious idiom when the Jesuits came, and the idiom was, with respect to its origin, colored by Buddhist soteriology, especially that of Pure Land teachings. When the phrase "for the sake of salvation in the afterlife" was inserted here and there in the Kirishitan texts it made those texts similar to other religious teachings in Japan.

Seen within this context, we can better understand why the Japa- nese found the Kirishitan teaching of salvation in the afterlife easy to accept as the goal of faith. The work of Fabian Fucan (1565-1621), as well as a Kirishitan follower's confession in Niffoon no cotoba ni yo confesion (a collection of confessions of Japanese followers), con-

'' Rennyo, The Letters, 111- 13; Ofitmi, 83; Rentyo, 161.

82 CHAPTER FOUR

firm that this tenet was clearly transmitted to followers. In his Myatei monda Fabian posited salvation in the afterlife as the central theme on which to construct his presentation of Kirishitan teachings. Fa- bian's work has a structure of three parts, the first two devoted to a critique of the Buddhist, Shinto, and Confucian teachings and the third to an exposition of the Kirishitan doctrine. He presents the latter in five sections with the following titles:

1. The only one Lord of genze annon, gosha zensho (peace in this world, birth in a good realm in the afterlife).

2. The anima-racional that remains alive in the afterlife. 3. The good place in the afterlife is called Paraiso, which is in heaven;

the bad place is called Inferno, which is the underworld. 4. What wc should do to be saved in the afterlife. 5. Questions about the Kirishitan teachings.ll

The above titles clearly demonstrate that Fabian understood the Kirishitan doctrine focusing on salvation in the afterlife. Chapter by chapter he expounds a Kirishitan "salvation system," shifting his theme from Deus, who enables the afterlife salvation, to the soul that is saved depending on human conduct in this world, to heavcn and hell as possible places of rebirth in the afterlife, and finally to the rules and practices that one should observe to achieve salvation in the afterlife.

In Collado's records of confession we read an entry referring to salvation in the afterlife. A follower says that there is no way other than Baptism to be saved in the afterlife, and that pagans who do not receive Baptism cannot be saved in the afterlife.12 For this Kirishitan, Baptism and salvation in the afterlife are linked together as essentials. The confessing follower further added the significance of faith, saying, "Even if one receives Baptism, unless one really believes in the articles of faith, one will suffer in hell because one is off the main road to the afterlife."13

A question remains, however, as to the Japanese meaning of the afterlife as the place of salvation. Along with the apparent emphasis on salvation in the afterlife in late medieval Japanese religion, we also know that people had expectations of religious benefits in this

Fabian Fucan, Myorei mondo; KH, 144-180. l'. Korijndo zauge roku, 9. j3 Koriyido zmge rokrr, 9.


world. Take for example the dramatic fudaraku tokai ritual, which I briefly mentioned above, which became popular in the late medieval and the beginning of the early modern period. Its ultimate purpose was birth in the Pure Land of Kannon, but it was also expected to bring people this-worldly benefits. As Mitsuhashi Ken aptly points out, a significant aspect of the fudaraku tokai ritual was the way local people were involved.14 Lay donors (dannu) enabled the ritual by arranging for ships and ritual clothes for the performers. Lay people thus became related to the ritual and were expected to share its benefits. In return, the performers took with them offerings from those people, symbolizing that they were taking pollution away from the donors or even that the performers were taking the donors to the Pure I m d of Kannon. After the ritual, the lay donors built a memorial pa- goda and performed memorial rituals for the performers. "Genze- aanun, gosha-zensho" (peace in this world, birth in a good realm in the afterlife) was the phrase that the lay donors inscribed on their memorial plates together with the names of the performers and donors.15 By thus relating themselves to the ritual, the lay people were assured of happiness in this world and in their future life as well. How did the religious teachings of the time respond to this popular demand for peace in two worlds, and how did the Kirishitan adjust their teachings to respond to it?

Rennyo was well aware of this popular demand, and said that the nenbutsu prayer for the afterlife was effective in attaining this- worldly benefits as well. He explains this with a metaphor of "rice grass" and "rice straw":

Those who desire [rebirth in] paradise with the settled mind of faith. . . . Their faith will, although they do not necessarily desire so, become a prayer [for having salvation in this life]. . . . Those who pray for salvation in this life are like those who receive rice straw. Those who pray for salvation in the afterlife are like those who receive rice

l4 Mitsuhashi Ken, '.Iezusukai senkyoshi no mita fudaraku tokai" Tn Karznorz ~hinko, ed. Hayam~ Tasuku (Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1982), 271-272.

l5 Nei Kiyushi, Shatgend~ (u Kiri;\hitcw, 306; Mitsuhashi Ken, "Iezusukai sen- kyashi no mita fudaraku tokai," 272. "Genze-unnon, god18 zmsho" was originally taken from the Lotus Siitra.

84 CHAPTER FOUR

grass. If you grow rice grass, you would as a matter of course receive rice straw. This is how it is for those who pray for the afterlife.16

Rennyo thus attributed this-worldly benefits to the nenbutsu prayer, while teaching salvation in the afterlife as being the ultimate goal. He was not alone in teaching that practice for the afterlife also brought benefits in this world.17 No matter how seriously religious teachings may have strcsscd the importance of the afterlife, they had to appeal to people who were experiencing illness, poverty, and other difficulties in their everyday lives. The inevitable result was a teaching that combined promises of benefits in this world with the afterlife as the place of religious rewards. From a purely theological point of view, it was a compromise between religious ideals and popular religious interests, but it was the main reason particular religious teachings were accessible and attractive to average people.

Thc Kirishitan teaching of salvation shared these dual and practical implications of the Japanese concept of salvation in the afterlife. The Dnchiriina Kirishitan focused on the afterlife as the place of salvation, but not exclusively. It also refers to Deus as "the Lord who takes care of us in this life as well as in the afterlife (genze goze to- moni)."l8 The Konchirisan no riyaku (Benefits of contrition) teaches the practice of contrition as a fundamental means of receiving divine forgiveness, a prerequisite for the salvation in the afterlife. The benefits of the contrition is thus taught in the context of salvation after death, though, from time to time, this-worldly rewards appear in the text. For example, "[Deus] enables our long life with good health and no troubles in this world [emphasis mine] while preparing Paraiso in the afterlife full of fathomless and indescribable pleasure."I9 The Japanese followers' expectation of this-worldly benefits from the Kirishitan faith is expressed even in Fabian's Myatei monda,

l6 Rennyo's letter, date unknown; quoted in Yuasa, Nihonjin no slzzikya ishiki, 263. My translation.

l7 The Japanese philosopher Nakamura Hajime theoretically explains this subtle point with the idea of "phenomenalism" or "this-worldliness" that he believes was deeply rooted in Japanese spirituality, including all the major Buddhist thoughts in the medieval period, even the Pure Land teachings whose tenet was generally known as other-worldly. See Hajime Nakamura, Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples: fn- dia, Chinu, Tibe(, Japan, ed. Philip P. Wiener (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1964), 361-372.

l8 Docl~iriina Kirisltifan; KH, 16. ' ~ o t t c h i r i s a r ~ no riyaku; KII, 375.

THE KIRlSHITAN TEACHINGS IN JAPANESE CONTEXT 85

which, as we have seen, sets the whole of Kirishitan doctrine within a clear structure centering on salvation in the afterlife. Myosha in the Myotei monda shows her joy at finding a new deity who offers salvation in the two lives, saying, "I did not know that you can pray to a different object for longevity and wealth in this world and peace in the afterlife . . . we should not fail to offer our prayer for goodness in both

The Kirishitan Divinity

As for Kirishitan divinities, Fabian Fucan concerns himself almost exclusively with Deus, referring to Jesus Christ only in a brief four- line direct quotation from the C r ~ c d . ~ ~ The Christian novelist End0 ShDsaku has concluded from this omission that Fabian had a poor understanding of Christ. End0 points out that Fabian was one of the most intellectual Kirishitan, who obtained perhaps the greatcst understanding of the doctrine, and from this he presumes that Christ had even less importance in the faith of the Japanese followers in

The absence of Christology in Fabian's work is inevitably conspicuous-he failed to give an account of even the redemption of Christ, a vital tenet of Christian teachings. His sharp criticism of Jap- anese religions as well as his systematic discussion of the Kirishitan teachings in the Myotei monda makes the point even more outstanding.

Apart from the Kirishitan texts themselves, we can find the most detailed Japanese account of Jesus in Sessb's Taiji jashu ron (On quelling the pernicious faith), which he wrote to criticize the Kirishitan faith. His critique of each subject of the Kirishitan teachings is preceded by his descriptive summary of the teaching. This summary is arranged separately from his critique, and presents a fair picture of the Kirishitan doctrine, demonstrating a less prejudicial approach than did authors of other anti-Kirishitan works. Sesso understood Jesus Christ as the founder of the Kirishitan t eac l~ ings .~~

20 Fabian Fucan, Myotei mondo; KH, 15G151. 21 Fabian Fucan, Myntei ~aondo; KH, 169. 2 % n d ~ Shiisaku, Kirishitan jidai: j~unkyo to kikyn no rekislzi (Tokyo: Shngaku-

kan, 1992). 167-173. 23 Sess6 Sosai, Tniji jashti ron; KH, 462. The same understanding is also found

in the I l a Kirishiturz (1642) by Suzuki Shdsan (157%1655). See Suzuki Shosan, Hu

86 CHAPTER FOUR

Due to the apparent similarity between the Kirishitan and the Bud- dhist teachings, Sesso believed that Christ founded a heresy of Buddhism after learning the teachings of ~Zkyamuni (the historical Buddha). His critiques of the Erishitan teachings were consequently directed toward Jesus Christ himself whose "imaginary idea," "ignorance," and "illusory attachment" wrongly produced the problematic Kirishitan teachings.%

At two places, Sesso makes refercncc to Christ himself. The first part runs as follows:

Six thousand years after Deus created heaven and earth, Jesus Christ was born. We said, "1 am the incarnation of Deus, the lord of Paraiso, the divine without beginning or end, who created heaven and earth and gave life to everything. I have provisionally descended to the world to save sentient beings in their afterlife. Those who follow my teachings and rely on Tenshu (the lord of heaven) will have their sins and evils eliminated, however serious they may be, and the Tenshu will give them happiness of heaven,"25

The second part is on Christ's crucifixion, redemption, and resurrection. ScssO writes:

Christ said, "I will be hung on the cross with satisfaction to save sentient beings in their afterlife, to suffer in place of them, and to compensate for their sins." He revived after seven days to work various miracles, which resulted in people's great reverence to him. Later, he ascended to heaven, saying, "There is no other path of human salvation than this law. This life is in a dream; quickly have faith in the teaching of this sect."26

Since Sesso's interpretation is the most detailed account available of Jesus Christ, we must rely on it to understand the Japanese understanding of Christ.

Fabian's sparse treatment of Christology convinced many, including Endo, of Fabian's poor understanding of Christianity more generally. Speaking from a descriptive perspective, however, what is important is not that Christ was inadequately presented, but that so much attention was given to Deus. Our task then consists in explor-

Kirishitlitnr~; KH, 45W57. For its English translation see, George Elison, Deus De- slrvyed, 375-392.

24 Sessb Sosai, Taiji jashn ron; KH. 472,474,473. '"ess6 Sosai, Taiji jasha ron; KH, 468. 2G S ~ S S O Sosai, Taiji jusha ron; HI, 470.


ing the nature of Deus as taught to the Japanese and how significant it was when compared to the character of deities in Japanese popular teachings.

The expositions of the Dochiriina Kirishitan include the following attributes of Deus: the creator of everything in heaven and earth; the only God; the ruler and maintainer of the order of the natural univcrsc, human world, and human destiny; and the spiritual substance (spiritual sustancia), the highest wisdom (sapientissimo), the highest mercy (misericordissimo), the highest justice (justissirno), and omnipotence (omnipotente). Here, I will deal with the exclusivistic character of the Kirishitan divinity, focusing on the first and second aspects of Deus from this list.

Deus as the creator of the world, appearing in the first article of the Credo (Apostles' Creed), was a new idea to thc Japanese. When the Dochiriina Kirishitan was published, Confucian terms for heaven or the lord of heaven were still popular among the Kirishitan as alternatives to Deus. For instance, the entry of "Deus" in the Dictionu- rivm Latino Lvsitanicvm a c I a p o n i ~ v r n , ~ ~ a Latin-Portuguesc- Japanese dictionary published four years after the Dochiriirza, lists "Tenson," "Tentei," and "Tento," as Japanese alternatives to Deus. The Vocabulario da Lingoa de I ~ p a m , ~ ~ a Japanese-Portuguese dictionary published in 1603, includes the entries of "Tenson," "Ten- tei," "Tento," and "Tenxu," defining them as follows:

Tenson: Word used in churches for Deos, that is, the Lord of Heaven. Tentei: TZno micado. King. Also, Deos. Tento: Tenno michi. Way or order, and providence of heaven. It is al-

ready usual for us to call Deos by this name, but pagans do not seem to think beyond the first meaning.

Tenxu: Tenno nuxi. The lord of heaven. Literary word used in churches.29

27 Dictionurivm latitlo lvsitarticvm ac iaponicvm ex ambrosii cale-pini volsrmine depromphmz. . . . Amakusa: Amakusa no Coregio (?), 1595. Facsimile published as Ra-po-nichi jitett (Tokyo: Benseisha, 1979).

Vocabvlario da lingolr de iapanl corn ndeclarag~io em portugrres, feito por algvnr padres, e irmaOs [sic] da conzparrhia de tesv con! IicenCa do ordinario, & superiorer em rlangasaqui uo collegio de iapam da companhia de iesvs. Atltio M.D.Ciii. (Nagasaki: Nagasaki no Collegia, 1603). Facsimile published as Puri bon N@po jisho (Tokyo: Benseisha, 1976); Japanese translation, Hnyaku Nippo jisho, ed. and trans. Doi Tadao et al. (Tokyo: lwanami Shoten, 1980).

2g Hoyaku Nbpo jisho, 647.

8 8 CHAPTER FOUR

Kobori Keiichirb has convincingly demonstrated that the character of Deus as the creator of the whole world was not shared with any other Japanese conceptions of deities of the time, including even the Confucian Tentd, the most popular alternative title to D e u ~ . ~ ~ Al- ready in 1552, Francis Xavier noted that the Japanese were surprised at the Christian teaching of the creator of the world "about whom none of their saints had taught."" Since this new idea of world creator (including the creator of human souls) was undoubtedly difficult for Japanese to understand, it deserved a detailed explanation in the Dochiriinu. Its exposition on this aspect of Deus even developed into a debate between the disciple and master.

The uniqueness and difficulty of the image of the creator has ofien led historians to speculate that whether one became Kirishitan hinged upon one's understanding of Deus as the creator. Ebisawa has argucd that one's recognition of Deus as the creator of all things meant the denial of faith in kami, buddhas, bodhisattvas, and Confucian deitics, and that, by that recognition alone, one deserved to be considered a K i r i ~ h i t a n . ~ ~ Kobori likcwise says that when people did not become Kirishitan, though they were free to do so, it was becausc thcy could not accept the idea of the creator who created things out of nothing only by saying, "Let there be." He writes, "They made no progress beyond the first article of the Creed and retreated all the way from there."33 Although we cannot necessarily agree with Ebisawa's Western monotheistic presupposition-acceptance of the teaching of a single creator automatically meant denial of all the other beliefs-Ebisawa and Kobori rightly suggest the uniqueness of the teaching in sixteenth-century Japanese religious culture.

The idea of Deus as the creator of the world provided the basis of the Kirishitan assertion of the single deity, or the "single body" (go- ittui), to use the Japanese phrase. And the belief in the single body of Deus was embodied as the teaching of exclusive adherence to the Kirishitan beliefs and practices, as we see in the first Mandamento (Commandment). Creation was the pivotal idea in Kirishitan monotheism and monopraxis. Deus is the only creator; therefore, Deus is

3D Kobori Keiichiru, "Tcndo ko (1)" Hikuku bunku kenkya 25 (1986): 1-36. 31 Francis Xavier, letter to his confreres in Europe, 1/2Y/1552; Sei Furanshisuko

Znbieru zerz slmkan, vol. 3, trans. Kono Yoshinori (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1994), 184. 32 Ebisawa Arimichi, Nil~orl Kirhishilun shi, 119. " Kobori Keiichiro, 'Tendb kfi (I)," 7.


the only God to be worshiped. Everything else in the world is what was created; therefore, they are not to be worshiped. Kami and hotoke (buddhas) were, according to this logic, created things; therefore, they are no different from human beings. This logic is developed in Valignano's CA TECHISMKS C H R I S T I A M FIDEI, which the -

Jesuits consistently used during their mission in Japan to deny any other divinities.

A teaching of a single divinity was not uncommon in Japanese religious thought. Amida Buddha of the Pure T m d schools is a good examplc. However, when a monotheism demanded exclusive adherence to its own practice, completely negating all other religious practices, as the Kirishitan doctrine did, it was unique and potentially conflictive in Japan. With the religious exclusivism, the only comparable case may be from the teaching of Nichiren (1222-1282), who taught the supremacy of the Lotus Sutra and advocated the exclusive religious practice of chanting daimoku (the title of the Lotus Shtra). Nichiren, unlike other Buddhist leaders but like the Kirishitan missionaries, integrated confrontation with othcr rcligious (Buddhist) teachings into the structure of his thought. The fujn fuse (to neither receive nor offer) movement lrom the late medieval to the early modern period was an extreme case of what is called "Lotus exclusivism." Nichirenist confrontational exclusivism remained unique in Japan. Therefore, although their exclusivism preceded Kirishitan's, it nonetheless does not obscure the tremendous impact of the Kirishitan exclusivistic claim in Japan.34

Generally speaking, moreover, monotheism did not necessarily equal monopraxis in Japanese religious thought. Rennyo's letters clearly demonstrate this particular aspect of Japanese religiosity. First, Rennyo taught his followers to have faith only in Amida, saying, "It is just [a matter ofj relying single-heartedly and without any worry on Amida Tathggata and, giving no thought to other buddhas and bodhisattvas, entrusting ourselves steadfastly and without any double-mindedness to amid^"^^ Although Rennyo thus taught his followers to rely only on Amida, he does not ask them to ignore other deities. He specified the proper attitude toward other faiths:

3"or Nichirenist exclusivism, see Jacqueline Stone, "Rebuking the Enemies of the Lotlrs: Nichirenist Exclusivism in Historical Perspective," Japanese Journal of Religioz~s Sh~dies 21/2-3 (1994): 231-259.

35 Rennpo, The Letters, I- 15; OJunii, 112; Rerzlzyo, 168.

9 0 CHAPTER FOUR

Outwardly, take the Iaws of the state as fundamental and do not hold any of the kami, buddhas, or bodhisattvas in contempt; do not slander other sects or other teachings. . . . Inwardly, rely single-heartedly and steadfastly on Amida Tathsgata for [birth in the Pure Land in] the afterlife and give no thought to any of the sundry practices and miscel- laneous good acts; when we entrust ourselves without a single thought of doubt, we will be born without fail in the true and real Pure Land of utmost bliss.36

The outward confortnity with--or even respect toward---other religious practices and inward reliancc on thc single body of Amida was in accord with the thought of the honji suijaku (original nature, trace manifcstation). It was a Buddhist logic of assimilation of the kami faith into the Buddhist system of belicfs and practices. Throughout medieval and early modern Japan the relationship between Buddhist and Shinto deities was established in the scheme of the original nature (buddhas/bodhisattvas) and trace manifestation (kami).

In his letter dated 11 January 1474, Rennyo explicitly relies upon this logic to admonish his followers to get along with kami and other Buddhist sects. He explains kami, buddhas, bodhisattvas, and Amida Tathggata in terms of a two-tier hierarchical system of manifestation. Kami are provisional manifestations of buddhas and bodhisattvas who "lament that those who lack faith in the Buddha-dharma fall helplessly into hell." Their appearance as kami is a "compassionate means to lead [sentient beings] at last into the Buddha-dharma." Rennyo does not stop there. He claims that buddhas and bodhisattvas are "discreet manifestations of Amida Tathggata," who is the "original teacher and the original Buddha." He continues, "For this reason, when we take refuge in Amida, the one Buddha, we take refuge in all the buddhas and bodhisattvas; hence the buddhas and bodhisattvas are all encompassed within the one body of A n ~ i d a . " ~ ~

R e ~ y o skillfully established the ultimacy of Amida within the context of Japanese religious amalgamation, taking advantage of the logic of "original nature, trace manifcstation." The Kirishitan teachings did not adopt this unique logic to avoid conflict with other religions. There is no evidence showing that European missionaries understood the honji suijaku theory, but, even if they did, we can

36 Rennyn, The Letters, 111-13; Ofilnzi, 244; Rertr~yo, 215-216. " Rennyo, The k t t e r s , 11-3; Ofrmi, 134; Rerznyo, 176-177.


hardly imagine that they would ever be interested in using the theory to establish the "one-bodiness" of Deus.

Amida and Deus were similarly described as "one body," the ultimate deity, who alone can assure human salvation in the afterlife. Yet, there was a significant difference between them regarding the practical applications of their monotheistic claim. When the idea of a single deity was taught together with a demand for exclusive adherence to its own practices, it became not just new, but foreign and dangerous thought in the syncretistic religious tradition of Japan. It thereby created tensions with the other Japanese religious traditions and also with political power that "itself rested on a syncretistic imperative."" A many scholars have pointed out, the exclusivistic nature of the Kirishitan teachings was the focal point of the troubles in which the Kirishitan group was constantly inv01ved.~~

It is true, as we saw in Chapter One, that the Jesuits could not help but use existing religious "situations," such as Japanese religious vo- cabularies, institutional systems, native personnel, customs, and manners, in order to make themselves understood and take root in Japanese society. Further, as we saw in the last chapter, the Jesuit message required much modification and the incorporation of many native concepts. Nonetheless, their message always differed from all other Japanese religious teachings of the time, due essentially to its exclusivistic faith in Deus. It is likely that to the Japanese nothing demonstrated the uniqueness of the new message more clearly than the exclusivist language and actions of the European missionaries, which were theologically justified by the doctrine about Deus.

From the Jesuit perspective, such exclusivistic thought and actions were manifestations of "the Christian triumphalism" in Japan; it was for wreckage of all the Japanese religious beliefs, practices, and symbols that stood in its way."O In accord with the principle of the Society, Regimini Militantis Ecclesiae, they strove to "fight for God

" Winston Davis, Japanese Religion and Society: Paradigms of Structure and Change (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), 81-82.

39 See, for example, Winston Davis, Japanese Religion rod Society; Anesaki Masaharu, Kirishitati dmdo no knhai (Tokyo: Dobunkan, 1930); and Gonoi, Nihon Kirisrrtobo shi.

"George Elison, Deus Destroyed, 9.

9 2 CHAPTER FOUR

under the standard of the Cross and serve only the Lord and the Ro- man Pontiff, his Vicar on Earth."41

Jesuit intolerance manifested itself as negation and destruction of Japanese religions. Targets varied from popular customs, such as marriage and ancestor ritual, to the deities of Shinto, Buddhism, and Taoism as well as their associated beliefs, practices, symbols, and facilities. The missionaries also targeted religious professionals, including Buddhist priests and monks, Shugendo practitioners, and ritualists of the Taoist Yin-yang schools (onmyr~ji), whom they called "servants of the devil" or "worshipers of idols."

In somc places, Jesuits translated their exclusivistic message into action. In 1557, padres in Hirado burned divine statues and copies of sutras from local temples." In 1582, Coelho and Frois in Shimabara destroyed Buddhist statues that monks in Arima had hidden from the Jesuits. They lit a fire on the piles of the ~tatues.~%ccording to Ma- tsuda Kiichi, it was because of a strong proposal of Gaspar Coelho, Jesuit mission superior, that Omura Sumitada ordered the demolition of all religious facilities in his domain except those to be used as Kirishitan ch~rches.~" It is easy to imagine that many similar cases went umecorded in Kyushu and Kinai where the Kirishitan faith was protected. Stories of the Jesuits' relentless, destructive actions spread across the country. The bonzes in Akashi tried to protect their statues by moving them to Osaka when they heard that the Kirishitan lord Takayama Ukon would come to rule their domain.4s

In the realm of folk religious customs, Jesuit negation of popular rites for ancestors left the Kirishitan without any means to care for their ancestors' spirits. The followers were also told that their uncon- verted ancestors had gone to hell and could not be saved.46 For the

Hubert Jedin and John Dolan, eds., History of the Church V: Reformation and Counter Reformation (New York: Crossroad, 1990), 448.

42 FN 6: 189-190. " FN 10: 227-230. FN 10: 21 note (6). FN 1 : 227-229.

46 In his letter dated 29 January 1552, Xavier reports that the Kirishitan teaching was problematic for the Japanese followers, writing, "Japanese Kirishitans have one sorrow. They grievc what we teach, that is, those in hell cannot be freed from it." (Xavier's letter 1/29/1552; t.;Y 4: 235; Anesaki Masaharu, Kirislzitan dendo no kdzai, 86; G. R . Sansom, The Western World and Japnn [New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 19501, 122; Okada Akio, Kir~islii~an chirnju [Tokyo: Kyuikusha, 19851, 71.)


Japanese this was a very difficult part of the Kirishitan teachings. George Sansom comments on this, suggesting that it was a common result "that must arise when a foreign idea comes into conflict with a deeply rooted custom." Theologically and philosophically minded missionaries "may concede points in debate without much harm to themselves as individuals, but as members of an organized society they can hardly admit that one of its most important rules of behavior is completely mistaken." For average people, it is not just a matter of abandoning a piece of familiar social custom; but rather, "the shock of losing a cherished belief is likely to upset the balance of their lives and to disturb the social order of which they are a part."47

Sansom is right in pointing to the possible gravity of people's shock at losing their familiar custom, a reaction that the Jesuit missionaries tended to ignore. Yet, not every missionary was unaware of such difficulties on the part of their Japanese followers, difficulties that might, in the long run, lead to serious disadvantages for the whole Jesuit mission, Valignano, for cxample, was very deliberate in imposing the Catholic norm of marriage, in anticipation of a possible contlict with a Japanese custom of the time. According to him, "with no security as to their lands or their dwellings," the Japanese were constantly "switching estates and kingdoms among them, and this means the breaking up of countless marriages among the pagans, since the husbands who are exiled do not want to be taking women with them, and the women do not want to go with them to other lands." He continues, "But given the duties which the soldiers have, it is out of the question for them to live without wives, so wherever they go they marry again, and countless numbers of them are caught up in this circumstance."

Seeing this situation, Valignano was seriously concerned about preaching the Catholic doctrine of marriage, which might invalidate even the whole Kirishitan faith: if they become Christians they must go back to their first wives, and "even if their wives are guilty of adultery . . . they should be always obliged to keep them as their wives and not marry others." Valignano thought that publishing this doctrine of marriage "would achieve nothing" in Japan, for it would he "an impediment and indeed a disaster as far as the propagation

47 G . B, Sansom, The We.s,ert~ World ondJupat~, 122.

94 CHAPTER FOUR

and acceptance of our holy law is c o n ~ e r n e d . " ~ ~ Valignano7s report displays a thoughtful and deliberate stance in executing Jesuit exclusivistic policy. His difference from most other missionaries-Padre Francisco Cabral, for example-was his sensitivity to the condition of the people whom the Jesuits were trying to convert to Christianity.

Evidence demonstrating lay followers' intellectual understandings of Deus remains sketchy, and this prevents us from attempting to recreate a general pattern of their understanding of Deus. IHowever, givcn the context just described, it is easy to imagine that therc were Japanese followers who had a good intellectual understanding of Deus as the single God. We see the following dialogue between a padre and a follower in Collado's collection of Kirishitan confessions.

P: What is Deus?

F: Deus is the respectful divine body, or the divine person withoul beginning or end, who is almighty and the source of all. [Deus is] the creator and ruler of heaven and earth and everything.

P: How many Deusles] arc there?

F: No, no. The divine body of Deus is only one.

P: No one says so. Deus is said to be in three.

F: Oh, that is right. On the nature of Deus, they say that Deus is in three as you said, or they say that [Deus] is the one body (go-ittai). When they say "three," they mean thepersona of Deus, but when they say "one body," they mean the divinidade of Deus, his divine body. All the Kirishitan know that.

P: Can you explain them in detail?

F: Although my knowledge is insufficient, I will mention them as you request, so that I will be able to receive further guidance. First of all, limitless wisdom, providence, peace, compassion, kindness, and every kind of fathomless good virtue are in the divine body of Deus. This is known even to gentiles as well as the single body [of

4s Alessandro Valignano, Adicio~~es, 472473; Matsuda Kiichi and Chikamatsu Hiruu, trans., Nihon junsatsuki, 19&191; English translantion in J. F. Moran, The .lapansse and the .le.suits, 1 1 1-1 12.

4y ~ o r i ~ d d o zange roku, 2-3.

THE KlRISHITAN TEACHINGS IN JAPANESE CONTEXT 95

This follower's text-book response may lead one to doubt the credibility of the source, but, by reading the rest of the confessions, we may say that such a doubt is groundless. Although it is not completely unthinkable, there is no convincing reason to believe that Collado had to change only one part of his collection while keeping the rest as it is, The monotheistic character of Deus, as the last sen- tence in the above quote shows, was easy for the Japanese follower to comprehend.

TIze Sinfil Human and the Kirishitan Salvation System

As regards the nature of the human being, the Dochiriina Kirishilun expounds first of all that the human being has not just flesh but also the anima (soul). "This anima gives life to the flesh and does not end even if the flesh turns into earth and ash." The unima "receives pain or pleasure in the afterlife, depending on the conduct [in this life]." Thus, according to the Dochiriina, one's conduct while living in this world is the most important factor in determining one's condition in the afterlife. The conduct that enables one to live happily in the afterlife is to become a Kirishitan. The Kirishitan faith and practice were taught to be the only means for the anima to achieve salva- t i ~ n . ~ O

A fundamental theological premise for this salvific explanation of the Kirishitan religion is the character of human sin (toga). The salvation system of the Kirishitan faith and practice centers on the dia- lectic relation between the human and the divine. In this relationship the human being is recognized most of all as the "sinner" who needs the grace and forgiveness of the divine in order to be saved. The Do- chiriina Kirishitan presents this human-divine relationship mostly within the context of the forgiveness of human sin by the divinity (except for mortal sins that are taught as a separate subject). The first such account appears as follows:

D: What is the sign of the Kirishitan?

M: As I said above, it is the holy Cruz.

D: Why is that?

9 6 CHAPTER FOUR

M: Because our Lord Jesus Christo set us free (gedatsu) on the Cruz.

D: What do you mean by "free"?

M: It means to become a free man.

D: Who is freed?

M: Those who have been captive, who became slaves, are set free.

D: Do you mean we are slaves?

M: Very truly. You are slaves.

D: Who are we slave to?

M: The devil (tengu) and your sin. In thc words of the Lord, we read "Those who commit sin are slaves to the devil (kn-mu)." When a person commits a morlal sin, the devil soon influences the person. Thus, thc person becomes the slave [to the devil]. However, if the person receives Bautismo, which [Jesus Christo] settled by dying on the Cruz, or if the person receives any sacramento, the grace given to the person from the Lord Jesus Christo will free the person from various sins.51

The Dochiriina, as well as other Kirishitan texts, teaches basically two types of human sin, original sin (orijinaru toga) and the sins violating the laws of Deus. The Dochiriina divides the latter into mortal sins and venial sins, according to the degree of sins. They are mostly concerned with morality. Yet, the sin of violating the first Commandment, the law of monotheism-monopraxis, which is religious in its nature, was a particularly important subject that the Japa- nese followers were requested to examine.

The sinful human must be forgiven sins in order to be saved. The Kirishitan kokoroe sho (Instructions to the Kirishitan) teaches that human beings must be sorry for their sins in order to receive forgiveness from Deus. The sacrament of Penance was the ritual for this purpose. "If one fulfills either confession or contrition," it was taught, "Deus would forgive one, however serious one's sins."52 Therefore, people should not lose their confidence in Deus even though they commit sins.

The Kirishitan had to regret their sins because their sins were rebellious action against Deus. The Konchirisan no riyaku says, "One should be sorry not for falling to hell nor for losing pleasure in

'' Doclzirii~la Kirkhiton; KII. 1%20. " Kirishitm kokorae sku; Kirishitrrrz hyori sho, 188.

THE KIRKHITAN TEACHINGS IN JAPANESE CONTEXT 97

heaven, but for having committed mortal sins and having been rebellious against Deus to whom one should extend one's utmost love." Deus is the "parent of love and compassion" (on-taisetsu, on-jihi no oya), and one should, beyond anything else, show sorrow and regret about rebelling against Deus. The text explains the point with a metaphor of filial piety. It says that a child of filial piety would be sorry after going against the will of the parent "not because he is afraid of punishment, but because he acted against the will of his parent and asks for forgiveness."j3

An important background for such instruction on human sin was the medieval Christian concept of "merit," namely, "something which ought to be accepted by another, for which the one accepting ought to give something in return."" Kirishitan texts called this merit go-or2 @cnevolence), The Konchirivan no riyaku explains the benevolence of Deus in the following aspects: Deus created all things with individual characters; Deus gave them a soul like that of angels; Deus gave the soul wisdom, prudence, and the freedom of will; Deus gave the soul feeling to recognize, love, and worship Dcus; with all occasions to give death and make the soul suffer in hell, Deus allows the Kirishitan to live in this life safe and healthy, and prepares a pleasure-filled heaven for the Kirishitan in the afterlife; and Deus became incarnate and died on the cross, saving humans by setting them free from slavery to the devil by the virtue of the blood he shed.5s

According to the text, it is more than apparent that human beings who receive this tremendous benevolence from Deus must grieve over whatever they have done against the will of Deus. The strong tone of the following statement found in the text is impressive:

Considering this [benevolence from Deus], who should ever not love the Lord more than anything else?; who can ever not be sorry from the bottom of the heart for having lost love of him and being rebellious against his will?; and who will ever not resolve not to be rebellious again?56

53 Konchirisarz no riyaku; KII, 371. 54 Richard P. McBrien, Catlzolicism (New York: Harper Collins, 1994), 492. 55 Kmchirisurr nu r-iyaku; KH, 374-375. 56 Kot~clzirisan no riyaku; KH, 375.

9 8 CHAPTER FOUR

And when one regrets one's sins, Deus will surely accept it because of his compassion oihi). The manual of contrition teaches that "the compassion of the Lord is limitless," and that the Lord wishes "nothing but the salvation of the human soul." Therefore, despite people's rebellion against the deep divine will, he loves them, and no sooner do they regret their previous misconduct and resolve to rectify their behavior than Deus forgives their sins.57

Focusing on the relationship between the human as sinner and the divine as forgiver, we may construct thc Kirishitan teaching of salvation with the following basic components: the evil character of human beings; the compassion and benevolence of Deus; and the possibility of salvation by Deus. Insofar as this structure of the idea of human salvation goes, Rennyo's thought demonstrates a great deal of similarity to the Kirishitan teachings. His definition of "faith" is based on the ideas of sinful human, merciful Amida, and human salvation by Amida's "Other Power."

What is the meaning of faith (anjin) within our tradition? [The answer is that], first of all, being deeply convinced that we are

worthless beings burdened with the ten transgressions and the five grave offenses, the five obstacles and the three submissions, we then recognize that it is the inconceivable working of Amida Tathsgata's Primal Vow that, as its primary aim, saves just such wretched persons; and when we deeply entrust ourselves and have not the slightest doubt, Amida embraces [us] without fail. This is precisely what it is to have attained true and real Other-Power faith. In realizing faith in this way, with [the awakening of] the one thought-moment [of entrusting], there is no need of any effort on our part.58

The evil character of human beings has been a fundamental tenet of the True Pure Land Buddhist school since Shinran, its founder. Ren- nyo's letters constantly touched on this point. It was important for his followers to realize that human beings are "worthless beings burdened with the ten transgressions and the five grave offenses, the five obstacles and the three submissions," "wretched beings of deep evil karma," or "wretched beings burdened with the most deeply- rooted evil." Wretched though they may be, they could be saved because of the "inestimable benevolence of Amida's great compas-

57 Korzchirisctr~ no riyoku; KH, 374. 58 Rennyo; T h e Letters, 11- 15; Ofirmi, 184; Rermyn, 192.

THE KIRlSHITAN TEACHINGS IN JAPANESE CONTEXT 99

s i ~ n . " ~ ~ Thus, Kirishitan and Rennyo's teachings of the salvific relationship between the human and the transcendent probably appealed to the Japanese in a similar way.

The difference between the two was apparent, however, in the method of ensuring human salvation. Kirishitan had to observe many ethical and religious rules so that they would not be rebellious against God, and to perform the sacrament of Penance to make up for their violation of the rules. They had to be strongly concerned over the sins they committed. Meanwhile, Rennyo told his followers not to worry at all about the depth of their evil karma. Nothing was required to be done to cope with human evil karma. All that was necessary was their faith alone. Kennyo wrote:

There is no need of effort on our part; whcn wc just realize deeply that Amida Tathagata himself graciously made the Vow to save those of us who, as wretched beings burdened with the most deeply-rooted evil, can go only to hell, and when faith is awakened in the one thought- moment of taking refuge, then-surely prompted by the unfolding of past good as well-Other-Power fa~th is granted through the wisdom of the Buddha.60

Rennyo thus taught the faith "awakened in the one thought-moment of taking refuge" as being what was required for one's salvation. Ac- cording to him, if only one accepts the faith and takes refuge in Amida, one's salvation is assured. The Jesuits from a very early stage of their mission in Japan paid keen attention to this significant religious thought, some of them finding it similar to the Lutheran claim of sola fide. Xavier made a point of noting in his letter the advoca- tion of the possibility of salvation without penance:

The members of the principal sect [Rennyo's group] . . . say that if those who have not done penance for their sins call the founders of these sects, they will be freed from all their pains, even though they do not do any penance. This will happen provided they place all their hope and confidence in them and invoke them with unquestioning faith.61

Though not required to rcgrct their evils like the Kirishitan, the followers of Rennyo were not allowed to be idle, either. They had to

" Rennyo, The Letters, 11-10; Ofumi, 167; Rertrtyo, 185. " Rennyo, The Letters, 11-8; Ofitmi, 162-163; Rerrttyo, 183-184. Francis Xavier, letter; They Cnnw ro.Ia/~nr~, 3 13.

100 CHAPTER FOUR

pray with the nedmtsu. On a theological level, the reasons behind penance and the nenbutsu differed from each other in their fundamental points. Since I will discuss in the next chapter the Kirishitan teaching of penance in detail, let me focus here on the practice of the nenbutsu prayer. Unlike penance, the nenbutsu was not a practice with which to ensure salvation-it was the act with which to "entrust themselves to Amida for their salvation in the afterlife," because their salvation was already ensured by the Other-Power of Amida. In other words, the nenbutsu was the expression of gratitude for the limitless bcncvolcncc of Amida's great ~ o m p a s s i o n . ~ ~ Ilcnce, Rennyo wrote:

Once fai th is decisively settled, we should-sleeping or waking-just say the nmbutsu in gratitude, joyfully remembering that we have received Amida Tathitgata's benevolence beyond measure. That is indeed the practice that truly returns the Buddha's bene~olence.~"

However, the difference between the "gratitude for salvation" and the "xcqucst for salvation" must have been very subtle in the minds of followers as it related to the practical meaning of the nenbutsu prayer. The nenbulsu had to be performed in any case. More of thc average followers of Rennyo probably performed the nenbutsu as the prayer requesting salvation. And the following words of Rennyo suggest that he allowed such an attitude:

With the thought of holding fast to the sleeve of this Buddha Amida, we entrust ourselves [to him] to save us, [bringing us to buddhahood] in the afterlife, then Amida Tathagata deeply rejoices and, sending forth himself eighty-four thousand great rays of light, receives us within that light.64

Thus, despite the difference in their theological rationale, penance and the nenbutsu could have been very similar to each other in terms of their practical significance.

Although the above brief comparison does not exhaust the complicated salvific teachings of the Kirishitan doctrine and Rennyo, I hope that I have accounted for basic similarities as well as differences between them regarding their teachings concerning the human nature. They were similar in stressing the evil character of human

bZ Rennyo, The Letters, 11-10; Ofilmi, 167; Rerznyo, 185-186. 63 Rennyo, The Letters, 111-1; OJumi, 190; Rcntiyo, 196.

Rennyo, The Letters, V-12; Ofr~n~i. 340; fienrlyo, 251.

THE KIRKHITAN TEACHINGS IN JAPANESE CONTEXT 101

nature and in using it as the ground upon which to establish the benevolence and compassion of the divinity. In their teachings, human sinfulness on the one hand and the divinity's benevolence and compassion on the other were, so to speak, "balanced out7'-the more sinful one is, the greater benevolence and compassion the divinity offers. This probably explains why Kirishitan in crisis demonstrated strong recognition of human sinfulness, such as those facing martyrdom who longed for the compassion of D e ~ s , ~ ~

6s Ebisawa Arimichi published a Japanese translation of letters of Kirishitan martyred on 26 August 1606 in Yatsushiro of Higo Province. See "1609 nen Kirishitan junky0 ki," ed. and trans. Ebisawa Arimichi, in Srishin Joshi Dnigaku Kntorikku bur~ku kenkynsllo kiyn 1, 1959.

CHAPTER FIVE

RITUAL PRACTICE OF THE KIRISHITAN

The primacy of practice over doctrine is clear in the Japanese approach to religions, especially in the realm of popular faith, regardless of the origin of a particular religion. Shinto is primarily a ritual tradition. Buddhism, an imported religious tradition in Japan, took root and grew in the Japanese cultural context by responding to people's religious expectations concerning the mysterious power of its rituals. The same held true for the people's approach to Kirishitari practice. In his letter to the general of the Society of Jesus, 29 Sep- tember 1577, the Italian Padre Gnecchi-Soldo Organtino (1533-1609) described how the Kirishitan rites attracted the Japa- nese:

Our experience shows that we will receive Japanese converts by mil- lions, if we can promote the worship of Deus by ritual. If we have choirs and musical instruments such as organs, all the people in Miya- ko and Sakai will undoubtedly become Kirishitan within a year. . . . In serving the Truth, ritual is the most effective meth0d.l

Organtino had been working in the Miyako (Kyoto) district since 1570. In the same letter he mentioned that ritual was the most effective method of evangelization because Japanese religions attracted people by their "ritual and elegant temples." His comment shows the importance of ritual activities in Japanese religious practice, as well as his interest in accommodative methods for conveying the Chris- tian message smoothly within the Japanese religious and cultural setting. Organtino was known for his thoroughly accommodative approach and his wide association with Japanese personalities. He was a missionary who lived among the native people; he wrote, "I am more a Japanese than an Italian, for the Lord by his grace has transformed me into one of that nation."= He probably understood the Jap- anese better than any other European missionary, and his comments on the effectiveness of ritual in Japan should be taken seriously.

Gnecchi-Soldo Organtino, letter to general, 9/29/1577; Matsuda Kiichi, "Kai- dai," in Nihotl jzcnsnrs~~ki. 297.

Gnecchi-Soldo Organtino, letter to general, 311011589; VMPJ 2: 106.

RITUAL PRACTICE OF THE KIRISHITAN 103

In fact, Kirishitan ritual practices, including sacramental rites, prayers, funerals, the scourging, and the Mass, occupied a significant part of followers' religious lives. Jesuit annual reports include numerous accounts of ritual activities performed both by missionaries for followers and by followers themselves. The 1596 report lists, for example, how many Japanese received sacramental rites in that year, region-by-region, including Baptism, Penance, the Eucharist, and Matrimony. The numbers are truly impressive and were especially high in areas where missionaries resided. Thus in h u r a , where four padres and nine irmiios (brothers) stayed, most of the twenty thousand Kirishitan in the domain came to make their confessions, A full 1,600 received the Eucharist, 380 married in churches, and 393 were b a p t i ~ e d . ~

We need to explore this important, ritual aspcct of the Kirishitan tradition.

Buplism and Penance

The Kirishitan teachings emphasized the sinful character of human beings. On the other side of this instruction lay the teaching of how to deal with this character, viz., how the Kirishitan could rectify themselves by having their sins forgiven and attain the conditions for their salvation in the afterlife. The Dochiriina Kirishitan explained the mechanism of the effectiveness of the sacramental rites for that purpose. It says that the three virtues of the Kirishitan are the conditions for salvation in the afterlife. The virtues could be fulfilled only with the grace of Deus, which is provided through the sacraments of the Holy C h ~ r c h . ~

Kirishitan learned in particular that the sacraments of Baptism and Penance were "the two ways the Lord Jesus Christ settled to forgive human sins (tsumi- tog^)."^ Through Baptism, a Kirishitan's original sin was forgiven, and so were his or her sins committed theretofore. Penance took care of sins committed since one's Baptism or since one's previous Penance. The Orasho no hon'yuku (Translation of

"NH 1-2: 177-1 83. "ochiriirza Kirishitni? KHI 62-64.

Byoja o turrrkuni kokoroe; lCH, 84.

104 CHAPTER FIVE

prayers), published in 1600, lists eleven essential articles for the life of the Kirishitan. Its ninth article says:

After one has received Bautismo, one ought not to lose one's confidence in [salvation in] the afterlife, no matter how serious a sin one may commit. This is because the Lord Jesus Christo, through his power, forgives one's sins after Bautisrno by the sacramento of confissao, if one regrets the sins after Bautismo, begs Deus for their forgiveness, and makes one's confissuo with resolution not to commit the sins again, or becomes dctcrmincd to make it on the occasions decided by E~cles ia .~

The Byoja o tasukuru kokoroe (Instructions for saving the sick) was published especially for teaching the two rites' meanings and proce- dures. Not only did the Kirishitan teachings advocate the two rites, but the Japanese followers also popularly accepted them. It is therefore reasonable to begin our discussion of Kirishitan ritual practice with a focus on these important rites.

Baptism

Let us begin with Baptism. The Dochiriina Kirishitan was the first published text explaining the meaning and procedure of Baptism. It teaches the rite in three points, focusing on its aspect as the Kirishi- tan initiation rite: (1) Baptism is the basis for one's becoming Kirishitan and for receiving the other sacraments; (2) it enables one to receive Faith and the divine grace as well as the forgiveness of one's original sin and sins committed thereafter; and (3) one must grieve over one's sins in the past and receive Baptism with resolution to keep the laws of Jesus C h r i ~ t . ~

The Byoja o tasukuru kokoroe focuses on the rite's effectiveness in dealing with human sins, especially original sin. It says that non- Kirishitan men and women, young and old, and even children born of Kirishitan parents have original sin, which they inherited from their parents, and that they also have venial and mortal sins as they grow. In order to be saved in the afterlife, the text says, everyone must receive Baptism. For, "without Bautismo, even a little child who only has original sin would go to Limbo of no pains or pleasure,

Olz?slzo no hoti'yaku. Nagasaki, 1600, reprinted in Bainchiz~~rno o snzukeyo, Orasho no hon'yahi: Honbun oyobi sosnkrrin, ed. Hayashi Shigeo (Tokyo: Kasama Shuin, 1981), 163-164. ' Dorhiriina Kinshitan; KH, 65.

RITUAL PRACTJCE OF THE KIRISHITAN 105

where the child will never be able to worship Deus." Adults who committed mortal sins would go to Inferno, where they would experience endless suffering according to the degree of their sins. Those who have received Baptism will be forgiven their sins. If they die without sins, nothing would prevent them from going to the pleasant h e a ~ e n . ~ The text thus stresses the functional meaning of Baptism by explaining its purpose as "having your sins forgiven."

The Dochiriina Kirishitan, the ByOja o tasukuru kokoroe, and the Kirisl~itun kokoroe sho further detailed how to administer Baptism. Its purpose was to teach lay followers an actual procedure of pexfor- mance so that they conld perform the rite correctly on their own-Baptism was indispensable to a Kirishitan's salvation in the afterlife, yet padres were not always available when a need for Bap- tism arose, especially in sudden cases. The Dochiriina notes, "Since this grant (sazuke) is frequently requested where no padres are available, every Kirishitan must know how to administer Buu~ismo."~ Any Kirishitan was allowed to administer the ritc in place of the padre "if apadre is not available and the receiver has a fatal illness or if onc is believed to have no chance to see apadre for some reason."1°

The actual procedure of the administration of Baptism was taught as follows: The padre pours a little water on the head or at least on the body of the recipient, saying the following words: (after saying the recipient's Kirishitan name, such as Petro or Paulo) "Soregashi Deztsu Padore, Hirio, Supiritsu Santo no mina o motte nanji o arai- tatemntsuru nari. Amen." Its Latin phrase, transliterated into Japa- nese, was also taught: "Ego, te, bauchiizo, in noumine, pachirisu, etsu, hiirii, etsu, supiritu, sanchi, amen" (Ego te baptizo in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti, Amen)." The water for Baptism could be from a well, river, or sea.

The act of pouring water and the utterance of the words had to be properly coordinated-the words being chanted while pouring. Also, it was required that the words be chanted completely. If one poured water without chanting the words, poured water with only half of the words, or chanted the words before or after pouring water, it was not a legitimate Baptism. No word could be missed for Baptism to be

"Byoj~ o rnsrlkz~rr~ kokoroe; KK, 8&89. 9~ocl?iriina Kirishitan; KK, 66. lo Bydju o lajukurir kokoroe; KH, 85. l1 L)ochiriir~n Kirishitatz: KH, 65; Byoja o raszrlcliru kokoroe; HI, 85.

106 CHAPTER FIVE

completed except for the words "Soregashi" (I), ''Amen,'' or the Kirishitan name of the recipient.12 Again, any Kirishitan was allowed to administer the sacrament so long as they observed its correct procedure and manner. Although either men or women were allowed to administer it, males were preferred.13

Few sources describe how the rite was actually administered to the Japanese. Since textual information tells us only the instructions, and not practices, we must rely on the following account provided by Sesso, probably the most detailed description of the performance of the Kirishitan Baptism. What he depicts is a system of Kirishitan initiation of which Baptism is one part (Communion and Confinna- tion are also described). Although the following section focuses on Baptism, let me quote its entirety because it is a rare example of the Japanese description of a Kirishitan practice.

Aftcr listening to a sermon, the audience wish to become adherents of the sect. Then a baleren @adre) performs the rite of grant (saruke n o ha). In the beginning, [the bateren] places a piece of white cloth on the forehead of a follower to be, holding candles, and puts salt into his mouth. The huteren picks up water and pours it on him and chants a prayer. Then, they go to the buteren's room so that [the catechumen] makes his confession (sunge). At that time, [the bateren] provides a wheat mochi [to the catechumen] who receives and eats it. [The bateren] also gives grape wine, and [the catechumen] receives and drinks it. After that they meet the chief bateren. The chief bateren forms the sign of the cross ('jumonji) on the person's forehead, picks up oil, puts it on his head, and slaps him on his right cheek.14

We may summarize the textual instruction of Baptism by focusing on its three aspects: context, form, and purpose: (1) it was the Kirishitan initiation rite; (2) it included water-related actions and

l2 Dochiriina Kirishitan; KH, 66. A few additional instructions were found in the Sakaramenta teiyofuroku, a Japanese translation of an excerpt from the Catechismo Romano. They are to put salt in the mouth of the recipient and spit on his or her ears and eyebrows, to put oleo and clzrisnza on the recipient, and to place a white cloth on the recipient's forehead and let him or her hold candles (Sakaramenta teiyofrrrokzr; KH, 184).

l3 Byoja o taslrkuru kokoroe; KH, 85. l4 Sessd Sbsai, Taiji jashli ron; KH, 470. We do not know whether his descrip-

tion is based on his personal observation or on information he received from someone else. Taking into consideration (a) the time of the publication of his work (1648) whcn ncither any padres nor the bishop remained in the country, and @) that he uses no technical original terms (even Bautismo), it is more likely that he learned the whole procedure from former Japanese followers or im~Sos, probahly i n Nagasaki.


prayers as main ingredients; and (3) its purpose was to have one's sins forgiven and to receive the Kirishitan faith and grace from Deus. With regard to the first aspect, Sessa clearly understood that Baptism was an initiation rite for one who wished to become an adherent of the Kirishitan sect. Regarding the second aspect, he called it "the rite of grant," not specifically mentioning "water" in the title, but he seems to have recognized that the acts performed on and with water (including prayers and the act of pouring water) were the focus of the whole rite. About the third aspect, Sesso remains silent, and he does not refer to the internal doctrinal meaning of Baptism (forgiveness of sins, grace, faith, and so on).

Ordinary Kirishitan likewise scem to have had few problems in understanding the first two aspects of Baptism. Kirishitan individutlls referred to Baptism simply as "water" (omizu) and said that it was the beginning of their Kirishitan 1ife.l"ecords of hidden Kirishitan reveal that they continued to perform a water rite to initiate babies into Kirishitan farnilies.16 Beyond the textual instruction they received, a similarity between Baptism and Japanese water-related rites explains why they understood Baptism. As in many parts in the world, a variety of water rituals were very popular in Japanese religious culture. Among them, the formal Buddhist tradition of kanja (Sk.: abhisheka), which Sesso actually compared to Baptism in his work, shared similarities with Baptism in its form (pouring water) as well as in the context in which it is performed (initiation). The kanja in an ordination ceremony of Esoteric Buddhist traditions (Shingon and Tendai) was a good example of the similarity.

We may further point out the similarity between Baptism and Jap- anese water rites with respect to the "cleansing" symbolism of the rite. The words "I cleanse you" (nanji o araitatematsuru), which were to be chanted while pouring water on the candidate, indicated the meaning of the act, and perfectly resonated with the Japanese religious ethos of "purification" that all the popular water rites imply. The best known case was the misogi which was performed to cleanse oneself with the power of water. Its form of water bathing is direct and simple, and the image of misogi as a purification rite is strongly

Koriyido zangf rolnc, 1. '"ee, for example, Anmkusn ko Kirishiran shiryo (I), ed. Kyushu S h ~ r y o Kan-

kokai (Fukuaka: Kyubhu Shiryb Kankbkai, 1959), 55.

108 CHAPTER FIVE

linked to the image of water which symbolically washes evils away. This straightforward symbolism of water made misogi popular both in religious and non-religious contexts of Japanese culture. Still today, on a visit to a shrine or temple one washes the hands and mouth with water at the entrance of the precinct. This is a simplified form of misogi, which worshipers used to perform by bathing in a river before entering a shrine. In a secular context, water's purificatory de- notation is often metaphorically expressed, such as "mizu ni nagasu" (wash away into water), meaning to forget or forgive one's as well as other's misfortunes and misconduct.

Mythological accounts of misogi also strongly factor into the papular understanding of misogi, attributing the purificatory effects of the rite to the power of water. A well-known story in the Kojiki17 tells that Izanagi, Shinto's male deity, purified his body to remove pollution from his contact with decay in the netherland. Saying, "I have been to a most unpleasant land, a horrible, unclean land. There- fore I shall purify mysclf," Izanagi went to the mouth of a river, discarded his clothes and cleansed his body.18 This famous story is believed to be the origin of misogi, and is responsible for thc popular understanding of the rite.

Unfortunately, the similarity of the water symbolism in Baptism and Japanese water rites meant there was a risk of obscuring the theological purpose of the whole baptismal rite, because followers could understand it according to their own sense of purification ritual. The Japanese popular sense of purity never developed into metaphysical or highly idealized forms. Rather, their sense of purity was expressed by concrete acts which would appeal to the senses and sentiment.19 This being the case, popular purification rites were not a method of attaining something beyond, such as forgiveness of sins, divine grace,

l7 Literally "Record of Ancient Matters." The Kojiki was complied in 712 under the auspices of the imperial court. It is the court's statement about the origins of the imperial clan and the leading families and the beginnings of Japan as a nation, and a compilation of myths, historical and pseudo-historical narratives and legends, songs, anecdotes, folk etymologies and genealogies (Donald Philippi, Kojiki [Tokyo: Uni- versity of Tokyo Press, 19681, 3). For a detailed discussion of the character and analytical guidance, see Philippi's "Translator's introduction."

l8 For an English translation of the full account of this story, see Donald Philippi, Kojiki, 61-70.

l9 Hajime Nakamura, Ways of' Thinkii~g of Eastern People (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1964), 556.

R R U A L PRACTICE OF THE KIRISHITAN 109

or faith. The very act of purification was the embodiment of purity. Its meaning was confined into the action itself.

Thus, the theological meaning of Baptism could be corrupted when understood within the limits of Japanese popular understandings of ritual purification. When that happened, the grace and faith given from Deus, so essential in the theological explanation of the rite, lost their position in the rite's meaning.

Penance

Compared with Baptism, where symbolic action could allow a latitude of intcrpretation, the sacrament of Penance had a more explicit character as a Kirishitan rite for the forgiveness of sins. Penance was a quick and easy means to erase one's sins. Kirishitan had a rich textual explanation of Penance. According to the Dochiriina, it is a "good spiritual medicine for curing sins, the illness of anima." It teaches Penitencia as comprised of contripio, that is, sorrow from the bottom of the heart, confis.Go, verbal regrets, and su~i.sfi@o, passing away of one's sins (toga-okuri). The Dochiriina Kirishitan then explains the essential point of each:20

D: How should I perform the true contri@o?

M: You should truly regret and have remorse for the sins you have committed against [the will of] Deus and make confissao, finding occasions for it. [Contripio] is completed when you strongly resolve not to commit mortal sins thereafter and make up for the sins you committed.

D: How should I perform confissCo?

M: If it is your first confissGo, you should mention the sins you have committed since your Bautismo. If you have done it before, you should reflect on the sins you have committed since your last con- fissko and mention all of them. To do so, you should refer to what was said in the ninth chapter above [on the law of the Santa Ecclesia].

D: What is satisfapio?

M: It is to make up for your sins to the Lord Jesus Christo. It is done by your sorrow and spiritual pains as well as the sending away of sins (toga-okurg as directed by thepadre.=l

20 Ilochrriina Kirislutan; KH, 71. " D~ochiriir~o Kirishio~rt; KH, 71-72.

110 CHAPTER FIVE

Confession was the most important among the three parts of the sacrament of Penance; we can find in Kirishitan texts such expressions as "Penitencia means confissEo"" or "the sacramento of confi~sEo."*~ The Jesuits emphasized the frequent practice of confession. They had inherited "the view of medieval theologians about the necessity of confession to a priest for the forgiveness of serious sins." Their particular emphasis on Penance was based on their view of confession as a means of "beginning a new way of life." Thcrc wcre three basic kinds of confessions for them: liturgical confession of sins at the beginning of Mass; the confession of sins by an individual to a priest in the sacrament of Penance; and a review with a confessor of one's entire life, "to attain a better knowledge of oneself and more firmly turn to God and away from what was wrong and harmful." Jesuits encouraged the final confession as something one does periodically to aid spiritual growth. In addition to practicing the general confession themselves, the Jesuits recommended it to others "as the keystone and expression of their con~ers ion . "~~

Confession was probably the most explicit dc~nonstration of people's association with the Kirishitan group. The actual practice of the sacrament in Japan was not always the same as in Europe due to the small number of the padres available (the Konchirisan no riyaku [Benefits of contrition] therefore taught a prayer of contrition for a follower's self-fulfillment of contrition). Nonetheless, confession, which required the follower's verbal and non-symbolic intelligible participation in the ritual act for the atonement of the evils they had committed, was not comparable with any popular ritual action in Ja- pan. For, the Japanese popular religious ethos of protecting from and warding off evils was embodied in symbolic verbal and non-verbal p ~ a c t i c e . ~

Missionaries' reports are full of stories of local Kirishitan flocking aroundpadres, who at times had to listen to hundreds of confessions at one place. Let me present some examples from Jesuit sources.

" Byoju o fas~tkurtr kokoroe; KH, 90. " Orusha no horr'yakri; Brrirchizrimo o x a m k e y ~ Orcrsho no hon'ytrkrr: Hanbirn oynhi scrsakuin, 163.

"John W. O'Malley, The First Jcrsnirs, 136-139. 2' The Japanese had the Buddhist practice of sunge (repentance), a concept Sessv

applied to explain confession in the above quote @. 106).


In 1565, in Funai, Bungo, Kirishitan showed their strongest desire to make their confessions. They solicited padres to listen, because they had spent eighteen months without the power of the sacrament. Moved by the earnest request of the Kirishitan, padres finally began to listen to their confessions although their Japanese was not good enough to understand them.26 In 1589, the Shimo mission area had one hundred and fifty thousand Kirishitan. When apadre arrived in a local village, he collected all the Kirishitan and encouraged them to make their confessions. "Then," the report says:

the followers, singly out of their desire to be helped, accepted the padre's recommendation willingly. They unanimously say that they feel great comfort by making their confessions. They believe that they become good Kirishitan only after making a confession. 'Therefore, at many places followers flock to make their confessions . . . and there is no padres who have not listened to more than one thousand confes- s i o n ~ . ~ ~

In the samc year, Padre Organtino alone listened to more than three thousand and five hundred confessions in Nagasaki and the surrounding area.28

We can classify Kirishitan confessions in Collado's work into two main parts: the examination of followers' knowledge of the Kirishi- tan divinities, and their confessions of conduct contrary to the Ten Commandments. Those sins were committed consciously and therefore it was possible to reflect on them. The confessions were actually very concrete and detailed, including specifying how many times particular sins had been committed.

Despite the popularity of the rite of confession, however, priests were not always around when needed. A great number of Kirishitan were sometimes unable to make confessions for more than a year, even in such areas as Shimo and Bungo where Jesuit missionary work was most advanced. Moreover, even if a priest lived relatively close, he was not necessarily available when confession was most desired-when followers were on their deathbed, for example.

Ironically, from the standpoint of the missionaries, the Jesuit emphasis on confession and the Japanese followers' sincere request for

26 FN 7: 26. 27 Annual report for 1589 and a letter from the vice-provincial to Alessandro

Vali nano, 10/7/1584; INH 1-1: 118. ? INHI-1: 125.

112 CHAPTER FIVE

it placed a great burden on the padres. They alone could fill the role of the confessor and, as already pointed out, they were desperately short in number given the quickly growing Kirishitan community. The First Mission Congress of Japan (1592) mentioned the padres' incessant travel to hear confessions as one of their most serious hardships. They often had to travel as far as twenty-four kilometers simply to listen to a sick person's confession. Padres felt a sense of guilt when they were unable to reach the sick in time and thcy passcd away without confessing. The congress noted, however, that "if a padre wishcs to visit all the sick people, it would be equivalent to wishing to make the impossible

In order to deal with the lack of padres, Kirishitan were instructed that, when a pudre was unavailable for their confession, "they receive forgiveness for their sins by their regret and sorrow through c~ntrition."~" The Japanese followers were thus taught a prayer of contrition that cnabled them to receive the same benefits as from a formal confession with a padre. The Konchirisan no riyaku teaches the main points of contrition as hllows: it is done to have one's sins forgiven; it must be done especially when one is in a critical condition; firm faith (in the Creed) is necessary; and one should leave oneself to Deus and Jesus Chr i~ t .~ ' In making a contrition, Kirishitan had to examine if they had committed mortal sins, if they had lost Kirishitan faith by worshiping kami and hotoke, if they believed in non-Kirishitan teachings, or if they had acted against the Ten Com- m a n d m e n t ~ . ~ ~ They further had to resolve not to sin again.

The Kirishitan were, however, taught also to regret sins they had forgotten or sins they had unconsciously committed. "Even though you do not recall a sin," the manual of contrition says, "you should not feel at ease, thinking you have no sin." If they had sins but did not make their confessions, the manual taught, they would fall into

It would hardly be surprising if such an instruction provoked

29 "Primera Congregaci6n de Jap6n (1592),"Adiciones del Slrrnnrio de Jnpdn, ed. Josi Luis Alvarez-Taladriz, 721; "Nihon dai ikkai kanku sfikaigi gijiroku, 1592," Nihotz no kntekizumo, trans. Ieiri Toshimitsu, 305.

30 Bycija a tcrsrtkunr kokorue; KH, 90. 31 Konchirisan no riyaku; KH, 363-368. 32 Konchirisar~ no riyaku; KH, 368-369. " Ku~lchirisut~ nu riyakr,; KII. 369.

RlTUAL PRACTICE OF THE KIRISHITAN 113

the idea among the followers that they had to perform the ritual of confession whether or not they had sins to confess.

Further, when no padres were available, or when the padres spo- ke no Japanese, followers were advised to read the text to the sick so that they could make contrition and have their sins forgiven before dying. For this purpose, measures were taken to arrange for "wise persons" in remote locales who would direct followers prior to calling a padre. This was an important task of local lay Kirishitan leaders, especially the kurnba lay ministers. Another measure was to "print on a small paper what the sick person should do, and how the attending person should help him so that the sick person could make his contrition and prepare for his good passing away without a con- f e ~ s o r . " ~ ~ The Byoja o tusukuru kokoroe and the Konchirisan no ri- y a h were published especially for teaching Kirishitan how to care for dying followers who needed a confession and, at times, Baptism as well.

Whcn confession was replaced by a Kirishitan's formalized self- practice such as prayer and text-reading, it could lose its intelligihil- ity and cognitive aspects. Instead, it could enhance the symbolic character of the whole process of Penance and deal with non- cognitive and unconscious evils as well. The teaching about unconscious sins reveals an important aspect of the Kirishitan view of sin and of the practice of the sacrament of Penance. By incorporating unconscious sins, the Kirishitan sense of sin could, while retaining its strong ethical and religious flavor, dissolve into the Japanese popular concept of "pollution" that broadly included indigenous ideas of physical and spiritual impurity, called tsurni.

The meaning of tsurni was based on an ancient connotation. Ac- cording to Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801), a great scholar of the NationaI Learning (bkugaku) in the Tokugawa period, tsumi "meant whatever people hate and abominate as evil, including not simply evil deeds, but also diseases, various disasters, filthy things, ugly things, and so forth."" m e referent of tsumi, therefore, was not rc- stricted to evil or sin in a moral sense. Tsumi broadly referred to

34 "Primera Congregacihn de Japhn (1592)," Adiciorzes del Sumario de Jupa'rz, 271-272; "Nihon dai ikkai kanku sakaigi gijiroku, 1592," Nilzon no kaiekizumo, 305-306.

35 Shigeru Matsumoto, Motoori Norirmga 1730-1801 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970), 21 7.

114 CHAPTER FIVE

"filthiness or impurity, physical and pir ritual,"^^ only a part of which was concerned with morality. "Tsumi was pollution of the senses."37 This being the case, there was no clear distinction between moral guilt on the one hand and physical disaster and pollution on the other. Shinto purification was not just the purification from filth or pollution but also the rectification of And all impurity could be re- moved by purification rituals.

When understood in this broad sense of "pollution," thc Kirishitan idea of human sin was quite recognizable in Japanese popular religious culture, and the instruction that the sacrament of Penance had to be performcd on a regular basis, whether one was aware of one's own sins or not, made perfect sense. If human sin was apprehended through the image of pollution, the act of confession would be conceived of as a purification rite.

Thus, the Kirishitan ethos of sorrow about sin could be translated into the Japanese religious ethos of purification of pollution. Paral- lels exist between sin and pollution as they do between penance and purification. Indeed, the idea of "pollution-purification" worked in the Kirishitan teaching of human sin as more than a metaphor, as we see in the following instruction of the Dochiriina Kirishitan:

The Santa Ecclesia hopes that you make your confiss&o often since you commit sins often,-but I tell you to make your confissao at least once or twice a year. You purify your body whenever it gets polluted. Likewise, since your anima often becomes polluted by evils, you must purify it as often by conf iss~io.~~

When this sort of catechismal admonition was given in Japanese religious culture, which had a special inclination toward purification, it is not surprising that Japanese followers understood a confession as a sort of "safety-valve" to maintain a peaceful relationship with God, a relationship that secured their own well-being. A Kirishitan confessed, "At a few times, I felt easy about breaking the laws, counting on the unlimited mercy of Deus. I thought that, because of his mercy,

Shigeru Matsurnoto, Motoori Norinaga, 9E-99. 37 Tsunetsugu Muraoka, SIlulies ih Shinto Thought, trans. Delmer Brown and

James T. Araki pokyo: Ministry of Education, 1964), 30. 3R Shigeru Matsumoto, Motoori Norirtnga, 98-99. " Dochiriirza Kirishitan; KH, 57.


it is quite easy for Deus to forgive my sins if only I make my confession [emphasis mine]."40

According to the Jesuit annual report for 1596, when the Jesuit mission in Japan had advanced close to its peak, almost a half- century after Xavier arrivcd, there were only forty-six priests living at about twenty residences. Moreover, most of their residences were limited to the Shimo district-particularly in Nagasaki and Shinia- bara-with only a few others in Bungo, Miyako, and Osaka.41 With few padres available in their locales, the average Kirishitan probably performed the two crucial sacramental rites on their own more oftcn than with thepudres.

Scholars generally discuss Kirishitan self-practice only in the context of the underground period in which all communication with padres was severed. Yet, the statistical evidence provided by missionaries seems to suggest that the religious (not socio-political) situations surrounding followers in the Christian century were not significantly different from those in the subsequent underground period." The publication of manuals for self-practice of sacramental rites by followers also supports this view. There was a lay position of nzizukulu (lit.: one in charge of water) during the underground period, and the holder regularly administered Baptism. Any lay follower was already allowed to perform Baptism in the Christian century, and there probably was a chosen lay person in local communities who took care of Baptism. Using statistical evidence rather than extrapo- lating from subsequent periods, we may conclude that a great majority of the Japanese Kirishitan maintained their faith and practice on their own, often in communal units, waiting for years for the missionaries to return. This situation merely continued into the period of underground Kirishitan faith.

As regards other sacraments, the Dochiriinu explains all the seven rites. It gives the most detailed explanations to the Eucharist and Matrimony-1,032 and 1,112 words in translation, respectively-almost twice as many as Baptism which is explained with 519 words. Penance has 256 words, Confirmation 80, Extreme Unc- tion 71, and Holy Order 57. The explanation of Matrimony is almost

40 NIIIQN NO COTOLIA NI YO CONFLSION; Koriyado zange roku, 18. " LVII 1-11 119. 42 Fu~uno Kiyuto, Kirnhitaniz~rrnu no kenkyg 126.

116 CHAPTER FIVE

entirely dedicated to convincing the disciple why the Catholics' strict rule on marriage must be observed in Japan. This long explanation is reasonable, considering the Japanese social setting wherein observing the Catholic teachings of marriage seemed almost impossible, as we have seen. But why should the Eucharist deserve such a long exposition, twice as long as that regarding Baptism?

The Eucharist was first explained as follows: "Since this is the supreme mysterio, it is beyond description." However, the Japanese were full of questions about this sacrament. In the Dochiriina the disciple asks, "How is it ever possible for a p6o and grape wine to turn into the flesh and blood of Jesus Clzristo? The color, flavor, and taste of the grape wine remain the same. This is incomprehensible." Thc master replies by advising him not to try to comprehend but to believe in it; he should believc in the Eucharist "as long as the Lord Jesus Christo, the rcal origin [of all], has thus taught."

And yet the Dochiriina coritinucs the dialogue. The disciple's questions reveal a Japanese concern with thc material bread and wine and their relationship to Jesus Christ, whom they also grasped only in the tangible image of a human body. One question asks about the bread and wine, "What do you mean by saying that there is Jesus Christo's flesh under the color, flavor, and taste of the p60, and his blood under the color, flavor, and taste of the grape wine? Does the flesh of Jesus Christo exist in the hostia apart from his blood in the calk?" As to Jesus Christ, the following three questions were asked: "How can the Lord Jesus Christo be simultaneously in numerous hostia at numerous places, while existing in the single body in the sacramento?" "When you break an hostia into two, is the flesh of the Lord Jesus Christo divided?" And even, "Jesus Christo was as tall as ordinary people in the world. How is he able to exist entirely in the small h ~ s t i a ? " ~ ~

That these questions were printed in the Dochiriina which was to circulate among the Kirishitan indicates these were common questions. In Collado's confession book, no Kirishitan mentions the Eucharist, and we can hardly find records showing how the Japanese understood the sacrament. These questions in the Dochiriina, however, seem to indicate the limit of the people's understanding of the mysterious rite. The difficulties this sacrament posed for Japanese


people were perhaps due in part to their insufficient understanding of Jesus Christ and to the sacrament's unique form and concept in the Japanese religio-cultural context. The image of blood in Japan as one of the most potent sources of "pollution" may also have affected people's approach to the rite.

Ritual Life of the Kirishitan

After his account of the Kirishitan initiation system, the Zen monk Sesso briefly illustrates how Kirishitan rites became part of people's daily lives. According to him,

followers begin to make the gesture of the sign of the cross for their daily acts, including meals and customary behaviors. They also scourge their backs so as to eliminate evils by the meritorious power (kuriki) [of the scourge]. They chant the oratio with beads in the morning and evening. There are many other practices too.u

Sesso thus points to the sign of the cross, scourging, and prayer (J.: orasho, L.: oratio) as distinctive constituents of Kirishitan daily ritual life. 'The sign of the cross was discussed in Chapter Two, and here I will focus on prayer and scourging. A few other ritual practices will also be presented as examples of how Kirishitan adopted rituals to replace their traditional popular rites.

The Kirishitan learned many prayers. The Orasho no hon'yaku (Translation of prayers [oratio]), published in 1600, lists the following thirty-five prayers, some of them prayers in Japanese translation (J), and others Latin prayers transliterated into Japanese (L):

1. The words of the cross (J, L) 2. The Pater Noster (J, L) 3. The Ave Maria (J, L) 4. The Credo (J) 5. The fourteen articles [of the Credo] to believe: seven about Deus

and the rest about Jesus Christ (J) 6. The Ten Mandamento (J) 7. The Five Church Laws 8. The Salve Regina (J) 9. Prayer of apology (J)

10. The seven sacramentos (J) 11. The seven capital sins (J)

44 Sessfi Siisai, 7izIj.i jaslzti 1.011; K H , 47047 1.

118 CHAPTER FIVE

12. The seven virtues against the sins ( J ) 13. The works of mercy: the seven corporal and spiritual mercies ( J ) 14. The three theological virtues ( J ) 15. The four cardinal virtues ( J ) 16. The gifts of the Holy Spirit ( J ) 17. The eight benaventuran~a [blessings] ( J ) 18. Prayer before sleeping (J, L) 19. Prayer at rising (J, L) 20. Prayer for requesting the protection of angels (J, L) 21. Prayer before leaving home (J, L) 22. Prayer on pouring water [in Baptism] ( J , L) 23. Prayer of haslia [bread] ( J , L) 24. Prayer of uulix [chalice] ( J , L) 25. Prayer on receiving Eucharisliu ( J , L) 26. Prayer of the Cruz (J, L) 27. Prayer before meal (J, L) 28. Prayer after meal (J, L) 29. Prayer on passing on roads (J, L) 30. Prayer for chanting three Ave Maria to the benevolence of the

birth of the Lord Jesus Christo (J, L) 31. One-hundred-and-fifty-time prayer of rosary of the Blessed Virgin

Mary (J) 32. Five articles for meditating the joy [of the birth of Jesus Chrlsto] (J) 33. Five articles for meditating the Passion ( J ) 34. Five articles for meditating Gloria ( J ) 35. Prayer of coroa [crown] ( J )

This "text of prayers" further includes eleven articles of the principal Kirishitan teachings: Deus as the single creator and controller of the world; the Trinity; Jesus Christ as the Savior; the immortal soul; the Ten Commandments and the sacraments; the Crucifixion; the Resur- rection; the Judgment; the forgiveness of sins through Baptism and confession; the Eucharist; and the merits of venerating Kirishitan saints and observing Kirishitan rules.45

The above list of Kirishitan prayers and the eleven articles show that the essentials of the Kirishitan doctrine were included under the name of "prayer" (orasho) which the Kirishitan were supposed to memorize and chant on designated occasions. In fact the Latin title of the Orasho no hon'yaku (Translation of prayers) is DOCTRIN A3 CHMSTI: an@ rudimmlu, cum ulijs pijs Orutionibus, which suggests that the Church published the book as a doctrinal text in a

45 See Appendix LI for a full English translation of the eleven articles.


prayer format. Its function was, therefore, analogous to that of Euro- pean catechisms. The Japanese catechism (Dochiriina Kirishitan) became very long and complicated as a result of a modificatory translation. It was probably because of that complexity of the Do- chiriina Kirishitan that this simple form of doctrinal text was compiled.

The Dochiriina Kirishitan explains the prayers of the Pater Nos- ter, the Ave Maria, and the Salve Regina, spending one chapter on each. These prayers are, according to the catechism, "the way or bridge by which we make our request known to heaven and have our wish to Deus Kirishitan also believed in the power of these prayers thenlselves and used this power for various purposes. Their employment in exorcisms was common. According to a missionary report, in Takemiya in Rungo, a Kirishitan exorcised the devil by using the power of his own faith, prayer, discipline, and the relics which he hung around the neck of the pos~essed.~ ' There were possessed people in many places in Bungo. Kirishilan often expelled the devil merely by loudly chanting the Pater Noster and the Ave

Such an approach to Kirishitan prayers was perhaps motivated by the mysterious power which the Japanese felt they possessed. The Dochiriina Kirishitan used the phrase "the great power contained in the divine words" in its explanation of the words for the E ~ c h a r i s t . ~ ~

The mysterious character of Kirishitan prayer was heightened by Latin prayers, sixteen of which were included in the Orasho no hon'yaku. The Latin prayers were transliterated into Japanese kana to which a Japanese translation was appended (the remaining nineteen prayers were in Japanese translation only). What was the difference between the prayers in Japanese translation only and those in both Japanese and Latin? The text's sole reference to the languages used for prayers states that "the four prayers, Pater Noster, Ave Maria, Credo, and the Mandamentos are special, and should be memorized either in Latin or in Japanese translation (yawarage)." Memorizing the remaining prayers was not regarded as necessary. If

" D~vchiriitzu Kirishilan; KH, 27. Sce also, Kirishitan kokoroe slzo; Kirishitm &mi sho, 180. " INII 1-3: 136.

48 INII 1-3: 136. 49 Dochiriina Kirishitrrn; KHI 68.

120 CHAPTER FIVE

Kirishitan wished to memorize them also, they could do so either in Latin or Japanese translation.jO However, of the four "special prayers," only the Paler Noster and the Ave Maria included both Japanese and transliterated Latin. Therefore, although almost half of the prayers in the text were given both in Latin and Japanese, the Kirishitan were requested to memorize only the Lord's Prayer and the Hail Mary in Latin, if they preferred Latin to Japanese.

In reading missionary accounts of Kirishitan prayer practices, we cannot dismrn whether the Japanese followers chanted prayers in Jap- anese or Latin. From records of hidden Kirishitan, however, we know that followers did transmit some prayers to their descendants in Latin only,51 and the origin of this practice undoubtedly lies in the Christian period. Latin prayers by themselves did not bear any intelligible meaning to the ordinary Kirishitan. European missionaries might have taught that it was imperative to perform some prayers in Latin, but it seems highly probable that Kirishitan chanted Latin prayers out of their belief in the power of the mysterious Latin words.

The Dochiriina referred to Latin prayer as "chanting the s ~ t r a " (kycrmon no t o n a ~ ) . ~ ~ It is hardly surprising that Kirishitan understood Latin prayers as having a special meritorious power (kuriki) for solving problems, in ways analogous to Buddhist monks' sMra- reading or the chanting and spells that Shugenda practitioners provided to commoners to solve their problems. In Futae village on Shiki island, for example, farmers used to save water in a pond to ir- rigate the fields during dry seasons. When they had a problem with the system, they would ask Shugenda practitioners to perform a rite to remedy it. After they became Kirishitan in 1596, however, when they had similar problems they came to their Kirishitan church to ask the padre to chant prayers. The padre chanted the Apostles' Creed and made the water

Prayers recitation was a significant part of the activities of Kirishitan confraternities (confraria). They had regulations for their members, many of which required prayer-chanting as a chief practice. The regulations of the Jesuit Confraternity of Jesus (1621), for ex-

50 Orasho no hon'yab~: Bauchizurno o sazukeyo, Orasho no hon'yaku: HonBun oyobi sosakuin, 156.

See, for example, Amrrkrr~u ku Kiri~hittrn shrrya, (3), 75-92. 52 Duuhiriincl Kiriahilan; KiI, 65. " INH 1-2: 169.


ample, requested that its members offer prayers of the Pater Noster and the Ave Maria five times each for the souls in purgatory before leaving meetings. It also asked members to pray in the morning and evening and on Sundays, and to say the Ave Maria at the end of the year.54

In 1617, Pope Paulo V (in office: 1605-1621) proclaimed a Jubi- Iee on the Holy Year and requested all Christians to repent of their sins. He declared the spiritual benefits of indulgences for the remis- sion of temporal punishments of sin, and he added a special letter of consolation to followers in Japan suffering h m persecution. The proclamation arrived in Japan in 1620, and Padre Matheus de Couros (1569-1632), who was the Society of Jesus' mission superior of Ja- pan, immediately translated and circulated it among the faithful across the country.s5

The Pope's indulgences were incorporated into the rules of confraternities, such as the regulations of the Confraternity of Jesus, which specified what indulgence Kirishitan could receive for each of their practices, including prayers. Kirishitan practices and their benefits were thus numerically calculated. There were a total of eight articles of indulgences. For example, the first three were: (I) each time they offered fifteen Pater Noster and fifteen Ave Maria for the re- covery of those falling to mortal sin, they would receive a partial indulgence; (2) each time they made a confession to a padre of the So- ciety and prayed for the Passion of Jesus Christ, they received the perfect indulgence (indulgencia plenario); and (3) each time they converted a heathen into a Kirishitan and led that Kirishitan to make a confession, they received perfect indulgences and a J ~ b i l e e . ~ ~

It is hardly surprising that indulgences became a great incentive for the Japanese to perform prayers and other activities in a confraternity. Members of the Dominican Confraternity of the Rosary wrote that the purpose of joining the confraternity was to make prayers and receive indulgence^.^^ Confraternities indeed became an important context in which the Kirishitan observed the Kirishitan laws

5"atsuda Kiichi, Kinsei shoki Nihan krrnkei Nunbrrn ~ h i r y o no kenkyli, 1145L1151.

j5 Nagasakiken-shi Henshii Iinkai, ed., Nagasakikerl shi: Taigoi knsho Izera (To- kyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1986), 126.

j6 Matsuda h i c h i , Nunban shirya no kenkya, 114~1151. j7 Matsuda Kiichi, Nanban shiryo no kenkya, 1158.

CHAPTER FIVE

that were indispensable to the followers' salvation in the afterlife. We see this in the following statement by the member of the Con- fraternity of the Rosary:

Human salvation in the afterlife ultimately depends on one's strong faith and observance of the law. . . . Joining this fraternity will greatly help us correct our bad habits and observe the law; it is further a good way to receive meritorious power (kuriki) from Deus through the mediation of the divine mother and furthermore to receive ind~~lgences.~~

The "meritorious power," or kuriki, that appears in the above quote was a key term that many Japanese Kirishitan texts and documents used in order to describe the power of the divinities as well as the ef- fcctiveness of Kirishitan practices. The Japanese term kuriki also refers to thc mystcrious powcr of religious acts such as chanting thc nenbulsu, and the miraculous power of religious practitioners such as Shugenja, who obtained their mysterious power through austere training in the mountains and the conduct of arcane rituals.

People were attracted to the "mysterious power" of the practitioners who had trained in this way. Austere practices, as well as the superhuman power obtained through the practices, were a basis of popular interest in Buddhism, and lay people trusted and revered the professional religionists who performed them. Gorai Shigeru notes that people expected miracles would become possible through the superhuman power generated by such practices, and Buddhism became popular by adapting to such popular religious needs.59 Lay people practiced various austerities too, and through their own religious practices they sought to obtain similar kinds of "mysterious power." They visited shrines and temples to worship kami, the buddhas, and the bodhisattvas, they joined pilgrimages, and they practiced austerities like cold-water bathing and abstinence.

Austerity was important to Kirishitan too. Missionaries frequently wrote in their reports about the Kirishitan's serious devotion to austere practices, especially scourging.60 Missionaries were impressed by the followers' "excessive" and "unusually severe" manner of austerity. Referring to their scourging, Prois even wrote that the Jap-

" Matsuda Kiichi, Nanbarz ~ h i r y o no kenkyu, 1168. 59 Gorai Sh~geru, Nihoo no shamin Bukkyo pokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1985),

250. '' Almost all regional reports in Jesuit annual reports include accounts of the followers' austere practice. See, for example, INH 1-1: 1-3.


anese had "a natural inclination to compensate for the sins they committed." Likewise, the Kirishitan kokoroe sho taught scourging as a "good training" (zengyo) for sending away sins (toga-okuri). Fasting and prayer were also in this category.'jl But, in addition to formal Church instruction, followers probably held a variety of understandings of scourging, and their purposes in doing it were probably manifold.

There were other Kirishitan rites which began to be performed in order to respond to Japanese followers' needs for alternative ritual performances. For example, thc Kirishitan often requested the padres to perform burial rites. The first mission consultations of Japan (1580-1581) noted that conducting burial ceremonies for Kirishitan was a main reason for priests to stay in local residences: "One of the things in which the people demonstrate their highest faith is our burial ceremonies. Unless a padre lives there, many will not be buried by US.?)62 When a Kirishitan funeral was conducted, people often acted

according to their traditional practices for funerals. For example, they would donate such things as clothes, military instruments, or a horse that belonged to the dead to the bonze who performed the funeral. Some would make a separate donation for the nenbutsu to be chanted for the dead. The Kirishitan maintained this custom even after their conversion. They brought similar items to churches, donated quantities of food and money, and requested that a mass be performed for the dead.63

According to the Jesuit report covering the years 1599 though 1601, Kirishitan did not follow the Japanese custom of celebrating New Year's Day because it was associated with non-Kirishitan rituals. This offended other Japanese and made them believe that Kirishitan faith was extremely strict, an impression that could have been disadvantageous to their proselytizing efforts. Knowing how difficult it was to uproot people's traditional customs, Visitor Valig- nano wanted to implement a Kirishitan rite to celebrate New Year's Day that would replace the traditional Japanese rites. He particularly

'jl Kirishiirrn kokoroe sho; Kirishitrtn kyori sho, ed. Ebisawa Arimichi et al. (To- kyu: Kyubunkan, 1993), 189.

62 "Nihon lezusukai dai ikkai kyagikai (1580-1581) to Higashi Indo .Tunsatsushi Barinymo no saiketsu (1582)," 280.

'j3 "Primera Congregaci6n de Jap6n (1592)," Adicio~tes del Sumario de Japdrr, 718; "Nihun dai ikkai kanku sokaigi gijiroku, 1592,"Nihon rlo katekizwno, 303.

1 24 CHAPTER FIVE

wanted to demonstrate that the Kirishitan faith did not prohibit the Japanese from celebrating the New Year as long as they used a Kirishitan ~eremony.~" Bishop Luis de Cerqueira (1552-1614), after consultation with other padres, decided to perform a solemn rite on the Japanese New Year (according to the Japanese lunar calendar). They postulated the Virgin Mary as the protector of the whole land of Japan, and named New Year's Day the day of "Sanla Maria of Protection." They hoped that this would cause the Japanese to forget their traditional New Year's ritual and focus all of their joy on the celebration of the Virgin Mary.65 According to a Jesuit report, Kirishitan happily accepted this rite. The same report further notes that the rite inspired Japanese followers to deepen their faith in the Blessed Virginh6

To summarize the foregoing discussion, followers' interpretation of the Kirishitan rites varied widely between the Catholic theological explanations and the Japanese popular interpretations of religious ritual. Kirishitan learned the theological meaning of cach rite from the missionaries, as well as from several publications including the Dochiriina Kirishitan and manuals that explained meanings and pro- cedures. As the above examples demonstrate, however, Kirishitan had the liberty of understanding their rites through the lens of their own traditional popular religion. They expected ritual benefits from the mysterious power (hriki) of the rites, just as they had from their previous religious practices. They called Baptism the rite of the di-

INH 1-3: 193. INH 1-3: 193.

66 INH 1-3: 194. Japanese scholars often point to the popularity of the worship of the Virgin Mary among the Kirishitan. Their observations rest on an assumption about the tendency of the Japanese religious attitude, according to the psychologi- cally constructed analytical distinction between the "motherly type" and "fatherly type" of divine images. The psychologist of religion Matsumoto Shigeru applies these categories to Japanese religion and to Christianity, and argues that Japanese religious feeling is centered on the maternal deity, e.g., the Shinto Kami Sun Goddess Amaterasu and the Buddhist deities of mercy and compassion such as Amida (Amitgbha) and Kannon (Avalokitesvara). "In contrast," he writes, "the image of the Christian deity is strongly, though not exclusively, fatherly, and this fact made it difficult for the Christian faith to take root in Japan" (Matsumoto Shigeru, Fziseitei sli~iAyu, boseiteki sh~ikyo [Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppan Kai, 19871, 103). Ma- tsumutu maintains that the popularity uf the Kirishitan faith in early modern Japan depended on the motherly image of the Virgin Mary.


vine grant (sazuke); they believed their practices of prayers, scourging, and fasting brought mysterious power; and they wished padres to perform Kirishitan funerals and prayers in replacement of similar Japanese rites. The Jesuit posture of accommodation further encouraged their flexible understanding of thcsc ritual practices. Despite this flexibility in the meanings of the Kirishitan rites, their unique external forms and the implements they used, such as the form of confession and the form and materials used for Mass and the Eucha- rist, seem to have helped the rites remain uniquely Kirishitan, distinct from other religious activities in the country. Those rites were easily maintained because of the clear formal structure of the practices.

CHAPTER SIX

APOSTASY, UNDERGROUND PRACTICE, OR MARTYRDOM

In the sixteenth century, Japan was still in the period of conflict among regional warlords (the Sengoku period). The Kirishitan Church was, like other religions in the country, constantly subject to external political, military, economic, and religious forces. The fate of the Kirishitan community was unpredictable because its existence depended on the favor and protection of local military lords-Xavier's evangelization in Japan was possible only because of the patronage of Shimazu Takahisa in Kagoshima, Matsuura Takanobu in Hirado, and Ouchi Yoshitaka in Yamaguchi. The Kirishitan Church subse- quently developed only in places where the missionaries won the favor of local authorities, such as burs Shumitada (Dom Bar- tolomcu), Arima ITarunobu (Dom Protasio), and ()torno Yoshishige (Dom Francisco) in Kyushu, as well as Takayama Ukon (Dom Justo) and Oda Nobunaga in Kinai or the central provinces. Where the Kirishitan faith was not accepted as a religious norm, its adherents were "the objects of suspicion, denigration, and occasional persecution."'

Thus the freedom of the Kirishitan faith was not universally granted in sixteenth-century Japan, but rather acquired by the mission leaders through negotiation with local military authorities. The Jesuits clearly recognized the precarious social situation. They established a very good relationship with Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582). From the time he granted an audience to Mission Superior Francisco Cabral in Gifu in 1572, Nobunaga treated the Jesuits very favorably until his death in 1582. He allowed the Jesuits to build one of their two Japanese seminaries in his castle town of Azuchi, and he granted audiences to Jesuits a total of twenty-seven times. When Visitor Alessandro Valignano traveled in Kinai in 1581, Nobunaga received him gracefully in Kyoto and Azuchi.

Elisonas Jurgis, "Christianity and the Daimyo," in The Cambridge History of Japan, Volrcme 4: Early Mudun Jtrpan, ed. John Whitney Hall (New York: C m - bridge University Press, 1991). 360.

APOSTASY, UNDERGROUND RACTICE, OR MARTYRDOM 127

With the advent of Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537-1598), and Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543-1616), the nation which had been divided by separate local military powers was finally unified into one state organization under a single military power. This development was significant to the Kirishitan, because the fate of the whole Kirishitan Church came to rest on the will of the single hegemon. Fortune granted no favor to the Kirishitan. The first such hegemon was Toyotomi Hideyoshi, a general of Oda Nobunaga, who succeeded Nobunaga's unification campaign. In 1587 Hideyoshi issued an edict expelling the European missionaries. This was the first comprehensive anti-Kirishitan decree issued by an effective national authority, different in both scale and intensity from the occasional attacks missionaries and followers had suffered in local domains.

v 7 Ihe general pcrsecution, which Hideyoshi began i11 1587, and which the Tokugawa shogunate fully dcvcloped and strictly applied across the country after 1614, was intense and brutal. Not only did the persecution expcl the missionaries, hut it also gravely influenced faith and practices of the lay dcvotces. The persecution placed the devotees in an extremely difficult social environment, and also generated a demanding religious situation within the Kirishitan community itself. The development of these external and internal conditions transformed the Kirishitan faith.

Developmerzt of the Anti-Kirishitan Policy

The central authority's attitude towards the Kirishitan Church was part of a strategy to unify the state by placing all military, political, economic, and religious powers under its control. The prohibition policy aimed to erase both the potential Kirishitan military threat and the foreign ideological system that might hinder efforts to establish ideological control.

Toyotomi Hideyoshi issued the edict expelling European missionaries (bateren tsuihs rei) on 24 July (19 June, lunar calendar) 1587.2

" '~atsuura monjo," printed in various publications. I refer to Shimizu Hirokazu, ed., "Kirishitan kankei hosei shiryv shu,"KK 17 (1977): 267.

128 CHAPTER SIX

This order came as a great surprise to the Jesuits, who believed they had the favor of Hideyoshi. Only a year before (1586) he had invited a Jesuit delegation led by Vice-Provincial Gaspar Coelho (1530-1590) to his Osaka Castle. At the missionaries' request, Hi- deyoshi had granted a permit for the Jesuits to proselytize in Japan and had ordered that their churches be exempted from the ordinary obligation of temples to accommodate soldier^.^ The Jesuits' peaceful relationship with IIideyoshi continued until Coelho's last meeting with him on 20 July 1587, only four days prior to the issuance of the edict.

ORDAINED Item [ I ] Japan is the land of the kumi. Diffusion here from the Kirishitan country of a per-

nicious doctrine is most undesirable. Item [2] To approach the peuple of our provinces and districts and, making them into

[Kirishitan] sectarians, cause them to destroy the shrines of the knmi and the temples of the Buddhas [sir] is a thing unheard of in previous ages. Provinces, districts, estates, and stipends-are granted in fief contingent upon the incumbent's observance of the laws of the Tenka and attention to their intent in all matters. But to corrupt and stir up the lower classes is outrageous.

Item [3] It is the judgment [of the lord of the Tenka] that since the bateren [padres] by

means of their clever doctrine amass parishioners as they please, the aforementioned violation of the Buddhist Law in these precincts of the Sun has resulted. That being outrageous, the bateren can hardly be allowed to remain on Japanese soil. Within twenty days they must make their preparations and return to their country. Should there during this time appear among the lower classes villains who make unwar- ranted accusations against the bateren, this shall be considered criminal.

Item [4] The purpose of the Black Ships is trade, and that is a different matter. As years

and months pass, trade may be carried on in all sorts of articles. Item [5] From now on all those who do not disturb Buddhism (merchants as a matter of

course, and all others as well) may freely travel from the Kirishitan country and return. Act according1 y.

Text as above. June 19, the fifteenth year of Tensh6 [24 July 15871.

This English translation is taken from George Elison, Deus Destroyed, 115-1 16 (with my minor modification of leaving "karni" in the original text untranslated [Elison translated "kumi" into "Gods"]). For another English translation, see Charles Boxer, The Chrisliun Cmlriry ilz Jupun, 148.

See FN 1 : 202-230.

Why Ehdeyoshi changed his attitude so suddenly has been one of the most puzzling questions in Kirishitan history, and scholars have discussed the issue copiously. Possible immediate reasons are manifold, including: the Jesuit colonization of Nagasaki; similarities between the Kirishitan and the members of the Ikkb (the Honganji) school; Hideyoshi's state ideology; Portuguese merchants' refusal to cooperate with Hideyoshi; a plot of Buddhist aids; and provocative and destructive religious activities of Kiri~hitan.~ Yet, at its base, the decision was part of Hideyoshi's greater strategy to establish his hegemony by bringing all political, economic, and religious forces under his own control.

As unification progressed in the second half of the sixteenth century, powerful medieval Buddhist temples and monasteries, such as those on Mt. Koya and Mt. kfiei, as well as KOfukuji in Nara, still held independent proprietary rights to extensive territories, and those religious communities built castles and recruited troops for their de- fense. Like secular military forces, all powerful temples were encmi- es to the unifier as long as their military and economic powers did not submit to his control. The Honganji branch of the True Pure Land Buddhist school became the most powerful opponent of Nobu- naga because of its strong organizational cohesiveness, re-enforced by the single-minded (ikkb) nature of the faith of its members. The lkka school developed a religious monarchy that ruled the whole province of Kaga and competed with secular military lords. The followers' confederation was organized across the wide central part of the country under the authority of Kennyo (1543-1593), the eleventh head priest of the Honganji temple. Oda Nobunaga fought against the Ikka school for over a decade, finally subduing them in 1578.5

Recent studies on Hideyoshi's edict of expelling the missionaries and the subsequent Tokugawa shogunate's anti-Kirishitan policy include: Shimizu Hirokazu, Kirishirart kinseishi (Tokyo: KyGikusha, 1981); Murai Sanae, Bakuhansei seiritsu to Kirishitnrt kinsei (Tokyo: Bunken Shuppan, 198T); and Yasuno Masayuki, Bateren tslciho rei: j a r o h seiki no nichi-o taiketsu (Tokyo: Editlukiiru Suppan Bu, 1989).

For a detailed account in English of Nobunaga's conflict with the Tkkii school, see Neil McMullin, Buddhism and the State in Sixteenth-Century Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984). The conflict began with Nobunaga's tax imposition on the Honganji and other temples of the school in 1568. In 1570, responding to Kennyo's appeal, IkkG followers took up arms against Nobunaga in seven provinces around Osaka. In 1571, Nobunaga attacked the lkkii followers in Nagashima and was defeated. From that year on, the military uprising of the lkko followers continued, and their force was integrated into the largcr anti-Nobunaga league. Their mili-

130 CHAPTER SIX

Devastating for the Kirishitan was that Hideyoshi perceived the problems of the Kirishitan as analogous to those of the IkkO school. On 23 July 1587, one day prior to his declaration of the missionary expulsion, Hideyoshi issued a "notice" in which he characterized the Kirishitan in the same terms as the Ikko devotees. Hideyoshi's essential problem with the Kirishitan was the same as with the members of the Ikko school who "stood for separateness where Hi- deyoshi was fighting for a new whole; they were obstacles to national integrati~n."~ According to Hideyoshi, the Ikko school "established temple precincts in the provinces and districts and did not pay the yearly dues to their enfeoffed recipients," and it "made the entire Province of Kaga into [Ikko] sectarians, chased out Togashi, the lord of the province, delivered the stipends over to bonzes of the lkka sect, and, beyond that, even took over Echizen." In the sixth item of the notice, Hideyoshi asserts that the followers of the padres are given to the authority outside the political order even more than are the adherents of the Ikko schnoL7

The most overt symbol of Kirishitan independence was the port town of Nagasaki, which became a Jesuit colony when the Kirishitan Lord burs Sumitada donated it to the Society in 1580. The Jesuits possessed judicial and legislative authority as well as the right to collect anchorage fees from Portuguese ships and a land tax, which amounted to about eighteen hundred crusados a year.8 Nagasaki

tary confrontations with Nobunaga cost numerous lives. For example, thirty to forty thousand Ikka followers were killed in their battle with Nobunaga in Echizen in 1775. In 1578, Nobunaga's sixty thousand troops besieged Honganji in Osaka and Kennnyo accepted Nobunaga's peace pact.

Herman Ooms, Tokugawa Ideology: Early Constructs, 1570-1680 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 47.

The full text of the relevant section of Hideyoshi's notice is: "Item [6]: The bateren sectarians, it has come to the attention [of the lord of the Tenka], are even more given to conjurations with external elements than the Ikka followers. The Ikka Sect established temple precincts in the provinces and districts and did not pay the yearly dues to their enfeoffed recipients. Moreover, they made the entire Province of Kaga into [Ikko] sectarians, chased out Togashi, the lord of the province, delivered the stipends over to bonzes of the Ikko Sect, and, beyond that, even took over Echizen. That this was harmful to the Terzka is the undisguisable truth." (Shimizu Hirokazu, ed., "Kirishitan kankei hbsei shirya sho," KK 17 [1977]: 268-269; Eng- lish translation in George Elison, D~usDestroyed, 117-118). ' Eight hundred crusados were from land tax and one thousand from anchorage

fees (Jesuit annual report in 1589, quoted in Japanese translation Nagasakike~l shi: Taigui kasha hen, 56). This income was "a great profit for the Society." See "Se-


prospered and grew as merchants flocked there for Portuguese trade, and many Kirishitan for the freedom of faith. It was the center of international trade in Japan and a safe-haven for the Kirishitan. Hi- deyoshi immediately confiscated Nagasaki to absorb it into his immediate domain. He appointed Nabeshima Naoshige as his agent to seize political and economic control from the Jesuits.

Although Hideyoshi's expulsion order was politically motivated, he justified it with religious ideology. All three unifiers of Ja- pan-Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa leyasu-equally adopted religious idioms in order to symbolize their power and authority through the medium of religious language. They even cmployed a tangible demonstration of their sacred authority through their own deification. Thus, as Herman Ooms put it, "military power, the naked instrument of domination, was transubstantiat- ed through association with the sacred into political authority of a religious ~haracter."~ Hideyoshi also utilizcd Shinto symbols "not only to represent Japan in his dealing with foreigners, but also to bolster his domestic a~thority." '~ He appealcd to the Yoshida Shinto school's formulation for his shinkoku (the land of kami) ideology. Nobunaga had built Sbkenji in 1582 in his castle town Azuchi, making himself the deity enshrined. Hideyoshi similarly claimed his own divinity and had himself enshrined as Toyokuni Daimybjin. Ieyasu was posthumously deified as the "divine ruler" (shinkun) and was enshrined in the famous Tbshogii in Nikko.

Hideyoshi's justification of the expulsion order had two aspects: the justification for his authority in Japan and the justification for expelling the missionaries from the country. In order to signify his authority over the land, Hideyoshi used the term tento or the Way of Heaven. A Confucian term, the Way of Heaven was the principle regulating universal order, and "adherence to the principles of Heaven made it possible to establish and preserve order in human society." The notion also implied the idea of just retribution, namely, if one acted properly, one would he blessed accordingly. During the Sengoku period, Nobunaga upheld the concept of the Way of Heaven

gunda Consulta de JapBn (1590)," Adiciones del Siimario de Japdn, 602; "Nihon lezusukai dai nikai so-ky6gikai gijiroku to saiketsu (1590)," trans. Ide Katsumi, KK 16 1976 : 214. ' Hert!~an Ooms, ToXugawo Idrology, 61.

lo Herman Ooms, Tokuguwu Ideology, 48.

132 CHAPTER SIX

as a rationale for his campaigns-to destroy the old social order and establish a unified state, a new social order. Hideyoshi likewise appealed to the principles of the Way of Heaven, and he called the political structure established to rule the entirety of Japan tenka, or the realm of all under heaven. Furthermore, the will of Heaven was believed to reflect the popular will, and Hideyoshi took advantage of the concepts of tenla and lenku to justify his unification efforts as reflecting the intent of the populace. This interest of Hideyoshi appears especially in Item 2 of the edict in which he speaks as the ruler of the country (tenka) who protects the people." He intended to demonstrate that his order was a reflection of the popular will, not just his own, and this logic was possible through the mediation of the Confucian idea of the will of Heaven.

While Hideyoshi adopted the Confucian concepts of tento and tenka to justify his authority, he adopted the Shinto idiom shinkoku, or the land of thc karni, to identify Japan as opposed to the rest of the world, including the Kirishitan country from which the missionaries came. Item 1 of Hidcyoshi's edict (24 July 1587) reads: "Japan is the Land of the kami (nihon wa shinkoku tarmtokoro). Diffusion here from the Kirishitan country of a pernicious doctrine is most undesirable."'? The Kirishitan group was essentially different from the other religious groups in Japan in that it was controlled by European missionaries. Despite various measures of accommodation to Japanese society, the Kirishitan system of beliefs and practices was still freshly European and exotic in the eyes of the ruler. The Kirishitan community was connected with foreign powers through the missionaries and with foreign economies through traders. This foreignness of the Kirishitan tradition became a good excuse for exclusion.

Hideyoshi then develops the rhetoric of the pernicious character of the missionaries. He claims that they had come to destroy the order of the land by diffusing an evil doctrine, winning adherents, destroying shrines and temples, and thus misguiding and corrupting the populace. For Hideyoshi, this was "o~trageous."~~ Hideyoshi repeat- ed the same assertion ten years later in his letter to the governor- general of the Philippines. He contended that the virtue of kami en-

l1 Bit0 Masahide, "Thought and religion, 1550-1700," in The Cambridge IIisto- r ~ . ' of Japnn, Vohrn~e 4: Early Modern Japan, 404-406. '' See note 2 above.

Sce nute 2 above.

abled regularity and order in nature, but the padres were destroying the government of the country.'"

The edict caused the confiscation and demolition of Kirishitan buildings, churches, and monasteries, including the famous Nanbanji in Kyoto, the college in Funai, the novitiate in Usuki, as well as the seminary, monasteries, and residences in Kyoto, Osaka, and Sakai. Hideyoshi expelled female Kirishitan servants from the Osaka Castle and ordered his Kirishitan vassals to apostatize by submitting a written oath. His expulsion order was publicly announced also in Sakai, Kyoto, Nara, and Ise.

These measures notwithstanding, the edict had only limited im- pacts on the missionaries and lay followers. It applied only in the Kinai and western Kyushu, especially the area surrounding Nagasaki. Hideyoshi did not ban the Kirishitan faith itself, thus allowing the ordinary Kirishitan to continue their faith [Item 9 of Hideyoshi's notice on 23 July 15871. Nor could he dismiss all his Kirishitan vassals, because many of them were able lords and warriors, such as Konishi Yukinaga, who were indispensable to his further campaign.

The Jesuits did not follow the order lo leave the country within the twenty days after the issuance of the edict [Item 31, but they did act submissively to prevent Hideyoshi's further attack on the Kirishitan community. After the edict was issued, except for three missionaries who secretly remained in Kyoto and five in Bungo, all 113 missionaries (including forty-seven Japanese irm~os) moved to Hizen province in western Kyushu, where they quietly continued proselytizing activities under the protection of Kirishitan lords. Even there, however, the Kirishitan lords and missionaries displayed self- restraint so that the lords would be able to make excuses to Hideyo- shi when accused of hiding missionaries. For this purpose, missionaries closed the main entrances to churches and monasteries in Arima and h u r a , and relocated the college in Arima and the novitiate in h u r a to the remote lands of A m a k ~ s a . ' ~

Hideyoshi, tor his part, did not need to pursue the thorough execution of his order as long as he could keep the acquiescent Kirishitan community under his control. He could not enforce his

l4 Shimizu Hirokazu, ed., "Kirishitan kankei h6sei shiry6 shii," KK 17 (1977): 273.

l5 INHT-1: %10. See also FN 12: 88-91.

134 CHAPTER SIX

order either, because he realized that business with the Portuguese would be impossible without the mediation of missionaries, although he wanted to operate it apart from them [Item 4 of the edict].I6

Hideyoshi's interests were clear from his edict and from his subsequent attitudes toward the missionaries. He did not want Kirishitan preachers, yet he wanted persons who would facilitate his business with the Portuguese merchants. But this separation was out of the question for the Jesuits, whose activities in Japan were authorized by both the Roman Pontificate and the Portuguese King, and whosc funding depended on profits from their investment in the Chinese silk trade from Macao carried on by the Portuguese merchants. The Jesuits' submissive attitudes probably influenced Hideyoshi's choice of trade, and his toleration of the mission activities. In 1591, when Alessandro Valignano visited Hideyoshi as the agent of the Viceroy of thc Indics, Hideyoshi allowed ten missionaries to stay in Nagasaki to mediate trade with the Portuguese.17 In 1593 he also permitted the Franciscan Pedro Bautista and his three companions, who cntcrcd Japan from the Spanish Philippines, to remain at Kyoto, "in the hope that they would prove a bait for the Manila traders in the samc way as the Jesuits were considered to be part and parcel of the trade driven by the Great Ship from Macao."18

Although he tolerated the missionaries continuing evangelization, Hideyoshi never withdrew his expulsion order, thus leaving open the possibility of further persecution. The political conditions surrounding the Kirishitan Church after the 1587 edict were thus a delicate balance between persecution and tolerance. The Jesuits knew that, even though Hideyoshi's tolerance of Christian propaganda was "in direct proportion to the profits he hoped to gain from the Iberian traders," their continuous mission would be granted as long as they acted submissively toward him and did not "touch the nerve" of the dictator. Their documents after 1587 show that, although afraid of further persecution, they could afford to be more concerned with their mission agendas per se.19 Yet, this deliberate attitude was not

l6 "The purpose of the Black Ships is trade, and that is a different matter. As years and months pass, trade may be carried on in all sorts of articles."

l7 Conoi Takashi,Nilzon Kirisurokyo shi, 170. Charles Boxer, The Christicm Cmhiry in Jupcrn, 162.

l9 See, for example, "Segunda Consulta de Jap6n (1590),"Adicianes del Surnario de Jlcpdtz, 591474; "Nihnn lezusukai dai nikai so-kyogikai gijiroku to saiketsu


shared by the Franciscans, who had just arrived in the country and took Hideyoshi's acceptance "at its face value and promptly exploit- ed it to the utmost, celebrating Mass openly and behaving generally as if they were in Rome."20 The martyrdom at Nagasaki in 1597 was a fatal consequence of this, triggered by the affair of the Spanish galleon San Felipe that made a landfall off the Tosa coast in 1596. In that martyrdom, six European Franciscans, seventeen lay Kirishitan affiliated with thc Franciscan order, and three Japancsc Jcsuits were crucified.21

Within the Kirishitan Church, the Jesuit mission's concentration on western Kyushu greatly affected the edification of the followers, creating further regional differences within Japan in terms of ministerial care and proselytizing efforts. The greatest concentration was in Arima, to which about seventy padres and irmdos and seventy- three seminarians moved. The Jesuits' 1588 annual report claimed that the missionaries' geographical concentration in the Shimo district enabled them to take better care of thcir followers. The following year, the Jesuits reported that the Kirishitan Church in Shimo was more prosperous than ever before. A total of 109 missionaries engaged in pastoral care of approximately one hundred and fifty thousand followers in the During the three years from 1588 to 1590, more than thirty thousand people received baptisms in Shimo, and twenty thousand more were baptized by 1592.23

(1590); KK 16 (1976): 201-300, and "Primera Congregaci6n de Jap6n (1592); Adiciones del Surnario de Japdn, 675-734; "Nihon dai ikkai kanku sokaigi gijiroku, 1592," Nihon no katekizurno, 245-330.

20 Charles Boxer, The Chrisfiarz Century in Japan, 162. As is often pointed out, behind the discord of mission policy between the Jesuits and the Franciscans was sectarianism on each side over the mission right in Japan. This sectarianism further involved nationalism between Portugal and Spain, connected as sponsors of the Jesuit and Franciscan missions, respectively, which made the whole picture rather complicated. Within the Jesuit order, for example, Vice-Provincial Gomez and other Spanish Jesuits supported the Spanish Friars.

There were a total of elcvcn Franciscan missionaries in Japan at the timc of the martyrdom. Those crucified were working in Kyoto and Osaka. The remaining five Franciscans, who escaped the execution, were expelled to Mania in the same year. (Gonoi Takashi, ~Yihon Kirisulokyo hi, 184). The thrcc Jcsuits were caught by mistake (C. R. Boxer, ibid.). Luis Frois sent a detailed report on this martyrdom; see, I M 1-3: 3-82.

22 INII I- 1: 5 4 . 23 INH 1-1: 144.

136 CHAPTER SIX

Thus, although they appeared quiet on the surface, the Jesuits were steadily developing their activities in Kyushu. Great mass baptisms were carried out from 1598 to 1600 in Higo province, ruled by the Kirishitan lord Konishi Yukinaga (1558-1600). Kirishitan texts began to be published in 1590 in Amakusa. After the death of Hi- deyoshi in 1598, the Kirishitan Church in Japan continued to develop until 1614, when the persecution policy was strengthened and began to bc implemented in full by the Tokugawa shogunate.

Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543-1616) succeeded Hideyoshi to national hegemony. The powerful lord of the Kanto and Tokai areas, Ieyasu had been Hideyoshi's ally and the first of the five regents (go-tairo) entrusted by Hideyoshi with the task of safeguarding Toyotomi rule. He was now the most experienced and powerful among the regents and "was recognized as the obvious tenka-dono (lord of the realm)."24 I-le established his national leadership through the battle of Sekigahara in 1600 in which he defeated the Osaka (West) faction which supported Hideyoshi's young son Hideyori (1593-1615). Ieyasu opened the bakufu in Edo in 1603, appointed as shogun by Emperor Go-Y~zei.

Ieyasu inherited Hideyoshi's Kirishitan policy of, to use Boxer's phrase, "reluctant tolerance" of the missionaries' presence in Japan. Officially, he prohibited the Christian mission, but, because of his interest in the profitable European trade, he allowed the missionaries to stay, tacitly accepting that they would engage in proselytizing work. Thus he tolerated the Kirishitan mission much as Hideyoshi had. Since 1593, the Catholic mission in Japan had no longer been the monopoly of the Society of Jesus. Following the Franciscans who landed in Japan in that year, the first five Dominican and three Augustinian missionaries arrived in Japan in 1602, all from the Spanish Philippines. These three friar orders continued to arrive through the years that followed.

Ieyasu's toleration policy included many signs which seemed to the missionaries to suggest that his persecution had in fact come to an end, and that more favorable political conditions had been restored. In 1606, Bishop Luis de Cerqueira (1552-1614) was granted an audience with Ieyasu, now the retired shogun (ogosho), in Fu-

24 John Whitney Hall, "The Bakuharz System," in The Cambridge IIisrory of'Ja- pan, Volrtnfe 4: Early Modertt Jrrpart, 142.


shimi. The Jesuit Vice-Provincial Francisco Pasio (1554-1612) and the Dominican mission Superior Francisco de Morales (1567-1622) were also presented to Ieyasu and to the second shogun Hidetada, Ieyasu's son, in 1607 and 1608, respectively. Ieyasu treated the Franciscans favorably as well, permitting them to stay and construct churches in Uraga in 1606.25 Because of Ieyasu's tolerant attitude toward Kirishitan, missionaries received favorable treatment by local lords too, and were allowed to engage in missionary activities and to build churches. Many of those local patrons, however, did so out of their interest in the Macao trade through the Jesuit missionaries, or in the Mexican trade through the Spanish friars. Such patrons included Nabeshima in Hizen, Shimazu in Satsuma, and Date in Sendai.

Behind such peaceful appearances, however, the economic, religious, social, and political conditions were steadily developing to the Kirishitan's disadvantage, and in the end toward the fatal persecution of the entire Kirishitan community. For Ieyasu, the European missionaries' raison d'2tre in Japan was first and foremost their economic contribution as mediators between the shogunate office and the Iberian traders. The advent of the Dutch (1600) and the Eng- lish (1613) traders in Japan offered him an alternative to the Iberians; it made trade possible without the intervention of the missionaries, because the Protestant Dutch and English merchants acted without evangelical motives. It was more than natural for Ieyasu, who wanted only trade, to choose the Dutch and English traders rather than the Iberians, and he no longer had reason to permit the missionaries to stay. He issued his trade permit (shuinjo) for the Dutch and English merchants in 1609 and 1613, respectively, and in 1612 limited the Portuguese ships to the port of N a g a ~ a k i . ~ ~ Ieyasu adopted the Eng- lish pilot-major William Adams (1564-1620) in 1611 as his consul- tant and translator in place of the Portuguese Jesuit Jo5o Rodrigues Tguzzu (1561-1633), whom he dismissed and expelled to Macao in the following year.

Religiously, the view of the Kirishitan faith as a pernicious religion continued to occupy Ieyasu's Buddhist aids. They rebuked con- temptuous Kirishitan attitudes toward the Shinto and Buddhist tradi-

Gonoi Takashi, Nihon Kirislrtokyo shi, 195-197. 26 See documents 16, 30, and 32 in Shimizu Hirokazu, ed., "Kirishitan kankei

hdsei ahiryo aha," KK 17 (1977): 277,283,284,

138 CHAPTER SIX

tions, and argued that further diffusion of the Kirishitan faith and practice would bring disorder to Japanese morals; it would disturb the Japanese faith in kami and put the law of Buddha into disarray.

Socially, Kirishitan numbers had continued to grow under the toleration policy. The historian Gonoi Takashi estimates that the number of Japanese followers reached approximately three hundred and seventy thousand by 1615, constituting one and a half percent of the entire Japanese population. The Kirishitan population was especially high in Kinai and in western K y u s h ~ . ~ ~ The Japanese probably perceived the Kirishitan presence as greater than it actually was because of the popularity of Portuguese (called nanbun or southern barbarian) goods, religious and nnn-religious items, commodities, foods, clothes, ornaments, and other things. Even non-Kirishitan peoplc liked to wear such religious items as crosses and rosaries.

Politically speaking, Ieyasu was very concerned about the Kirishitaa force that joined the Osaka faction supporting the Toyo- tomi house. After the battle of Sekigahara in 16O0, what troubled him most was thc threat of Toyotomi FIideyori, son of Hidcyoshi, who was nearing maturity. Osaka Castle, the fort of Hideyori, was filled with ex-warlords defeated at Sekigahara and many masterless warriors set adrift by the destruction of military lord housebands. Its estimated ninety thousand defenders included many Ki r i~h i t an ,~~ and there were Kirishitan missionaries working for them in the castle. For Ieyasu, who was deeply concerned about the revival of the Toyotomi force, the Kirishitan force in the enemy camp was a pro- found threat. Thus his attack on the Kirishitan group was also part of his strategy to destroy the Toyotomi force.

Ieyasu was ready to trigger a full persecution of the Kirishitan, and his opportunity came in February of 1612, when a court intrigue involving the Kirishitan Okamoto Paulo Daihachi (d. 1612) and the Kirishitan lord Arima Harunobu (1561-1612) was disclosed. Since both were Kirishitan, Ieyasu's aversion to the Kirishitan faith became greater than ever. On 17 March of that same year, he announced the expulsion of his fourteen Kirishitan vassals, and four days later he issued an order to prohibit the Kirishitan faith of anyone in the shogun's domains of Sunpu, Edo, Kyoto, and Nagasaki.

27 Gonoi Takashi, Tokugnwa shoki Kirishitnn shi kmky4 130, 150. "John Whitney 11a11, "The Bakrrhnrz Sybtern," 147.

The bakufu's persecution in these areas was still limited, however. In Kyoto, only a Jesuit residence and a Franciscan monastery were demolished because they had been constructed without Ieyasu's permission. Five months later, on 6 August, the prohibition of the Kirishitan faith was stated as one of five state prohibitions announced across the country.29 This was the first declared prohibition of the faith as an official law of the Tokugawa shogunate.

Eighteen months later the Tokugawa bakufu further strengthened its anti-Kirishitan policy by announcing the expulsion of all missionaries from Japan. The "Statement on the expulsion of the bateren," drafted by the Zen monk Konchiin Snden (1563-1633), was issued in 1614 under the name of the second shogun Hidetada. Strictly speaking, this statement was the re-pronouncement, re-definition, and re-enforcement of what had been legalized since 1587. But it was the Tokugawa hakufu's first official statement of a comprehensive control of Kirishitan, which was to be fiilly implemented and

d aWS. canonized as one of the fundamental Tokugaw* 1 The statement proclaims that Japan is the land of kami and the

land of buddhas, ruled on the political principles of Confucianism. And it contends,

The Kirishitan band happened to reach Japan. Not only have they sent merchant vessels to exchange commodities, but they also spread a pernicious doctrine to confuse the right ones, so that they would change the government of the country and own the country. This will become a great catastrophe. We cannot but stop it.

It further claims that the Kirishitan were bringing disorder to Japane- se society and that the followers of the padres (bateren monto) "contravene governmental regulations, traduce Shinto, calumniate the True Law, destroy righteousness, and corrupt goodness."30

The Kirishitan history finally entered the general persecution period both in name and practice. Thereafter, the Tokugawa shogunate strictly applied its anti-Kirishitan policy to the members of all social strata, including the commoners, who had been exempted from previous persecution. Tcyasu, who as the retired shogun had maintained

29 Shimizu Hirokazu, ed., "Kirishitan kankei hosei shiryo sha," KK 17 (1977): 283.

30 Shimizu Hirokazu, ed., "Kjrishitan kankei hasei shirya shti," KK 17 (1977): 284-286.

140 CHAPTER SIX

the highest authority, died in April of 1616. In August of that same year the bakufu issued a directive to prohibit the Kirishitan faith, demonstrating that Ieyasu's anti-Kirishitan law had been renewed under the new authority of Shogun Hidetada:

On the matter of the adherents of the bateren, because the absolute prohibition of their faith was notified by Sokoku sama (Ieyasu), understand its intent, and put great care that there are no adherents of the sect even among the peasant^.^'

The Iaw prohibiting the Kirishitan faith was no longer limited to the reign of a single shogun, but a canon to be observed throughout the Tokugawa's rule. During thc rcigns of the sccond shobwn Hidetada (r. 1605-1623), and the third shogun Iemitsu (r. 1623-1651), policy was gradually systematized to eradicate the Kirishitan. The suppression of the missionaries and followers began with moderate acts such as expelling the missionaries abroad, or sending followers to remote places like criminals, but it gradually intensified and became more brutal.

The great martyrdoms in Kyoto (1619), Nagasaki (1622), and Edo (1623) demonstrated in the most intense fashion the bakufu's serious commitment to its policy of exterminating the Kirishitan faith in Japan, and this persecution was only the beginning. In Kyoto, fifty- two Kirishitan, mostly residents of the Kirishitan town named Daiisu (Deus), were slaughtered at R o k u j ~ Gawara along the Kamo River. All the martyrs were lay followers, including six children.32 In Na- gasaki, a total of fifty-five irm6os and followers were killed at the Nishizaka hill. Twenty-four who were burned were missionaries and lay leaders, including two Jesuit padres, eight Jesuit irmdos, two Franciscan padres, five Dominican padres, two Dominican irmdos, two lay members of the Fraternity of the Rosary, and three lay catechists. The remaining thirty-one ordinary lay Kirishitan were beheaded.33 The martyrdom of Edo (1623) involved two padres (Jesuit

j1 Shimizu Hirokazu, ed., "Kirishitan kankei hosei shirya shu," KK 17 (1977): 289-290.

32 Kataoka Yakichi, Nilzort Kirishitan junkyo shi (Tokyo: Jijitsushinsha, 1979), 326-336.

33 Kataoka Yakichi, Nihota Kirishilnn jctnkyu shi, 265-271.


and Franciscan) and forty-eight Japanese lay leaders. All were burned at Fuda no T s ~ j i . ~ ~

The Kirishitan under the Tokugawa Persecution

Under the Tokugawa shogunate's uncompromising policy against the Kirishitan, the number of missionaries inevitably diminished, since they were the first target of persecution. In Novcmber of 1614, ninety-six missionaries (padres and irmcos) were collected in Na- gasaki to be expelled to Macao, Manila, and I n d ~ - C h i n a . ~ ~ Conse- quently, there remained only forty-five missionaries who disregarded the order and secretly stayed: twenty-six Jesuits, including eighteen padres and eight irmaos (out of one hundred fifteen), six Franciscans (out of ten), seven Dominicans (out of nine), one Augustinian (out of three), and five Japanese diocesan priests (out of seven).36

The majority of them stayed in Kyushu, but by 1617 Jesuit missionaries also returned to Kyoto, Osaka, Sakai, and h h u (northern Japan) in order to offer baptisms, confessions, and spiritual guidance. Jesuits further maintained contact with Kirishitan in twenty-one localities in the provinces of Kinai (Yamashiro, Settsu, Kii, Izumi, Iga, Ise, and Harima), Shikoku (Sanuki and Awa), Chngoku (Bizen and Mimasaka), Hokuriku (Echizen, Kaga, and Noto), Edo, Suruga, and Owari. Missionaries of other orders also remained in the country, such as Franciscans who advanced to northern Japan.

In Nagasaki, where all of the twenty-five thousand or more residents were K i r i ~ h i t a n , ~ ~ inspection was focused on the missionaries. The magistrate's full-scale search for them began in 1618. Four years later, in 1622, members of a Jesuit fraternity of lay followers, called

34 For a detailed study of this incident, see Hubert Cieslik, S.J., "The Great Mar- tyrdom in Edo 1623," Morturnertta Nipponica 10 (1954): 1 4 4 .

" Gonoi Takashi, Nihon Kirisutokyo shi, 203. Expelled with these missionaries were diijuh and lay Kirkhitan leaders such as Takayama Ukon.

36 Gonoi Takashi lists the name of those missionaries. See his T o k ~ g a w a shoki Kirishitan shi kenkyi, 158. The number of baptisms by the Jesuits dropped from a yearly average of 5416 (1602-1613) to 1580 (161 5-1626). Franciscans who worked in northern Japan from 1605 reported that they were responsible for the most of the more than twenty-six thousand converts in the eastern region of the country (ibid., 130,204).

37 Nagasakiken-shi Henshu Iinkai, ed., Nngnsnkiken shi: Taigai kmho hen (To- kyo: Yoshikawa Kdhunkan, IYM), 372.

142 CHAPTER SIX

rozaio no kumi (the Confraternity of the Rosary)', reported on this missionary search: "Although the Kirishitan [faith] is strictly prohibited in other provinces, only the monks (shukke sha) are prohibited in Nagasaki and the followers are not so much attended." Knowing that they were free from accusation there, Kirishitan followers came to Nagasaki from various provinces to have confession secretly, or, if apostates, to revoke their abandonment of the faith. Yet, according to the report, these travels were in vain because there were even fewer monks in Nagasaki than in their own provinces.

While they do not care about the lay members, the search for the monks is instead more frequent in Nagasaki than any other places. In other provinces, there is no search for the monks, but in Nagasaki there is always a search on for their where about^.^^

To avoid arrest, missionaries were often conccaled in holes in the earth undcr the floor boards, the holes being covered over with planks and mats, and "others stand all day long in a small space behind the privy, in dirt and filth wherein one would not expect to find a beast, let alone a man.7'3When they traveled to visit local followers, they had to disguise themselves as merchants or even as Shugendo practitioners.

By 1643, about one hundred missionaries had secretly entered the country. Except for twenty-three who voluntarily left the country, all those found were expelled, killed, or forced to apostatize, many after having been cruelly tortured. Their numbers gradually diminished, and with the martyrdom of IrmCo Konishi Mancio (1600-1644), there no longer remained a single missionary in Japan.40

Kirishitan had to deal with the bakufu's various measures of persecution. The directive of 1616 demonstrated the Tokugawa shogunate's intensified anti-Kirishitan assault against adherents across all social strata throughout the country. The first lay targets of the persecution in Nagasaki were those called "lodge masters" ('yadonushi), who accommodated and concealed missionaries so that they could continue to work underground. The first martyrdom of two lodge

3"etter of the members of the Confraternity of the Rosary in Nagasaki, 23 January 1622; Matsuda Kiichi, Nnnbart shiryo 110 kenkyn, 1172-1173.

3" ccontcmporary Dutch account in 1629, cited in an English translation in Charles Boxer, lhe Christiarl Cent~lry ~n Japan, 358-359.

40 Gnnoi Takashi lists annual statistics of missionaries in Japan from 1614 to 1644. See h ~ s Tokrtgnwa shoki Kirishitatl slzi kenkyn, 184-192.


masters took place in Nagasaki in 1617, and two years later the number of martyrs jumped to fifteen, including not only lodge masters themselves but also their families.41 Ship owners (funanushi) who helped missionaries secretly enter or return to the country were also hunted, and the authorities clearly intended to uproot all means that enabled the missionaries to survive in Japan. Meanwhile, in 1622, the residents of Kyoto were notified that the padres' followers (baleren monto) would be punished with death. And the order further said, "Since this law is strictly applied, if you find followers in town, report to us immediately and receive rewards for it. If you hide [a follower] and it is reported by someone else, you will be charged of the same penalty [as the follower]."42

All Kirishitan had to deal with the bakufu's systematized methods of, first, detecting them, second, iorcing them to apostatize, and finally, monitoring the apostates. All households were arranged into groups of tive, each group hearing collective responsibility. This five-household association (goningumi) was a system of corporate responsibility and enforce~nent of regulations in town and country. It was institutionalized in the early Tokugawa years to find ordinary criminals, warriors loyal to the Osaka force, and Kirishitan. Later, however, its main purpose became to find Kirishitan. The bakufu took advantage of the system to make each household responsible for ensuring that there were no Kirishitan in its goningumi. In Nagasaki this system was first instituted in 1622 to find lodge masters.

In 1619, again in Nagasaki, a bounty of thirty silver pieces was announced for information leading to the arrest of a padre. This method of hunting priests spread to Kyoto in 1622, to Edo in 1623, and finally across the entire country after 1633 as an effective measure for arresting missionaries. In 1622, followers of Nagasaki wrote:

After the authorities announced an excessive amount of cash reward for information about bateren and their lodges, greedy and evil- minded rogues have been searching for the monks day and night, util- izing various means. When they find a place even a little suspicious, they immediately intrude and investigate it: this is incessantly hap-

41 Kataoka Yakichi, Nihon Kirishitan jrunkyo sizi, 470. 42 Shimizu Hirokazu, ed., "Kirishitan kankei hosei shiryd shU," KK 17 (1977):

293.

144 CHAPTER SIX

pening. Therefore, there no longer is any method of hiding the monks.j3

The targets of cash rewards were later extended to include irrniios, dojuku (lay catechists), followers, and those who revoked their apostasy. The more difficult it became to find them, the higher the bounties became. In 1682, in Nagasaki, for example, a padre, an irmiio, a dojiiku (or a follower), and a revoker of the apostasy were priced at five hundred, three hundred, one hundred, and three hundred silver picces, r e spe~ t ive ly .~

Meanwhile, Kirishitan symbols, including relics, became a key clue for the authorities to detect Kirishitan. Symbols were in most cases the only tangible evidence of the Kirishitan laith, and, therefore, they appear in many inspection records. For example, in 1635, rosary beads, a package of bones and a piece of flesh of a martyr, and a holy image were found in the house a formcr irmiio called Sampo in Tokumaru village in the Bungo domain. His claim of apostasy was declined and he was sent to Nagasaki for lurther inquisition.j5

Beginning in 1631, Kirishitan who pronounced their apostasy were ordered to prove it by treading upon holy images. Inquisitors then used this as a means of forcing Kirishitan to apostatize, and finally of discovering Kirishitan in hiding. Inquisitors took advantage of Kirishitan's attachment to sacred symbols so that they could un- cover their faith, undeluded by their external apostate conduct. They scrutinized those treading on holy images so as not to miss even a slight sign of embarrassment that might suggest their Kirishitan faith. The Kirishitoki, which complied instructions by the famous inquisitor Inoue Chikugo no Kami (1585-1661), says:

Old wives and women when made to tread upon the image Cfumie) of Deus get agitated and red in the face; they cast off their head-dress; their breath comes in rough gasps; sweat pours from them. And, ac-

43 Letter of the members of the Confraternity of the Rosary in Nagasaki, 23 January 1622; Matsuda Kiichi, Narzban slziryo no kenkya, 1172-1 173.

4j Kataoka Yakichi, Nihon Kirishitan junkyo shi, 500-504. For further evidence, see, for example, Higo Kirishitm shi, id . ~amizurna Hiroyuki (Tokyo: Erupisu,

1 9 y , . . . . Vigo K~nshilan slii, cd. Karnizurna Hiruyuki (Tokyo: Erupisu, 1989), 57.


cording to the individual, there are reportedly women who venerate thefumie, but in a way so as to remain unob~erved."~

Many Kirishitan pronounced their apostasy during inspections or cruel physical torture by the inquisitors. Yet, apostates quite often revoked their withdrawal. Authorities therefore invented a method for preventing their revocation. In Japan, submitting a written oath (kishomon) under the name of divinities had been practiced since the Kamakura period (1192-1334). When Kirishitan apostatized, they had to submit a written oath of apostasy (korobi shomon). One of the earliest examples of a Kirishitan apostate's written oath is contained in a record of the Kokura domain in Buzen province. In 1614, Lord Hosokawa Tadaoki ordered a Kirishitan inspection and collected written oaths of apostasy. An oath submitted by Gen'emon of Yuya village states that he has abandoned the Kirishitan faith and has become an adherent of the I k k ~ school by belonging to the C h ~ k y ~ j i temple. It further says that, should that statement be false, he would be punished. Gen'emon's written oath was attached by a "secular guarantee (of apostasy)" (zoku-uke) written by his village headman (shoya). Later, statements of Kirishitan apostasy were further con- firmed with a document called a "temple guarantee" (tera-uke), by which the priest of a Buddhist temple proved that the apostate had become a parishioner of his temple.47

The forms of the written oath of the Kirishitan apostasy varied from simple declarations of apostasy to more complicated ones. A comprehensive statement included such items as a declaration of apostasy, a Buddhist school (and temple) to which the apostate would belong, and the names of the divinities (usually plural) who would punish them in case he, she, or they should revoke the statement. An especially interesting oath was what was called nanban seishi, or the southern barbarians' written oath, in which the apostate pledged apostasy under the names of "Kirishitan divinities" such as God, Son, the Holy Spirit, the Virgin Mary, and saints.

The following oath was collectively submitted in 1637 to the Magistrate in Nagasaki, taken from thirty-nine people of ten families

" Kirishifaki, document 7, itcm 2; thc whole document is printed in Anesaki Ma- saharu, Kirishitan shmon no Izahgai to serzpuku (l'okyo: Dnbunkan, 1925), 86-91. This English translation is from George Elison, Deus Destroyed, 204.

j7 Cited by Imarnura Yoshitaka, "Kinsei shoki shiimon jinbetsu aratame no tenkai n i tsuite," KK 17 (1977): 54-56.

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who were under the surveillance of Nakamura Hanzaemon in Chi- wata village, the Omura domain:

We were Kirishitan for many years. Yet, we found out that the Kirishitan religion is an evil religion. It regards the afterlife as the most important. They teach that those who disobey the padre's orders will be ucornuh6o and be cast into Inferno. But how can a human being cast another into Inferno? The padres are after all plotting to take the lands of others. When we learned this. we became adherents of the Hokke, Shingon, or Ikko school, and our wives of the same school. We hereby submit this statement in writing to the Magistrate. Hereaf- ter we shall never revoke our apostasy, not even entertain the slightest thought thereof. There is no falsehood in this respect. If there is, let us be punished by the Padre, Filio, and Spiritu Santo, as well as by Santa Maria and all anjo and Beato, Let us forfeit all mercy [of God] like Judas, have no thought of the five precepts, become a mockery to others, and finally die a violent death to suffer the torments of Inferno without hope of salvation. This is our Kirishitan Oath.

The fourteenth year of Kan'ei [I6371 February 9.

(Names) There is not a single person whose name is not mentioned. If there is, we will immediately report so.

Genzaemon, sashi, under the surveillance of Nakamura Hanzaemon.

The fourteenth year of Kan'ei February 948

The nanban oath was contradictory because the apostates made their pledge under the name of the divinities of the faith they had abandoned. Most of the written oaths of apostasy had models to follow, and followers often had only to sign their names or put their seals. Strictly speaking, therefore, listing Kirishitan divinities for the oath was not the idea of Kirishitan apostates but rather of the magistrates in Nagasaki and in Kyoto. They created such a contradictory oath perhaps in cooperation with the apostate padres Sawano Chaan (Christov50 Ferreira, ca. 1580-1650) and Thomas Araki (d. 1646).49

Why, then, did the Japanese apostates accept such an oath? In their "endorsement7' for a nanban oath made in 1645, the apostate padres assert from a missionary's perspective that the recanting of

" Ornurtrhur~ ku-Kirishitan kenkyn shlrya, ed. Yarnaguchi Takusuke (Tokyo: Katorikku Chafishoin, 1937), 6.569.

49 Kataaka Yakich~ , Nihou Kirishitnn junkyo ski, 505-506.


the Christian faith by a formal oath and by stamping on a holy image has never been applied in any other land, and no one will revoke the recantation under such circumstances, and that the revocation of apostasy is impossible without the mediation of a padre.50 They thus explained how the oath was effective in the view of Church practice, but failed to explain why they used Kirishitan divine names in it.

Kataoka Yakichi, specialist of the Kirishitan tradition, has maintained that the oath appealed to the apostates not due to its logic but rather its emotions. He says that the authorities probably believed that the apostates, who trod on a holy image to demonstrate the abandonment of their faith, would fear the divine punishments stated in the oath and so would not to rcvokc thcir aposta~y.~ ' If so, the authorities seem to have implicitly admitted that those Kirishitan divinities were still more real and powerl'ul in the mind of the apos- tatcs than traditional Buddhist and Shinto divinities. This is hardly surprising becausc in many areas in Kyushu people had been practicing the Kirishitan faith for three generations (about ninety years) before the nanban oath appeared, and the names of Kirishitan divinities were established religious idioms. They had taken deep root in the minds of the people-in their world view and ethos. Moreover, the authorities certainly knew that the external acts of apostasy did not always mean that a Kirishitan had given up his or her faith once and for all. In fact, as detailed below, a great number of Kirishitan secretly maintained their Kirishitan beliefs and practices while appearing to apostatize. This explains why the nanban oath was indeed a practical and effective statement for the purposes of the authorities.

The apostate Kirishitan had to further prove their sincerity by becoming a parishioner (danka) of a Buddhist temple, and temples issued guarantees that apostate Kirishitan belonged. This measure began in 1614 in Kyoto by the direction of Itakura Katsushige (1542-1624), shogunal governor (shoshidai). Later, in 1635, the bakufu strengthened this temple-parishioner system by enforcing it regarding not only apostate Kirishitan but the entire populace+very Japanese was ordered to submit a temple guarantee. The practice of religious inspection (shz~mon aratame), necessary for issuing the

Cited in English translation in Charles Boxer, The Christian Cetzlwy itt Jupan 15494650, Appendix VIII, 441442.

Kataoka Yakichi, Nihon Kirishitan jmkya slzi, 507. In Kyushu, probably after the 1630s, the written oaths were ordered together with treading on the holy images.

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guarantee, was institutionalized, and the Buddhist temples were given the task of making an annual religious inquisition of their parishioners. Thus, Buddhist temples were incorporated into the ba- kzifids anti-Kirishitan policy by taking part in the monitoring system. This system was legally established in 1640 with the establishment of a bakujiu office of Inquisitor (shzimon aratame yaku), and was uniformly adopted throughout the country.

The Tokugawa bahfu's policy of transforming the Kirishitan into Buddhist adherents quickly developed in Nagasaki too, where thirty- seven Buddhist temples were built between 1598 and 1642 as the destruction of Kirishitan churches continued. Some temples were built on the former sites of the Kirishitan churches. The Honrenji of the Nichiren school, for example, opened in 1620 on the former site of the San Juan Bautista church, while Shuntokuji of the Rinzai Zen was built in 1640 on the spot where the Todos os Santos church had stood until dismantled in 161Y.52 We see here a case of countcr- Kirishitanization, a reverse of the Kirishitan proselytization that had swept the Omura domain during thc 1570s.

Thrown into such a difficult social condition for maintaining their faith, what were the Kirishitan to do? The special message that circulated among the followers told of the glory of martyrdom. We can read about this today in Kirishitan documents on martyrdom such as "Recommendation of martyrdom" (maruchiriyo no susume) and "Instructions on martyrdom" (maruchiriyo no ~ h i o r i ) . ~ ~

The "Recommendation of martyrdom" consists of six parts. The first explains why the Kirishitan must experience the persecution. This part is designed to respond to the question "If Deus is almighty, why does he not protect martyrs from persecution?" This question was commonly raised by the Japanese, including Kirishitan such as those appearing in Collado's confession book, and their opponents such as the hard-line inquisitor Inoue Chikugo no Kami, who em-

52 ~ o ~ n s a k i k e t t shir Tnigni koshd hen, 346-348. 53 Mnnlchiriyo no smrme and Mamchiriyo r m kokoroe wcrc documents originally

compiled in Ymokyo sdsho (a collection of Jesuit texts) which were confiscated in Nagasaki in 1789. Their original titles are unknown. The current titles were tenta- tively given by Anesaki Masaharu when he printed the documents in his Kirishitnn shmnon rw hakrrgni to sctipirkrr, 173-228,229-239.

ployed the question as the basic logic to rebuke Kirishitan doctrine.54 The "Recommendation" expounds that the persecution is Deus' own arrangement, to fulfill the following purposes: to distinguish the true and false Kirishitan; to demonstrate the power of Deus; and to demonstrate the truthfulness of Kirishitan teachings. It also served to punish the Kirishitan who do not understand the benevolence (go-on) of Deus, and of the missionaries who came to Japan, hard voyage notwithstanding, to spread the divine law and save humankind in the afterlife.

The second part develops this argument further by answering the question "Why do the pagan persecutors receive no divine punishment?" The bottom line of the answers to this question is the same as in the previous part-it is Deus' arrangement and will. That is, because of the deep intention of Deus, the true followers are trained to rcccive the glory of heaven while the persecutors are temporarily exempted from divine punishment and given a chance to grieve their acts. The persecutors, however, will not be able to escape divine punishment in the end. To clarify the point, the "Recommendation" introduces several examples of the persecutions of Christians by the Roman Empire.

The third part discusses in detail how sinful it is to give in to the persecution and abandon the Kirishitan faith. Having no Kirishitan faith due to ignorance is a light sin, but apostasy is a serious sin. Apostates will find extreme suffering in hell because they will become "slaves to devil and woods in hell to be burned more severely than others." They suffer in this life too because they lose all the meritorious power (kuriki) they acquired through austerities such as fasting and discipline, Deus' grace and love which they received through Baptism, and the gift from the Holy Spirit. Besides, their hope and good faith, necessary for attaining salvation in the afterlife, will diminish or disappear completely.

The fourth and fifth parts advocate the honor and glory of martyrs and encourage martyrdom. The fourth part mentions Christ's Passion and the virtue of his sacrifice, and contends that the reward for sacrifice is assured in heaven. The fifth part teaches the reward for the Kirishitan sacrifice as glory in heaven, and tells how many martyrs

54 Sce Kirishifuki, document 11; Kirishitan slz~mon no hakigai to senpuku, 92-96.

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have been there since long ago, and how greatly people have re- spected them.

Finally, the Kirishitan are taught to be ready for martyrdom. The text teaches the following preparations: to be humble because martyrdom is possible only with the power of Deus; to confess mortal sins if they have any; to make prayers for God's providing his grace and power; to recommend the virtue and faith to their family and people around them; and to meditate the various virtues of Deus, his limitless benevolence, and his Passion. The "Recommendation" cnds with the prayer of martyrdom, which helps the Kirishitan meditate Jesus Christ on the cross.55

Martyrdom was thus recommended to followers confronting severe persecution. The rationale for the recommendation was the glory of martyrs in heaven, but what must have been more persuad- ing to thc average follower was the rationale asserted in terms of the "different degrees of suffering." Namely, the apostate's endless suffering was taught to be much greater than the martyr's temporary experiencc of persecution and death:

Listen to the divine words of the Savior so that you should not fear inquisition nor its torture! He said, "Do not fear those who can kill the body but cannot kill the soul; rather fear him who can destroy both in hell." Truly, all the torments in the world, if compared with the endless suffering in Inferno, are no different from a single drop in the ocean. If you cannot bear a little pain for the Lord, how can you endure the endless suffering after you apostatize and fall to Inferno?56

The message presupposed that the Kirishitan were able to choose between martyrdom and apostasy. Translated into the different degrees of suffering, however, the difference between martyrdom and apostasy no longer remained a matter of options-martyrdom was the only reasonable path to take. In this respect, the argument of the "Recornmcndation" is plain and simple: between the temporal suffering of flesh in this world for martyrdom and the eternal suffering of flesh and soul in hell for apostasy, one should surely choose the temporal one for martyrdom.

55 "Maruchtnyo no wume"; Kirishitan ~hrimon no hnk~rgni to scwpuku, 178-228. 5 h "Maruchmyo no susumc"; K~rishztan shmon no kaln~pn to senpukzr, 200. The

BibIical passage is quoted from Matthew 10:28 in The Holy Bzble, New Revised Standard Versmn.


Recommending martyrdom made perfect sense in the Kirishitan doctrine, which claimed that salvation in the afterlife was the primary goal of the faith. But it was indeed a matter of life or death for the followers involved. It was more than natural for Kirishitan to seek any alternative method which would help them avoid further punishment in this world and which at the same time would be justi- fiable to the Church. Temporal apostasy for avoiding further punishment was an example of such a method. The text clearly denied its legitimacy, however, saying that there is no difference between true and counterfeit apostasys7:

Oh, how many [Kirishitan] have fallen to Inferno, eventually unable to resture their faith? We d o not know. You should be willing to accept the brief suffering of persecution to rcach directly Paraiso through the path of martyrdom.58

While the "Recommendation of martyrdom" taught the Kirishitan the meaning and significance of martyrdom, the "Instructions on martyrdom" provided detailed and concrete instructions on how to maintain the Kirishitan faith under persecution. The "lnstructions" says that the Kirishitan must believe in the teachings of Jesus, and, when necessary, they must demonstrate their belief in words and action. Since Deus has given human beings their soul and flesh, they must show their faith with both. With the soul, they must believe the teachings in the mind, while, with the flesh, they must announce their faith as well as demonstrate it in action.

Some behaviors to which Kirishitan are tempted under persecution are listed as deeply sinful. For example, it is the deepest sin if one pronounces that one is not Kirishitan, even though one is actually Kirishitan internally; it is sinful to act as a non-Kirishitan, and if one uses non-Kirishitan symbols or does practices such as praying with Buddhist beads. Also sinful is a failure to admit to being Kirishitan when asked in an inquisition. To give up faith in one's mind and make mention of it will be a mortal sin, and one will lose one's faith as well. However, if one gives up faith only in words while keeping faith in one's mind, one will not lose faith, but a mortal sin is inevitable. If fear causes one to act like a heathen-using non-Kirishitan symbols, partaking in non-Kirishitan rituals, or wor-

j7 "Maruchiriyo no susumc"; Kirishitarz .tlzmzniz rzo hakugai to senpriku, 202-206. " 'Maruchiriyo no susume"; Kirishirnrt ~ h l m o n rzo hnkugni to .reqmku, 206.

152 CHAPTER SIX

shiping kami and hotoke-one will have committed a mortal sin even if one still keeps the Kirishitan faith. If one commits these mortal sins, however, one should regret them immediately, ask for forgiveness, resohe not to apostatize, make a confession, and restore one's faith.

The "Instructions" teaches that as long as one does not act like a heathen, one may hide things Kirishitan to avoid arrest and keep one's faith. The following acts are not sinful: not to pronounce that one is Kirishitan in an inquisition if it would cause the Kirishitan to be tortured or killed; to move from one region to another or to hidc to avoid arrest and keep the faith; and to hide one's rosary, meritorious things (kuriki no mono), or holy images.5g

Parenthetically, that Kirishitan were actually using these methods to avoid arrest is evident in corresponding cautions in the Kirishiloki, a manual of the Inquisitor. Regarding the first method of concealing that one is Kirishitan, the manual cautions: "At first the religionists when questioned whether they were Kirishitan would hidc nothing at all, responding that they were Kirishitan. But these days they hide their religion as they can." As for followers fleeing from areas of severe persecution, the manual says that it is necessary to ask the native place of the suspect: "During the religious scrutiny the native province and the place of extended residence are to be inquired into . . . whether it be a province where bateren have not wandered or one which they have visited and where their religion is diffused." The authorities were also aware that Kirishitan were hiding their symbols. The manual therefore cautions as follows: "They engrave sword pommels with tiny imagem or put imagem and bateren bones, ashes, and such inside their pillow, inside pottery and incense boxes, or into medicinal salve. All of this happens, so pay attentionn60

Finally, the "Instructions" lists the conditions for Kirishitan martyrdom. Death is, first of all, indispensable to martyrdom. No matter how much a Kirishitan may suffer, he or she will not be a martyr without death. The death, further, should occur without resistance. To be a martyr, one must make a confession before death. Failing to do so, despite having the padre available, one will not become a

59 "Maruchiriyo no kokuroe"; Kirislutan shmzorz no halnigai to senpuku, 229-239.

"Kiri~hitoki, document 7, item 4; Kirishitnrt shrinlon ,to Irakrigni to setpuku, 86; Elison, Drus Desrroyrd, 204.


martyr. In addition to these preliminary conditions, other specific conditions are added. A person is a martyr if the Kirishitan faith is the announced reason for their death penalty. One is a martyr, if one is killed because one recommended the faith to others; because one concealed one's Kirishitan faith; because one did not worship kami or hotoke or because one did not use a heathen amulet; because one preached the Kirishitan teachings and recommend them to others; because one revitalized and supported a dying follower; because one buried the body of a martyr and revered the martyr's bones and other relics; because one hid a preacher of the Kirishitan; because one did not disclose other Kirishitan or preachers during inspection; or because one voluntarily pronounced that one was Kirishitan though onc could have escaped to safety.61

Apostasy, Underground Practice, or Martyrdom

The Kirishitan learned about heaven (Paraiso) and hell (Inferno) with their tangiblc descriptions which illustrated their diffcrcncc as that between pleasure in heaven and suffering in hell. For example, the Kirishitan kokoroe no koto (Things to be noted by the Kirishitan), circulated in the 1620s, reads:

In Paraiso (tenjd no paraiso), there is the good virtue of the immeas- urable pleasure: in this world we cannot perceive or know the joy and pleasure . . . there are no words to describe it. In that good place, there is no anxiety, no suffering, no fatigue, no tiredness, no cold and heat, no hunger, or no thirst.62

The same text says that nothing can be compared to the vast difference between pleasure experienced in Paraiso and suffering experienced in Inferno. Its explanation includes the poena sensus (sensual punishment) in Inferno:

Poena sensus means the punishment of cold and heat. . . . Since the fire of Inferno is the instrument to punish sins, the sinner is burned in the fire. How much will be the pain that penetrates even the bones? He suffers from not only heat but also cold. . . . He will be enclosed in

" 'Maruchiriyo no kokoroe"; Kirist~itnrt shzzmon no hnkugni to senpuku, 23&239.

62 Kirishiziran kokoroe slzo; Kiriskilar~ k,yirri rho, KK 30: 190.

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extremely cold ice, as cold as cutting the bones, and his flesh will be immediately torn apart.63

More than five thousand Kirishitan are estimated to have died for their faith.64 Today we can read hundreds of names of those martyrs in prosecutors' records, as well as in various historical writings, such as Ikon PagCs' Histoire de la Religion Chrktienne au J a p ~ n . ~ ~ As Anesaki Masaharu observed, most of the martyrs were from the lower strata of society. They withstood temptations, threats, terrors, and tortures, and finally died. Their faith was simple and sincere, and they believed in the afterlife, heaven and hell, just as taught by the Church, as tangible realities.66

The records of martyrs, whether missionaries or lay followers, are profoundly impressive in a number of ways. Yet, martyrdom was not the only Kirishitan response to persecution. Facing the various anti- Kirishitan measures, the followers had three possible courses to take: not to apostatize and be martyred (martyrdom), to apostatize and continue secretly the Kirishitan practices (underground practice), and to apostatize and stop the Kirishitan practices (apostasy).

For the missionaries, martyrdom was the only legitimate bchavior when persecuted, and they certainly demanded the same of the Japa- nese devotees. They never justified apostasy even if it was done mereIy on the surface. Anyone who expressed his or her abandonment of the Kirishitan faith was apostate. The Kirishitan message of martyrdom did not allow underground faith, which entailed outward apostasy and camouflaging of the Kirishitan faith by acting like heathens. Only those followers who announced their faith and were killed for that reason deserved to be considered "Kirishitan." In the Japanese social context after 1614, being Kirishitan, when it meant an explicit demonstration of the Kirishitan faith, was fulfilled by being martyred. Receiving Baptism, using Kirishitan symbols,

Kirishitan kokoroe sho; Kirishita~t kyori sho, KK 30: 194. Kataoka Yakichi,Nihon Kirishitnn junkyo shi, 455.

65 Ikon PagCs, Histoire de la Religion Chrktienne nu Japon depuis 1598 jusqrl'a 1651, 2 vols. (Paris, Charles Douniol, 18691870); Japanese translation by Yoshida Kogora, Nihun Kirishilun hi-mon hi, 3 vols. (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1938-1940).

66 Masaharu Anesaki, History of Japanese Religion: With Special Reference to the Social arld Moral Life of the Natiorl (Rutland, Vt . & l'okyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1963), 251.


learning the catechism, partaking in the sacraments, and saying Kirishitan prayers, were not enough.

Yet, such a strict interpretation of the quality of the Kirishitan faithful was not followed by the Japanese persecutors. For them, the line dividing the apostates from the Kirishitan was drawn between real apostasy and the rest; those who kept the Kirishitan practice underground after apostasy were still "Kirishitan" and continued to be thc target of punishment. The issue here is how to interpret those tens of thousands of Kirishitan who apostatized on thc surface but continued their Kirishitan practice underground, dealing with various anti-Kirishitan measures even by becoming Buddhist parishioners. Were they apostates or were they still Kirishitan?

The hidden Kirishitan themselves certainly believed that they were still Kirishitan. Hiding Kirishitan faith by exter~ial apostasy was reasonable for them, because it enabled them to continue their faith in this world, Whichever they might choose, whether apostasy or martyrdom, they could no longer continue to practicc Kirishitan faith. Therefore, they created another option for themselves-to apostatize but not to abandon their faith-in order to live and continue their Kirishitan faith and practice. Although this option disobeyed the instruction of the Church, perhaps as much as real apostasy, it was the most reasonable and practical conclusion if people wanted to continue their faith.

A factor that helps us explain the Kirishitan emphasis on the practice of their faith in this world was the growing significance of community life in the beginning years of early modern Japan. From the late fifteenth century on, the primary social unit of religious practice shifted from kinship groups such as families and clans to regional communities such as villages and towns. People's lives became more affected by the communal forces emerging from the economic development of agrarian society, the destruction of the manor system, and the territorial control of military lords. Collective religious practices constituted a crucial aspect of communal life, functioning especially to maintain and strengthen a community's integrity.

Villages and towns became the basic units of communal and political association in which members shared labor, religious practice, water and other resources, and communal lands. The intensification of community integration resulted from increasing autonomy and

156 CHAPTER SIX

power of urban and local communities, enabled by rapid economic growth. According to KOzb Yamamura, the tremendous development of irrigation systems and the invention of new farming technologies from 1550 to 1650 doubled the amount of arable land, and dramatically increased productivity. He explains that this growth of productivity was accompanied by a roughly proportional increase in the Japanese population, greatly increasing the labor force to cultivate the land.67 All of these developments contributed to a great increase in agricultural production. The agricultural revolution, further, accel- erated the growth of commerce because farmers emerged as markets for commercial activities.

The power of a village or a town was determined by its relationship to the control of the provincial wartime domain. Already in the fifteenth century, villages and cities across the country had begun to acquire political autonomy. Many villages developed into a particularly advanced type of autonomous body called a so (self- governing village), which exercised f i l l adjudicative and administrative control over their own affairs. Even when they did not exist as independent political bodies, and when military lords took away their propriety rights, villages and towns in the sixteenth century commonly had their own administrative structures that regulated daily communal affairs: "public works, access to common resources, adju- dication and punishment of miscreants, tax collection, and represen- tation of the group to proprietor^."^^

When the people engaged in religious activities for a communal purpose, they naturally focused on rituals that would bring benefits to the community, especially farming benefits such as rain and protecting of crops from insects. As a site for performing village rites, shrines and temples provided a space for communal activities and

67 K ~ z b Yamamura, "Returns of Unification: Economic Growth in Japan, 155CL1650," in Japan Before Tokugawa: Political and Econornic Growth, 1550-1650, ed. John W. Hall, Keiji Nagahara, and Kbzb Yamamura (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 327-339.

68 Keiji Nagahara, "Village Communities and Daimyo Power," in Japan in the Muron~aclzi Age, ed. John W. Hall and Takeshi Toyoda (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 107-123. See also, Wakita Haruko and Susan 8. Ilanley, "Dimensions of Development: Cities in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Japan," in Jupan Brforr Tokugawa, 295-326; and Mary Elizabeth Berry, Hideyvshi (Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), 23-26.


contributed to the strengthening of the communal bonds among the peasants.69

Uprisings of the Honganji followers, called ikka ikki, took place from 1473 to 1578 in many provinces, with hundreds of thousands of followers joining at times. If the Pure Land faith had developed as an individual faith, Honganji members' devotionalism would not have evolved into military uprisings. The spread of the Honganji branch, however, did coincide with the rapid increase of communal power of villages and towns in local provinces. With this increase, accompanied by the strong internal integration of late medieval communities, religion played a key role in maintaining internal bonds, Honganji lollowers were connected with one another not only as members of the same faith, but also as members of the same village. Their religious fraternity (ka) thus overlapped with their sccular community ( 4 . 7 0

Given that communities were held together by both religious and secular ties, it is not surprising that religious interests and secular interests became intertwined. Religious and sccular powcr were mu- tually supportive toward achieving both religious and secular goals. This was certainly the case among the Honganji followers. They engaged in warfare because their faith became the faith of the community. It helped to create a strong moral, internal bond that was indispensable for challenging local political powers. If followers refused to respond to a call to arms, they were punished by village shunning.71 Such communal pressure left people with no choice but to enlist in the army. The Honganji case shows us just how dominant communal forces were in shaping people's religious lives and practices during this period. Such communal pressures also strongly influenced the way in which Kirishitan practiced their faith.

Despite its theological orientation to afterlife salvation, the Kirishitan system had become rooted in people's lives in this world by becoming the faith of family and community-it was concerned

69 Tashiro Osamu, "Nomin ketsugo to Bukkyo," in Ronsha Nihon Rukkyo shi 6: sengok~i jidai, ed. Nakao Takashi (Tokyo: Yiizankaku, 1988), 81.

70 Kasahara Kazuo, "lkko ikki ron," in Ronsha Nihon Bukkyo shi 6: sengoku jidai, 33. For the development of the so system in late medieval Japan, see, for example, Hitomi Tunomura, Con~muraity and Conznrerce in Lule Medievul Jupun: The Corporate Villages of Tok~~chitz-1x0 (Stanford: Stanford IJniversity Press, 1992).

71 Neil McMullin, Buddhism and the State, 40.

158 CHAPTER SIX

with the people in this world, and functioned in this life. In areas to which the Kirishitan faith had been brought by the 1570s, mostly but not exclusively in Kyushu, the religion had been transmitted for two generations or more. The Kirishitoki, an inquisition manual, therefore cautioned, "If the husband is Kirishitan, so is the wife. If the child is Kirishitan, so is the parent. If father and mother are Kirishi- tan, so are the children. Generally speaking, seven or eight out of ten wiH be Kir i~hi tan ."~~ Accordingly, inquisition was conducted household by household, and names listed in written oaths of apostasy show that Kirishitan apostasy took place family by family. Martyr- dom followed the same pattern, Later, in 1657, an entire family of six (two generations) in the h u r a domain-Jirozaemon and his wife (name unknown), their son Jiroemon and his wife Sen, and their son Jjrosuke and his wife Senzuru-were all beheaded to be mar- t ~ r e d . ' ~

Because the Kirishitan faith was transmitted through Family lines, there began during the Kan'ei era (1624-1643) an examination o l the Kirishitan families (ruitoku aratame). All relatives of the discovered Kirishitan were carefully monitored for the rest of their lives. After the examination was fully institutionalized in 1687, direct descendants of discovered Kirishitan were carefully supervised for seven generations for men and four generations for women. Records for this examination usually list more than twenty relatives for each Kirishitan examined. In case of Hyaemon in Katsuragi village, in the Bungo domain, for example, a total of thirty-three of his relatives were inspected, including his (deceased) parents, three sons, one daughter, nine grand children, and eighteen relatives.74

In some places, the Kirishitan faith was also the village religion.75 Many Kirishitan communities overlapped fully with secular social organization, and the whole village population were followers, including village administrative leaders such as headmen (shoya), eld-

7"iriskitoki, document 7 , item 15; Kirishitan shunzort no Izakugni to selzpuku, 89; Elison: Deus Destroyed, 206.

73 Ornuralmn ko-Kirishitan shiryo, 31-32. j4 Kzrishitnn ruizoku cho kenkya sosho, vol. 5 , Bungo-koku Katsuragi-mura,

comp. Yajima Yutaka (Tokyo: Musashino Shoba, 1986). 75 Often Kirishitan villages joined together to form still larger communities. This

is known from the disclosure of large Kirishitan groups, such as the 608 Kirishitans found in Kori in the Omura domain (1658), and the more than one thousand Kirishitans in seventy-nine villages in the Owari domain (1660s).


e;s (otona), and agents (kimoiri). In 1617, three headmen and seven elders of Arie village of Hizen province, together with ten Kirishitan leaders (kumioya) in the village, signed a Jesuit document attesting to Jesuits' continuous ministerial work for them. All those village leaders were Kirishitan and bore Kirishitan names.76 Interestingly, the document listed secular leaders before religious leaders, indicating that the former had higher authority than the latter, even concerning Kirishitan matters.

Meanwhile, during the persecution period, local village leaders were given from their domain office the responsibility for inspecting Kirishitan in their villages. In 1623, the Omura domain issued a notice to its village agents (kimoiri) which directed them in Kirishitan control. First, if the agents found a Kirishitan monk or someone

-

preaching Kirishitan teaching in their village, they were to arrest them immediately. Second, if any traveler requested lodging in the village, the agent was to be informed so he could inquire whether the traveler was Kirishitan. Only after would the traveler be allowed to lodge there. Third, if a Kirishitan should be found in a village, the agent had to report it secretly to the magistrate's office of his domain. If he failed to do so, he would be subject to the same penalty as the K i ~ i s h i t a n . ~ ~

The communal aspect of the Kirishitan faith has usually been discussed as a factor that enabled Kirishitan to hide their beliefs during the persecution. So, for example, the system of the five-household association (goningumi) was nullified if all the residents were Kirishitan and protected each other. Village headmen and agents who had responsibility for Kirishitan inspection could use their positions to conceal followers in their villages. Although discussions of this have clarified how followers could hide their faith and practice, they do not explain why Kirishitan needed to do so. I argue that Kirishitan concealed their faith in order to maintain the faith of their community, valuing the role of the Kirishitan faith as being that of the family and the village.

I have explained the significance of Kirishitan underground practices by focusing on the communal aspects of their faith. We may, pcrhaps, also reconsider the meaning of martyrdom from the same

76 Matsuda Kiich~ , Manban slziryo izo kmhyli, 107Y-1085. 77 Omrtrcthn ko-Kirishitnn shiryo, 42-43.

160 CHAPTER SIX

perspective. If the Kirishitan decided together to apostatize or to hide their faith, their decision for martyrdom must have also been made together. An individual probably could not apostatize while the rest of the villagers secretly kept their Kirishitan practice. We know how such communal forces actually worked on individual Kirishitan in the nineteenth century from the example of the Kirishitan group disclosed in Urakami in Nagasaki. Apostate Kirishitan there had to revoke their apostasy because they lost any means of survival in their villages, where they were shunned by Kirishitan villagers.78 Fur- thermore, the same hidden Kirishitan had a strong sense of responsibility for keeping the faith they had inherited from their ancestors. Both factors contributed to those Kirishitan's kceping their faith and eventually to their martyrdom, Unfortunately this evidence from the nineteenth century does not demonstrate conclusively how group and family forces affected individual Kirishitan decisions for martyrdom during the Christian century. Although the situation is believed to have been very similar in the seventeenth century, further specula- tion seems inappropriate until more revealing sources become available.

78 See Trtkagi Keiko, Takngi Sen'rmon oboegnki no kenkyn (Tokyo: ChUO Shup- pansha, 1993), 122.

CONCLUSION

In order to clarify reasons for the fast spread of Christianity in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Japan, this study has explored be- liets and practices of its followers. The foregoing chapters have examined a variety of expressions of Japanese followers as well as textual expositions of the Christian doctrine and practice given to them. I have interpreted and explained their meanings by comparative analyses with their counterparts in Japanese popular religion.

This study has revealed that, in spite of their great enthusiasm for spreading the Christian faith in Japan, the Jesuits t'rorn the beginning did not have enough personnel and material resources for their mission in the country. Three decades after Xavier's mission, the number of the European missionaries in Japan was still under thirty and the native catechists were poorly trained and unable to convey the Christian message to the Japanese. They could still acquire Japanese followers, however, thousands of them at times, through mass baptisms in Kyushu and Kinai. While many Japanese became Kirishitan through individual conversion, the great majority of followers received Baptism following the orders of their military lords. If they knew any doctrine, it was limited to basics. They continued to practice the new faith by using its symbols and participating in its rituals. Under these circumstances, the theological meaning of Christian faith was not clearly presented to the Japanese. Later, Christian teaching became more available to the believers due to Jesuit publications, but even in these many crucial Kirishitan terms remained obscure since they were translations of Buddhist idioms, or simply left untranslated.

From the observations of Catholic visitors, it appears that the Christian system of beliefs and practices became very flexible as it was presented to the Japanese and as it was practiced by the lay Kirishitan in early modern Japan. Part of this flexibility was intended by the missionaries. The missionaries took advantage of the power of local lords to facilitate the mass reception of Japanese followers. In the 1580s, following their policy of accommodation to Japanese society and culture, the Jesuits began to adopt Japanese social manners and to apply a Zen system of organization to their own communities

162 CONCLUSION

in Japan. They continued to try to maintain favorable relations with local and central political-military powers. This was done to secure their position in Japan and to make their roles clear to the Japanese. The Jesuits wanted their accommodation to be only external, and they believed that the internal purity of the Catholic teachings would remain intact. It is very difficult to substantiate this, however, because even textual instructions included many modifications, as examinations of Japanese translations have revealed.

An inevitable, if unintentional, result of this flexibility was that it allowed accommodation to slip beyond the missionaries' control. Japanese followers understood Christian symbols and rituals according to their own religious needs. They found merits in being Kirishitan from their own religious and mundane interests. They had the liberty of taking advantage of new religious tools to solvc thcir problems.

Taken together, these factors suggest that in early modern Japan the unique character of Catholicism was not always clear to the people and in the consciousness of lay followers. Lay followers often continued to observe traditional Japanese religious practices even after receiving Baptism. Nonetheless, Catholicism did not dissolve completely into popular Japanese practice. It certainly maintained irreducible Christian elements, including the significance of the Christian monotheistic-monopraxis exclusivism based on the doctrine of Deus, the unique ritual practice of confession, and the exotic appearance of European missionaries in the eyes of the Japanese.

Christianity as practiced on the popular level comprised a mixture of elements, some unique to the new religion, some understood as being similar to those already extant in Japanese religious culture, and some drawn from the popular folk religion of Japan. In this sense, Kirishitan religious expressions followed a well-trodden path of Jap- anese popular religion in which new and old religious elements are integrated according to a principle, which I believe to be the human- divine relationship maintained by means of a mysterious, divine power (hr ik i ) .

As Byron Earhart has correctly put it, "Japanese religion is the distinct tradition formed from the interaction of indigenous and foreign organized religious and folk elements in the context of Japanese

CONCLUSION 163

culture."l We may discuss each of these elements individually, but the Japanese people participate in several or most of these elements simultaneously in framing a common world view.2 We may undcr- stand this interaction between the Japanese people's deep-rooted religious practices and thc value system of a specific religion, as Shinno Toshikazu suggests, as "not just a friendly affinity but a deeper relationship that includes discordant elements such as mutual transformation, isolation, and reje~t ion."~

European missionaries would have not always have been happy about Christianity's transformation into a religious system sharing traits of Japanese popular religious patterns. This religious flexibility, however, worked to the advantage of the Christian mission in Japan and it made the fast spread of Christianity possible. Christianity was accepted in a way that responded to a people's needs, and it became a powerful tool enabling them to cope with their difficult lives in the early modern period.

This research can be further extended in several areas. It has mostly drawn upon sources on Kirishitan in Kyushu, particularly provinces of western Kyushu. Records on Kirishitan in central and northern provinces of Honshu are also available, though in much more limited quantities. A future study may substantiate lay Kirishi- tan activities by including more records on followers outside Kyushu.

I did not discuss the subject which some Japanese scholars called the Kirishitan custom (Kirishitan shz~~oku), which even non- Kirishitan Japanese practiced. The "southern barbarian" culture (nanhan culture) spread among the people during the late-sixteenth century in Sakai and Miyako, where it became the fashionable trend of the time. People liked to own Por tupme goods and clothes. Even non-Kirishitan liked to wear a pendant of the cross. Hideyoshi wanted to give Christian names to his female servants just because those European names sounded good to his ears. This was a very intcrcst- ing aspect of Japanese culture of the time, which demonstrates the influence of European culture. But whether such phenomena were religious or not is admittedly hard to determine.

' Byron Earhart, Gedrrlsu-kui utzd Religion in Contemporury Jqmn: R~trirrzirzg to the Colter (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, I!%!+, 10.

Byron Earhart, Geduts~r-kni nnd Religion in Contuniporary Jupun, 1 1 . Shinno Toshikazu, "From Minkutt-shinko to Minzok~l-shukyo," Jupunese Jour-

nal of Religious Shrdies 2012-3 (Junc-September 1993): 197.

164 CONCLUSION

This study on the Kirishitan provides us, then, with an example of how a people accepted a foreign religious system and developed it within their own religious, social, and political circumstances. The Kirishitan history explored here does not stray beyond the immedia- cy of the people in a specific time and space, but its messages and implications can be extended further. They inspire us to examine further a number of issues in the history of religions, especially religions as they reach across different cultures.

APPENDICES

Appendix I

"11. Santa-ekereja no nunatsu no sakuramento no koto" (Chapter Eleven. On the Seven Sacramento of the Santa Ecclesia) in Do- chiriina Kirishitarz, Kazusa, 1591, reprinted in Kirishitan sho, Hai-ya sho, 63-77.

D: Is salvation in the afterlife possible only by the three articles [virtues] of conduct, to have faith, to have hope, and to practice living a good life?

M: No, it is not. G r a ~ a of Deus is essential to actually observing and practicing them.

D: How does Deus provide Grup?

M: There are the sucranientos [sic] of our Mother Santa Ecclesia. It is important to receive the sacramentos [sic] with good preparations.

D: How many sacramentos [sic] are there?

M: There are seven. First, Bautismo, second, Confirma~ao, third, Eucharistia, fourth, Penitencia, fifth, Extrema U n ~ a o , sixth, Ordem, and seventh, Matrimonio.

D: Who settled the seven sacramento?

M: The Lord Jesus Christo settled them to give us his own Graga and the meritorious power (go-hriki) of his Passion.

D: How should we receive the sacrarnentos [sic]?

M: The one who will receive the sacramento of Eucharistia must make one's confissfio in order to regret mortal sins, if any. Those who will receive the rest [of the sacramento] must at least make their

166 APPENDICES

contrigao prior to receiving them. It is even better, however, to make their confissio.

D: What is the first of the seven sacramento?

M: The first of all is the sacramento of Buutismo. This sacramento is the basis for one's becoming Kirishitan and for receiving the other sacramento.

D: What is Bantismo?

M : Rautismo is the sacramento for one's becoming Kirishitan. By this sacramento one receives Fides and G r q a and has one's original sin and the sins one has committed theretofore forgiven. This must he received in the right way,

D: With what preparations should one receive the sacrumento?

M: If one is [at the age] of discretion, one must first wish to become Kirishitan, be sorry about one's sins in the past, and receive the sacramento with resolution to observe therealter the laws of the Lord Jesus Christo.

D: How do you administer the sacramento?

M: You pour water on the head or at least on the body of the recipient, chanting the following words: (calling the Kirishitan name of the recipient such as Petro or Paulo,) "Soregashi Deusu Padore, Hirio, Szlpiritsu Santo no mina o motte nanji o araitatematsuru nari. Amen." In the words of the sotra, you say, "Ego, te, bauchiizo, in noumine, pcrchirisu, etsz~, hiirii, etsu, supirity sanchi, amen." (Ego te baptizo in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti, Amen.)

I): What if one pours water without chanting those words, or if one pours water while saying only the half of the words or missing a word in the phrase, or if one chants the words before or after pouring water?

APPENDICES 167

M: Unless you chant the words as you pour water, it will not do as Bautismo. Also the words must be chanted completely. Bautismo is completed even if you miss the word "Soregashi (I)," "Amen," or the [Kirishitan] name of the recipient of Bautismo. Except for these three, no words may be missed for Bautismo to be completed.

D: Are there other ways for salvation if I do not receive Bautismo ?

M. Since it is the way indispensable to salvation in the afterlife, you must receive it no matter what. It may happen that although you wish to receive Rnutismo, you are unable to do so and die. Even if you do not receive the Bautismo of water, you will still be saved as long as your conduct was truly correct. This is due to your [virtue of] deep wish for Bautismo. Be that as it may, sorrow of sins you committed is the most essential, as I have said above.

D: Who administers Bautismo?

M: Fnrmally, it is a role of the padre to administer Buulismo. Since this sacramento is indispensable to salvation in the afterlife, however, the Lord Jesus Christo has permitted the sacramento to be administered by anyone, male or female, where no padres are available. This is as long as [he or she] keeps the important points [of the administration of Bautismo] so that [catechumens] can receive it as taught by the Lord Jesus Christo. Since this grant (sazuke) is frequently requested where no padres are available, it is important that every Kirishitan learns how to administer Bautismo.

D: What is the second sacramento?

M: It is the sacramento of Confirmapio. We also call it Chrisma. This is the sacramento granted from bispo to the one who received Bautismo. By this sacramento Deus provides new G r a ~ a and strengthens Fides that one received at the time of Buulismo. With this sacramento [Deus] gives his support to one who must demonstrate one's Fida in front of people when it is necessary. This is the virtue of the sacramento.

D: What is the third .sacramento?

168 APPENDICES

M: It is the sacramento called Comunhbo or Eucharistia.

D: Please show me the detailed meanings of that sacramento.

M: Since this is the supreme nlysterio, it is beyond description. In Mzssa, the padre chants the words, which the Lord Jesus Christo taught in person, over the caliz and the hostia. Then, what was a pdo changes instantaneously into the real flesh of Jesus Christo and what was grape wine in the caliz into the real blood [of Jesus Christo]. It is important to believe this. Thereafter under the color, flavor, and taste of the yiio and the grape wine lies the real body of the Lord Jesus Christo, as it does in heaven. Therefore, it is necessary to pay your respect to this fathomless sacramento as you worship the divine body of Jesus Christo.

D: How is it ever possible for a pa"o and grape wine to turn into the flesh and blood of Jestis Christo? The color, flavor, and taste of the grape wine rcmain the same. This is incomprehensible.

M: That is why this sacramento is mysterious Cfukashigi). Even though we cannot completely apprehend it, as long as the Lord Jesus Christo, the real origin [of all], has thus taught, you should not have the slightest doubt but should believe it. The Santa Ecclesia has taught these meanings [of the sacramento]; and Lord Jesus Christo showed various miracles on Eucharistia in order to prove that this sacramento is true. There are no special reasons for the pao and grape wine to appear as such in our eyes. Simply because their color, flavor, taste, and size remain the same as before, they appear in our eyes only as a pGo and grape wine. However, if we believe in them with the light of Fides, there is no substance of a p a o and grape wine under the color and flavor of the pbo and grape wine. There only exist the immediate flesh and blood of the Lord Jesus Christo.

D: What do you mean by saying that there is Jesus Chrislo's flesh under the color, flavor, and taste of the pao, and his blood under the color, flavor, and taste of the grape wine? Does the flesh of Jesus Christo exist in the hoslia apart from his blood in the caliz?

APPENDICES 169

M: No, it does not. The flesh and blood of Jesus Christo are together in the hostia and in the caliz as they are in heaven. However, when he shed his blood on the Cruz, his blood came apart from his flesh. To perform the ~nysterio of this fathomless Passion, prayers were taught to be made separately on each of the h u s h and the caliz. By the great power contained in the divine words, the substance of the pdo changes into the divine body of the Lord Jesus Christo, and the substance of the grape wine into the blood of thc Lord. Yct, since his flesh and blood did not exist separately after the Lord Jesus Christo revived from his death (go-nynmetsu), they do not exist separately in the hostia and the caliz. His blood and flesh both exist in the hostia, and so do they in the caliz.

D: How can the Lord Jesus Christo be simultaneously in numcrous hostia at numerous places, while existing in the single body in the sacramento?

M: It is a reasonable question. A metaphor will help you comprehend the point. When yo11 place a thing, whatever it may be, in front of numerous mirrors, its shape appears in every mirror. Even a [simple] thing can do it, how can the Lord Jesus Christo, the real Deus almighty, not do so? Can he not exist in numerous hostia at numerous places while existing in the single body?

D: When you break an hostia into two, is the flesh of the Lord Jesus Christo divided?

M: No, it is not. No matter how many pieces you may break an hostia into, it does not mean that you break the flesh of the Lord. [His flesh] exists in its entirety in each piece of the broken hostia. For example, even though you may break a mirror reflecting a shape into tiny pieces, you do not break the shape itself. Each of the broken pieces still reflects a complete shape.

D: Jesus Christo was as tall as ordinary people in the world. How is he able to exist entirely in the small hostiu?

M: Since this fathomless sacramento is mysterio beyond natura, there is no need to grasp it logically. It is essential just to believe it

170 APPENDICES

humbly. But with the above metaphor of a mirror you may realize [the truth] even a little. As I already said, although broken pieces of a mirror are small, what appears in them can be anything-even a large mountain, let alone things of human height. Evcn things of natura are thus possible [to be in small broken pieces of a mirror]; how can we say that the Lord Jesus Christ0 who is Injinito is unable to be in the small hostia as he wants? With all this metaphor, however, we cannot completely describe what it is. Because while a mirror reflects only the appearance of a thng, hostia immediately contains the whole of the divine body of the Lord.

D: What should I do to receive correctly this sacramento?

M: If you committed any mortal sins and have nonetheless not mentioned them in a conf i s~o , it is essential for you to regret it deeply. Further, you must refrain from drinking or eating from the night before. If you partake even a little of fluids, you cannot receive [Eucharistia] on thc next morning. Prior to receiving this sacramento, you must humbly ponder over what the divine one is in this sucru- mento. It is important to reflect on his benevolence demonstrated through his various hardships for the sake of us as well as through his death at last. After you receive it, you should deeply contemplate the benevolence given to your anima [through it] and be grateful for it.

D: What is the fourth sacramento?

M: It is the sacramento of Penitencia. It is a good medicine of the spiritual with which to cure sins, the illness of anima, which you have committed since Bautismo.

D: How many essentials are there in Penitencia?

M: There are three. The first is contripio, meaning sorrow from the bottom of the heart; the second is confissiio, meaning verbal regrets; and the third is satisfa@, meaning the "passing away of your sins" (toga-okuri) by conduct.

D: How should I perform the true contri~fio?

APPENDICES 171

M: You should truly regret and have remorse for the sins you have committed against [the will of] Deus and make confissdo, finding occasions for it. [Contri~do] is completed when you strongly resolve not to commit mortal sins thereafter and make up for the sins you committed.

D: IIow should I perform confissdo?

M: If it is your first confissdo, you should mention the sins you have committed since your Buutismo. If you have done it before, you should reflect on the sins you have committed since your last con- f i . ss ir and mention all of them. To do so, you should refer to what was said in the ninth chapter above [on the law of the Santa Eccle- siu] .

D: What is satisfa~do?

M: It is to make up for your sins to the Lord Jesus Christo. It is done by your sorrow and spiritual pains as well as the scnding away of sins (toga-okuri) as directed by the padre.

D: What is the fifth sacramento?

M: It is Extrema Un~do , the Sacramento that you receive with the divine oleo sanctified by bispo. This sacramento is administered only to the sick facing death. Through this sacramento the Lord Deus provides G r a ~ a to his body, purifies remaining sins of the anima, and offers his aid to the sick so that the sick are able to endure the suffering of death.

D: What is the sixth sacramento?

M: It is the sacramento called Ordem. With this sacramento bispo gives one the rank of sacerdote who administers the sacramentos [sic]. It is the sacramento through which the Lord Jesus Christo offers G r a ~ a to those who receive the sacramento so that they will be able to perform their roles well.

D: What is the seventh sacramento?

172 APPENDICES

M: It is the sacramento of Matrimonio. This sacramento is to have a spouse as determined by the Ecclesia. By this sacramento you receive G r a ~ a so as to have a peaceful long [marriage] and the prosperity of offspring.

I): Are there, then, pledges that the husband and the wife must make?

M: It is a natural question. There are three strict promises that they must make between them. One is that after they havc bcen married, they, either male or female, are unable to divorce the other, and unable to havc rclations with other people, This is because the promise of Mulrimonio is the firm pledge that they will never become separate.

D: That law is too strict because it teaches that we are unable to separate even when we cannot get along with each other.

M: It may seem most difficult to observe. But when you have the engagement of Matrimonio, you will receive great power of Graga from Deus with which you can have deep mutual love and fulfill your marriage to the end. There is clear evidence of this. By receiving the sacramento, every Kirishitan has a peaceful relationship [with his or her spouse] and they keep their marriage until their death. Is not this due to the power [of the sacramento]?

D: Why did Deus decide that we cannot be separate once we are engaged?

M: The reason Deus decided this rests on the same point. It is because [Deus wishes that] you and your spouse live without sins, prosper with offspring, and observe the rules so that you and your children will be saved in the afterlife, and so that you unite your hearts as if you were one and join your efforts when necessary. You cannot accomplish these things if [your relationship] is temporary. You, therefore, cannot but have a long engagement. Should divorce be possible at will, a man's heart might become distant and so might a woman's; there will be no ease between the husband and the wife--only uncomfortablc concerns. Besides, they will be unable to

APPENDICES 173

rely upon each other when something happens, especially in case of illness or hardship; and they will have nowhere to turn for help. Furthermore, there would arise various complaints in raising their children. If they should be able to divorce as they like when they do not get along with each other, boys would go with their father to live with a step mother and have a sad experience, while girls would follow their mother to live with a step father and live an uncontrollable life. Without forever-lasting [marital] engagement, people cannot avoid these unwanted situations, and neither will they be able to raise their children happily with true and deep love. If you further ponder this, you will understand that nothing is more reasonable in the world than this [teaching of Malrimonio]. If people cancel for a trivial reason the relationship between the husband and the wife who have been engaged with each other daily, or if they break the relationship [with their spouse] by having affairs with another man or woman, can you regard it as reasonable? This is the worst case of leaving the path. After all, you may think you cannot maintain the marital relationship any further, that you cannot get along with your spouse well, considering the harm coming out [of the unhappy marriage]. But consider harms caused by divorce, which include that the relatives of both sides may bear grudges against each other; that some may go so far as to murder the opponent to clear the grudge; that one family's side may sever their connection to the other family's side and they may become evil enemies; or that there may be orphans left in the family. There are these examples taken from non-Kirishitan families.

D: This is all excellent reasoning. Many people will think, however, that such a stern rule will do much harm to them. For, how can I keep marriage with one who would go against my will and not com- ply with my wishes? Many would choose not to marry rather than to settle with such a woman and be engaged with her as husband and wife.

M: That is a reasonable doubt. Yet, a regulation, whether an agree- ment between persons or an official legal law, is generally settled so that it will bring benefits to everyone. There might be one that thinks, "Even though the law will be beneficial to others, it is useless for me." For example, if a law prohibits the moving of rice from one domain to another, rice dealers would find that law undesirable. But

174 APPENDICES

for the domain as a whole, it will be a foundation of prosperity. Similarly, Deus granted and settled his law according to his reason with an eye toward the prospect of bringing benefits to everyone. Although everyone will gain deep virtue from the sacramento of Matrimonio, there will be a few people who go against the reason and prefer bitter [hardship] to sweet {comfort].

D: Having listened to your explanation, I have discerned things clearly. Yet, I still have a question to ask in order to clear my doubts. What should be done if man or woman is unfaithful to the spouse, disobedient to the law, and has another spouse, or if either of them is of innately evil character. Can we still not divorce?

M: That is the most important question. When this happens, you can separate them, according to the regulation of the Ecclesia. However, even if they come to live separately, they still cannot marry another. This is also bascd on a reason. That is, such a prurient figure would repeat the same [mistake]. In order to prevent it from happening again, [the second] marriage is prohibited.

D: That is a good reason. Having listened to the teaching, I have cleared the darkness in my mind. Reflecting on the teaching, I understand that the loss from divorce is huge while the benefits from following the divine law and from self-discipline are innumerable. I understand the first obrigagao to be very important. Please show me the second obrigagao.

M: It is not a separate teaching. It is to observe firmly the law of Matrimonio, which enables the path of family prosperity, with husband and wife settled. It is a great sin for a man or a woman to have a sexual relationship with anybody but their spouse.

D: What is the third obrigagao?

M: It is the law that once you have been settled by Deus as insepa- rable partners, you should support each other, teach your children, and raise them without negligence.

APPENDICES 175

D: Do we have to receive these seven sacramentos [sic] for the sake of salvation in the afterlife?

M: The last two artides (sacramcnto) are indispensable in an ecclesia, but you do not have to receive them unless you desire to do so. This is because Ordem and marriage are not obrigacao for everyone. They are up to the wish of individuals. You have to receive the first five [sacramento], because unless you have received them when you could have, it will be your sin. If you did not receive them because you could not, it will not he your sin.

D: May wc often receive these sacramento?

M: You may receive Bautisrno, Confirrnagiio, and O r d m only once. You may receive thc rest oftcn. In particular, since Penitencia and Suiissimu Eucharistia are the most important, you must receive them frequently.

D: Then, can we also often receive the sacramento of Martintonio?

M: As long as your wife who received the sacramento of Martimo- nio with you is alive, you cannot receive that sacramento with a different wife. But if either husband or wife dies, the one who survives may receive another [sacramento of Martimonio]. Further, if one who received the sacramento of Extrema Un@o recovers, the same person may receive [the sacramento] again on the verge of death.

176 APPENDICES

Appendix 11

"Articles for the Kirishitan" in Orasho no hon'yaku, reprinted in Bauchizumo o sazukeyo, Orasho no hon'yaku: Honbun oyobi sosakuin, 157-167.

Article 1. The source of the fathomless wisdom, the almighty Lord Deus is in one body. Since this Lord Deus is the true Lord who created heaven, earth, and any and every other thing, he controls all that he created at his own will.

Article 2. This Lord Deus has three persona of Pudre, Filio, and Sptritu Santo, yet his existence, called sustancia, is only one. Padre means thc Parent and Filio thc Child, while Spiritu Sunto designates the mutual love that comes from Deus the Parent and Deus the Child, Therefore, Padre is Deus, Pilio is Deus too, and Spiritu Santo is also Dcus, but Dues does not exist as three; he is in only one body. Thesc three persona are the true Dcus, thc creator of all, who is the truc Lord of this life and the afterlife.

Article 3. Deus FiEio descended to send away the sins of all people and to teach the Path of salvation in the afterlife. He received the same anima and flesh as ours called humanidade and was born of the Virgin Mary as the true human by the power and virtue of Lord Deus. Since he was born without intercourse, the august Mary was virgin before and after the childbirth, and continued to be so throughout her lifetime. Her son was the true Deus and the true human. His name is Jesus Christo, meaning the Savior.

Article 4. The anima gives life to the flesh and is itself immortal, namely, it will not die. When the anima leaves the flesh, the flesh becomes earth and dust, but the anima does not die. Rather, as soon as it leaves the flesh, it is examined by Deus, and is rewarded or punished according to its conduct during this life.

Article 5. The Lord Deus Christo taught us the laws that one should observe in order to be saved in the afterlife, as well as those in which one should have faith; he further taught the law of the ten articles called Mandarnento so that one can avoid various evils and strive for

APPENDICES 177

the good. He has also settled the holy Bautismo and other holy sacramento. Through those sacramento, he gives G r a ~ a or power ( g o y o h ) by which one is able to observe the ten articles. Those who wish to be saved in the afterlife, then, cannot realize their wish unless they receive the holy Bautismo, learn the teachings of Deus Christo, observe the law of the ten articles, and receive the power of the rest of the sacramento on occasions determined by the Lord Deus Christo-Santu Ecclesia.

Article 6. Atter hc revealed the above teachings, offered the seven sacrumenlo, and taught the law of the ten articles, the same Jesus Christo, the Son of the Tard Dcus, in order to give the forgiveness of sins and the pleasure of the afterlife to those who believe in the teachings and receive the sacramento with the sincere mind, wished to die as human for the virtue of all people, by making himself subject to the cruel conduct of Judeo who tried to kill him, allowing them to arrest him, to himself receive various kinds of suffering and to die on the cross.

Article 7. As human, the Lord Jesus Christo suffered and died, but as Deus he did not suffer. The third day he rose again with great dignity, and ascended into heaven in the sight of Apostles and his distinguished disciples. As human in heaven, he received from Deus the Parent the rank to govern every created thing in heaven and earth as well as in Inferno.

Article 8. When the time determined by Lord Deus comes, all human beings will die away, and this world will be completely corrected. Thereafter, the Lord Deus almighty will revive with his fathomless power the dead by bringing anzma to their flesh that turned into earth and dust. The Lord Jesus Christo, by his great power and dignity, will descend to give rewards and punishments to the anima and their flesh, examining people's good or bad conduct. Good persons will receive with Jesus Christo endless pleasure in heaven for their anima and flesh. Evil persons will receive with the devil endless suffering in Inferno for their anima and flesh.

Article 9. After one has received Bautismo, one ought not to lose one's confidence in [salvation in] thc afterlife, no matter how serious

178 APPENDICES

a sin one may commit. This is because the Lord Jesus Christo, through his power, forgives one's sins after Bautismo by the sacramento of confissiio if one regrets the sins after Bautismo, begs Deus for their forgiveness, and makes one's confissfio with resolution not to commit the sins again, or becomes determined to make it on the occasions decided by Ecclesia.

Article 10. The Lord Deus settled the sacramento of Eucharistia, the precious food of heaven, so that we will not forget the deep benevolence of Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christo, so that we can receive his benevolence and virtue as well as his assured protection in the changing streams of the world, so that he will offer his power to support our anima, and so that he will ward off evils [from us]. By virtue of the words determined by this I,ord, the padre, sucerdore, chants as the agent [of Deus] the words over bread and sake during Missa. Although the color and shape of the bread and the sake rcmain the same, their substancc changcs into the tlesh and blood of Jesus Chrisln, the true Deus and the real human. That is to say, the anima and the flesh of Deus arc cxactly in the bread and the sake. They appear to be only the color and the shape of bread and sake in the eyes of {ordinary] people, but for those who worship them with the eyes of Fides, they are Jesus Christo, the real Child of Deus, who was born of the Virgin Mary, died on the cross for us, and is deeply and sincerely worshiped in heaven by various angels. There are two important things. One is that, when we receive this precious sacramento, we should believe that the Lord Jesus is in it and worship him with deep faith. During Missa we should also recall his Passion. The other important thing is that we must make confissiio twice with our true sorrow. This is because we receive [Eucharistia] for our anima with deep faith and a firm resolution not to commit sins again. Fur- thermore, after we receive it, we should appreciate the benevolence with which Jesus Christo granted his body to us as the sign that we can receive pleasure in heaven because of the immense G r a p .

Article 11. All the three persona, Deus, the Parent, Jesus Christo, the Child, and Spiritu Santo are the true creator, the true Lord of both this life and the afterlife. Therefore, it is important that we deeply and sincerely worship the three persona. Since Jesus Christo became the Savior by the path of the cross, we must believe in his benevo-

APPENDICES 179

lence in particular and rely on it. When we have troubles with our aninza and flesh, we should make requests through oratio taught by the Lord and the Santa Ecclesia. We must observe the Ten Manda- rnento and receive the settled sacramento as well. If we fully observe them, there is no doubt that we will finally be able to enjoy the pleasure of Paraiso and avoid the suffering of Inferno.

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GLOSSARY

anjin (^Lânjin ketsujo (5c'L>$r/E)

bakufu (H)f?)bateren monto (ffîlFfll)bateren shumon (ftîi^fl)bateren tsuihorei (ft^&iiiHJ)bozu (#10bugyosho (^f?rjf)buppo ((A/i)buppo o shotyn no tame ('(A&;£$nPi<7>&)

chinju (|S-?p)chusei (4"tft)

Dainichi (^:H)danka (WM)danna C§JB)do (31)dojuku (Ullg)don'yoku (ft^)

engi-mono (ftg^l)fu (mfudaraku (MK:?^)fudaraku tokai (ffiP'fe^MjS)fumie (nW£)gedatsu («K)

gen (H)genze-azinon, goshO-zensho (MK^rli-, f^^fe^5df)go (mgo-ittai (H—fr)gonaisho (fP|*JSE)go-on no hikari (fUECO^)

192 GLOSSARY

go-tairo (H;/^)gokuraku (S^£)goningumi (BAffi)goryO (WS)goryo-e (fPM^)goryo-shin (fPfiW]

gosakunomono (fSpfÔO^l)gosho (fi )

goshOotasukarutameni (^^Jz^frtb%,fc]gozan (Hllf)

hahanokuni (^JtCDUl)harae (/lie)hijiri (IB)hiragana (LN^^î;)hon-go (^cfg)honji (îttl)honji suijaku (îfeli^)honji-mono ($ife4^)hosha (^gf)hotoke ({A)

Ikkoikki (—|Sj—g|)Ikko-shu (^fn]^)imi (JE:)iryoku (^^j)

jain (3Pg)jigoku (ife5t)jihi (^S)jingu-ji (1^^^)jodo (^±)jodohensozu (î^ffiSI)JodoShinshu (tf-±^^)Jumoji, jumonji (+3 '?)jumon (IW5t)

GLOSSARY 193

kaji-kito (Wflf^l)kambO (Utt)kami (Wkana (ftft)kanjo OKI!)Kanshin-jukkai-mandara (fSj(>~l~W-HP£$I)kanso (MM]kedai ($,%)ketsu-en (fpiH)keuman (ffffl)kimoiri (BfjfK)kinsei (ffiilt)Kirishitan (t D Ufc/UKirishitan ban (§ »3 tfc/vltS)kishomon (îf^)kite (tff^)ko (si)kokka (S^)koku (HI)kokugaku O^)kokujin (HA)komono ('J^)korobishomon (felflE^C)kumioya (IflM)kuriki (5/J^j)kurikinomono (Ijj±f©®)kuyo (f^^)kyO (î)kyOmon (,H^)

maho (M^S)mayoi (;^V>)miko (M^;)mineiri (lÂ)misogi (ÎcOmizukata (?jc^)

i - / iS 'Xmochi (Bff)monto (F*1t£)

194 GLOSSARY

nakatsukuni (4OS)nanban (i^jJs)nanban seishi (SfStSlfll)nenbutsu (^{ZJnihon wa shinkoku tarutokoro (B :£ &tt 13 fc •& <h £'

ofumi (fPX)omizu (-fe^R)on (M)on-taisetsu, on-jihi no oya (fSp^C^, W^tfiCO^)onmyoji (MilBtlJ)otona (Z^)

rokudo (/\jM)rozaio no kumi (5 cf 0 £ ©IS)ruizoku aratame (M^d^^>)

sake (S)sakoku (mm)sange (®1§)sa/uke (j§(-t)sazukenoho (S^t®ri)sengoku (^icBf)senpukujidai (JtffJtBfft)sMnbutsu-shugo (ttfA^-a)shinkoku (WO)shin'i (iHH)shitto (M$5)shoshidai (H-f^If^)shoso (ff^)shoya (£tM)shu (g?)Shugendo (f^^jl)Shugenja (&$^)shuinjo (^fP^)shukke (itj^)shukkeshn (ttl^^)shumon aratame (^P^fe)shomon aratame yaku (^?F"!i&3M3)

GLOSSARY 195

so (10so-sai (HH)

takamanohara (rSfîGiOtama (It)tamashii (JGJt)tengu (3?$J)Tenjiku (^^)Tenjiku-jin OÂ)Tenjiku-shn (3^50tcnjin (^ft)tenka (^T)tcnka-dono (^ K^)tenma (>^ffi)Tenson (5^t?)Tentei (^^)TentO (^M)Tenxu (7<±)ten'nin C^'A)tera-uke (^ftt)toga (^)toga-okuri (fîlD)tokoyo (%W)tonae (HiA)tonjiki (^^:)toriavvase (IXDo-îi-)toshiyori (^W)tsuki machi hi machi (^j ^p B1^ %)tsumi (IP)tsumi-kegare (P^tl)tsumi-toga (IP^4)

yadonushi (?§.^)yamabushi (lllf^)yawarage (fQ 5> t~f)yomi no kuni (lt^©|5|)zenchishiki (^^Tl|^)zengyO (^ff)zoku-ukc (ft?H)

INDEX

Adarns, William (1564-1620). 137 Akashi, 92 Alrneida, Luisde (1525-1583), xiv, xv, 4 Amakusa, 87, 107,120,133,136 Amaterasu, 79 Amida (Anlibbibha) Buddha, xxvi. xxvii,

38,8l, 89-91,98-100, 124 Amida'l'athsgata, 89,90,98-I00 amestors' spirits, 92 hncsaki Masisaham, 91,92, 145,148,154 anima, 61,66,67,69,71,82,95, 109,114,

170,171,174-179 Anjiro (Paulo de Santa Fk), xxi, 1, 2, 5,

6 1 0 apostasy, xxiii, 144-147, 149-15 1 , 153-

155,158, 160 guarantees of, 145 revocation of, 145, 147 southern barbmians' written oath

(nanbun seishi), 145, 146, 147 written oath of (korobi shdmon), 145

example of, 146 Arirna, 15, 16,26,92, 126,133,135,138 Arirna Harunobu (1561-1612), 16, 126,

138 Arirna Yoshisada (1521-December 1576),

15 Augustinians, xvii, 136,141 austeri&,45,122,149 AwMaria,65,68, 117, 118,119,121

baptism, xxi, 12, 15, 19-21,24,28,34,36, 40,135,136,141,161

Baptism (Bautismo), xxii, 21, 41, 58, 64, 67, 78, 82, 96, 103-109, 113, 115, 118, 124, 149,154, 161, 162, 165467, 170, 171,175,177

batmen, 106,127,128, 130,139,liCO, 143, 152

beato. 69,7O bcnwolence (go-on), 60,61,69,70,97,98,

100,101,118,149,150,170,178 benzer, 67 bodhisattvas, xxviii-xxx, 56, 81, 88, 89,

90, 122

Boxer, Charles, 19, 128, 134, 135, 136, 142,147

buddhas, xxv~ii, xxix, xxx, 56, 81, 88, 89, YO, 122,139

Buddhism, xvl, xx, xxiii-xxvi, xxix- xxxi, 1, 6, 37, 39-41,43, 60, (A, 76, 77, 79, 80,86,92, 102,122, 128,129,157

Bungo, 12, 15, 17, 18,25, 32,34, 35, 11 1, 115,119, 133,144,158

Buzen pprovlnce, 145 B y ~ j a o tasularnl kokoroe (Instructions for

w ing the sick), 52, 103-106, 110, 112, 113

Cabral, F:rancisco (152&1609), 14, 15, 17, 20,23,24,47,57,94, 126

cadidade, 7 1 Canisius, Peter (1521-1597), 55

Small Catcchism by, 55 cnsticiade, 7 1 Catholicism, popular, 42 Cerqueila, Luis (1552-1614), 27,124,136 Chikuzen, 12 Christian century (1549-1639), xiii, xiv,

xxiii, 22,28,35,42,74, 115,160 Christian, William, 42 Coelho, Gaspar (153&1590), 21, 32, 39,

40,92, 128 Collado, Didaco (1589-1641), 74, 82, 94,

95,111,116,148 Collegio de Siio Paulo, 7 compassion (jihi), xxvii, 94,97-101,124 Confirmation, 106,115 confraternities (confraria), 120, 121, 142,

144 Confucianism, xx, xxiii, 139 conversion, xv, xviii, xix, 2, 14, 19,20,23,

24,40,110,123,161 convert, xv, 17,23,94 Couros, Matheus de (1 569-1632), 73,121 Credo (Apostles' Creed), 65, 69, 57, 117,

119

Dainichl, 3,6,9-I I Date, 137

INDEX

Deus, 2,7,9, 15. 19,21,33,3740,78,82, %88,91, 94-98, 101, 158, 162, 176, 177 in Dochiriina Kirishitan, 5%62,64-70 ritual practice and, 102-105, 107, 109,

112, 114, 117-119, 122, 165, 167, 169, 171,172, 174, 178

in inartyrdom instructions, 128, 130, 140,144,145, 148-1 52

Dictionurivm Latino Lvsiianicvln m Iap- onicvm (Latin-Portugucsc-Japanese dic- tioncay), 87

diligcnria, 7 1 Dianos Primicias, 70 Dochiriina Kirishitccn (catechism), xxii,

52-72, 7678, PA, 87, 88, 95, 96, 103-106, 109, 114, 115, 116, 119, 120, 124,165

DOCTRIN AF CHRISTI (Ornsho no hon 'yaku). 1 18

d o j u h ~ (lay catechists), xxi, 19, 21, 22, 24, 26,27,72, 141,144

Dombzgo, 70 Dominicans, xvii, 74, 121, 136, 137, 140,

141 don yoku (greed), 70

Earhart, Byron, 44, 162,163 Endo Shiisaku, 85,86 engaku (pratyekabuddha), 80 Eucharist, xxiii, 21, 58,70, 103, 115, 116,

ll8,ll9,l2.5 exorcism, xxvi, 33,46,59 Extreme Unction, 115

Femhdez, Juan (1525-1567), 1,3,5,26 Ferreira, Christovfio (a. 158&1650), 146 Fxies,52,61,65-67,69,77, 166-168, 178 First Mission Congress of Japan (1592),

56,112 First mission consultations of Japan (158G

1581), 16,25, 123 Franciscans,73,135-137,141 Frois, Luis (1532-1597), 2, 3, 14, 23, 24,

31-33,37,4,48,50,51,92,122,135 jii (charms), 36,& Fucan Fabian (1565-1621), 55,74, 81,82,

8 4 8 6 j'iuiarakx tnkai ritual, 8 1,83 j ' iyaji~~e movement, 89

fitmie, 144 Funai, 17,24,26,32,33,111,133

Gago, Balthazar (15 15-1583), 8 , 9 Geertz, Clifford, 29

genze-annon, gosho-zensho (peace in this world, birth in a good realm in the afterlife), xx, 82, 83

Goa, 2,4-6,7,73 go-ittai (single body), 88,94 goningwm (five-household association),

143,159 Cionoi l'akashi, 2, 14,26,27,91, 134, 135,

137,138,141,142 Gorai Shigeru, xxiv, 122 p y a - e festival, xxvii, 48 gosha (afterlife), 36,66,78,81-83 go-tairo (fivc rcgcnts), 136 Go-Ynzei, 136 grcat martyrdoms, 1313

h u h no kuni (the land of ancestors), 79 Heian period (7941 191), xxvii, xxix, xxx,

45 Heavenly Way (tento), 39,64, 131,132 hidden Kirishitan, xxiii, 107,120,155,160 Hirado,2,5, 12,26,27,31,34,46,92, 126 Histoire de la Religion ChrLtienne uu Ja-

pon, 154 historiography, xiii history from below, 72 History of Religions (methodology), xviii Hizen province, 133,137,159 holy images, 35, 144, 147,152 Holy Order, 1 15 hon-go (original untranslated terms), 64 honji suijaku (orignal nature, trace mani-

festation) theory, xxviii, 90 Hnraisan, 79 Hosokawa Tadaoki, 35,145 hotoke, xxviii, xxx, 36, 37, 89, 1 12, 152,

153 hlunidade, 71

kkn school (ikko-shzz), 76, 77, 129, 130, 145,146,157 uplisings of the fullowers of (ikko

ikki), 157 indulgence, 121,122

198 INDEX

Inferno, 64, 82, 105, 146, 1-50, 151, 153, 177,179

Inoue Chikugo no Kami (1585-1661), 144, 148

Inquisitor (shamon aramne yaku), 144, 148,152

InnHo, xiv, 1,2,4,9, 17,24,26,32,55,57, 74,142.144

I x , xxviii, xxix,76,133, 141 Itakura Katsushige (1542-1624), 147 17anagi (Shinto deity), 108

jain (lust), 70 jejirtn, 70 ksuit Mission Press in Japan (Kirishitan

ban), 50-54,57,139 .lesuits, xvii, 3, 5, 6, 8-11, 14-26, 28, 41,

5 1,53,55, f54,72-74,77,81,89,91,92, 94, 99, 110, 126, 128, 130, 133, 134-136, 141, 159, Ihl

Jesus Christ (Jes~u Christo), xiv, 18, 24, 33,41,50,55,59-61,I+67,85, 86,96, 103, 104, 109, 112, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121,150, 151, 16.5-171, 1 7 6 178

jndo henso ai (graphic rcprcscntations of Pure Lands), 81

Jorge, P. Marcos (1524-1608), catechism by, 5&58,61-63,69

jwnon (spells), 46 jlsstissimo, 87

Kaga,76, 129,130,141 Kagoshirna, xiv, 1,2,4-6,12,126 kaji-kit0 (exorcistic healing ritual), 46 Kamakura period (1 192-1333), xxvi, 47,

145 kumbo (lay ministers), .ui, 22, 2628, 72,

113 Karnei Takashi, 56,57,62 h i , xxiv, xxv, xxvii-mi, 36,37,42,48,

56,79,88,90, 112, 122, 128, 131, 132, 138,139, 152, 153

kanjo (abhisheka), 64, 107 Kannon (Avalokiteivm), xxvii, 81, 83,

1 24 Kanshin-juki-mundara, 80 karma, xxvi, 36,79,98,99 Kataoka Yakich, 140, 143, 144, 146, 147,

154 kedai (sloth), 70

Kennyo (1543-1593), 129 keuman (arrogance), 70 Kii, 76,141 kiinoiri (village agents), 159 Kinai, 12, 15, 24,92, 126, 133, 138, 141,

161 Kirishitnn kokoroe no koto (Things to be

noted by the Kirishtan), 153 Kirishitan kokoroe sho (Instructions to the

Kirishitan),96, 105, 119, 123, 153, 154 Kirishitan schools

college, 7, 10.24, 25, 27, 133 novitiate, 24,25, 133 seminaries, 25,27, 126

Kirishitan shuzoh (Kirishitian custom), 163

Kirishitan symbols cross, 8, 9, 31, 32-34, 36, 59-61, 67,

69, 86, 97, 106, 117, 150, 163, 177, 178

holy water, 32, 33,34 relics, 32-35,42, 119, 144, 153 rosaries, 35,42, 138 sacrcd imagcs, 35 scourge, xiv, 3 1, 117

b (religious fraternity), 33,51,88, 157 Kobori Keiichiro, 88 Kojiki (Record of Ancient Matters, 712),

79,108 Kokura domain, 145 Konchiin Siiden (1563-1633), 139 Konchirisan no riyaku (Benefits of con-

trition),84,96,97,98, 110,112,113 Konishi Mancio (1600-1644), 142 Konishi Yukinaga (1558-1600), 133,136 hmioya (Kirishitan leaders), 159 kuriki (meritorious, or mysterious, power),

117,120,122,124,149,152,162,165 Kyushu, 1, 6, 12, 14, 16, 20, 39, 45, 92,

107, 126, 133,135, 136, 138, 141, 147, 158,161,163

laity, xvi, xvii, xxvi Lancilotto, Nicolir, 7, 10, 11 lay donors (danna), 83 hberaluiade, 71 Liinbo, 104 lodge masters, 142, 143 Lourenqo (1526-1592), 2,24 Luccna, Alfonso dc (1551-1623), 21

INDEX 199

Mark 16: 16,78 maniage, 80,92,93, 1 16,172-175 martyrdom, xvii, xxiii, 101, 135, 140-142,

1&155,158,159 Mur~rchiriyo no shiori (h~structions on

martyrdom), 148 Maruchiriyo no susume (Recommendation

of martyrdom), 148 Matrimony, 58, 103,115 Matsuda fiichi, 22, 73, 92, 94, 102, 121,

122,142,144,159 Matsuura Takanobu, 126 Matthew 28: 19,78 merilorious power, 32, 117, 120,122, 149,

I65 see also kuri ki

mineiri, 45 misericordi~.runo, 157 misogiritc,xxv,32, 107,108 Mitsuhashi Ken, 83 Miyako (Kyoto), 2, 12, 13, 17, 18,46, 102,

115,163 mizirkata, 1 15 monopmis, 88,89,96,162 monotheism, 88,89,96 monto (followers), 35, 139, 143 Modes, Francisco de (1567-l622), 137 Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801), 113,114 Myotei monda (Myatei dialog, 1605), 55,

74,82,84,85 mysterious power, xviii-.wv, 36, 43, 47,

48,72, 102,119,122,124 see also kuriiu

Nabeshima, 13 1, 137 Nagasaki, 27,32,40,57,87, 104,106,111,

115,129,130,133-135, 137,138,140- 146,148,160

nakatslc Iaul (the middle land), 79 narrban (southern barbarian), 138, 145-

147,163 nanban seirhi, 145 Nanbanji in Kyoto, 133 Nara, 129,133 Nara period (7 1 &7W), XXV, xxix

nenbutsu, xxv-xxvii, 36, 37, 83, 84, 100, 122,123

New Year's Day celebration, 41, 123 Nichiren (1222-1282), 89, 148

daimoku, 89 Lotus exclusivism, 89

Niffon no cotoba ni yo confesion (Modvs conjitendi et exuminandi), 74,8 1

Nijiigo-kj~ (Twenty-five Articles), 57

Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582). 24, 126, 127, 129,131

Okamoto Paulo Daihachl (d. 1612), 138 omim (water), 107 onmiputente, 87 Ornuradornain, 12, 14, 21.40, 146, 148,

158,159 firnun Surnitada (1533-1587). 12, 14, 16,

3 4 , 3 W , 92,130 onrnyaji, 37,92 orasho (prayer), 1 17, 118 Orwho no hon 'yaku (Translation of

prayers), 52, 103, 104, 110, 117-120, 176

orutio, 63,6X, 71, 1 17, 179 Organtino, Gnecchi-Soldo (1533-1609),

102,111 Orikuchi Shinobu, 79 Other Power, 98 Otorno Yoshishige (1530-1587), 15, 16,

126 otona (village elders), 28, 159 Ouchi Yoshitaka, 11, 13,44,126

paciencia, 7 1 Padre, 1,2,3,8, 14, 17,18,21-28,32,33,

37,38,46,48,50,51,56,61,67,73,87, 92, 94, 102, 103, 105, 106, 109-113, 115,120, 121, 123-125, 128, 130, 133, 135,139-141,143, 144,146,152,167, 168,171,176,178

PagCs, Uon, 154 Paraiso, 64,82,84,86,151,153,179 parishioner (dank), 145,147 Pmcoa, 70 Pasio, Francisco (1554-1612), 28, 137 PaterNoster,65,68, 117, 119, 121 Penance, xxii, 58, 96, 99, 103, 109, 110,

113-115

INDEX

confession (confissdo), 21, 27, 36, 53, 61, 64, 70, 81, 82, 96, 104, 106, 109-1 14, 116, 118, 121, 125, 142, 148,152,162,165,170, 171, 178

contrition (contricrio), 64, 71, 84, 96, 98, 109, 110, 112, 113, 170

satisfaction (satisfa~do), 109, 170, 171

persecution, xvii, xxiii, 28, 35, 38, 39, 51, 73, 121, 126, 127, 134, 136142, 148- l5Z,l54,lS9

perjignar, 67 pullutiun, xxv, 59,83,108,113,114,117

Shinto sense of (tjrcmi), 103, 1 13 prayer, xxiii, r;xvi, 37, 38, 64, 68, 69, 71,

83-85, 100, lM, 110, 112, 113, 117, 1 18-120, 123,150 Latin prayers, 1 17, 1 19, 120

proximo, 63.70 purification, xxiii, xxv, 32, 107-109, 114

Kambo, Lewis, xviii, xix religious insptrtion (shfimon riratcune),

1 47 Rennyo (1415-l499), 60, 72, 76,77, 81,

83,84,89,90,98-100 Ricci,Matw (1552-161 1). 18

Tianzhu shiy i by, 18 Rinzai Zen, 17, 148 Rodrigues, JoIo T p m (1561-1633), 137 rokudo (the six modes of being), 79.80 mi& aratame (examination of the Kin-

shitan families), 158

Sabbado, 70 Sacramento, 70, 71, 96, l a , 1 10, 1 16,

165-172,174,175,177-179 sacred,xix,35,45,48,81, 131, 144 Sakai, 32,33,102,133,141,163 Sakaramenra teiyo fkroku (Japanese ap-

pendix to the Manuale ad Sacramenta Eccleszae ministranda), 78, 106

s&yanuni, 86 salvation, xxii, xxvi, 45,56,65,66, 69,72,

77, 78, 81-84, 86, 91, 95, 98-100, 103-105, 122, 146, 149, 151, 157, 165, 167,175-177 In the afterlife, xxu, 66, 72, 77, 78,

81-M,91, 100, 103, 105, 122, 149. 151, 165, 167, 175, 176

Salve Regina, 65,68, 117, 119 Sansom, George, 93 Santa Ecclesia, 65, 69, 7 1, 109, 1 14, 165,

168,171,177,179 sapientissirno, 87 Sarubatoru Munji (Salvator Mundi, Con-

fessionarium, 1598), 36,52,53 Satsuma, 137 Schurhammer, Georg, 1, 1 1 scourging, xxiii, 32, 103, 117,122,125 Sendai, 137 Sengoku period (1467-1568), 13, 36, 39,

126,131 Sessb Sbsai (1589-1649), 64,85, 86, 106,

107, 110, 117 Sexta, 70 Shls, Edward, 49 Shimabara, 15.45.92, 115 Shirnuu Takahisa, 126 Shimo, 18,111,115,135 shin T (anger), 70 slzinkoku (the land of kavnl] ideology, 13 1,

132 shinkun (divine ruler), 13 1 Shinno Toshikuu, 163 Shinran (1 173-1263), 76,77,98 Shinto, xx, xxiii, xxv, xxvii-xxx, 39, 40,

43,44,46,47,77,82, 90,92, 102, 108, 114,124,131,132,137,139,147

shin0 (envy), 70 shonlon (SravAa), 80 shoshidai (shogunal governor), 147 shoa (village headmen), 145,158 Shugendo, 32,40,44116,83,92,120,142 Shugenja, 37,44,45,46, 122 shuinjo (trade permit), 137 sin (toga), 3, 3 1,38,58,60, 61,62,65, 67,

69, 70, 86, 95-99, 149, 151, 153, 166, 176,177, ritual practice and, 103, 104, 107-1 18,

121, 123, 167, 170-172, 174, 175, 178

mortal sins, 65, 69, 71, 95, 96, 97, 104, 109, 112, 150, 152, 165, 170, 171

original sin (orijinaru toga), 96 venial sins, 71,96

Smith, Jonathan Z., xix 50 (self-governing village), xxv, 131, 134,

156,157

INDEX 201

Society of Jesus, 2,8,15-18,22,24-26,50, 52,55,56,73,91,102,121,130, 136

SGkoku sama (Ieyasu), 140 solajkie, 77,99 spiritual sustancia, 87 Sugawam Michizane (845-903), xxviii Sunpu, 138 Susa no 0 , 7 9

Taiji~ashu ron (On quelling the pernicious faith, 1648). 64,85,86, 106, 117

takamanohara (high plain of heaven), 79 'l'akayama Ukon (1552-1615), 12, 15,92,

126,141 &nu, xxiv , xxxi Taoism, xx, xxiii, 43,79, 92 tempcralzca7 7 1 Tcnjiku (India), 1.44.47

Tenjiku-jin, 1.44,47 Tenjiku-sha, 44

tenka (=dm of all under heaven), 132, 136

Tenson, 87 Tcntcj, 87 Tenm, 39,8788 Tenxu, 87 this-worldly benefits, 41,83,84 Thomas Arala (d. 1646), 146 toga-ohri (passing away of sins), 109,

123,170,171 tokoyo (land of eternal life), 79 Tokugarva bakujit (shogunate), 73, 136,

139,140,142,143,147,148 Tokugawa Hidetada (r. 1605-1623), 137,

139,140 Tokugarva Iemitsu (r. 1623-165 I), 140 Tokugarva Ieyasu (1543-1616), 127, 131,

136,137,138,139 Tokugawa period (160&1868), xxiii, 73,

113 tonjrki (gluttony), 70 toriawase, 69 T o m , Cusme de (151&1570), 1, 7, 16,

26,27,34,48 ToyamaMtkio, 14,39 Toyotomi Hideyori (1593-1615), 136,138 Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537-1598), xxiii,

24,127,129-134,136,138,156,163

Edict expelling European missionaries, 24 July 1587 (bateren tsuiho rei), 127, 129, 132, 133, 134

Notice on 23 July 1587, 133 Tme Pure Land Buddhist school (Jodo

Shinshti), xxii, 60,72,76 Honganji branch, xxii, 72,76,77, 129,

157 Turnbull, Stephen, 42

underground period (164&1873), xiii, 115 underground practice, xxiii, 154, 159 Unzen, 45 Uraga, 137 Unshima Taro, 79 Usuki, 21,24,25, 133

Valignano, Alessandro (1539-1606), xiii, 15, 16, 18-26,28,47,51,55,89,93,94, 1 1 1,123,126,134 CATECHISMVS CHRISTIANAE FIDEI

(1586) by, 55 Siunario de las Cosas de Japdn ( 1583)

by, 22-26, 51, 56, 112, 113, 123, 131, 134

Vocabulario da Lingoa de Iapant (Japa- nese-Portuguese dictionary) (1603- 1604),26,51,53,&7

written oath ( h h ~ m o n ) , 39,133,145-147, 158

Xavier, Francis (1506-1552), xiii-xv, xxi, 1-13, 16, 24, 55, 88, 92, 99, 115, 126, 161

yamabushi, 37,44 Yamaguchi, 2, 3, 5, 9, 11-13, 32, 44, 73,

126,146 Yamamura, Kazo, 156 yawarage (Japanese translation), 1 19 YOhb Paulo (150&1595), 24 yomi no h n i (the land of the dead), 79

Zen Buddhism, 4, 17, 18,64,77, 1 17, 139, 161

zmgya (good trainlag), 123

BRILL'S J A P A N E S E STUDIES L I B R A R Y

Edited by K . WRadtke E? H.Bolitho

Brill'sJapanese Studies Library is concerned with the languages, history and culture of Japan in past and present. Among the subjects included are history - political, social, economic - based on primary sources, including biography; religion; classical literature and performing arts; law; language; philosophy; history of science; et cetera Geographically the series covers the Japanese isles as well as manifestations ofJapanese presence abroad. Chronologically, the period from the beginnings of written history until the present is covered.The series includes monographs on substantial subjects, thematic collections of articles, hand- books, text eltions, and translations.

I Plutschow, H.E. Chaos and Cosmos. Ritual in Early and Medieval Japa- nese Literature. 1990. I S B N 90 04 08628 5

2 Leims,Th.F. Die Entstehung des Kabuki. Transkulturation Europa-Japan im 16.und 17. Jahrhundert. 1990. I S B N 90 04 08988 8

3 Seeley,Chr. A History of Writing inlapan. 1991. I S B N 90 04 09081 g 4 Vovin,A.A Reconstruction of Proto-Ainu. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09905 o 5 Yoda,Y. The Foundations of Japan's Modernization. A Comparison with

China's PathTowards Modernization. Translated by K.W. Radtke. 1996. I S B N 9004 09999 9

6 Hardaac, H. & A.L.Kern (eds.). New Directions in the Study O j M e i j i J ~ p ~ n . 1997. I S B N 90 04 10735 5

7 Tucker, J.A. It6 Jinsai's GomB Jigi G the Philosophical Definition of Early ModernJapan. 1998. I S B N go 04 10992 7

8 Hardacre, H. (ed.). The Postwar Develapment ofJapanese Studies in the United States. 1998. I S B N 90 04 10981 I

9 Hanashiro, R.S. Thomas William Kinder and theJapanese Imperial Mint, 1868-1875.1999. ISBN 90 04 11345 2

10 Teitler, G. & K.W.Radtke (eds.). A Dutch Spy in China. Reports on the First Phase of the Sino-JapaneseWar (1937- 1939). 1999. I S B N 9004 114874

11 Mortimer, M. Meeting the Sensei.The Role of the Master in Shirakaba Writers. 2000. r SB N go 04 11655 9

12 Scholz-Cionca, S. & S.L.Leiter (eds.).Japanese Theatre and the International Stage. 2000. ISBN go 04 12011 4

I3 Saltzman-Li, K. Creating Kabuki Plays. Context for Kezairoku, 'Valuable Notes on Playwriting'.zoor. I S B N 90 04 12115 3

14 Ozaki, M. Individuum, Society, Humankind. TheTriadic Logic of Species according toHajirneTanabe.2001. ISBN go 04 12.118 8

15 Bentley, J. R A Descriptive Grammar ofEarly Oldjapanere Prose. 2001. I S B N 90 04 123083

16 Higashibaba, I. Christianity in Early Modernjapan. Kirishitan Beliefand Practice.2001. ISBN go 04 12290 7

I S S N 0925-6512