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    TITLE: SOCIETY MUST BE DEFENDED

    AUTHOR: MICHEL FOUCAULT

    TRANSLATED BY: DAVID MACEY

    PUBLISHER: PENGUIN

    PAGES: 336

    PRICE: 16.99

    ISBN # 0713997079

    FORMAT: PAPER BACK

    REVIEWED BY: HAMMAD RAZA

    AVAILABLE: PARAMOUNT BOOKS, KARACHI

    Michel Foucault, an intellectual giant of twentieth century, left behind a gigantic

    legacy upon which modern scholars and intellectuals reconfigured new academic

    disciplines. His deconstructive approach and critique to modernity in predicting the end of

    humanity (just as Nietzsche predicted, so rightly, the end of modernity and just as now

    Denial Bells end of ideology thesis has also confirmed these trends) seems to be much true

    in current society, which is based on consumerist lines and mass culture. The automation

    and atomization are ending the human beings as a critical creature. These novel ideas of

    Foucault have intruded now in multitude of discipline ranging from philosophy to critical

    theory to politics to art to literature to international relations to sociology to arts giving

    birth to new styles of analyzing these disciplines under the head of post modernism. What

    did Foucault does? He simply analysed society and civilization by demystifying the meta-

    narratives into discursive formations and, thus, changing these formations into discourse

    analysis of modern Western civilization.

    It is easy to understand that Foucault's sway springs from a simple but discerning,

    insightful intellect, developed early in his career when he by himself became the victim of

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    psychiatry: the history of western civilization developed from a sort of purifying thought

    i.e. of exclusion and hatred for particular sections within Western society. These particular

    sections were outcasts and fragmented people of the society. They included lunatics, gays,

    lesbians, deviants and delinquents. It was, in fact, bourgeoisie plan to keep order in the

    society by excluding these social pathologies out of whole schema. Thus a new discourse

    came out: surveillance of society and its acceptance.

    In modern times, this surveillance has been extended from prison to schools, to

    hospitals, to corporate model of organizations. All this has been done in the name of

    efficiency, production, order, progress and development. Thus Panopticalization of

    society began to take place with acceptance from everywhere thinning the chances of

    resistance to new age of Profitization out of this control system. But Foucault asserted

    that the order within a society creates the same amount of disorder within the society.

    Deviancy has increased with the increase in the controlling mechanisms now.

    Michel Foucault also became a key figure in the generation that, in the wake of the

    convulsions of May 1968, sought to change contemporary society by interrogating it as "a

    construction". He tended to de-construct the institutions of society. He was the spearhead

    of that modern counter-culture movement in which feminists also partook, homosexuals

    rights were demanded, secularism over multiculturalism and localisms over impersonal

    governmentality were favoured. His main task in his own words was, "The real political

    task in a society such as ours is to criticize the workings of institutions that appear to be

    both neutral and independent, to criticize and attack them in such a manner that the

    political violence that has always exercised itself obscurely through them will be

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    unmasked, so that one can fight against them." (Michel Foucault -The Chomsky-Foucault

    Debate: On Human Nature). His radical criticism of modernized human beings is quite

    satirical, The most defenseless tenderness and the bloodiest of powers have a similar need

    of confession. Western man has become a confessing animal. (History of Sexuality, Vol-I, p.

    59)

    Ironically enough, since his death in 1984, Foucault has become a mainstream figure

    in global intellectual life. These days, he is principally regarded not only as a "radical

    philosopher", but also a scholar of history. He was of the view that history has always been

    analyzed in the same way as natural sciences. History, according to him, is a continuous

    discontinuity. He criticized the prevalent method of history, which had become an appetite

    for historians and political scientists of every hue. This appetite, which is also a kind of

    method, is diametrically opposed to the pursuit of "objective truth" (a "phantom", in

    Foucault's terms), which merely places people and events on the linear storyboard that we

    arbitrarily call history.

    For Foucault, it is by diagnosing the "diseases" of an era (such a Stalinism and

    fascism in the 20th century) that we can approach something like the "truth". According to

    him, The first task of the doctor is ... political: the struggle against disease must begin with

    a war against bad government." Man will be totally and definitively cured only if he is first

    liberated...(The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception). At another

    place he diagnosed another disease of humanity: mental fascism. He asserted, The

    strategic adversary is fascism... the fascism in us all, in our heads and in our everyday

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    behavior, the fascism that causes us to love power, to desire the very thing that dominates

    and exploits us.

    The lectures in this book (which are skillfully translated for the first time into English by

    Foucault's best biographer, David Macey) were first delivered in 1976 at the College de

    France, the very heart of the French intellectual establishment. Foucault's aim is

    systematically to take apart the illusory nature of what Europeans have, for more than

    2,000 years, called society. His central argument is that "society" has always been an

    artificial nexus of institutions - legal, political and financial - that is imposed on peoples or

    races those are constantly in conflict with each other.

    However the title given by the translator of his lectures to the book is very

    misleading. Foucault does not believe in society as a force for good. Rather, it has been the

    impulse to defend society at all costs that has been the defining force in the evolution of

    Western civilization through the plans of those who hold power. This impulse has been

    carried out through institutionalization of social relations and bureaucratization of popular

    ideas as Foucault put it, The court is the bureaucracy of the law. If you bureaucratise

    popular justice then you give it the form of a court. He wanted to deconstruct the society

    and its institutionalization, which coagulate power relations in fixated manner.

    For Foucault there is war everywhere, because there is power relation everywhere.

    Wherever there is power, there will be resistance. There is a constant conflict embedded

    within the modern civilization, which is, as Noam Chomsky calls, dehumanization of

    human beings. This dehumanization in my own point of view entails the idea of

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    functionalization of human beings like nuts and bolts of a grand machinery ran by supra-

    human beings of modernity i.e. bourgeoisie.

    Foucault ranges over a variety of historical periods, swooping elegantly down on to

    early England and France to show how the formation of these fledgling countries depended

    as much on the sustaining myths of power as upon the physical domination of territory.

    The Frankish nation that was born with Clovis, for example, was not just an administrative

    instrument, but an active engine of war, dedicated to the subjugation of the French people

    as they emerged from the wreckage of the Roman Empire. Ever since, Foucault argues, the

    French state has been no more or less the sublimation of this master-slave relationship.

    This relationship has become a dominant paradigm of contemporary era now in novel

    forms. Modern society is a society of masters of judgments, of treatments, of teachings, of

    cures, of disciplines, of orders, of ideas etc. and slaves of those entirely dependent on these

    masters.

    According to Foucault, war is necessary as a means of control. He convulsed the

    Clausewitz idea that the war is politics by other means to politics is the war by other

    means. Only war defines the human relations, according to Foucault. Precisely, Foucault

    suggests that war is required as a perpetual, quasi-religious sacrifice without which no

    society could hold together for long.

    Two years after giving these lectures, Foucault travelled to Iran, where he saw the

    truth of this theory in practice. He described the revolution there as "politics with

    spirituality . . . the most insane and modern form of revolt". He was no apologist for the

    Ayatollah Khomeini, but he did understand the singular nature of what was happening. He

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    saw that, in its deeply held contempt for all ethical constructs other than its own, Islamic

    fundamentalism posed a greater threat to the West than at any time since the Renaissance.

    Foucault might be witnessing this era of Islamic revivalism with great curiosity as it

    is heralding the demise of modernity. Also many Arab nations are now desiring to have a

    revolution in the form of change in subjectivity in relation to new forms of authority

    defying the models developed by era of Reformation and Renaissance, which are very much

    Western styled. He was very critical to that era because with giving new forms of ideas of

    liberty, that era also brought new forms of latent oppressions and disciplines now known

    as legitimacy.

    After Weber he was the second person to predict the rise of new forms of

    subjectivities drifting away from modernization and its theory. Weber was the first

    sociologist who foresaw the around 150 years ago, the revivalism of Islamic

    fundamentalism in the last decades of twentieth century (Anthony Giddens, Sociology).

    Iranian revolution and rise of Islamic revivalism have also defied Marxist idiom of religious

    opium consumed by the oppressed. Now the only challenging force to global consumerism

    is the Islamic militancy. That might be due to the fact that consumerism makes the concept

    of heaven or hell tangible in this world, which is against the doctrine of religions. Do not

    presume me an apologetic of militancy at this juncture. I am as opposed to religious

    fundamentalism as to the concept of institutionalized modernity.

    Unfortunately, we cannot exactly say what Foucault would have said about this war

    on terror and other global developments as his highly complex analysis of events left most

    people in the complete state of bewilderment. He was also very much against the power of

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    predictions as they herald havoc with them. Take, for example, religious wars and Marxist

    revolutions as precursors of finality predetermined by religious or philosophical

    authorities. However his lectures made it amply clear that civilization is a war without end.

    And this is very much true. The book is a must read for those who wanted to know that

    how human beings have been enchained in the name of security, survival, development and

    progress through modern institutions.

    This review is dedicated to my parents and generations to come for changing the

    course of history on egalitarian and peaceful lines