Chapter 1- Introduction

Prologue

The purpose of this research is to investigate the connection between big-box store

development and local businesses in small urban areas. While focusing on Bowmanville,

Ontario, I will be taking a case study approach to find out the affects that big-box stores have on

small businesses and urban growth in the area. The following research will focus on the reasons

as to how, why and what factors are contributing to big-box development in Bowmanville and

the challenges that they propose on small businesses in the downtown.

The central question guiding this research is; how does the introduction of big-box stores

impact urban growth and retail development in small urban areas? From this question, I will

achieve the following objectives: First, is to critically examine scholarly journals relating to big-

box development. Fulfillment of this objective will involve a review of academic literature

pertaining to retail geography, urban growth and local economic development. These categories

will connect the development of big-box stores to geographic research in areas such as urban and

economic geography.

Second, is to determine why big-box stores were planned for the outer edge of

Bowmanville away from the downtown core. Achievement of this second objective will involve

the evaluation of municipal planning documents regarding commercial development. It will also

be done through interviews with the head of the planning department and commercial

development officer.

My third objective is to analyze the challenges associated with major retail development.

This will be accomplished through one-on-one semi-structured interviews with the local and

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regional councillors, the manager of the Bowmanville Business Improvement Association and

the head of the Clarington Board of Trade. This will examine various challenges associated with

retail development such as impacts on population growth and economic development.

My final objective is to examine how big-box stores impact small businesses in the

downtown through interviews with the manger of the BIA as well as distributing surveys to

downtown business owners. By fulfilling this objective, I will determine how downtown

businesses are impacted by big-box stores. I will also find out if certain retail businesses such as

clothing stores are affected by major retail developments than other types of stores.

I have chosen to employ a case study approach for this thesis which will explore the

specific study area of Bowmanville, Ontario. As a result, a case study provides a useful approach

to addressing the impacts and challenges that big-box stores have on small urban areas. In recent

years, Bowmanville has seen the addition of big-box stores on the retail landscape. Since the

early 2000s, there has been a rapid expansion of large-scale retail development particularly in the

west end of Bowmanville. Since the recent development of large retail outlets like Wal-Mart, I

was curious of how it not only affected urban growth but also how it impacted local businesses

as well. This has changed not only the urban landscape, but also the retail landscape as well. The

main goal of this research is to critically examine how the introduction of big box stores impacts

urban growth in the small urban area of Bowmanville.

Structure of the Thesis

In terms of organization, the structure of the thesis will take on a comprehensive

approach to exploring the effects the big-box stores have on small urban areas. From there, I will

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narrow my focus of my thesis on Bowmanville and the challenges and impacts that big-box

stores have on the downtown businesses as well as planning policies.

I will begin this section by defining the impacts that big-box stores have on small urban

areas, as well as how it affects urban growth trends in these areas as it relates to my research.

Once this context is established, I will proceed to situate these impacts and my research within a

review of academic articles relating to big-box stores, particularly within retail landscapes, urban

growth and local economies (Chapter two). Within the literature review, my research falls under

three categories: retail geography, urban growth and local economic impacts. In Chapter three, I

will move to a profile on my study area which covers the town of Bowmanville. In this same

chapter, I will also explain the importance of a case study; review my methods and the rationale

for my interviews and surveys. From here, I will present the findings of my research and

examine how they connect to my research objectives (Chapter four). In Chapter five, I will

proceed to analyze these findings by identifying the impacts associated with big-box

development in Bowmanville and determine the possible solutions to these impacts. This section

will also compare the results of my research to the academic literature and propose

recommendations to integrate big-box stores into Bowmanville’s changing retail landscape. To

conclude, I will provide a brief summary of my overall research, evaluate my objectives, reflect

on my research, discuss any limitations, identify areas for further research and emphasize the

importance of doing this research (Chapter six).

Before I begin, I will provide a timeline on my research process. I was granted approval

for this project in June of 2011. I began the review of scholarly articles in September and

October of 2011. I received ethics approval for my primary research in early December. I began

interviews in early January of 2012 and ran until the twenty-third of that month. My surveys

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were distributed to downtown retail businesses in early January and were returned to me between

early to mid-February of 2012. The research will hope to gain more knowledge about how big

box stores contribute to urban growth in small urban areas. Also, how location of big box stores

plays a factor in impacting urban sprawl. Another benefit is learning how local businesses are

affected by major retail development.

Impacts on Planning Policies

Planning policies have been impacted by the introduction of big-box stores because of

zoning restrictions and land use. Big-box stores are connected to impacts on urban growth and

sprawl. Grant and Perrot (2011) stated that big box stores go against the notion of good planning

because they require a certain amount of land for the retail site as well as parking spaces. Before

one attempts to analyze the impact of big boxes on more traditional retail forms, it is important to

define the term "big-box retailing." In general terms, the big boxes are large-format stores that

typically range in size from 20,000 to over 150,000 square feet (Jones & Doucet, 2000). They

lead to new types of commercial clusters called power centres and power nodes (Hernandez &

Simmons, 2006). Power centers generally contain 250,000 square feet to 1 million square feet of

retail space (Filion, 2001). Big-box stores are a planning issue because they consume large

amounts of land to build these developments. This affects the construction of infrastructure such

as roads and parking lots because big-box stores are typically auto-oriented retail developments.

These stores are typically associated with heavy traffic around these areas. Urban sprawl is a

driving force behind retail development because of accelerated population

growth and unsustainable land consumption.

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Big-box development has challenged planning policies regarding size and

height. These impacts typically were not anticipated in zoning and development regulations

developed prior to the meteoric rise of such large-scale retail (Hernandez, 2003). As a result,

many communities are re-working policies and development regulations to provide better

guidance in making decisions.

The Changing Local Economy

Existing literature explains that the recent introduction of big box stores in Canadian

cities has altered the competitive retail landscape. The rapid restructuring of the urban retail

landscape began in the early 1990s with the introduction of big box retailers (Jones & Doucet,

2001). Changes in retail landscape impact local economies because it leads to the departure of

small businesses.

The most visible impact is the disappearance of small, locally-owned businesses located

in downtowns. Small businesses struggle to compete with big-box stores because of the notion of

long hours and lower prices. In some communities they have been viewed as an antidote to a

declining economy, promising new sales tax revenue and jobs (Lowe, 2005). The integration and

application of these technologies permit big-box retail outlets to generate lower product prices

and margins, while still maintaining an acceptable level of profit. These retail formats have

introduced a new form of competition to almost every retail category (Jones & Doucet, 2000).

Collectively, they have significantly altered the map of Canadian retailing.

Understanding the broader context of the impacts of big-box stores on small urban areas

such as challenging planning policies and changing local economies are an important aspect in

my research. This helps examine factors behind big-box development such as urban growth and

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sprawl as well as the changing dynamics of local retail economies. The changing local

economies and impacts on urban growth and sprawl will be explained in greater detail in Chapter

Two.

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Chapter 2- Literature Review

Big-box stores according to Hernandez and Simmons (2006) are retail outlets that are

several times larger than the average store of the same sector. These stores are also called

‘category killers’ because customers were attracted to the prices or selection at a particular store.

Big-box stores have changed the way people view small urban areas. The recent introduction of

big box stores in Canadian cities has altered the competitive retail landscape. It began in the

early 1990s with the introduction of big box retailers (Jones & Doucet, 2000). The changes in

retail landscape and urban growth are interconnected through big box stores contributing to rapid

urban sprawl as they are normally associated with suburban expansion. Big box stores lead new

types of commercial clusters called power centres and power nodes. They challenged planning

policies and the changing retail hierarchy in North America. With urban growth and changing

retail structure, the most visible impact of big box stores is the disappearance of small, locally-

owned businesses (Hernandez &Simmons, 2006).

The topic of big box stores and urban growth fits into geographic literature regarding

urban and economic geography. The literature review seeks to critically analyze scholarly works

related to the concepts of retail development and urban growth in small urban areas, and more

specifically, how retail developments impact downtown businesses and local economies. First, I

will analyze scholarly contributions focusing on retail geography. Secondly, I will focus on how

retail geography is tied to urban growth and sprawl which is the main concept of the thesis.

Third, local economic impacts regarding big box development will be indentified. I will

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conclude by indentifying any of the gaps within existing literature will be addressed which will

be helpful in raising questions for my research design and methodology portion.

Retail Geography

The main themes in retail geography evaluate how the contemporary retail landscape

changed over time and how planning is connected to retail development. The most important

contribution to the concept of retail geography is the contemporary works of scholars Jones

(2000), Doucet (2000) and Hernandez (2003). Their works addressed how big box stores were

involved in the evolution of Canada’s retail landscape and how urban planning is associated with

retail geography by explaining various factors such as location and land use.

In the historiography of American consumer culture, nineteenth-century department

stores have long stood as harbingers of the rise of a national commercial society (Howard, 2008).

The retail landscapes of urban environments reflect the immense diversity of social class,

incomes, lifestyles and business formats that build cities. Scholar Ken Jones (2000) states that

Canada’s retail geography is a product of two distinct retail systems- the planned shopping centre

hierarchy and the remaining unplanned retail areas. Arnold & Luthra (2000) argue that large

format retailers affect the differences of demographics in consumers, rapid growth in market

share and decline in various commercial sectors. Consumer preference plays a role in the

evolving retail landscapes. This increasing mobility has allowed consumers to exercise a greater

ability to choose between shopping centres (Guy, 2007). According to Howard, downtowns have

been succeeded by the ubiquitous strip mall, the suburban shopping centre and then big box

stores (2008). Big box stores are a relative recent phenomenon which is a part of the modern

retail landscape shifting from downtowns to shopping centres to strip malls. Big box stores are

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responsible for the decentralization of the retail structure by encouraging out-of-town retail

(Lowe, 2005). According to Gruen, to survive this combination of oversupply and under-demand

in the '90s, shopping center owners and managers will need to strive for market dominance as

never before (1993).

The notion of big box stores contributes to the evolving contemporary retail geography.

Big box stores have contributed to the competitive market by drastically altering the modern

retail landscape. According to Howard, department stores adopted modern, big-store, corporate

business methods to flourish in the early post-World War 2 period (2008). Hernandez (2003)

argues that over the last decade- merger, acquisitions and internationalization have characterized

most developed retail geographies; driven by a range of factors such as increased competition

and saturation in existing markets many major retailers have adopted internationalization

strategies. This means that most big-box stores like Wal-Mart and home depot have become

large, international dominant retail chains. Harris (2006) argued that national chains not only

changed how America shopped for retail goods but changed how goods were sold. They also

changed the distribution structure of retail trade. Big-box stores like Home Depot challenge the

supply-chain model and buying direct-from-manufacturer to secure goods at low prices

(Hernandez, 2003). Evans-Cowley (2008) states that cities need to understand the neighbourhood

effects of big box retailers. They should ask where large-scale retail would is most appropriate in

this community and what will the impact be on other retail areas in the community? Since their

introduction, big-box stores are increasingly becoming supercentres thus increasing the

competitive present retail landscape and mixing retail uses. Since 1990, Wal-Mart has been

transforming its traditional department stores into supercentres (Hicks, 2009). A supercentre

according to Guy (2007) is a non-food store that sells clothing, grocery items and other retail

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goods such as electronics. Canada’s retail landscape has undergone a significant transformation

and rapid evolution that has questioned the vitality of large parts of the existing retail structure.

Big box stores not only altered the retail hierarchy but it has challenged planning policies

in terms of land use and aesthetics. Planners across the country have developed regulatory

strategies to try to control the location, appearance and impact of big-box retail in their

communities (Evans-Crowley, 2008). In 2011, Grant and Perrot argued that big box stores defy

the notion of good planning because power centres require a certain amount of land for the retail

site as well as parking spaces. Hernandez and Simmons (2006) assert that urban planners have

been unable to enforce retail planning restrictions as huge power retail concentrations have

emerged in unexpected locations across Canada. In 2005, Lowe argued that retail developers

were prepared either to buy sites outright, or to go into partnership with the agencies and inject

funds into improving sites and providing infrastructure such as drainage and new roads. In return

for the investment, they were able to build stores which might not in the normal way be allowed

through the planning system. Also, some communities have adopted a higher level of

architectural treatment and regulations to ensure that superstores relate better to their urban

environment (Sampson, 2008). The size of big-box stores is also a major planning issue.

Hernandez (2003) explained that big-box stores typically range from 50,000-135,000 square feet.

Aesthetics are a concern for urban planners. The physical appearance of off-centre retailing has

been much criticised: essentially most stores are large, single-storey, concrete boxes with a

prominent logo to announce the identity of the retailer, surrounded by an area of tarmac required

for car parking and delivery access (Nunn, 2001).Guy (2007) states that the developer is

criticized either for the ‘alien intrusion onto the urban landscape or if the building is adorned

with intricate building or colourful cladding. Many cities have regulations regarding signage and

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land use. Big box retail development can be retained in more attractive settings through better

urban design and landscaping of parking lots.

Location plays a major role in retail development. Jones and Doucet (2000) argue that of

all big-box locations, 59% are on industrial lands and close to expressways. Planners and

developers usually locate big box stores near highways or major roads for easy access. Many

municipalities have found that their goals of controlled commercial competition within a

commercial hierarchy have been outflanked by new retail developments in distant municipalities

and unconventional locations, such as redeveloped industrial sites or areas zoned for warehouses

(Hernandez &Simmons, 2006). Big-box stores are based on low margins and high sales per

square foot that are aided by low land costs and labour inputs. These retailers occupy highly

accessible expressway/highway locations (Jones, 2000). A typical commercial cluster called a

power centre or power node would be found at the edge of a city. Power centres consist of a

cluster of big-box stores within close proximity to each other (Jones & Doucet, 2001). The

number of power nodes has increased substantially in the last decade, particularly in suburban

areas (Hernandez, 2003). Most power centres are built in industrial areas and are situated near

major roads or expressways for accessible retail landscapes.

Inadequate research has been done on how urban planners are connected to retail

geography. There is a significant focus on the history of retail geography, particularly on the

changes in the contemporary retail system from World War 2 until present day. Studies tended to

focus on particular elements associated with the retail system such as consumer behaviour and

demographic shifts. Most of these studies adopt a micro-based approach. The literature focused

on the broad spectrum of retail geography showing how it evolved over time from downtowns to

shopping centres. A few articles focused on how location of big-box developments is a factor in

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changing retail landscapes. However, more articles focused on the planning approach of big-box

developments in urban areas such as utilizing land use and zoning regulation. More research

could have been contributed to how urban planning is related to retail geography.

Urban Growth and Sprawl

The changing retail geography is connected with urban growth. The common argument

stated in these journals is that big box stores are the driving force behind urban sprawl because of

their unsustainable land consumption. Peiser (2001) states that urban sprawl is the ‘gluttonous’

use of land, uninterrupted monotonous development, leapfrog or scattered development and

inefficient use of land. There are several causes of urban sprawl such as the building of new

middle-class subdivisions, shopping centres and industrial parks. These land uses accelerate

urban sprawl because of land consumption away from the urban centre.

As discussed in the previous section, big box stores are normally located at the edge of

urban environments in areas called ‘edge nodes.’ Sprawl is associated with big-box development

because large vacant sites needed for development are typically found at the edge of town. Retail

developments, hypermarkets and other large-format retail are now built outside of the city centre

(Guy, 2007). Jones and Doucet (2001) argue that the growth of big boxes illustrates the form of

retail development that results from permissive land use policies. Evans-Crowley (2008) explains

that new big box stores are being constructed in Greenfield areas which are undeveloped pieces

of land. Retailing in suburban areas, in contrast, it had a narrow function restricted largely to

providing everyday goods to local people (Guy, 2007). Filion (2009) argues that big box stores

are unlikely to favour locations within nodes when plentiful sties with comparable automobile

access and abundant parking space are available at a lower cost. The location of big box stores in

edge nodes allow for low-density development that promotes car use (Nunn, 2001). Twice as

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many opened in the suburban fringe as compared to the equally populated central area (Jones &

Doucet, 2000).Turner in 2007, described land consumption of big box stores as it takes as given

the availability of a remote retail sector to anyone willing bear the cost of driving to it, and

considers the entry decision of a local retailer, along with decision of immigrants to locate in a

neighbourhood on small or large lots. Large lots provide utility to their owners, but serve to

reduce the number of people in the neighbourhood. Most big-box stores consume not only for the

building itself but also for parking lots and roads. Guy (2007) argues that the use of cars for

shopping also encourages single-purpose visits to large stores in which many different items are

purchased. He also states that big-box stores should be accessible by public transit, bicycle or

foot and should not lead in an increase in private car travel which could lead to an increase in

urban sprawl.

The factors behind urban growth and big box stores include accelerated population

growth. Lowe (2005) stated that large-scale retail developments were built in connection with the

development or expansion of towns. Big-box stores are used to serve newly-developed

residential areas and are likely to exceed city centre development which decentralizes the

residential area from the city centre (Nunn, 2001). Rapid population growth is associated with

the introduction of big box stores which introduces a new consumer base (Howard, 2008). Filion

(2009) explains that the amount of growth the nodes face is contingent on prevailing

metropolitan-wide development trends and the nature of the growth reflects these trends. It

means that the rapid population growth in suburban areas leads to new retail developments and

urban landscapes.

The development of big-box stores is posing a threat in the twenty-first century to small

urban areas. Hernandez (2003) states that big-box stores look to smaller urban areas for

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continued growth. Haltiwanger et al (2010) argue that big-box stores place their mark on rural

countryside as they stand out as noticeable development along empty stretches of land. There are

various concerns regarding small urban areas such as the protection of rural countryside or

control of the use of automobiles (Guy, 2007). This is controversial because big-box stores tend

to be situated on farmland. In the future, a large proportion of retail space will be occupied by

big boxes and there will be a gradual extension of power centres into smaller urban markets

(Hernandez &Simmons, 2006). Towns fear that big box stores like Wal-Mart will be a magnet

for more land-hungry stores, subdivisions and will hasten the deterioration of the commercial

centre (Peiser, 2001). Filion (2009) argues that small urban areas will grow faster with low-

density land uses and a rigid specialization of land uses caused by power nodes. Howard (2008)

sates those studies of rural consumers challenge the notion of a homogeneous, urban-focused

consumer society. Consumer society not only came later to rural areas, it also had a different

meaning. Areas with a heterogeneous rural-urban population distribution are likely to face

impacts regarding big box centres (Hicks, 2009). Big-box stores pose a threat to small urban

areas by promoting urban sprawl and growth. They also encroach on rural countryside.

Filion (2009) explains that Smart Growth is a solution to reduce car dependency in big-

box suburban areas. It calls for forms of urbanization that are more compact, transit friendly,

conducive to high-quality urban life, and less environmentally damaging and infrastructure

hungry than present urbanization patterns. Above all, it is sprawl, characteristic of North

American urban growth since World War 2, which is targeted by the smart growth movement

(Filion, 2009). At some point in time they dominate the provision of new shopping centres in

sprawling suburbs.

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Major gaps in the research include that there were only a few articles that addressed how

big box stores were a product of urban sprawl. Some articles stated that big box stores do not

accelerate urban sprawl but rather how they are contribute to urban sprawl through rapid

consumption of land and countryside. Also, most articles tended to focus on suburban areas in

large cities like Toronto rather than small urban areas themselves. Only a few articles discussed

the impact of big-box stores on urban growth in small urban areas. Little research has been done

on how population growth in small urban areas is connected to the development of big box retail.

Overall, the articles pertaining to big box stores and how they are related to urban sprawl and

growth had conflicting views on this concept.

Local Economic Impacts

As a result of urban growth and sprawl, local economies are facing competition from big

box stores for business. One of the most noticeable economic impacts is the departure of

traditional “mom and pop” retailers. Hicks (2009) discusses that small businesses are non-chain

or small chain stores selling traditional retail items. This type of retail is commonly found in

small urban areas. Howard (2008) explains that this is accepted wisdom today—something

obvious to anyone who has walked or driven down any of the countless "Main Streets" of small

towns across the United States in recent decades. Empty red brick or stone buildings with faded

signs and stained facades stand as a memorial to a past era of downtown retailing (Howard,

2008). Jackson (1996) states that small towns have seen their shopping districts wither and die.

Old businesses are boarded up and abandoned and other structures are poorly maintained in

downtowns. The impact of big-box stores on downtowns is increased vacancies and neglected

urban landscapes. Haltiwanger et al (2010) found that there was a substantial negative impact of

big-box entry and growth on the economic growth at both single unit and especially smaller

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chain stores. Evans-Crowley (2008) argues that on average, four small retailers close five years

after a new Wal-Mart opens. It is found that big box stores accounted for at least 50% of the

decrease of small retailers. According to Lowe, power centres in edge nodes are severely

affecting downtowns. It is considered important that cities make themselves attractive in the face

of what was seen to be unfair competition from out-of-town centres with easier accessibility

(2005). Big box retailers such as Wal-Mart are challenging local retailers and changed the way

people shop for commercial products because they offer one stop-shopping unlike downtowns

(Harris, 2006). They contribute to the decline of traditional retail districts such as the main

streets of small urban areas. The rapid decline of traditional downtowns was due to steady

decentralization of the population over the decades, has shifted the market emphasis of

downtowns towards suburban residents (Robertson, 1997). Howard (2008) argues that local

businesses are disappearing because of the competitive nature of big-box chains in local markets.

Guy (2007) stated that big-box stores weakened the local monopolies of independent retailers in

urban areas. In order for a downtown business to be successful in a competitive retail

environment, downtown retail cannot exist in a void. A solution to this problem according to

Peiser (2001) is that in smaller towns, big-box retail development can be moved to downtown

locations to reduce the negative impact that suburban locations have on downtown vitality. The

most important policy for protection of downtowns is support for the small retailer and the

independent sector (Guy, 2007). A strong local economy requires an organic relationship to the

downtown is necessary if downtown retailing is to prosper. The most visible impact of large

format retailers is the decline of the community economy and economy of the local markets.

The reason why local businesses are leaving is the result of the sales model of big-box

stores. Price competition between big-box stores and small businesses is a huge factor in the

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sales model of large-scale retailers. Big-box stores are based on the sales model that is centered

on high customer-service and everyday low pricing (Hernandez, 2003). Entry of supercentres not

only brings lower prices from these retailers but through competition reduces prices of

competing businesses (Harris, 2006). The reductions in costs achieved through innovations in

logistics and operations within big box stores put pressures on the retail margins throughout the

retail system (Hernandez & Simmons, 2006). Evans-Crowley (2008) argues that big-box retailers

of all sizes are finding customers who want the convenience of one-stop shopping and low

prices. Hernandez states that a relatively small number of foreign-owned big box stores can

dominate local retail markets and gain a considerable national market share (2003). He added

that the sales model of big-box retailers is through a cannibalization strategy that aims to secure

markets through contagious organic growth (2003). Small businesses feared that liberalized

trading hours would ruin local businesses and lead to American-style big-box retailing (Jackson,

1996). The main economic impact, according to Guy (2007) is the loss of trade in pre-existing

stores and centres caused by consumers using a new store, particularly outside of local

economies. Superstores tend to take trade from town centres. There is an increased leakage of

profit associated with big-box stores because very little profit from major retail chains goes into

the local economies (Arnold, 2000). Hicks (2009) discusses that the net effect on retail sales is

less than the total sales of a new Wal-Mart clearly suggesting that some existing retail trade is

lost to a new Wal-Mart. Sampson (2008) argues that big-box formats have a positive impact on

sales revenue and per-capita spending in the retail sector. Many traditional retailers have feared

the price competition from big box retailers because of their lower prices leading consumers to

shop elsewhere. Big-box stores allow for locally-owned businesses to suffer because of their

sales model.

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Big Box stores tend to erode the social capital and disrupt revenue of local goods in small

urban cities. Harris (2006) explains that big box stores such as Wal-Mart often result in a loss of

social and civic capital. Local governments may have to balance loss of social capital with

potential source of increased sales tax revenue. What governments fail to calculate is that sales

tax gains in one area are often offset by losses from those existing retailers who are less able to

compete as well as cost of servicing infrastructure (Gruen, 1993). In the 1970s and 1980s,

control from the federal and state governments appears to have been more negligent to build up a

tax base, such that some suburban communities allowed off-centre developments in order to

increase tax revenues (Guy, 2007). Within the metropolitan area, power retail has eroded the

traditional relationships between community markets and the set of retail facilities they support--

by serving customers dispersed across wider regions (Hernandez & Simmons, 2006). Jackson

argues that organized labour believes that expanding legal shopping hours would introduce part-

time employment and cheap wages and cheaper transportation as a result of eroded social capital

(1996). Most of the social benefits are paid at the state and federal level, but local communities

also feel effects through expenditures in the city or county health department, affordable housing

programmes, and public transit (Evans-Crowley, 2008). Big-box stores have put a strain on local

governments because communities feel the effect of loss of social capital and big-box stores have

eroded the relationship between community and the company.

Some gaps in the research include job creation from big-box stores; additionally, the

impact of big-box stores on the local downtown economy and downtown businesses themselves.

There are also a limited number of articles on how the sales model of big box stores contributes

to the decline of small businesses in small urban areas. The research mostly focused on the

impact of employment patterns in small urban areas rather than small business impacts. Some of

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the research tended to focus on employment patterns and the wage structure of big-box stores

which is not part of my research. Most studies focused on their impact on small markets, not on

the small-scale point of view. There is a significant focus on Wal-Mart because this superstore

chain has proven to have significant local economic impacts on small urban areas. Inadequate

research has been done on the direct economic impacts of big box retailers on downtown areas.

Also, only a few articles discussed how big-box stores contribute to the loss of social and

economic capital. Overall, the research did not focus on job creation from big-box stores and

direct impacts on the downtowns themselves.

Summary

This literature review was useful in explaining how the concepts of retail geography,

urban growth and local economic growth were connected to the introduction of big box stores in

small urban areas. These concepts were interconnected throughout the literature review because

some concepts tended to overlap. For example, retail geography and urban growth in terms of

location, planning issues and land use. Scholarly articles by Jones and Doucet (2000), Hernandez

(2003 &2006) among others demonstrated how the changing retail landscape is a driving force in

urban sprawl and changing urban environments. They also found that protection of downtown

retail environments is vital for the survival of traditional retail environments.

This section provided more insight into how they retail landscapes are connected to urban

growth and local economies. Big-box stores were involved with the contemporary shift in retail

geography. Planning challenges included location and land use policies regarding size and

parking. They also contribute to urban sprawl by being placed on the rural fringe of small urban

environments. The most significant threat to local economies is the disappearance of

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independently owned-businesses. Overall, the research was well done. However, most articles

tended to focus on large urban areas such as Toronto instead of small urban centres. More

research could have been done on how big box stores affect local economies and small

businesses.

I intend on investigating how big box stores affect urban growth and downtown

businesses in a small urban area such as Bowmanville. Particularly, how does sprawl change the

urban retail landscape? A concluding statement by Hernandez and Simmons (2006) explain that

rapid growth or a change in accessibility within the urban market provides the opportunity for a

new retail form. The new retail form temporarily absorbs much of the growth in the market until

a new equilibrium is reached in which the market share of the new form stabilizes. The thesis

contributes to further expanding research on the effects of big-box stores in small urban areas.

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Chapter 3- Research Design and Methodology

Introduction

This section will introduce my chosen research methodology and to describe the process

by which I intend on fulfilling my research goals and objectives. The following field area and

methodology will begin by outlining the impact of big box stores on urban growth as a research

problem. In doing so, I will provide evidence for why a case study is important in addressing the

issues stated in this project. As my case study takes place in Bowmanville Ontario, I will be

providing a descriptive profile of Bowmanville, including a summary of past and present urban

growth trends within the region.

Next, I will discuss the methods and data collection I will be employing, which will

include interviews and surveys. I will highlight the type of interviewing that will be undertaken,

the importance of interviews and the ethical consideration of my methods. In addition, I will

describe the types of questions I will use for my surveys. Also, how surveys will be useful in my

data collection. There will also be a rationale as to who will be chosen for my research methods

for this case study and why.

Finally, I will be describing my process of data analysis. With regards to my interviews

and surveys, I will be developing a coding structure to assist in data organization and analysis.

For my purposes, I intend to collect the data from my interviews via digital audio voice-

recording. To analyze all my data, I plan on using a qualitative approach to coding the data to

develop common themes, which relate to my research question and objectives. Employing this

approach will allow me to directly compare my findings with my objectives and evaluate

whether my objectives have been achieved. By comparing my results with my research

21

objectives, I will be able to draw clear conclusions to answer my research statement of how big-

box stores impact urban growth and downtown businesses in Bowmanville. The purpose of this

section is to explain how I will be proceeding with my research with regards to data collection

and analysis.

Qualitative Research

Given the exploratory nature of this research topic the use of qualitative research methods

will be appropriate to define and clarify the human environments, experiences, and

socioeconomic processes that I intend on studying. Qualitative research seeks to understand the

ways people experience the same events, places and processes differently as part of a fluid

reality; a reality constructed through multiple frames of reference and systems of meaning-

making (Hay, 2008). It draws on methods to reveal and interpret the complexities and

significance of how a person understands a certain issue. I am addressing what perceptions are

evident within Bowmanville with regards to big-box store development and how it affected the

urban landscape; therefore, qualitative research meets these objectives Above all, qualitative

research plays a major role in the combination of multiple methods used in a search of validity

and corroborative evidence. Qualitative research will be a fitting approach to my research as it

will assist in verifying, analyzing, interpreting and understanding human behaviours and

situations of all types (Hay, 2008). The qualitative methods that will be used in the research

include interviews and surveys.

Furthermore, qualitative methods are an important research tactic to explain difficult

cases such as retail development and planning. Those are complex issues which can easily be

done with a group of committed stakeholders and strong land use planning objectives. Achieving

22

cooperation and agreement from multiple interests and conflicting needs is challenging (Ministry

of Municipal Affairs and housing, 2009). The combination of factors require a closer

examination of an area to better understand and demonstrate this location’s urban growth and

retail landscape as well as associated challenges; thus, the reason for a case study for my

research approach. The knowledge recorded in the interviews and surveys may reveal those key

underlying social structures apparent in urban and economic development within the

municipality.

Profile of Bowmanville

I have chosen to employ a case study approach to explore a specific study area to

examine variability among different areas. By focusing on Bowmanville, I am able to examine

macro trends and how they play out in a given context which will allow me to examine concrete

solutions for that area.

In the case of my research project, I have chosen to examine Bowmanville. The town of

Bowmanville is the largest community in the Municipality of Clarington. It is one of the largest

municipalities in the GTA with a land size of 611 square kilometres. Other than Bowmanville,

other communities in Clarington include Courtice, Newcastle and Orono. Clarington was formed

in 1974 as the town of Newcastle then it changed its name to Clarington in 1994 as a result of the

merging of the former townships Clarke and Darlington. Clarington is situated in the Eastern

fringe of the Greater Toronto Area located 40 kilometres from the eastern border of Toronto

(Figure 1). It is accessible via Highway 401 and Highway 35/115. Thus, it is of close proximity

to major urban centres like Oshawa, Pickering and Toronto. The location makes Clarington an

attractive area for potential economic and urban development.

23

Figure 1: The Location of Clarington within the GTA Source: Clarington Board of Trade

Bowmanville’s current population as of 2011 according to Stats Canada is 36,700.

According to Statistics Canada’s 2001 Census data, Clarington’s population grew 15.2% from

1996 to 2001. That is an annual growth rate of just over 3% per year. The economy of

Bowmanville is dominated by service industry and utilities from Ontario Power Generation. It is

constantly changing over time because of growth and various social and economic factors. It has

a mix of rural landscapes, cultural heritage, recreational opportunities, natural resources and

natural environment. Bowmanville is characterized by a variety of landscapes, unique retail areas

and numerous recreational opportunities. It captures the spirit of a small town without sacrificing

the amenities of a large city. Late in the 20th century, the economic influence of the GTA is

continuing to affect land use and settlement patterns in Bowmanville. It faced challenges

regarding urban sprawl from the Greater Toronto Area. The increasing rate of residential growth

in the absence of balanced economic growth is placing greater burdens on local government to

provide services and to ensure the well-being and health of the community (Clarington, 2007). In

24

correlation with the rapid growth, Clarington has a young population. The median age of

Clarington’s population is 36.9 years as of 2006 (Hall, 2011). A growing young population is

connected to changing retail land uses.

Since the early 2000s, there has been a rapid expansion of large-scale retail development

in the West end of Bowmanville along Highway 2. Examples of major retail development

include Home Depot, Wal-Mart and a Canadian Tire was recently added in 2011. The recent

rapid growth in population has lead to the construction of big-box stores in the west end. The big

box development in the west end is the only major commercial development for Clarington

(Bouma, 2011). The west end, when was until recently a rural space, has transformed the

Bowmanville retail landscape. It has encouraged business and residential development to move

away from central and eastern Bowmanville. The retail development in the west end provides the

highest level of retail services and serves as a focal point for the residents of Clarington. Since

this time, the town of Bowmanville was ready for urbanization and to face the needs and

challenges associated with urban growth, local economic development and the changing retail

landscape. The reason that Bowmanville was chosen for this case study was that it is

experiencing rapid urban growth which lead to a drastic change in the retail landscape and local

economy.

The main reason that big-box development was occurring in Bowmanville was that there

was a demand for big-box stores. Since the early 1990s, Bowmanville was dominated by

suburban development and two-income families. Retail interests in Bowmanville are established

on the market, not the appearance. Zellers and other big-box stores need markets like

Bowmanville (Humber, 1997). There was a need for the expansion of strip-commercial

25

development and auto-oriented building forms. Major retail growth is phased in accordance with

population growth in Bowmanville and the surrounding area.

Growth Trends in Bowmanville

The town of Bowmanville experienced major population growth after 1986 as a result of

new housing developments mostly in the western section and northern sections. In 1991, the

population of the Municipality of Clarington was 51,160; in 2010, it was 86,495 (Durham

Region, 2011). That being said, population grew rapidly during this period, particularly between

the years 1991-1996. The current average yearly growth is 2.35% (Statistics Canada, 2007). It is

one of the fastest growing communities in Clarington alongside the towns of Courtice and

Newcastle which are also experiencing rapid population growth.

Bowmanville has experienced growth pressures characteristic of the fringe communities

of the Greater Toronto Area (Clarington, 2007). The characteristics include an unsustainable

consumption of land for housing developments and the construction of big-box stores. Also,

allowing for an increasing dependence on automobiles. Cheap land is a key driver for urban

sprawl in Bowmanville. Clarington has a large supply of greenfield lands and the municipality

has historically had some of the least expensive homes in the GTA. The combination of available

land and affordable homes has been Clarington’s competitive advantage for the last 20 years

(Salazar, 2011). Urban sprawl is a concern for Bowmanville because of a large amount of land

consumed for housing and commercial uses. Neither traditional city centre nor conventional

bedroom suburb, the in-between city reflects the ongoing rearrangement and relocation of urban

development. For some observers, it is the postmetropolis, or metropolis unbound, defined by

market-driven development and car dependency (Saunders, 2010). Bowmanville will continue to

grow in size which will result in a change of land use as well as introduce new retail landscapes.

26

The Municipality will continue to grow rapidly because of a large number of people attracted to

this area. By 2031, Clarington’s population is expected to grow to 140,300, nearly double the

population of 2006 (Clarington, 2007) (See figure 2). The impacts on rapid population growth in

Clarington include the need to develop new residential areas, create jobs in Bowmanville and

introduce new services such as department stores and health care centres. Municipalities must

also come to grips with a series of questions whose potential incomes can have serious

environmental, financial and social implications for the future health of the town (Salazar, 2011).

Clarington’s continual population growth will have a strain on land use if Clarington continues to

develop low-density housing and major retail developments.

Total Growth CompoundAnnualGrowth Rate

Region of DurhamForecast

19861991199620012006

35,40051,40063,00072,60080,900

—16,00011,6009,6008,300

—7.8%4.1%2.9%2.2%

35,40051,40063,00072,60080,900

20112016202120262031

89,700100,800114,100127,600140,300

8,70011,10013,30013,50012,900

2.1%2.4%2.5%2.2%1.9%

87,90097,100108,100127,500140,300

Figure 2: Clarington Population Growth Forecast. Source: Hemson Consulting

Bowmanville’s Economic Landscape

Bowmanville’s economy is mostly dominated by the service industry, particularly in

retail. The largest sectors of employment include utilities, retail, tourism, hospitality and

construction. Only half of the labour force residing in Clarington actually works in that area

(EDP, 2010). The total number of jobs in Clarington is forecasted to increase from 20,900 in

2006 to 38,400 in 2031, which is an increase of 17,500 jobs (EDP, 2010). The major companies

that form Bowmanville’s economic landscape is Ontario Power Greneration located south of the

27

401, Lakeridge Health Care and St. Mary’s Cement (Figure 5). Clarington’s great strength in the

energy sector is a direct result of it being the home to the Darlington Nuclear station for over 30

years. Clarington’s position in the energy Sector will continue to grow as Clarington becomes

home to Ontario Power Generation’s head offices (Hall, 2010). Growth is expected in the

construction sector due to the planned population and housing growth and also large planned

construction projects such as the Highway 407 Extension, industrial expansion and construction

of new retail developments (EDP, 2010).

Name Product or Service Sector No. of Employees

Ontario Power Generation

Electricity Energy 2,500

Municipality of Clarington

Local Government Government 700

Lakeridge Health Corporation, Bowmanville

Healthcare Health 367

St. Marys Cement Aggregates/Cemen Manufacturer 150 Manhiem Oshawa, Courtice

Wholesale vehicle auction

Automotive 120

Figure 3: A List of Clarington’s Largest employers Source: Clarington Board of Trade

Clarington is part of the GTA regional labour market, and as such has high levels of

labour inflows and outflows. Most people living in Clarington work outside of the municipality.

In addition to the aforementioned industries, there will be continued growth in population related

services such as retail and commercial uses as the population increases (EDP, 2010). It is likely

that most of the retail employment growth will be small businesses which are consistent with

trends in the broader economy. In 2006, there were 2,060 in the retail sector which accounted for

7.3% of jobs in the Durham Region (EDP, 2010). The economic landscape allows for the

encouragement of new retail and commercial developments while promoting the downtown area

28

as an attractive location for retail, office and tourism purposes (Clarington, 2007). Factors that

influence economic growth in Bowmanville include population growth and land availability for

employment uses. Clarington’s local economy will continue to grow because of major

infrastructure projects that have been proposed for this area.

Sustainable Growth

Bowmanville is moving ahead with sustainable growth policies in response to managing

dispersed growth. The Growth Plan is a policy as required by the Places to Grow Act in 2005.

The plan guides decisions on a wide range of issues – land use planning, urban form, housing,

transportation and infrastructure planning and natural heritage and resource protection (Durham,

2007). Increasingly there is recognition that traditional urban patterns have a host of negative

unintended impacts on our economy, society and environment (Salazar, 2011). This trend is

consistent with other jurisdictions across North America where urban centres consume more and

more space per person (Ministry of Infrastructure, 2007). Most of the housing densities in

Bowmanville and the surrounding area is low-density housing. The number of houses

constructed varies per year and it is expected to increase (Figure 3). Clarington’s Growth Plan

targets will assist the Municipality to understand the implications of shifting from lower density

to medium and higher density housing and employment patterns (Salazar, 2011). The plan

tackles some of the challenges facing growth and the municipality examines how, when and

where growth should occur in certain communities. A key reason for sustainable growth is to

understand the effects of the policy-based challenges to growth patterns that are envisioned by

the Growth Plan. It allows for Bowmanville and area to meet the needs for the growing

population in the future. Needs include developing a plan to achieve gross density target of 200

residents and jobs, combined, per hectare in the year 2031 (Durham, 2007). Another goal is to

29

achieve higher densities of development within the municipality. The purpose of the sustainable

growth policies is to control rapid urban growth which is a result of urban sprawl. Another

reason is to plan and manage growth to support a strong and competitive economy.

Figure 4: New Residential Units Approved for Construction Source: Clarington 2010 Growth

Trends Review

Another solution to sustainable growth is intensification. It is higher density

developments in an urban area (Salazar, 2011). This method encourages mixed-use

developments, Brownfields and medium-to high density developments. It is an important policy

objective because it is a response to unsustainable growth in most Canadian cities. However, the

growth and expansion of North American cities was underpinned by at least three basic

conditions: 1) relatively inexpensive and abundant raw land at the periphery; 2) cheap fossil

fuels; and, 3) fast and efficient automobile travel (Salazar, 2011). Intensification strategies will

encourage it generally through built-up areas, identify intensification areas, plan for a mix of

housing and encourage secondary suites throughout the built-up area.

30

Planning Retail

Recent developments in the north and western sections of Bowmanville have allowed for

more retail to be developed in these areas. According to the commercial policy review, retail

space per capita increases as the population increases. In 2003, the existing space per capita in

Clarington is about nine square feet per capita (Clarington, 2005). The additional space per

capita increased with the arrival of big-box stores in the late 2000s. Planning documents show

that the amount of space needed for retail increases with population growth.

The Changing Face of Retail

Plans for new retail development in the west end began as early as 1993. A new Zellers

and strip mall development were planned at the time but were constructed in 1998. Residents

were concerned about the appearance and land usage of new retail developments. The one issue,

in the view of residents is size and aesthetics. Residents were concerned with the appearance of

the developments. There were concerns regarding size and the amount of land used for parking

spaces. The maximum gross leasable floor space for retail uses in West Bowmanville is 100,000

square metres (Clarington, 2007). It is the maximum floor space allowed on a development

parcel of land. New developments should match the character and identity of the historic

downtown of Bowmanville regarding appearance. In attempting to modernize the impact of new

retail development along Bowmanville’s fringe, the Municipality of Clarington had supported

plans to provide at least some form of visual connection and identity between proposed

development on Highway 2 and that of the older businesses in the core of Bowmanville

(Humber, 1997). Residents were concerned that they would be ugly developments that would get

uglier as time moves on. That being said, there were concerns regarding aesthetic appearances on

new strip mall development. Like the downtown, new retail developments not only have

31

automobile access, but also have pedestrian access as well as landscaping, lighting and other

streetscape amenities. There were also concerns about the disappearance of small businesses in

the downtown core as well as preserving the character and vitality of the downtown. Many of the

merchants are trying to anticipate the changes they will have to make to maintain their portion of

the market share and viability of their enterprise (Clarington, 2011). There were ongoing

criticisms and controversies regarding more recent big-box developments in the last five years.

Wal-Mart was proposed in 2006 but it was not constructed until 2010 due to ongoing lawsuits

concerning the size and appearance of the store (Clarington, 2011). When it was constructed, it

was larger than it was initially planned. Home Depot was constructed in 2008 but it was

proposed at the same time as Wal-Mart. In 2007, a proposed large-scale Rona hardware store

was constructed at Highway 57 just north of the 401. However, due to financial problems, the

Rona never opened and the building still stays vacant today. This year, a large Canadian Tire was

constructed making it the largest one in Canada. The resulting landscape reflects a fragmented or

recomposed mix of residential, commercial and industrial spaces that are oriented towards low-

density economic growth (Saunders, 2010). The controversies regarding big-box developments

were a result of challenging planning policies surrounding commercial development. These

included zoning laws, land use compatibility, signage and building setbacks from the road.

Another criticism of big-box stores is the location. All major retail developments are

centered along major roads and intersections. The major big-box development in West

Bowmanville is located in the west end along Highway 2 just west of Highway 57 (see figure 4).

The area was undeveloped land now used for greenfields development. The majority of the

downtown lands were built out and occupied (Salazar, 2011). This is because there is a limited

amount of land for development in the central and east areas of Bowmanville. Retail

32

developments are centered away from residential developments because of concerns regarding

aesthetics and noise from trucks and other vehicles. The main reason that big-box stores are near

major highways in Bowmanville is for quick and easy access to these locations.

Figure 5: A Map of the developments along highway 2 in West Bowmanville Source: Salazar,

C. (2011). Intensification Discussion Paper.

Despite the number of big-box developments, Bowmanville is lacking in other retail

developments such as grocery stores and restaurants. The town only has three grocery stores

which are not are enough for the rising population. That being said, not all retail developments

are growing in accordance with population growth. The growth of big-box stores outpaced the

basic retail needs like grocery stores (Humber, 1997). Along with the arrival of big-box stores in

the west end came chain restaurants which impacted downtown and independently-owned

restaurants in the area. Therefore, the arrival of modern retail developments like strip malls have

33

not only altered Bowmanville’s retail landscape but also affected various independently owned

businesses.

Historic Downtown Bowmanville and Its Impact on Big-Box Stores

When big-box stores were first planned in Bowmanville, there was a concern about

preserving the integrity of the downtown. Residents were concerned about the disappearance of

small businesses as a result of competition from major retail outlets. New commercial

development within the Bowmanville West Town Centre has the long term potential of

undermining the shopping function of the downtown area (Salazar, 2011). The downtown has a

number of competing land uses such as small shops, financial institutions and restaurants. The

downtown is vital to Bowmanville’s local economy and strengthening community development.

According to the local Board of Trade, the support of locally owned independent business

influences our community by strengthening our economy and enhancing the character and appeal

of our towns and villages (2010). Small businesses tend to fund city services through tax and

invest in neighbourhood development and also helps protect the character and prosperity of its

growing economy. The Historic Downtown of Bowmanville needs residential infilling to support

its small shops and businesses, which will come under continued pressure as the nearby Town

Centre West area builds out (Salazar, 2011). According to the Board of Trade, downtown

improvements are done through the BIA as well as the Clarington Board of Trade. They help

promote, enhance and beautify the downtown to make it attractive for retail use. The downtown

remains the focal point of Bowmanville for retail, tourism and institutional uses.

Big-box stores are tied to Bowmanville’s economic growth because they create retail

sector jobs as well employment in construction and distribution. These spin-off sectors are

growing due to investments in the retail industry. While these sectors are important parts of local

34

economies, they are not considered to be as significant from an economic development

perspective as sectors which are exported based and bring new ‘outside’ money into the

economy (such as would associated with manufacturing, energy, and tourism industries) (EDP,

2010). It will be important, however, that adequate lands are available in proximity to residential

areas to allow for the growth of these population serving sectors. The retail sector is also a

relatively large employment sector but there was little change in this sector’s employment level

between 2001 and 2006 (EDP, 2010). This could be attributed to a number of factors such as

leakage of retail spending due to a preference of the population to shop in larger centres for

bigger purchases, or gaps in the quality or quantity of retail uses in Bowmanville. The problem

with big-box stores is that very little profits benefit local economic development (Hall, 2010).

Big-box stores according to EDP Consulting have little public benefits and costs and small

businesses create more jobs locally than chains do. Employment in retail is expected to increase

along with urban growth, particularly with new developments such as Wal-Mart and Canadian

Tire. (Clarington, 2011).

If Bowmanville continues to grow, there would be changes in the local economy. We

would somehow have to transform the local economy to be more oriented towards office, make

multi-storey manufacturing and distribution feasible and competitive and actually refuse to

accommodate certain types of economic activity if they were not dense enough (Hemson, 2005).

Lack of serviced land is a key issue which will impact the timing, amount, level and type of

economic development which will occur in the area (EDP, 2010). Planning policies are directly

tied to urban and economic growth. Places to Grow policies direct municipalities to ensure the

availability of sufficient land to accommodate forecasted employment growth and a variety of

employment uses (EDP, 2010). It ensures that necessary infrastructure is provided to support

35

current employment needs and providing an appropriate mix of employment uses including

commercial and institutional uses to meet population needs.

Research Design and Methods

This section will outline the methods of data collection that will be used to gather the

empirical data for this research project. The two sources of data are interviews with the

informants in Bowmanville and the use of surveys to gather information from downtown

businesses. A description of the collection methods will be described in the later sections.

Method #1- Semi-Structured Interviews

Within Bowmanville, the methods used to obtain primary data for the analysis of big-box

development are interviews. Interviews offer the most effective method for direct access to

valuable stakeholders on any particular issue (Hay, 2008). My research is dependent on different

views from municipal government and economic representatives. Therefore, interviews not only

provided the vehicle to get each stakeholder’s view but also aids in the identification of

connections between different aspects of urban growth and local economic development. In

addition, interviews provide insights into the differing opinions on different issues and in some

cases, revealed consensus among respondents (Hay, 2005). In comparison to other methods,

interviews can obtain large amounts of contextual data. Moreover, engaging in face-to-face

encounters with informants will allow me to obtain information on non-verbal behaviour which

helped solidify the respondent’s opinions and views toward certain issues (Hay, 2008). Meeting

interview respondents in person also provide clarification on the aspects of urban growth and

local economy that I would not acquire form the analysis of literature and other documents.

Finally, interviews provide a first-hand perspective on the topic. They help by filling a gap in

36

knowledge that other methods like observation or the use of census data may not have been able

to bridge effectively (Hay, 2008). The types to questions used in my interviews include open and

closed-answer questions.

I have chosen to use semi-structured interviews for my research. Interviews blend both

structure and organization, thus providing with enough freedom to adapt and change questions as

needed during interviews (Hay, 2008). Semi-structured interviews are interviews with

predetermined order, but which nonetheless has flexibility with regard to the position and timing

of the questions (Hay, 2008). Each interview will take about one hour to complete. The

stakeholders that will be interviewed for this thesis include the municipal planning department,

head of economic development, local councillors and the members of the downtown business

association (See Table 1). The semi-structured interviews will be conducted with an approximate

total of eight to ten individuals. The participants that will be used for the interviews have

knowledge related to economic and urban issues within Bowmanville and surrounding area. The

individuals are selected as their knowledge of the municipality is believed to be valuable to my

research. The informants are chosen purposefully on the basis of issues and themes that emerge

from a review of literature.

Table 1: Codes Used for Identifying Interview Subjects

Date of Interview Department Title Department or Agency Code Used in Interview Analysis and Results

January 5, 2012 General Manager Bowmanville Business Improvement Association

BIA

January 5, 2012 Local Councillor (Ward 2) Municipality of Clarington LC

January 6, 2012 Head of Planning Department

Municipal Planning Department

HPD

January 6, 2012 Commercial Development Municipal Planning CDO

37

Officer Department

January 9, 2012 Head of the Board of Trade

Clarington Board of Trade CBOT

January 23, 2012 Regional Councillor (Wards 1 & 2)

Municipality of Clarington RC

The interview guides that I will use for my interviews are a prompter for myself, but are

useful for making notes throughout the process. The purpose of these guides is to separate the

type of questions asked to each informant. They also demonstrate the logical flow and path for

the questions. This involves approximately six or more questions per section or theme. The

questions will be formed from existing literature about big-box stores and Bowmanville that has

been reviewed for this topic (See Appendix B). Under central questions, I will use detailed

questions or prompts. Pre-determined questions will be used as a potential fall-back in case I will

be unable to articulate a certain question on the spot. Each guide will be designed with each

informant in mind, as I personalize each question with regards to their job title and roles within

urban planning, economic development or municipal government. The use of interview guides

allows for flexibility in interviews. As the interviewer, I will allow the conversation to follow a

natural direction, but I am able to redirect the discussion to those issues that were left out. Also,

questions could be made up on the spot and I can draw out themes already mentioned to carry

out natural discussion.

Interviews will be recorded via digital recording. Both audio recording and note-taking

have associated advantages and disadvantages (Hay, 2008) therefore a useful strategy of record

keeping is to combine note taking and audio recording. Audio recorders also assist in compiling

the fullest recording, while the primary note-taking allows the researcher to note individual

things and mark key messages in the interview. Voice recording technology is used for

38

interacting with the participant. In addition, note-taking is useful for detecting body language or

non-verbal actions the respondent made to supplement the speech. Once the data is recorded, it

will be transcribed and recorded onto my computer. Transcripts are the best possible record of

the interview and they include descriptions of gestures and tone as well as speech. Transcription

allows the user to engage with the data again and the re-immersion in data provided for a

preliminary form of analysis (Hay, 2008).

Method #2- Surveys

The purpose of surveys in my research is to discover patterns in attitudes and behaviours

regarding my topic of big box stores and downtowns. With surveys, every respondent is asked

the same questions, the same way and in the same sequence. They can be used to collect

information to clarify respondents or to learn about their behaviour and to understand their

attitudes about a certain issue. The benefits of surveys include that they provide insights into

relevant social trends and processes. They are also cost-effective given that they are one of the

more practical research tools. Lastly, they are extremely flexible. They can be combined very

effectively with complementary, more intensive forms of qualitative research to provide more in-

depth on social processes (Hay, 2008). The surveys will be distributed to business owners,

particularly those affected by major retail development. Types of businesses include clothing

stores, shoe stores and opticians (Table 2).

Store Category Codes Used in Surveys

4 clothing stores CS

Sporting Goods SGS

39

Furniture Store FS

2 Home Improvement Stores HIS

3 Specialty Stores SS

Table 2: List of Survey participants and codes

Each survey is unique; there are common principles for good design. Producing a well-

designed survey for qualitative research involves a great deal of thought and preparation,

effective organizational strategies and critical review and reflection (Hay, 2008). The content of

surveys must relate to the broader research question as well as to one’s critical examination and

understanding of relevant processes, concepts and relationships. The clarity of research

objectives is important as it will help me to select a target population and relevant key questions.

There are four distinct types of question content. The four types are attributes which aim to

establish respondent’s characteristics, behaviour which discover what people do, attitudes and

beliefs about what people believe to be true or false (Hay, 2008). The types of questions that I

will use in designing my survey include yes/no answers, scaling, rating, category and open

answer questions (See Appendix C). When designing surveys, it is important for me to take into

account my research objectives and a critical review of literature about big-box stores.

Mode of Distribution

Consideration for the mode of distribution should be one of the earliest stages in survey

design. It has significant implications for design, layout, question type and sample selection

(Hay, 2008). The distribution mode that I choose to do is face-to-face. The advantages of this

mode include having the opportunity to clarify questions and probe vague responses. Another

40

benefit is that people are more likely to offer long responses that have more depth. The best

choice of distribution best reflects the research context and target population.

Sampling

Sampling is the means of selecting participants for inclusion in a survey (Hay, 2008). It

helps determine my target population for study. Since surveys are used to generate claims about

the behaviour or opinions about a group of people, samples are selected carefully to be

representative of the population. In such cases, a list of the population in question, the sampling

frame is required so that a sample can be constructed (Hay, 2008); for example, a list of all the

businesses in downtown Bowmanville. The type of sampling that will be used for my surveys is

purposive sampling. It is commonly used wherein sample selection for survey respondents is

made according to some common characteristic. The businesses in downtown Bowmanville will

be classified through types such as retail and services. The type of businesses that I want to

survey is retail-type businesses.

Ethics Approval

The conditions on collection procedure include having to obtain an ethics approval before

undertaking any qualitative methods like interviews and surveys. It requires the consideration of

ethical issues or circumstances that may appear in the research process. It is useful to consider

such formal guidelines as a first step in thinking through the social context of one’s research

(Hay, 2008). When doing research that involves people, it is required to do an ethics review.

Such committees focus on the researcher’s responsibilities to research subjects and to formulate

guidelines about what the researchers should not do in the process. They also offer a useful

alternative perspective on one’s research and can point out problems that may have been missed

41

in the development stage of one’s research (Hay, 2008). The purpose of ethics is to prevent any

type of harm, whether it would be social or physical, from occurring in one’s research (Hay,

2008). This means thinking through the social context of my research, to ensure the research is

conducted in an ethical manner and that consideration for the activities performed during

research should be respectful to the participants involved in my research.

Before beginning my qualitative research, I will submit my research project and methods

to the Trent University’s Department of Geography’s Ethics Committee. This process is

important as to being careful to avoid any questions or scenarios which may create problematic

circumstances for my research participants. The process involves filling out a Human Research

consent form to give to my research subjects. This assists in minimizing any risk or myself or the

participants. The approval of the ethics review will allow me to move ahead with my research.

Data Analysis

A sixty-minute interview will require at least four hours of transcription (Hay, 2008). I

will use an extended period of transcription in my research schedule. After I transcript the

interviews, I will analyze the data to retrieve results from the interviews. Manifest and latent

coding will be used for coding the interviews and surveys. Coding will assist me in the

construction of themes within my research, while identifying relations between variables or

methods. In addition, coding will aid in the discovery of patterns among data and between

methods (Hay, 2008).

Manifest coding will be used to draw out most obvious terms such as growth, planning

and businesses, but I will also determine latent messages and themes from the data. The manifest

terms will stem from my literature. The purpose of latent coding is to determine the underlying

42

meanings of what was said (Hay, 2008). It determines meanings found in the answers. Coding

will be the primary method of data analysis and data sorting. It will also make the data accessible

for later retrieval.

Surveys will be analyzed through four quantitative elements: evaluating the size effects

between variables and by doing so taking account of other variables, testing as part of

confirmatory data analysis whether the observed effects could have occurred by chance. Also,

taking account quantitatively of the complex design of the survey and dealing with non-

responsive as well as missing data. Closed questions are easy to code numerically because they

provide counts of categorical data. In qualitative answers, the important data often lie in the

detailed explanations and the precise wording of respondent’s answers (Hay, 2008). It is best to

avoid classifying responses into simple descriptive categories. It assumes that variable and

multiple understandings co-exist in a given social context.

Timeline of Research

My ethics approval was handed to the Geography Department in December and was

accepted a week later. My interviews began in early January and concluded January 23rd. The

surveys were distributed in early January and were returned via mail in early February. After I

transcribed my interviews onto my computer, I began coding both interviews and surveys for my

results. Both interviews and surveys assisted with expanding the research on big-box stores in

small urban areas.

43

Chapter 4- Results

The purpose of this section is to describe the results from my semi-structured interviews

and surveys. These findings came from a mixed-methods approach which included interviews,

surveys and a review of the Municipality of Clarington Commercial Planning Policy. First, I

have recorded the information given within six interviews over the course of the past six months.

Secondly, I have compiled the results from the surveys that were distributed to downtown

businesses. Third, commercial policy was evaluated for quantitative sales data relevant to big-

box stores and economic impacts. Broken down further, the interviews and surveys represent the

views of five municipal employees, one Business Association representative and eleven business

owners. Overall, my results have stated that big-box stores have a slight impact on the town of

Bowmanville regarding urban growth and the local economy.

This section will first cover the perspectives of municipal planners, councillors and

administrators will be represented through semi-structured interviews. In addition, it will provide

a synthesis of how small businesses are impacted by big-box stores through surveys. The

intention of this chapter is to provide the general results which stem from my two chosen

methods of qualitative study. The results from my interviews and surveys accomplished three out

of the four research objectives. The first objective was completed through critically examining

scholarly journals relating to big-box stores. The first subsection examines the reasons why big-

box stores were planned for the outer edge of Bowmanville. This was accomplished through

interviews with the head of the planning department as well as with the head of commercial

development, thereby fulfilling the second objective. The next subsection will cover the various

challenges associated with big-box development and how these challenges have affected

planning policy and economic development in Bowmanville. This was done through interviews

44

with the local and regional councillors and with the head of the Clarington Board of Trade thus

accomplishing objective #3 of analyzing challenges connected to retail development. The final

subsection determines how big-box stores impacted businesses through the perspectives of the

downtown business owners as well as the general manager of the Bowmanville Business

Improvement Association. This fulfills objective number four.

Why Big-Box Stores Were Planned for West Bowmanville

My third objective was to determine why big-box stores were planned for the outer edge

of Bowmanville. The big-box stores were planned in Bowmanville west of Highway 57 (See

Appendix D). This objective was first fulfilled through examining planning documents in the

early phases of research. Interviews with members of the planning department gave the further

insight to this objective. Big-box stores were planned in Bowmanville not only because sufficient

land that was available, but also because of rapid population growth in that area during the

1990s. The development occurred in two phases; the first phase occurred in 1991 and the second

phase occurred in 2005. According to the head of the planning department, the reason that this

development occurred was because of the need for more retail space in Bowmanville. Other

reasons included rapid population growth and location for development.

Major retail development occurred as part of the secondary plan to bring forward an

alternative shopping experience. One-stop shopping become prevalent as development changed

to larger department stores (RC,4) . It was a move away from traditional retail methods. Various

plans and studies were done to determine why retail development should occur in Bowmanville.

Commercial development studies were done to determine the amount of commercial space that is

available for development (HPD, 5). Other studies included the Official plan review which

45

determines where development can locate and its design goals. The plan review also shows

growth projections to 2031 in Clarington. The commercial policy review determines how much

impact commercial space has on a certain area without affecting the community (HPD, 6). It

looks up where commercial lands can be located. It also measures retail demand for certain types

of retail such as department stores, home improvement and grocery stores through measuring

sales data. They also did an in-home survey with Clarington to measure retail demand.

Collaboration on these retail projects is done with the BIA, developers and lawyers. These

studies have shown that West Bowmanville is ideal for retail development because of the amount

of commercial space that is available for development. This area has some impact on the

community without affecting Clarington in terms of retail competition.

In the late 1970s, the east end of Bowmanville was already developed with the first major

retail development, the Bowmanville Mall. During the 1990s, more retail was planned in the

West end on Highway 2 between Highway 57 and Green Road. Big-box stores were planned in

Bowmanville because of the need for more retail space. Retail development was phased

according to anticipated demand without the regard for the type of store. The primary reason for

phasing the development of commercial floor space in Clarington is to provide for the ongoing

health of the historic downtowns and to protect their planned function (Clarington, 2005). This

area was chosen because it was the only available land suitable enough for retail development. It

was untouched by other developments such as residential. The area west of Highway 57 was the

only area that was designated for retail development (CDO, 9). Once the big-box stores were

planned in that area, more retail space was added. The Canadian Tire was added in 1992

followed by Zellers. By the late 2000s, Home Depot and Wal-Mart were built on the north side

of Highway 2. In the future, retail developments can only expand so far because there is a limited

46

amount of land that can service them. In Clarington, the retail footprint is limited so only a

certain amount of retail can be developed (HPD, 10). The West end was designated for retail

space because it was large enough to support several big-box developments as compared to other

areas in Bowmanville such as the east end (HPD, 13).

Rapid population growth in Bowmanville was a reason for big-box stores to be

developed. A store may decide to locate in a town based on population growth. The developers

look at what stores exist and also of the income of people. Then they multiply it by the

population, this is how they measure retail demand by population (HPD, 5). Population is used to

measure retail demand because certain retail services such as grocery stores require a certain

consumer base to support that business. For example, Zellers was planned during the 1990s

because the population was forecast to grow significantly in the future. Retail development is

driven by consumers because they pick up price-pointed needs. It also eliminates competition

between two businesses in the same area. Clarington was seen as the ideal market for big-box

stores because of increasing urban growth (CBOT, 4). Most of the population growth came from

middle-income families who use department stores to buy most of their goods. Big-box stores

arrived in Bowmanville because there was sufficient consumer base to create a market for retail.

Thus, rapid population growth leads to increasing demand for retail services.

Demographics play a role in major retail development. Preference of retail is a factor in

big-box development. Young people with families tend to prefer big-box stores because of the

notion of one-stop shopping and cheaper prices. They are also open 24/7 which makes it more

convenient for those who work out of town. Older residents are more likely to support the

downtown because they like the comfort of small businesses and meeting people. New residents

also like the comfort of having big-box stores because they are predictable and are located in

47

most towns (CDO, 8). Residents wanted big-box stores in Bowmanville they wanted to be closer

to amenities and needs are varied for families. Lifestyle preference is important for retail

development because young people want convenience and elderly want the local feel of

downtowns.

Having the big-box stores in the West end creates a balance in retail development for

Bowmanville. It was becoming decentralized thus it is a good area for development. There is a

balance in retail in the east and west ends of Bowmanville to meet the needs of these areas. The

west and east end retail developments act as anchors for Bowmanville’s retail base and the

downtown is the central hub (HPD, 4). The downtown is the main area for service businesses and

speciality shops whereas the east and west end retail developments are anchors for general retail.

The downtown is located in an area which is known as a ‘strange street’. It is an area between

two anchors (BIA, 10). The anchors consist of Bowmanville Mall in the east end and the

Clarington Plaza and Wal-Mart in the west end. Having a balance in retail types in different

areas in Bowmanville reduces competition between existing stores. While Bowmanville West

will function as a developing centre able to accommodate larger stores within a pedestrian-

oriented grid street system, Bowmanville East will continue to function quite distinctively as the

historic Bowmanville Downtown and East Business District focusing on smaller-scale retail,

personal service and office uses (Clarington, 2005). The West end was developed because it

creates a balance in retail services to support the population of Bowmanville and surrounding

areas.

Location is important for big-box stores because of easy access. The retail developments

are located along Highway 2 for easy access. The West end acts as a gateway to the downtown

and east end retail areas. Highway 2 maintains its function of a main street through the town

48

centres and provides an efficient means of access across Bowmanville (HPD, 9). The existing

Centres as designated in the Official Plan are and will be central to the growing population. In

addition they form the ‘nodes’ along Clarington’s main street, a key element of the long term

urban structure objectives (CDO, 5). Location plays a role in retail development because the

farther away developments are from a major roadway, the more impact it has on other

businesses. If businesses were moved to other areas in Bowmanville, it would affect retail along

Highway 2 (LC, 5). For example, a new Rona was developed in the south end of Bowmanville

and people were concerned that it could affect not only the downtown but also other big-box

stores such as the Home Depot. It also makes it accessible for other residents in Clarington The

retail on Highway 2 allows for residents from other areas to use these stores. There are five

highway commercial areas as stated in the Commercial Policy Review. They are intended to

accommodate uses such as home improvement stores but not become major concentrations of

retail space or accommodate uses which are important to the development of key urban centres

(such as department or food stores) (2005). Location is important for big-box stores because they

are located along main streets for access into other town centres.

In the future, retail development will happen in other areas because of growing consumer

base. The amount of land that is designated for retail in Clarington is becoming scarce. Mixed-

use development will become the future of retail development (CDO, 11). There is a need to

return to mixed-used because land is protected. There will also be more intensification in areas

between downtown and the West End to lure more consumers into the downtown. There is an

increasing trend to intensify more buildings and to introduce services such as medical use (HPD,

10). Intensification and mixed-use will be part of future retail developments in Bowmanville

because there is a limited amount of land to sustain future developments. Positive municipal

49

policies, strategies and initiatives should be used to foster the health of the downtowns and

should specifically provide for appropriate redevelopment and intensification (Clarington, 2005).

The Bowmanville East and West town centres provide opportunities for infill and intensification

in these areas. Growth has to happen within the boundaries and there is no expansion of these

boundaries. Urban areas can grow in many directions and they cannot expand all at once. The

municipality will continue to provide incentives for redevelopment and intensification in all

Bowmanville retail centres.

Challenges Associated with Retail Development

My third research objective was to determine challenges associated with big-box

development. It involved interviews with various stakeholders such as municipal councillors and

the Board of Trade. The participants in these interviews stated that these challenges can have

profound impacts on Bowmanville’s retail landscape. There were not only economic and social

challenges, but also challenges regarding planning policies. Challenges and impacts regarding

big-box development included keeping shopping dollars in the local economy and having a

sufficient population to support these big-box stores.

Population/Community

One of the challenges associated with big-box stores is that Bowmanville had to have a

sufficient population base to support these types of stores. According to the manager of the

Bowmanville BIA, when Zellers was proposed in Bowmanville during the early 1990s, the BIA

went to the Ontario Municipal Board on two occasions to debate claim that there has to be a

sufficient population to support Zellers. However, they lost with the OMB and the Zellers was

developed five years later. During the mid-1980s and early 1990s, there was rapid population

50

growth in Clarington and this spurred the demand for big-box stores. Most of the population

growth resulted from younger families. Their needs are varied from other demographics such as

seniors because they want to be closer to amenities like department stores (RC, 7). However, the

downtown businesses were concerned that Bowmanville could not support big-box stores due to

the population (LC, 3). When Bowmanville has a sufficient population, then more stores can be

built. The population of Clarington is at an appropriate level where more retail can be developed

because residents want to be closer to their needs according to the regional councillors.

Community Identity

Another challenge is the loss of community identity for Bowmanville. Big-box stores

tend to erode the identity of small towns because they have no community feel on that town

(BIA, 5). As one interviewee noted the downtown contributes to Bowmanville’s identity because

most residents tend to associate downtown to where they live. When most people think of

Bowmanville, they think of the downtown and not the big-box stores themselves (CDO, 9). The

downtown acts as the ‘living room’ of the community (CDO, 9) because people use it not only to

buy things, but to socialize as well. People that work in the downtown also visit some of the

shops and restaurants and to socialize with people they know. Schools and banks support the

downtown because they use the stores to buy things. For example, high school students go to

downtown for lunch rather than go over to Wal-Mart or the Bowmanville Mall. Downtowns tend

to decay because of a loss of business and this tends to result in a loss of community identity.

The manager of the BIA explained and noted that the decay of downtowns can result in an

increase in suicide rates. The commercial developments should be focused, not dispersed which,

among other things provides better opportunities for transit and an opportunity to create a strong

sense of place and identity (CDO, 4).Loss of community identity is a concern for Bowmanville

51

because big-box stores remove that sense of community. As big-box stores appear, there is a loss

of importance in the downtown core.

Loss of Revenue

Loss of local shopping dollars is a challenge for major retail developments. Before big-

box stores were built in Bowmanville, people were buying goods outside of the municipality. As

a result, money was leaving the local economy. Big-box stores help keep money in the local

economy so people do not shop elsewhere. Big-box stores help entail job creation which puts

spending back in Clarington’s local economy (CBOT, 25). The head of the Planning department

explained that 62 million dollars were being lost from the local economy as a result of shoppers

going elsewhere for retail. Residents were not spending money in their community.

The Commercial policy review shows the amount of shopping dollars that is being

filtered into Clarington’s economy. Sales data for department stores and downtown stores are

shown between the years 2007-2016 (Figure 1). Sales for department stores have increased

dramatically thus having more shopping dollars returning to Clarington’s economy. According to

the Commercial Policy review, Clarington was only capturing 34% of expenditures; it was very

low for certain retail sectors such as home improvement. In 2004, people spent 67% of their

expenditures in the community, only 17% of spending was in department stores (HPD, 6). This is

based on the amount of sales we could recapture for 152,000 sq. Ft. When Wal-Mart and Home

Depot were constructed in the late 2000s, this helped increase the amount of shopping dollars

that was being brought into Clarington. In 2008, the new Wal-Mart was expected to make 58.2

million dollars of total sales and the Home Depot was estimated to have sales of 19.4 million

dollars (Clarington, 2005). Big-box stores help benefit retail sales in Clarington. Building new

retail developments will prevent residents from buying merchandise elsewhere. The Commercial

52

Policy Review states that an increase in square footage leads to more sales per square foot, thus

increasing the amount of spending dollars back into Clarington’s economy. At the lower end of

the average sales performance levels calculated which are considered reasonable for the

Clarington market, some 633,800 to 703,000 square feet of additional retail space would be

warranted in Clarington by 2007 (at sales levels of $325 and $290 respectively). By 2010, at the

same sales performance levels, the additional space required would be in the 790,000 to 876,000

square foot range. By 2021, the additional space would double from that warranted in 2010

(Clarington, 2005). Once big-box stores are built; then they will help increase the amount of

retail sales being put into the economy. There is an opportunity to recapture a portion of these

expenditures with new retail facilities in Clarington.

Figure 6- Sales Data for new retail developments in Clarington. Source : Clarington (2005)

Commercial Policy Review

2003 Dollars 2007 2008 2013 2016Total Clarington - Proposed/Potential Designated Non-Department Store DSTM Space (Net) 407,100 407,100 407,100 407,100TOTAL SALES - Proposed/Designated Non-Department Store DSTM Space ($ Millions) $108.8 $112.9 $123.0 $133.0Average Sales Per Square Feet - Proposed $265 $275 $300 $325Less: TOTAL Wholesale Trade (if WMC) $0.0 $0.0 $0.0 $0.0Total Estimated Inflow Sales- $35.8 $37.1 $40.2 $43.5Average Inflow 33% 33% 33% 33%A. TOTAL REQUIRED FROM CLARINGTON RESIDENTS $73.0 $75.8 $82.8 $89.5B. TOTAL NON-DEPARTMENT STORE RESIDUAL POTENTIAL AVAILABLE $58.8 $58.7 $84.3 $100.8TOTAL SALES TRANSFERS REQUIRED (A. LESS B.) $14.2 $17.1 none noneNET ADDITIONAL RESIDUAL POTENTIAL FOR EXISTING/OTHER FUTURE PROPOSED SPACE (4 none none $1.5 $11.3EXISTING CLARINGTON NON-DEPARTMENT STORE DSTM SPACE:Sales from Clarington Residents ($ Millions) (including add'l residual) $71.4 $57.2 $54.3 $72.9 $82.7$0.0 $0.0 $0.0 $0.0 $0.0$0.0 $1.9 $2.0 $2.3 $2.2Net Sales from Clarington Residents ($Millions) $71.4 $55.3 $52.3 $70.6 $80.5Plus: Estimated Inflow 32.3% (2 $34.1 $26.4 $25.0 $33.7 $38.4TOTAL SALES $105.5 $81.7 $77.3 $104.3 $118.9Total Sq Ft GLA 460,900 460,900 460,900 460,900 460,900Existing Sales Per Square Feet GLA (3 $230 $175 $170 $225 $260

53

Change in Total Sales From Existing Level -22.5% -26.8% -1.1% 12.7%

Planning and Design

Planning policies were a challenge for retail development because developers have to

conform to the municipal and provincial planning legislature and the places to grow plan (CDO,

12). They also have to conform to the Oak Ridges Moraine and Greenbelt plans because 81% of

the land in Clarington is protected (CDO, 13). In addition, commercial planning policies state

that retail development should integrate land use, urban design and transportation objectives as

well as providing less restrictive commercial policies by creating a simplified hierarchy (HPD,

4). The policies should focus the development on the urban centre. Consistent with the current

Official Plan policy, other new power centres, expansions or significant commercial areas should

not be created over the planning period and should only be considered through a comprehensive

planning process (CDO, 4). The planning policies establish criteria related to conformity of the

development with urban design policies and securement of the necessary transportation

infrastructure such as roads.

Retail developers are required to conform to planning policies and by-laws for retail

development. Developers had to meet zoning laws for the construction of big-box stores. Big-

box stores have to go through zoning and height restrictions. There are two zones: street-related

commercial and large formats zones. They have quite a few performance standards that include

the location of entrance and loading (HPD, 5). Local plans deal with how the community

develops and this translates into zoning bylaws and development charges (HPD, 8). The

developers had to meet the allowed conditions for building setbacks and the amount of parking

spaces needed. Retail developments had to have a strong street presence with smaller stores in

54

the front and big-boxes pushed farther behind (CDO, 2). For parking, there has to be a certain

number of parking spaces for a certain amount of square feet of retail development (HPD, 15).

Big-box stores ask for too much land for parking. As a result, it becomes a large, vast parking

field.

Smart Growth is a challenge for retail development because it encourages sustainable

development. There has to be a balance between what the community needs and planning

policies such as Smart Growth. It allows for easy access by various modes of transportation and

it contributes to the success of big-box stores. Transit planning is fundamental because big-box

stores are too car-oriented and car-oriented development puts stress on infrastructure expenses

and maintenance of roads. The planning department is trying to include policies that include

much high density developments. There is a limitation on smaller stores, only have 5 smaller

stores in big-box areas. They negotiated with corporations to allow for a minimum height of two

storeys. From an urban structure perspective the preferred policy approach is to concentrate

commercial uses in existing urban areas (Clarington, 2005). Traffic is a design issue because

traffic flow is important for retail development. There are grid streets around the retail

developments to allow for easy access. Poor street design leads to gridlock. Clarington is 96%

car use and 4% public transit (CDO, 7). The minor roads making up the grid allow for flexibility

in access and internal traffic circulation, and alternative routing for local trips. The grid system

will facilitate a reduction in traffic demand along King Street (RC, 8). Even though Clarington’s

transportation infrastructure is car-oriented, developers add sidewalks to make it more

pedestrian-friendly. Also, residents were concerned about the noise coming from construction

and traffic. There is a concern of how to make parking less visible from the street. Developers

use landscape to hide parking from the streetscape. Having landscape and lighting allows for big-

55

boxes to be perceived as attractive and safe. Proposals have to meet the criteria for retail

development which includes size and height as well as traffic regulations.

Design

Design and architecture was also a challenge because residents and the planning

department were concerned about aesthetics and size. The architecture is not reflective of the

community because the developers want a brand for their store to keep a common identity (CDO,

6). Big-box stores have a corporate image that is the same across North America. Smart Centres

do not contribute to character because their designs are the same (LC, 2). To create a brand

image, the developers had to consider what colours and materials can be used to create that

identity. The planning department wants big-box stores to have large doors and roof pitches. The

quality of design for big-boxes is very poor because they can easily be torn down and rebuilt.

The achievement of the land use, urban design and transportation objectives of Clarington

according to sources, is dependent upon big-box stores applying these design principles.

The Impact on Small Businesses

My final objective was to examine the impact that big-box stores had on small businesses

in the downtown core. This objective was accomplished through surveys with the downtown

businesses and an interview with the General Manager of the Bowmanville BIA. Twenty surveys

were distributed to various retail businesses in Downtown Bowmanville in early January. Only

eleven of these were returned via mail and email between January and February. The businesses

that were surveyed include clothing, sporting goods, home improvement and speciality retail.

Overall, the surveys confirmed that big-box stores had very little impact on the downtown core.

56

The reason that most small businesses are faring positively is due to strong promotion of the

downtown. Every year, the BIA organizes events such as the Apple Festival to attract Clarington

residents to the downtown. The most significant impact on downtown Bowmanville is the loss of

shopping dollars from the downtown.

Vitality

According to the interviews and surveys, there were various concerns from small

businesses regarding big-box stores. Some of the concerns include that there is a lack of

community knowledge regarding the effects of big-box stores on the vitality of downtowns. The

Clarington Board of Trade began a shop local initiative to attract local residents to shop in the

downtown core. It also educates not only consumers, but also small businesses on the importance

of supporting the local businesses so that people will not shop elsewhere. CS2 stated that people

do not understand that they need to support their local businesses. As they noted, people who

work at General Motors are always pushing others to buy ‘domestic’ cars however; they continue

to shop at Wal-Mart which is all imported products. This being said, certain businesses make

their own merchandise on site or sell unique items that are not available in big-box stores but

they might shop at Wal-Mart themselves because they need affordable items. Big-box stores tend

to erode the identity of small towns and people need to protect the vitality of the downtown core.

Another concern is the erosion of the local economy. Some businesses voiced their

concern about the leakage of money away from the local economy. Businesses owners were

concerned that small businesses will be forced to close because big-box stores take money and

shoppers away from the downtown core. FS said that big-box stores tend to be a detriment to the

economic viability of downtown businesses. Small businesses tend to have lower sales per

57

square foot thus sales are less for small businesses (Figure 2). Since most big-box stores are

foreign-owned, they take money away from local economies and can discourage small business

development (HIS, 12).

Figure 7: Sales Data for Downtown Bowmanville (2003-2008). Source: Clarington Commercial

Policy Review

Sales for Downtown 2003 2005 2007 2008 Sales/Sq. Ft. GLA $200 $210 $230 $250 Total Sales Volume $3.0 $3.2 $3.5 $3.8 Less: Inflow @ 15% (2 $0.5 $0.5 $0.5 $0.6Total Sales Required from Clarington Residents $2.5 $2.7 $3.0 $3.2

Promotion

Promotion of the downtown is limited because small businesses do not have the same

business model as big-box stores. It is a challenge to encourage local residents to shop

downtown. Businesses are dependent upon the BIA for advertising and promotion because

advertising budgets are limited. They look after the streetscape with their own expense rather

than advertising their store. The BIA has to examine how to bring customer base to the

downtown. The Shop Local program helps retail shopping dollars in downtown Bowmanville.

To promote the downtown, the BIA holds five festivals. These include the Apple Festival,

Moonlight Madness and the Maple Festival to attract local residents to the downtown. These

festivals attract 20,000 people a year. The BIA spends $66000 a year on the festivals to attract

people alone (BIA, 7). The downtown could only do so much to promote their businesses

because they have a different approach than big-box stores to attract customers.

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Promotion of the downtown for business in Bowmanville is another challenge to the

downtown. It is a challenge to attract businesses to fill in stores. There is a limited amount of

square footage so they cannot have large stores. Rent is cheaper in major development areas so

certain stores do not do business in downtown. The BIA is limited to what they do to attract

businesses as they only are responsible for advertising and promotion. They do not get involved

beyond their borders by attracting certain types of businesses. In the 1990s, they approached

Mark’s Work Warehouse to be in the downtown since they lost Canadian Tire and the Beer Store

from the downtown (BIA, 6). These stores left the downtown core because they needed more

space and also for cheaper rent (BIA, 6). As such, restrictions on certain types of specific uses

and retail store size minimums or maximums may be imposed by the municipality in areas

outside of downtowns in order to focus specialty retail uses and government/administrative

functions in the Downtowns (Clarington, 2005).

The vitality of the downtown is important to business owners. Most of the business

owners feel that the vitality of the downtown is important to them (Figure 3). Their view of the

downtown contrasts with the residents’ opinion of the importance of downtown. The vitality of

the downtown is becoming less because when subdivisions were built in the north and west ends

of Bowmanville, no one went downtown (BIA, 2). As a result, downtown businesses struggled to

attract people once the housing developments were built. During that time period, the downtown

festivals were introduced by the BIA at the time to promote the vitality of the downtown. Once

people started going to these festivals, they become familiar with the downtown and supported

the local businesses. The Historic Downtown Bowmanville is an important historical resource

that defines the character of the community. The vitality of the downtown is important to

59

businesses because it helps promote community development and it serves as a destination point

for visitors to the area.

Instead of promoting retail business, the downtown is trying to attracting service

businesses such as medical and financial services. The library and municipal office are also

located in downtown which is a beneficial aspect. The downtown is becoming more dependent

on the secondary market since it draws people to downtown. The secondary market supports

retail because they use the downtown to buy things such as coffee. It is a challenge to attract

business to downtown because there is a limited amount of retail space in downtown.

Not important Somewhat important

Important Very important0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

Importance of the Vitality of Downtown

Series1

Figure 8- Graph of Survey Results for Vitality of Downtown

Impact on Businesses

Over half of the businesses surveyed stated that there are no impacts in the downtown

core since big-boxes arrived. Five others said that there are impacts in the downtown core. This

is because the downtown is currently undergoing a transition period. Most of the downtown

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stores are becoming niche stores or ‘destination’ stores as stated by the manager of the BIA.

Downtown is currently stagnating because some stores stay empty, but not for long as they are

always filled by new stores (LC, 7). Usually these stores are speciality stores that sell unique

merchandise such as antiques. Six out of eleven businesses said that they were not affected by

the introduction of big-box stores because they sell unique goods. Retail and services uses in the

downtown are generally small in size and serve more specialized commercial markets. The

downtown is constantly evolving with the times to meet the needs of residents. “Businesses

evolve with what’s evolving around them” (RC, 10). However, the head of the Board of Trade

viewed big-box stores as an opportunity for the economy rather than a threat. In this case,

downtowns have to change with the retail landscape because it is constantly changing with the

introduction of big-box stores. The purpose of downtown Bowmanville now is to become

destination stores that sell unique items that are not found elsewhere. The downtown itself has

not been affected by big-box stores because they are a recent addition to Clarington’s economic

landscape.

Local Economic Development: The Views of Small Businesses

The businesses agree that big-box stores in general do have an impact on the downtown.

The majority of those surveyed stated that big-box stores do have an impact on the local

economy. This is because that most people see that big-box stores are a threat to the economy

(BIA, 7). The owners fear that big-boxes tend to take money away from the local economy. They

also disagree with Wal-Mart’s philosophy that they sell low-quality goods and provide cheap

labour. The businesses that were impacted by big-box stores included women’s clothing stores,

paint stores and shoe stores because these items are found at big-box stores for lower prices. This

discourages shoppers to visit these stores. Businesses have to be proactive when big-box stores

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come because of competition between small retailers. Since downtown businesses are aware of

the impacts that big-box stores have on downtowns, most appear to be unaffected by the

introduction of big-box stores.

With the current economic downturn, small businesses can survive in terms of the

uniqueness of merchandise. The businesses in downtown have merchandise and services that are

typically not available in major retail stores. However, they cannot compete in terms of prices

because big-box stores benefit from low prices during an uncertain economy. CS1 stated that

people are brainwashed into thinking that the best prices are in the big-box stores when often

their prices are better for the quality of merchandise that they provide. They also do not carry the

large inventories that big-box stores have. Small businesses can survive with quality of

merchandise and customer service. Customer service is the one thing that is hard to find in a

larger retail outlet according to SS. It is up to the businesses to offer that customer service and to

give them excellent attention. Stores that have been around for a long period of time have good

quality merchandise, friendly customer service and longer shopping hours. Well-run businesses

in terms of unique merchandise and extended hours can survive well in a tough economy.

Local Economic Development

According to the surveys, five business owners stated that their business is important for

local economic development. Four stated that they were very important and two said that they

are not important to Clarington’s economy. The businesses that stated that their stores were not

important to economic growth include speciality stores and stores that are new to the downtown.

A strong local economic development leads to passion for the community (CBOT, 8). Survey

participants noted a number of reasons for importance of business to local economy include

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community development, job creation, keeping dollars in the local economy, competition and

product diversity. The most important reasons include keeping dollars in the local economy and

community development (Figure 4). The least important reasons included price competition and

job creation. The dollars from big-box stores are recycled locally within the local economy and

are used to promote the downtown through events. It is also used to fund local institutions or

organizations like the hospital. Job creation is not important to businesses because most jobs are

created through big-box stores since they hire large numbers of people. Economic development

is important to downtown businesses because it helps keep money in the local economy and

having a strong economy promotes community development.

Community development27%

Job creation9%

Keeping dollars in local economy

45%

Product diversity18%

Reasons for Importance of Business- Most important Reason

Figure 9- Importance of Business According to Surveys

Challenges and Possible Improvments

Business owners have stated ways to make the downtown a better place for business. The

one concern for downtown is the lack of parking spaces available compared to other retail

developments (LC, 3). The owners complained that there is not enough free parking for people

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and they should remove parking meters. Another issue is having uniform hours to better suit the

consumer’s needs. Most downtown businesses open at nine or ten o’clock in the morning. Some

close as early as three or as late as nine. Certain businesses are not open seven days a week and

are usually closed on Sundays. Having businesses close certain hours gives a negative perception

of the downtown because it impacts the stores (BIA, 8). It is a challenge for businesses to be

open long hours and every day of the week because not all owners are willing to be open for long

hours. Uniform shopping hours from nine to five will benefit not only the businesses themselves

but also those who visit the downtown because they can visit these stores when it is the most

convenient for them. Another way to improve the downtown is to provide a greater variety of

stores in services. The downtown is lacking in men’s clothing stores, shoe stores and hardware

stores. The owners of Bowmanville Sports suggested that stores should be more attractive to

consumers by improvement storefronts and street design. In order to compete with other retail

developments in Bowmanville, the downtown should provide more free parking and have

uniform hours to better attract people and businesses.

Promotion

Some small businesses take part in economic development. They occasionally collaborate

with the BIA and the Municipality in terms of economic development. The Municipality

emphasizes initiatives to foster the health of the downtown (Clarington, 2005). Downtown

businesses usually do not have an opinion on economic development for the area because it

includes all sectors of industry in Clarington. They also collaborate with other BIAs in

Clarington to look at ways to improve downtowns. For example, Orono is becoming a niche

markets for antiques in Clarington. Bowmanville is transitioning to the niche market phase by

becoming more specialized in selling gifts and antiques. Downtown businesses take part in

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economic development by being involved in the Business Improvement Association or the

Clarington Board of Trade.

Community Identity

Small businesses will still be a part of Bowmanville’s economic future because stores

have become more unique. Certain stores have become destination stores that sell goods that are

unique to other chain retail. Also, the level of service that a customer receives is different from

big-box stores. For example, if someone buys a bike from a small business, they are more likely

to receive helpful customer service. They also service and fix merchandise on site unlike big-box

stores. Customers remain loyal to these stores as a result. SS wrote down that stores go through a

twenty year cycle of boom and bust. The events that are promoted every year will continue to

attract people to the downtown core. People embrace the small town feel of downtown

Bowmanville because of the friendly and helpful service and variety of stores that there is to

offer. They enjoy the feeling of downtown shopping and it can influence people to move into the

area because of the downtown. People’s minds change and they realize that the downtown is a

unique aspect to Bowmanville. The downtown will continue to serve as a location for smaller

format and speciality retail, instutional, administrative and cultural uses.

Summary of Findings

Overall, my interview and survey results had similar yet different findings. Most of my

interview participants stated that the number one reason that big-box stores were needed for

Bowmanville was because people were shopping elsewhere. Another reason was that

Bowmanville’s population consists of mostly families with children and they want the

convenience of big-box stores. The most significant challenges to big-box development included

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population growth and keeping shopping dollars in Clarington’s economy. Big-box stores were

planned for West Bowmanville because of rapid population growth and this in turn fuelled

further big-box expansion. Commercial studies have shown that West Bowmanville is a suitable

area for commercial development because it can accommodate large big-box stores. Small

businesses had a slight impact on big-box development. The reason that downtown Bowmanville

was unaffected by big-box stores is because of the strong promotion of the downtown through

festivals to attract consumers to downtown. Business owners were concerned that big-box stores

erode the local economy and the identity of downtown Bowmanville. They feel that the vitality

of the downtown is important to them and their businesses contribute to local economic

development. Most of my results have shown that big-box stores had a positive impact on

Bowmanville’s economy and urban growth. They helped recapture lost dollars in the area,

provided more choice of retail and brought a sense of progress of Clarington.

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Chapter 5- Discussion of Findings

Undoubtedly, there is strong evidence to suggest that there are impacts of big-box

development on small urban areas such as Bowmanville. Impacts include conforming

developments to planning policies, strengthening the local economy and integrating big-box

stores into traditional retail environments like downtowns. The previous chapter approached this,

identifying the challenges associated with big-box stores and reasons why big-box stores were

planned in Bowmanville while highlighting the general results of my research. It will be the

focus of this section to analyze these results critically and in greater depth. This analysis will

begin with a discussion of the impacts and possible solutions to address these impacts of big-box

stores in Bowmanville. This analysis will then transition to comparing the findings of my

research to the literature. As demonstrated in section two, my research fits within three areas of

related literature: retail geography, urban growth and sprawl and local economies. Thus, my

comparison will run through each theme comparing the important findings to the literature. I am

going to follow the order of my literature review starting with retail geography followed by

urban growth and sprawl and ending with local economies. From here, based on my analysis and

literature, I will make key recommendations on improvements to the way Bowmanville should

address the impacts of big-box store development with regards to planning policies, integrating

the downtown to the West Bowmanville retail and local economic development.

Big-box Stores and Strengthening Community and Economic Development

As a result of my research findings, it is clear that big-box stores do have impacts on

small urban areas with regards to urban growth and economic impacts. In Bowmanville, big-box

stores have been an impact on the local economy because it helped keep retail dollars in

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Clarington’s economy and strengthened the diversity of retail ranging from traditional

downtowns to modern large-scale department stores. Urban growth contributed to big-box

development rather than being an impact because sufficient population was a challenge for major

retail development in the case of Zellers that was stated to be built during the early 1990s. With

the arrival of big-box stores, downtown businesses started to transition to more speciality type

retail and attracted more service-based businesses such as financial institutions and doctor’s

offices. The planning department has policies that imply to building restrictions such as height,

parking and design of the store. They also did market studies to ensure that there is enough

population to support big-box stores without them having a direct impact on independently-

owned businesses.

Relation to Published Work

My results have contradicted some of the findings in the literature. Most of the research

in the literature stated that big-box stores had a negative impact on small towns. My results relate

to the three sections in the literature review. They are retail geography, urban growth and sprawl,

and local economic development. Below, I will compare these three areas of the academic

literature to my research findings from section four.

Retail Geography

First I reviewed academic literature on the effect that big-box stores have on retail

geographies in urban areas. As stated in the literature, big-box stores have altered planning

policies in Clarington. My findings compare to Grant and Perrot’s (2011) argument that big-box

stores go against the notion of good retail planning because they require a certain amount of land

for the retail site and demand large amounts of land for parking spaces. They also compared to

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the literature regarding location. The retail developments in West Bowmanville are located along

Highway 2. This agrees with Jones and Doucet’s (2000) statement that 59% of big-box stores are

on industrial lands and close to major roadways. Demographics are a key aspect in retail

geography because Clarington has a high percentage of young families who desire the

convenience of big-box stores. This increasing mobility has allowed consumers to exercise a

greater ability to choose between shopping centres (Guy, 2007). My research compares with the

literature on location, consumer preference and challenging planning policies in terms of design.

My research nuanced Harris’ (2006) argument that argued that national chains changed

how America shopped for retail goods and how goods were sold. They also changed the

distribution structure of retail trade. My results stated that big-box stores help increase the

amount of money that is being put into the economy. The retail landscape changed gradually

rather than drastically with municipal and planning policies allowed for development to occur in

phases rather than all at once. It affected how people shopped because downtowns are

transitioning to destination stores rather than selling merchandise that can be found in big-box

stores.

Urban Growth and Sprawl

Overall, my findings in this section contrast the literature on how urban sprawl is a

driving force behind big-box development. My research agrees Guy’s (2007) argument that

power centres are typically found at the edge of urban environments in areas called ‘edge nodes’.

Peiser states that urban sprawl is the ‘gluttonous’ use of land, uninterrupted monotonous

development, leapfrog or scattered development and inefficient use of land (2001). Clarington’s

planning policies for retail development follow the Oak Ridges Moraine and the Greenbelt Plans

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because these plans discourage rapid consumption of land. Sprawl cannot happen in Clarington

because development is required to occur in designated boundaries and they cannot go beyond

these boundaries. Also, big-box stores did not cause urban growth as they happened because of

it. Even though big-box stores are low-density and car-oriented according to Nunn (2001),

efficient transportation planning allows for a smooth flow of traffic. According to my results,

big-box stores did not pose a threat to Bowmanville because people generally accepted them and

it does not promote urban sprawl. They are not noticeable along empty stretches of rural

countryside as argued by Haltiwanger et al (2010). It also accommodates other forms of transit

like buses. It also compares with Filion’s (2009) statement regarding Smart Growth is a solution

to reduce car dependency and it leads to more sustainable urban development. It also allows for

easy access by other modes of transit. Big-box stores do not cause urban sprawl or accelerated

population growth, they happened because of solid urban growth.

Local Economies

In addition to research on retail geographies and urban growth, it also included impacts

on local economies. My results contradict with most of the literature in this section because big-

box stores have benefitted the local economy rather than harming it. Downtown Bowmanville

has witnessed only a few businesses leave the downtown but most businesses seemed to be

faring well from the big-box stores. The literature states that when big-box stores arrive,

downtowns exhibit empty buildings with faded signs and stained facades as a memorial to

downtown retailing (Howard, 2008). The downtown remains as vibrant as ever with storefronts

being empty, but they are filled up quickly. According to my surveys, price competition is not an

important concern for downtowns because as the literature states, the price competition between

downtowns and big-box stores is a huge factor in large-scale retailers. They emphasize high-

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customer service and everyday low pricing. It also contradicts Arnold`s (2000) argument that

there is an increased leakage of profit associated with big-box stores because very little profit

from major retail chains goes into the local economies. However, big-box stores have benefitted

the local economy by recapturing lost sales dollars. The results contrast the literature on local

economic impacts because downtown Bowmanville has a strong balance between retail and

services despite the decentralization of population away from the downtown core.

Recommendations

Throughout my research, I have focused on the reason as to how, why and what ways

small urban areas are impacted by the introduction of big-box stores. I also looked at how the

recent introduction of big-box stores has affected downtown Bowmanville and urban growth in

the community. Succinctly, how planning policies contribute to how major retail is developed

and in what ways they regulate urban sprawl. Thus far, in presenting my general results (Chapter

4), I answered how Bowmanville was affected by big-box stores through the views of Municipal

employees and downtown businesses. Part of section five was directed at critical analysis of

assessing the impacts within retail geography, urban growth and local economies. With this in

mind, based on my findings and what has been discovered in the literature, I am going to suggest

recommendations that I think would make a more effective municipal and economic framework

to which big-box stores can be better integrated into Bowmanville’s evolving retail landscape.

My first recommendation would be for the BIA to work with the Municipality and the

Board of Trade regarding decisions for retail development. The decisions for retail development

are made by the municipality and the planning department. First they should examine what areas

are in need of retail development and how they can be integrated into existing town centres. All

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areas should examine how new retail will affect existing businesses in that area. They should

also analyze how much an impact that commercial space has without impacting the community.

They also forecast retail demand for certain areas and look at what services are lacking. The

Clarington Board of Trade should help fill in the gaps to attract services. In the future, the BIA

should work closely with the Municipality regarding ways to integrate big-box stores into other

retail areas.

Another recommendation would be for the municipality to provide support for the

downtown in terms of promotion and strengthening the vitality of the downtown. The

landscaping and storefront improvements are funded by the business owners. The BIA provides

funding for promotion as well as events. They should provide funding for the rehabilitation of

downtown to keep it vibrant. They should add new lighting; improve the sidewalks to attract

more pedestrians and to improve the storefronts. My results have stated that the BIA

occasionally collaborates with the municipality regarding downtown improvement but they were

not interested. I would also recommend that the downtown would look at how other downtowns

have improved the health of their downtown. For example, Newcastle has recently added a

Shopper’s Drug Mart and a Home Hardware which attracted a large number of local consumers.

The Municipality should provide funding and opportunities for rehabilitation and promotion of

the downtown core to make it attractive for consumers.

A final recommendation would be for planning policies to encourage intensification in

the area between downtown and West Bowmanville. This would help integrate the two retail

areas as well as connecting them to Bowmanville’s evolving retail landscape. Intensification also

reduces sprawling developments in outer areas of Bowmanville. The Official Plan Review

explains that development should occur in existing boundaries. For example, commercial

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development happens in one area and industrial happens in another. Further intensification leads

to more sustainable land use because the amount of land designated for commercial purposes is

scarce. Infilling also fills in the gap between the downtown and West Bowmanville because the

land is vacant and undeveloped. Intensification is beneficial for retail development because it

encourages more sustainable methods such as mixed-use and it also follows urban growth

policies.

Therefore, these recommendations will make an effective economic and municipal

framework to integrate big-box stores into Bowmanville`s evolving retail landscape. A plan

would include collaborations between the BIA, Board of Trade and the Municipality regarding

retail development decisions. The Municipality should provide funding to the downtown to help

restore its vitality to attract consumers to the downtown core. Lastly, intensification between the

West town centre and the downtown will provide an effective connection within the retail areas.

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Chapter 6- Conclusion

It has been the purpose of my thesis to investigate the connecting between big-box store

development and local businesses in small urban areas. I accomplished this by explaining the

broader context of how big-box stores impact urban growth followed by how they play a role in

decentralizing away from downtown retail. I then situated these issues and my research into

academic journals relating to retail geography, urban growth and local economic impacts. Once

this was complete, I profiled my case study area of Bowmanville. Within this section, I described

the importance a case study and my research methods. I then proceeded to describe the findings

of my research, and formed a discussion around my analysis of my findings. I then identified the

links from my findings to my review of the academic literature, and offered key

recommendations to the town of Bowmanville. I will now provide an evaluation of my research

objectives. Overall, big-box stores have been beneficial to Clarington’s local economy. Big-box

stores were needed because of urban growth and available land.

Evaluation of Objectives

My thesis successfully covered all four research objectives. The first objective was to

critically examine scholarly journals relating to big-box stores. Most of this was accomplished in

the literature review. The research provided insight as to how and why big-box stores contribute

to urban sprawl and the decline of locally-owned businesses. It also explained how location,

planning policies and design are important factors in retail development. Through my research, I

discovered how big-box store development is connected to geographic research. It falls into the

sub-disciplines of urban and economic geographies.

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Second was to examine why big-box stores were planned for the outer edge of

Bowmanville. I found that big-box stores were planned for the outer edge of Bowmanville

because of available land and urban growth was occurring in this area. Examining planning

policies allowed for further investigation into the factors that determine the location. The land

west of downtown on Highway 2 was designated for retail development in the early 1990s

according to the planning department. Population growth is connected to big-box development

because Bowmanville had to have a sufficient population base to support major retail

development. Population growth and land-use policies helped guide major retail development in

Bowmanville.

Third to analyze the challenges associated with retail development. I fulfilled this

objective through one-on-one interviews with the local and regional councillors, head of the

Board of Trade and the manager of the Bowmanville Business Improvement Association. As a

result, I determined various challenges associated with retail development in Bowmanville.

Some of the challenges included that big-box stores contribute to the loss of community identity.

Another challenge is keeping shopping dollars in the local economy because prior to when big-

box stores were developed, consumers were shopping elsewhere. In addition, planning policies

such as height and zoning restrictions were also a challenge to retail development in

Bowmanville because developers had to conform to these polices.

Lastly to determine how big-box stores impact small businesses. This was accomplished

through distributing surveys. I found that the introduction of big-box stores has not had a

significant impact on the downtown core because they are a recent phenomenon that existed in

2010 with the introduction of Wal-Mart. The vitality of the downtown is important to business

owners because it defines the character of the town. Downtown Bowmanville is undergoing a

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transition period towards niche stores such as antique stores. It is also trying to attract service

industries like finance to improve the downtown core. Downtowns are beneficial to

Bowmanville because they help keep shopping dollars in the local economy and promote

community development.

Reflection

I began this thesis project thinking that I was going to study how big-box stores impact

urban growth and the downtown in Bowmanville. The idea for this research came from

examining population growth trends in Bowmanville and how this connected to the development

of big-box stores in the late 2000s. I also wanted to determine how locally-owned downtown

businesses were impacted by big-box stores. After conducting some preliminary research, I

discovered that there were several impacts regarding local economies and that big-box stores

were the result of the decentralization away from the downtown core. The majority of my

interview candidates were available and able to participate. This was beneficial to my research,

but also helped maintain interest in my topic. They also helped provide additional information

and accomplished my research objectives. Familiarity of the downtown was helpful in surveying

the downtown businesses because I have visited the downtown several times since I lived in the

area. Being familiar with the town of Bowmanville and witnessing growth trends was helpful in

expanding my research on this topic.

If I were to do this project again, I would focus my research more on how planning

policies help guide retail development. Some of my interview questions I felt were too general

and could have directed more towards specific positions. I felt that my surveys could have

focused more on impacts on the businesses themselves rather than the downtown core because

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retail businesses are more impacted by big-box stores than other types of businesses. I also

should have surveyed retail businesses in the area east of the downtown because certain stores

such as drug stores could have been affected by major retail developments. Lastly, a more

thorough examination of the context of big-box stores would have given greater insight in my

research.

Limitations

One of my limitations for the research was that I only did surveys for the downtown

businesses. I received a smaller number of surveys than I was expecting because I only received

eleven when I was expecting at least fifteen responses. Only a small number of businesses were

willing to participate in the surveys. Some reasons for not participating include lack of interest in

local economic development. Also, certain businesses felt that their business was not affected by

big-box stores. As a result of the small number of surveys, I only received a small insight on the

impact of big-box stores on downtown Bowmanville. The retail businesses in the east end of

Bowmanville should be included because they are also likely to be impacted by power centres.

This was a major limitation because having a small number of surveys affected my results.

Another limitation was the length of time available for interviews and surveys. The ethics

review was approved in December so this allowed for two months of qualitative research. With

the limitations, I would have liked to interview more of the members of the downtown BIA

rather than just the general manager himself. I also felt that the time constraints left a limited

amount of time for coding once all the interviews were transcribed. Secondly, if given more

time, I would have given a more extensive review of planning documents and analyze how they

guide retail development. I would also determine the location of big-box stores from a planning

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perspective. Also, I took a more economic development and planning approach to determine the

impacts of big-box stores on small urban areas, there was no social dimension to my approach. If

I had more time, I would have interviewed more business owners and examined planning

documents for big-box developments.

Areas for Further Research

Opportunities for further research include comparisons of other small towns that have

experienced the introduction of big-box stores. An example of this would be Port Perry which is

a rapidly growing urban area that saw the introduction of big-box stores in late 2011. Doing this

comparison will examine a greater idea of strategies that municipalities use to prepare for big-

box development; I also would compare zoning restrictions for these developments. It would also

be intriguing to see how growth trends are an important part in big-box development because

population growth contributes to big-box development. Comparison of other small urban areas

would require an examination of planning policies, population growth and economic data for

these towns to compare impacts.

In relation to my study, other areas that human geographers can look into include social

impacts that big-box stores have on small towns. For example, I could look into how big-box

stores change the social characteristics of a town. I would also examine various factors such as

the decay of downtowns. Other social impacts include the loss of a town’s identity as a result of

big-box stores because they tend to erode the identity of a town.

Lastly, another study area could be examining how planning policies such as Smart

Growth affect big-box development. Smart Growth is a planning tool that concentrates growth in

the centre of a city to avoid urban sprawl. It allows for walkable areas and reduces car

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dependency. Big-box stores are auto-driven retail developments that do not allow for mixed-use

development. Urban planners in Clarington are promoting mixed-use development and allowing

for a variety of transportation purposes.

Importance of Research

As a result, I felt that my research was important in relating big-box store development to

both urban growth and economic geographies. My research has suggested that big-box

development contributes to the evolving retail landscapes away from the traditional downtown.

The decentralization of retail development contributes to urban growth because of land

consumption. Also, downtowns have been affected by big-box stores because small businesses

cannot compete with power centres because of hours and availability of merchandise. This study

contributes to what limited literature is available on how big-box stores impact downtowns. In

doing so, this study provided further insight as to how big-box stores impact downtowns and the

trends that they face as downtowns become more specialized in terms of business.

The research has demonstrated that population growth is key for big-box development.

Yet at the same time, scholarly research argues that big-box stores accelerate urban growth and

sprawl. When Zellers was first developed, the Municipality felt that it did not have a sufficient

population base to support it. The results also stated that population is connected to the size of

these developments because there is a certain square footage per population. Population growth

is connected to both urban and economic perspectives because having a sufficient population

base allow for expanded economic development and it helps guide growth trends.

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