beyond voice: the use of value-added features and mobile services among youth and young adults in...

REGIONAL DIALOGUE FOR THE

INFORMATION SOCIETY (DIRSI)

JUNIOR RESEARCHER’S PAPER – JAMAICA

Beyond Voice: The Use of Value-added

Features and Mobile Services among Youth

and Young Adults in Jamaica

Allison Brown,

Research Assistant, Telecommunications Policy and Management Programme (TPM),

Mona School of Business, University of the West Indies

April 2008

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements………………………………………………..……………….……..5

Executive Summary…………………………………………..………………….…..…6-7

1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………..8

Orality in Jamaican Culture………………………………………..………….......9

Telecommunications in Jamaica: The Context ……………………………….9-11

Jamaica and the Mobile Explosion…………………………………………...12-14

Other Cases of Telecommunication Liberalization in the Caribbean......…….14-16

Summary Analysis………………………………………..…………………..16-17

2. Objectives and Definitions……………………………………………………....19

Research Objective and Research Questions…………….………………….......19

Operational Definitions………………………………………………...…….19-20

3. Literature Review………………………………………………………………..21

Perspectives on Technology……………………………………….…………21-22

Motivation, Uses and the Mobile Phone…………………………………………22

Youth Culture……………………………………………………………...…22-23

Youth Culture and the Mobile Identity………………………………………23-24

Youth and Mobile Independence……………………………………………...…24

Beyond Voice Mobile Services………………………………………………24-26

Jamaican Youth and Mobile Uptake…………………………………………26-29

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4. Methodology……………………………………………………………………30

The Method………………………………………………………….……….30-31

5. Presentations of Findings

Group 1: 16-18 Years Old……………………………………..….….32-37

Group 2: 19–21 Years Old…………………..…………………….....37-42

Group 3: 22 – 24 Years Old…………………………………...……..42-45

Group 4: 25 – 27 Years Old……………………………………….....45-48

6. Analysis of Findings……………………………………………………………..49

Overview of Trends………………………………………………………......49-53

The Mobile Phone: Fulfilling Youth and Young Adult Needs………………53-55

7. Conclusions…………………………………………………………….…….56-57

References……………………………………………………………………………58-60

Appendix I………………………….………………………………………..………61-62

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

List of Tables

Table 1: Survey Results – Jamaica Youth Usage of Mobiles (2007)…….…28

Table 2: General Findings – Group 1…………………………………….....33

Table 3: General Findings – Group 2………..……………………………...38

Table 4: General Findings – Group 3……………..………………………...42

Table 5: General Findings – Group 4………………..……………………...46

List of Figures

Figure 1: Mobile Cellular Telephone Subscribers

Per 100 Inhabitants, 1994 – 2006……………………..…………14

Figure 2: Mobile Ownership Among Jamaican Youth....…………….…28

Figure 3: The Mobile Attachment Scale ………………………………..52

List of Boxes

Box 1: Varied Levels of Attachment Toward the Mobile

in the 22 – 24 Age Group………………….……………………..45

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This work was carried out with the financial support from a grant given to the IEP from the

International Development Research Center (IDRC), Ottawa, Canada. It was conducted in the

Telecommunications Policy and Management Programme (TPM) in the Mona School of Business, UWI.

The ardent and supportive supervision of Dr. Hopeton Dunn, Director of the TPM was integral to

the completion of this project to the required standards and quality. As such I express great

appreciation for his expert guidance in this regard. I also wish to express thanks to supporting

team members who assisted in recruiting respondents, transcribing tapes and reviewing the

report. They are Richardo Williams, Grace Collymore, Sanya Foster and Oliver McKenzie.

Finally, the material herein could not have been unearthed without the cooperative involvement

of the respondents who were not shy to relate their attitudes, perceptions and behaviour in

contributing to the research project.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Jamaica provides a unique situation to investigate mobile services among low income persons. As a

developing country with a GDP per capita of US$4,200.00 in 2005 (UNDP 2008), Jamaica has defied the

odds in having a mobile penetration rate of 106%, one that is higher than many developed countries

(OUR quoted in PIOJ 2007). This makes Jamaica a key case in the use of mobile services on a limited

budget.

This study builds on the findings of an extensive quantitative survey, led by the Regional Dialogue on the

Information Society and conducted in seven countries across the region including Jamaica. Among the

findings was that 93.8% of Jamaicans surveyed were mobile users. The study also yielded rich results in

relation to the use of mobile services among youth, finding that they had above average adoption levels of

text messaging and other mobile services. In light of this data on Jamaica’s unique situation, this paper

seeks to answer the questions: What value-added features and mobile services are young people using and

what are they using them for? The goal was to determine how these services and features fulfill needs in

their day-to-day lives covering various aspects such as security, social interaction, cost-saving, recreation

and commercial activities.

A qualitative inquiry process was used to answer these questions. This methodology provided a

deeper understanding of the first hand experiences and motivations of youth in relation to non-

voice mobile services and features. Young persons between the ages of 16 and 27 from the urban

middle class participated in focus group sessions and in-depth interviews where they discussed

their use of these applications.

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Major findings of this research study were that the use of mobile services and features by youth

in the age ranges 16-18 and 19-21 are driven by both cost factors as well as peer pressure. For

older groups (22-24 and 25-27), business tools and business communication was a unique

application. The major difference between usage by men and women was in the perspective of

females that the mobile phone is a security device. Most young males were not inclined to agree

with this view.

The relationship of participants to their phone reflected three forms: affinity, indifference and

aversion. Personal attitudes and experiences seem to be major determinants of these attitudes.

Overall, there was an obvious propensity among youth to manipulate mobile services and

features to their advantage especially among those aged 16-21 years. This is evident in some of

them ‘thinking out-of-the-box’ to apply mobile application to their situation. There is a necessity

to make more services available to these youth and young adults through lower tariffs on mobile

Internet and other mobile data services. Jamaica, as a developing nation, needs to find ways to

hone and capitalize on this capacity among its young people in making positive contributions to

the nation’s competitiveness.

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1. INTRODUCTION

Since telecommunication liberalization began in Jamaica in the late 1990s, competition among mobile

providers has caused the costs for mobile phones and mobile services to plummet. Owning and using a

mobile phone is no longer reserved for the elite, business class but now open to wider groups including

persons of lower income and young people. A plethora of value-added features have been introduced due

to the fast-evolving mobile technology as well as the ever-expanding array of mobile services available.

As such, people are finding more applications for their mobile phones. Youth, in particular, display a

propensity towards adoption of these evolving mobile services in line with the view that “young people,

rather than fearing technology, are impatient to pursue it” (Katz, 2003). This paper interrogates the uptake

of such services by Jamaica’s youth population in relation to the unique characteristics of the Jamaican

context.

In 2007 an extensive quantitative research project was undertaken to explore mobile usage patterns

among low income Jamaicans (Dunn 2007). This was part of a major seven-country survey of Latin

America and the Caribbean (Galperin & Mariscal 2007). The investigation found that 93.5% of Jamaican

respondents were mobile “users”. This was the highest percentage in all the countries studied. Of the total

number of mobile users, 95.5% were mobile owners. The study also found that prepaid plans were the

most dominant methods of payment and that social networking was the most common application of

mobile usage. Additional significant trends found among the low-income sample was the high incidence

cost-saving mechanisms including text messaging. “Beyond Voice” acts as a complement to the

understanding of Dunn’s findings by exploring the use of mobile phones in terms of its non-voice

applications particularly in relation to one segment of the population: youth and young people. This study

is different, however, because its focus was on persons of a middle class background.

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Orality in Jamaican Culture

Over the years scholars have identified that orality is of great significance to the Jamaican culture as the

main method of passing on stories and cultural information. Perkins (cited in EE 2000) noted that

“Jamaica has an oral culture and the history of the community has always been stored and transmitted

through story-telling.” With the majority of Jamaicans being African descendants, the oral culture is a

retention from a situation where Africans favoured oral traditions. In this way an oral culture developed

where “voice is the means by which people lacking power in other ways can acquire and exert control”

(Senior, 2005, 42). Considering the cultural propensity of Jamaicans to the use of voice and also due to

the connotations of voice in terms of power and control, telephony would be expected to be embraced by

the Jamaican culture as another way that stories can be passed on.

Indeed, the level of functional literacy in Jamaica has risen since the days of slavery to 79.9% (UNDP,

2008), but retentions of orality pervade in dominant forms of Jamaican culture such as in its musical and

literary traditions. The mobile phone is a modern day tool which facilitates the culture of Jamaican story-

telling through voice. As such, it can be argued that the largely oral culture which is an extant feature of

Jamaican society is one of the drivers of high mobile uptake in Jamaica.

Telecommunications in Jamaica: The Context

Jamaica is one of the 15 Member States of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). It is numbered in the

category known as the Small Island Developing States (SIDS), which are of relatively small size with

open and dependent economies and which are vulnerable to economic shocks and natural disasters. These

vulnerabilities impact not only on the rate of development but impede the rate of recovery after such

events take place. These circumstances, as well as a history steeped in colonialism and neo-colonialism,

has led to economic dependence on countries of the North and international organizations for economic

aid and private investment. In the words of Dunn (1995, 201), “a major consequence of British

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imperialism on the existing policy and network structure of Caribbean telecommunications’ is the

region’s increasing reliance and external capital, technology and management expertise”.

In terms of the telecommunications industry, “Caribbean countries, as small, open economies are

particularly vulnerable to the financial strength and private decision-making machinery of individual

multinational corporations whose global budgets often dwarf the national budgets of many of these

states.” A similar view is held by Lodge and Stirton (2002) who argue that “tele-colonial domination by

metropolitan telecommunications carriers and suppliers and cultural (economic) imperialism’

characterized the development of Caribbean telecommunications policy up to the period of

telecommunication liberalization. These observations highlight that the control of the telecommunications

sector in these countries was held by multinational actors from outside the country.

In the case of Jamaica, Cable and Wireless (C&W) had control of the telecommunication monopoly since

the 1880s and had strong influence on telecommunications policies. Policies that were influenced by this

include the “guaranteed rate of return” on its investments and the self-regulated setting of tariffs for

telecommunications (Dunn 1995, 214). This influence continued in spite of the government’s acquisition

of holdings in the Jamaica Telephone Company, eventually holding a total of 82.7% in 1987. Shortly after

“faced with infrastructural deterioration in the networks” the government was left to resort to the sale in a

of telecommunications assets and equity to Cable and Wireless (Dunn, 1995 206). Cable and Wireless

once again gained majority ownership of the telecommunications provider now holding 79% of the local

telecom company and 79% of the overseas carrier (Dunn 1995, 208). It therefore inherited TOJ’s

exclusive rights to wired telecommunications services in Jamaica from 1987 for 25 years (renewable for

another 25 years).

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This legally-conferred exclusivity held by Cable and Wireless inhibited the possibility of breaking the

monopoly in spite of an emerging international imperative towards market liberalization. The General

Agreement of Trade in Services (GATS) from the WTO was one such imperative in 1997. According to

Dunn (2000), the GATS “set the stage for trading system rules to be applied to the area of services”. The

overall goal was to increase the growth in global trade in services, including telecommunications. Due to

the nation’s dependence on aid from multi-lateral organizations, this demand of the WTO would have to

be met.

Aside from the imperative of the WTO, the internal telecommunications market was getting restless.

Influential citizens had begun lobbying the government for introduction of competition in the

telecommunications market. Rural citizens and some inner city communities had little or no access to

telephony with long waiting lists for landline installation. Tariff costs for international calls were out-of-

reach for the average Jamaican.

Mobile technology had been available in Jamaica since the early 1990s but there was limited use due to

high access costs. Mainly upper class business persons could afford mobile phones. As time progressed to

the late 1990s, Cable and Wireless introduced prepaid mobile phones, which were ‘pay-as-you-go’ and

more appealing to low-income customers and some young people with disposable income. Tariff costs as

well as the price for instruments remained prohibitive for most Jamaicans.

After renegotiating C&W’s exclusive rights in 1998, the Jamaican government was able to commit to the

WTO’s Agreement to liberalize telecommunications and began phased implementation in 2000.

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Jamaica and the Mobile Explosion

The liberalization of the Jamaican telecommunications industry marked a turning point in the history of

the national communication, as it introduced the mobile culture into the mainstream local culture. The

phased process began with the liberalization of the mobile industry in 2001 which led to the entry into the

market of Digicel and later Centennial (which was sold soon after and now operates as MiPhone). These

entrants posed competition to the incumbent by attracting new mobile phone subscribers and by wooing

those who were already Cable and Wireless customers.1 This was reflected in the fact that 100,000

persons subscribed to Digicel in their first 100 days of operation. This was a target Digicel had set for 1

year (Digicel Group 2008).

The new mobile entrants introduced affordable high tech instruments and at least one (Digicel) billed

customers by the second and not by the minute. The new entrants also used a range of promotions in order

to encourage new types of users to enter the mobile market. In a short span of time, Digicel became the

mobile market leader with many persons abandoning their C&W landlines and opting for a mobile phone

(Dunn 2006). Although this reflects a global trend in fixed-to-mobile substitution, it was also influenced

by the longstanding negative sentiments many Jamaicans had towards the Cable and Wireless monopoly.

These negative sentiments seemed to add fuel to their loyalty towards Digicel, which was seen as doing

more for the Jamaican people.

With liberalization came greater access to international calling. As Heather Horst (2006) notes,

1 Other elements of the Telecommunication Act included the opening up of the market for data and Internet services,

and wired telecommunications. By 2003, a completely liberalized telecommunications market existed in Jamaica.

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“For many Jamaicans without access to a regular or reliable phone service prior to 2001, the mobile phone

is viewed as an unadulterated blessing, transforming the role of transnational communication from an

intermittent event to part of daily life.”

As such international call costs, which prior to liberalization were as high as US$2.00 per minute, reduced

to the cost of some local calls. Average Jamaicans no longer had to rely heavily on collect calling and

over-priced international phone cards. Mobile telephony also served as an alternative to call boxes, for

which persons would normally have to wait as long as 3 hours. In addition, marginalized groups such as

rural and inner city dwellers which were underserved in terms of landline communication, could now

access voice communication through mobile telephony although tariff costs were more expensive than a

landline (Horst, 2006).

According to the WSIS (2007, 31), by 2005, there were 2.75 million mobile subscribers in Jamaica. With

a population of about 2.6 million at that time, this placed Jamaica as the first middle-income nation to

break the 100 per cent mobile penetration barrier. The report points out that “Jamaica’s mobile

penetration is significantly above where it should be, given its average per capita income”. The very

thought that Jamaica would out-strip many developed countries in mobile communication really speaks to

the fact that there were some unique factors at work in Jamaica, including cultural factors and intensive

competition. Figure 1 shows average levels of mobile penetration in relation to developed and developing

countries. Jamaica’s mobile penetration of 106 mobile subscribers to every 100 inhabitants in 2006 (OUR

cited in PIOJ 2007) was higher than even the average for developed countries. This, however, does not

necessarily mean that each Jamaican has at least one mobile phone as some of this number represents a

population that owns more than one mobile phone. Dunn (2008) speaks to this phenomenon as a cost

saving mechanism as calls within network are normally cheaper than those between networks. In addition

to the introduction of facilitating competition, the overall enthusiasm of Jamaicans to communicate by

voice and the dominant orality of Jamaica’s culture contributed to this nation-wide mobile explosion and

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“disproved a long-established theory that small island economies were too small to sustain competition”

(WSIS 2007).

Figure 1: Mobile Cellular Telephone Subscribers per 100 inhabitants, 1994-2006

Source: International Telecommunications Union: http://www.itu.int/ITU-D/ict/statistics/ict/graphs/mobile.jpg

Other Cases of Telecommunication Liberalization in the Caribbean

Jamaica remains a model telecommunication environment that led in breaking the telecommunications

monopoly of Cable and Wireless in the region, later to be followed by other Caribbean countries such as

Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados. These, the second and third largest English Speaking islands

respectively, are more prosperous than Jamaica in economic terms. However, due to various factors, they

lagged behind Jamaica in the liberalization process and now lag behind in terms of mobile penetration.

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Barbados

Barbados is the third largest country in the English-speaking Caribbean and reported a population of

280,000 in 2005 (Cowell and Dunn 2006). Its economy relies on services sector, particularly tourism.

Cable and Wireless gained control of the Barbados Telephone Company in 1939. After nearly half a

century, the sector was nationalized in 1984. In 1991, the industry was again privatized with the sale of

the telecommunication providers to Cable and Wireless (Cowell and Dunn 2006). An MOU was signed

in 2001 to enact a phased process of telecommunication liberalization between the government and Cable

and Wireless Limited. In 2003, three companies gained mobile licences with the first, Digicel, entering

the market in 2004 (Cowell and Dunn 2006). Mobile penetration in Barbados now stands at 74%

indicating a slower rate of penetration than Jamaica in spite of having similar factors at work (Marketwire

2007).

Trinidad and Tobago

Trinidad and Tobago reported a population of 1.3 million which represents a larger market base than

Barbados but a smaller one than Jamaica. Trinidad and Tobago “is endowed with large energy reserves

and its energy sector accounts for one-third of real GDP” (Cowell and Dunn, 2006). The services sector

(including Telecommunications and ICT services) accounted for 52% of GDP in 2004.

Similar to Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago had seen ownership of its telecommunication service by private

entity monopoly from the 1880s to the 1960s. Labour unrest in the 1960s led to government purchase of

the telephone company. It later merged with a private entity to become the Telecommunications Services

of Trinidad and Tobago (TSTT).

Although the Trinidad and Tobago Telecommunications Act was passed in 2001 “providing for an open

market for telecommunication services, including conditions for fair competition”, real competition was

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not opened up until 2005 (quoted in Cowell and Dunn 2006). This could have been because the

government owned the majority stake of 51% in the TSTT with Cable and Wireless owning 49%.

Although Digicel entered the market in 2006, it has not seen the immediate gains as it did in Jamaica and

Barbados. This is partly due to critical interconnection issues between the incumbent and Digicel which

inhibited their uptake in the market.

Evident are two major differences in the liberalization process which may account for this. Firstly, the

vested interest of the government in taming the competition to its own advantage. This appears to have

caused a delay in the inevitable liberalization process. Secondly, the timing was different. TSTT had an

opportunity to learn from the experiences of liberalization in Jamaica, Barbados, Grenada and other

countries in the region and were prepared for new entrants by building customer loyalty, improving their

infrastructure and offering special promotions and advanced handsets before the entry of any competitor.

In a way, this pre-empted the type of aggressive marketing strategy with which Digicel entered other

Caribbean countries.

What can be noted in Trinidad and Tobago also is their mobile ownership levels where 83% of low

income persons surveyed used a mobile phone as opposed to Jamaica’s 93.8% in the same survey

conducted around the same time (Dunn 2007; Mallalieu and Cambridge 2007). This data may only show

some lagging on the part of Trinidad due to its later introduction of competition and may not reflect a

lower tendency to take advantage of convenient “talk”.

Summary Analysis

Although each case is different there is much to be noted from the comparison of the three English-

speaking Caribbean nations analysed. Trends in the ownership of the telecommunications reflected geo-

political trends prevalent in the eras in question. The telecommunications networks were developed in the

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region due to ‘corporatist’ relationships between private interests and the British Government “as part of

the infrastructure of colonial control” (Dunn 1991; Dunn 2004, 85). Later acquisition of the telephone

company by the regional governments in the first two decades of political independence was, in Dunn’s

view “in response to pressure of popular expectation” (Dunn 1995, 219). In this period governments

including the three highlighted here began to strengthen regional control over national resources including

telecommunications. A period of structural adjustment in the region, driven by the International Monetary

Fund (IMF), was the backdrop to privatization in all countries. In his analysis of that period Dunn

observes that “the policies of the Western multilateral lending agencies…imposed loan agreements tied to

programmes of divestment and privatization” (Dunn 1995, 220). This programme of privatization led to

the Cable and Wireless possessing majority ownership of telecommunication companies in 14 Caribbean

countries by 2000. (Dunn 2004).

Then the imperatives of WTO which led to the imposition of liberalization were quite similar. With all

countries having to rely on debt over the years in some way, there was a need to comply with the GATS.

What has been found however, in the case of this comparison, is that early compliance with the GATS

imperative correlates with a higher mobile penetration rate and, further, increased access to mobile

communication.

In Jamaica, mobile phone usage is considered “a pervasive, constant and longstanding feature” in the

lives of the majority of Jamaicans (Dunn 2007). The ubiquity of the mobile phone in Jamaica can be seen

in the fact that 93.8% of the mostly low-income persons surveyed reported to be mobile users. This high

level of penetration among the lowest earners (who would probably be earning less than the GDP per

capita of US$4,200.00) shows that the mobile phone appealed to persons of a low income.

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While Jamaica reports 106% mobile penetration (OUR quoted in PIOJ 2007), globally in 2007 mobile

penetration reached the 50% mark with 3.3 billion subscribers (Jamaica Gleaner 2007). As such, it can be

noted that Jamaica’s mobile penetration appears to be far ahead of the international average and belies the

country’s ‘developing’ status. However, the questions emerge: What Jamaicans are using this technology

for? Are Jamaicans only using it for voice communication and the perpetuation of the oral culture or are

they making use of data services and non-voice features? This paper investigates these questions

especially in relation to the youth and young adult population of Jamaica.

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2. OBJECTIVE AND DEFINITIONS

With the introduction of competition in the mobile industry in Jamaica, a larger percentage of Jamaicans

now enjoy greater access to the mobile telephony or any type of telephony at all. This includes the youth

and young adult population which would normally have low or no income. In light of this, this study

interrogates the use of mobile phones by this age group to determine their usage patterns, including their

use of mobile services and value-added features.

Research Objective and Research Questions

The overall objective of this research project is to gain a deeper understanding of mobile phone use by

young persons aged 16-27, especially as it relates to their use of mobile services and value-added features.

The following research questions formed the basis of the study:

What mobile services are Jamaican youth and young adults using and what are they using them

for?

What value-added features on mobile phones are youth and young adults using and what are they

using them for?

What trends can be found in this regard as it relates to age and gender differences?

How do these mobile services and value-added features fulfill needs in the day-to-day lives of

respondents?

Operational Definitions

The following operational definitions were used in conducting the study:

Mobile Services: A mobile service is any service offered by the service provider through the

mobile phone. A non-voice service was defined as any service available from the mobile provider

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other than placing and receiving a voice call. This would include: using the Internet, using email

and SMS messaging.

Value-Added Feature: This will be regarded as a feature which comes on the mobile phone but

does not require interaction with the service provider for usage. This would include mobile

cameras, Bluetooth connectivity, playing mobile music, using the alarm, scheduling and

appointments.

Youth / Young Adults: The term youth is normally applied to persons between and including the

ages of 15 and 24 years (UN, 2008). The term young adult can be used more loosely including

persons up to the age of 35. This study will focus on persons in these groupings, but those of a

specific age range.

For the purposes of this research study the age range will be 16-27 years. The rationale for

choosing this range was to include a range of adolescents and young adults from high school

(where they are almost completely reliant on their parents) at one end to the beginnings of their

career (where most are independent) in order to compare and contrast how the use of value-added

features and services change among youth with age.

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3. LITERATURE REVIEW

Perspectives on Technology

“The access, the mobility, and the ability to effect change are what will make the future so different from

the present… As children appropriate a global information resource, and as they discover that only adults

need learner’s permits, we are bound to find new hope and dignity in places where very little existed

before…each generation will become more digital that the preceding one…” (Negroponte, 1995)

Negroponte’s words tout children as the key-holders to the digital future due to their inclination to “being

digital”. Globally, as technology becomes a more intrusive and omnipresent aspect of the environment it

becomes almost as second-nature to children and youth for whom that technology formed part of their

socialization. This makes younger persons more in tune with advanced technology and ready to accept its

possibilities in the digital age. This also puts them in control of the technology as he continues, “The

control bits of [the] digital future are more than ever before in the hands of the young” (Negroponte

1995). How this control manifests itself as it relates to mobile services and features is the focus of this

study.

Technology has been considered by some theorists to be solutions to human problems in a particular

cultural and social context (McOmber, 1999, 138). Hutchby (2001, 444) is of this perspective, however,

he considers technologies as texts which are open to various interpretations and uses. Such uses however

are limited by affordances of the technology, which is the “functional and relational aspects which frame,

while not determining, the possibilities for agentic action in relation to an object.” ‘Affordances’ shape

possible interpretations as they provide parameters as to what can be done with the technology. The

theory of technologies as texts open for interpretation is significant in studying mobile phone usage

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among youth and young adults as the applications for them could be unique based on their age, class,

lifestyle, location and cultural context.

Motivation, Uses and the Mobile phone

The uses and ‘affordances’ of the mobile phone in the context of this group can be understood within the

framework of Maslow’s Motivation Theory and the Uses and Gratifications Theory. Abraham Maslow, in

his theory on the motivation of individuals, suggested that there are specific needs that humans are

motivated to meet. They are physiological needs, safety needs, the need to belong, esteem needs and self-

actualization. Needs would vary according to the context: the age, the gender, the location and the culture

of an individual. Maslow’s categories will give some insight as there is investigation into the needs that

are being met by mobile features and services among youth.

The uses and gratifications theory focuses on what people do with media (Chandler 1994). Similar to

Maslow’s theory, uses and gratification theory, looks at media in terms of their gratification of “social and

psychological needs of the individual… [as] people’s needs influence how they respond to a medium”

(Chandler 1994). In this vein, Denis McQuail (quoted in Chandler 1994) identified the following needs

normally gratified by various media: Information needs; Needs for personal identity; Need for integration

and social Interaction; and Entertainment Needs. As such the Uses and Gratifications Theory

complements Maslow’s in identifying needs that are specific to media usage.

Youth Culture

The period of youth is characterized by a mode of ‘in-betweenness’ which is no longer childhood, but not

yet adulthood. Youths are more likely to be unemployed, earn a low income and have unique styles of

behaviour and dress that define them as ‘different’ from other age groups. As Heaven and Tubridy (2003,

153)

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“Physical characteristics, styles of dress and behavior, language and communicative accents and numerous

other distinguishing phenomena act as triggers in practices of cultural interpretation that attribute collective

characteristics to the members of a particular community in a way that locates them within relationships of

class, gender, ethnicity and so forth.”

Youth culture is, therefore, about consumption of popular culture in order to define oneself as part of a

group, but this consumption is limited by income. Youth have to be selective in how they make use of

funds available. This research study will therefore investigate the affordances of the mobile phone in

relation to the ‘unique styles’ that make youth identifiable as a group and also in relation to the financial

constraints which are a constant for many teens and young adults. As youths transition into adulthood,

norms, priorities and habits may change. These changes, as it relates to mobile usage, will be investigated

through an additional grouping of young adults just over the “youth” age range.

Youth Culture and the Mobile Identity

A major qualitative research project conducted by Gitte Stald investigated mobile usage patterns among

15-24 year old Danes. In line with perspectives of identity as the way someone understands him/herself

and the world, he noted that “adolescents are constantly negotiating who they are, how they are that

identity and with whom they are that identity” (Stald 2008, 143). The mobile phone for the adolescent is a

symbolic link between the person and his/her social networks, which influence their identity construction.

Having a mobile phone for a young person means always being available to peers in their social group,

but also to have the information of the social group readily available by always having the phone on. In

addition to this ‘availability’ the mobile phone is also used to achieve a sense of co-presence and intimacy

among close friends as well as it is a log of personal events and activities.

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Stald’s findings give a view of the usage patterns afforded by the mobile phone among youth in Denmark.

Similar interrogation will be conducted among the Jamaican youth and young adults under study to

determine whether there are types of symbolic usage for identity construction that is taking place in this

context.

Youth and Mobile Independence

Various studies have pointed to the utilization of mobile phones by youth as a symbol of independence

from their parents. In such studies, youth were inclined to use mobile phones as a tool for private

conversations outside the ambit of parental surveillance leading to perceptions of empowerment and

independence (Lorente 2002; ITU 2004). Ironically, within it being a symbol of independence from

parental control there have been indications of dependence on and sometimes addiction to mobile phones

among youth. According to a study by the Mobile Life Report 2006, one in nine British youth surveyed

admitted to being addicted to their mobile phones in some way (LSE & Carphone Warehouse 2006).

Similarly, Shari Walsh (2007) noted that several young persons show symptoms of addiction by feeling

frustrated, angry or lost when they are unable to use the mobile phone. These sentiments can be related to

withdrawal from an addictive substance.

Beyond Voice Mobile Services

The Meaning of Texting

Within the existing literature, Short Message Service (SMS) (in the Jamaican context, referred to as

‘texting’) has been found to be a tool almost universally used by youth. In the case of Jamaica, 8 of 10

persons surveyed in the age range 18-24, used SMS regularly (Dunn 2007). However further studies by

Dunn (2008) have shown that even among young people, illiteracy affects the extent of mobile texting

among the very poor in Jamaica. Other researchers have investigated the high penetration of text message

usage among young people. According to Berg et al. (2003), text messages embody meaning for

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teenagers. With specialized use of the language, young persons identify themselves as part of a group

with shared meanings, understandings and by extension, shared identity. Text messaging can be seen as

the note-passing of the new millennium, as they can be used to communicate messages among youth in a

regulated space such as the classroom (ITU 2004). Japanese youth primarily use SMS (also called mobile

mail) as a “means for experiencing a sense of private contact and co-presence with a loved one even in

the face of parental regulatory efforts and their inability to share any private space” (Ito and Daisuke

2005, 12).

Customization and Self-Expression

The mobile phone is a means for youth to form and express their identity through customization.

According to Katz and Sugiyama (2005) in modern society, “the telephone is taken from the back stage of

the home to the front stage of public life and now people observe the self presentation of others”. As such

the mobile phone presents itself as a status indicator and an indication of the owner’s likes, dislikes and

identity. It is through personalization with “covers, colours, icons, ringing tones, decoration, shape and

size of their mobile phones” that users are no longer just consumers but also co-creators of the mobile

medium. In this interaction with their mobile phones, users become more attached to the object.

Additional Mobile Services and Value-Added Features

As the mobile phone becomes a sort of ‘hand-held’ computer, its applications are vast and varied in

comparison to analogue phone which had only the application of voice communication. Mobile phones

are now data tools with a range of possible features and services including mobile Internet access, MP3

Music, file transfer technologies (eg. bluetooth), photography, video, graphically advanced games,

calculators, appointment diaries, notebooks, alarms, clocks and GPS services.

26

Van Veen (2007) notes that European youth exploit a wider range of services and phone features than

adults with at least 60 per cent using their mobile phones as an avenue to receive mobile ringtones and

news updates. Similarly in Asia youth are driving the adoption of mobile services and features

(Instat/MDR 2005). It was found that there was a high level of mobile messaging among Asian youth but

other non-voice services and features used included ringtones, screensavers, wallpaper, games and video.

In Jamaica, the uptake of mobile services other than SMS is limited when compared to developed

countries described. In 2007 only 3 out of 10 had used their mobile phone to download a ringtone or wall

paper. The statistics were even lower in relation to doing mobile banking transactions at 3% (Dunn 2007).

Jamaica’s mobile penetration levels show that developing countries can compare with developed ones in

certain ICT indicators. It is therefore necessary to investigate reasons for this limited usage of certain

mobile services and features among the Jamaican youth, especially since the youth in other countries have

significantly higher rates in the adoption of mobile services.

There are projections that ‘smart-phones’2 will gain in popularity in the coming years (Sacco 2007). In-

Stat’s research estimates that the number of smart-phones in use around the world will increase each year

by an average of 33 per cent. The uptake of mobile services and features therefore is expected to grow as

a tool for a mobile workforce. By studying the usage of mobile services by youth, it is necessary to

investigate whether Jamaican youth will be prepared to operate in this mobile workspace.

Jamaican Youth and Mobile Uptake

In 2006 the Jamaican youth population was 800,000 or about 30% of the overall population (PRB 2008).

Youth in Jamaica up to the age of 18 are normally pursuing some type of secondary education and so are

2 Mobile phones with numerous high-tech capabilities and applications.

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still dependent on their parents for their economic needs. Once youth reach the age of 18 they will

normally enroll in a tertiary institution or enter the world of work. Class differences, with varying

exceptions, tend to determine which persons gain the opportunity to continue schooling as cost and entry

requirements can be major inhibitors for some low-income persons. As such, middle and upper class

Jamaican youth are normally more likely to continue schooling after the age of 18 while low-income

youth are faced with the task of sustaining themselves.

Due to continued schooling, many Jamaican youth remain dependent on their parents for survival well

into their early 20s whether residing at home or on the campus of their tertiary institution. Even after

schooling is completed and young adults begin to work they may continue to live in the family home due

to low starting income in their job and high real estate and rent costs (particularly in the urban centres).

This could continue into the mid 20s when they may start earning a more accommodating salary that will

allow them to live on their own or until they establish a family of their own. The groupings under

investigation were all middle class urban youth, and so their pattern of development into adulthood would

follow a similar path. Therefore they would have specific applications for the mobile phone that would be

indicative of their stage in life.

In the 2007 DIRSI study (Galperin & Mariscal 2007; Dunn 2007) 1182 respondents, including youth,

were surveyed regarding their mobile phone usage. Findings indicated that out of the total number of

youth mobile users, 92.4% of 18-24 year olds surveyed owned a mobile phone (Dunn 2007). This

compared to the overall average of 95.5% in all age groups showing that they were below the national

average, which may speak to the financial constraints. However, as this study was mainly among low

income persons, 92.4% is a significant level of penetration among an age group which is not likely to

have much disposable income.

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Figure 2: Mobile Ownership among Jamaican Youth

Source: Dunn, Hopeton. (2007). Mobile Opportunities: Poverty and Telephony Access in Latin America and the

Caribbean. Country Report – Jamaica. DIRSI-TPM.

All respondents (100%) in the age range used a prepaid service which, it is felt by respondents, allows

better control of spending. Young persons were more likely to have a second hand phone, which would

have been purchased at a reduced cost or given as a gift from an older user such as a parent who may have

purchased a new one. Some 8.5% of 18-24 year olds reported owning a second-hand phone.

Source: Dunn, Hopeton. (2007). Mobile Opportunities: Poverty and Telephony Access in Latin America and the

Caribbean. Country Report – Jamaica. DIRSI-TPM.

29

The Jamaican quantitative survey conducted by Dunn (2007) provides an important framework to this

qualitative study as it gives useful statistics on the uptake of mobile phones and mobile services among

Jamaican youth. These statistics act as a starting point in investigating the mobile youth population.

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4. METHODOLOGY

The Method

This qualitative survey was aimed at gaining deeper understanding of mobile phone use by urban middle

class young persons aged 16-27 as it relates to their use of mobile services and value-added features as

defined in Section 2.

Three focus groups and three in-depth interviews were conducted to explore the experiences and

perspectives of 19 youth and young adults. Participants were selected based on the criteria of age and

social background as this was a study of young people from middle income families.

The group sample was a mixture of male and female urban middle class youth. In some of the cases,

focus group members were already acquainted which facilitated conversation flow and some amount of

openness. Each of the following age groups was represented in the qualitative investigation:

16-18 year olds

19-21 year olds

22-24 year olds

25-27 year olds

Each focus group was asked to discuss the following broad areas in the presence of a moderator:

1. Service Provider and Type of Service

2. Acquisition Patterns

3. General usage patterns

4. Call Patterns

5. Gender/Age Differences in Mobile Usage

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6. Usage of Mobile Services and Value-Added Features

7. The Future of Mobile Telephony in Jamaica

A schedule of questions was used as a guide for the moderator (see Appendix I). Each Focus Group and

In-Depth Interview lasted about one hour and was tape-recorded. Verbatim transcriptions were done to

capitalize on the first-hand accounts of mobile usage.

The method for analysing the data was to identify trends across age and gender in determining qualitative

aspects of the youth mobile experience in Jamaica in relation to mobile services and value-added features.

32

5. PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS

This study sought to determine the “beyond voice” applications of the mobile phone to youth and young

adult experiences through the perspectives of the subjects themselves. The voices were eager to lend their

first-hand accounts to the topic. There were many new thoughts and new perspectives shared with the

researcher that perhaps would not otherwise have been unearthed. What was clear in each grouping was

the way their age determined, to some extent, their use of non-voice services and features of the mobile

phone. This section provides an overview of the findings in each grouping.

Group 1: 16-18 years old

This group consisted of two girls and three boys all still enrolled in high school. They were all of the

middle class and lived in urban areas. All used their phones for ‘calling’ and ‘texting’ with varying

degrees of use of mobile services and value-added features. Three out of five used Digicel only and one

used Cable and Wireless only. One respondent had two phones.

Cost-cutters

Members of this group felt a need to communicate with friends but still had to keep their mobile

expenditure down. This motivated them to use cost-cutting mobile services such as ‘please call me’3,

‘please credit me’4, and ‘VIP Text’

5. These were reported as the most valuable mobile services used as

they were dependent on their parents and as such their mobile phone use was financed mainly by saving

3 A service where persons can send a message to a contact requesting a call.

4 A service where persons can send a message to a contact requesting credit.

5 VIP Text is a service where a group of persons can send unlimited text messages within that group for a fixed

monthly rate.

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from lunch allowances. The most common non-voice services and features used by group members cost

little or nothing. These included the alarm clock and SMS Messaging.

Table 2: General Findings – Group 1

Group Profile Service Provider Data Features / Services Major Issues

Aged 16-18

5 participants: 3 boys and 2 girls

High School Students

Middle Class Background

3 out of 5 used Digicel only

1 out of 5 used Cable and Wireless only

1 out of 5 used Digicel and Cable and Wireless

Services

Please call me

Please credit me

‘Texting’ or SMS Messaging

VIP Text

Features

Alarm Clock (most common)

Less common features

Camera

Internet

Bluetooth

Mobile Music

Limited / Nonexistent budget

A universal personal attachment to the mobile

The mobile assists with changing levels of responsibility characteristic of the adolescent period

There is influence from peers to have a high tech mobile phone

Use of mobile music for entertainment and status (among other features)

Security and cost as issues in phone selection for females and high end features is the motivator for males

Texting

Texting was a universal application of mobile use among these group members. It was used because of

the low cost (JA$3.00 or US$0.04 per text) and its ability to accommodate ongoing conversations

between friends.

Alarm Clock

The application of the alarm clock of the mobile phone to the experiences of youth was characteristic of

their ‘in-betweenness’ with them gaining more responsibilities including waking themselves up. One

male related that he used the phone as an alarm “because my people dem [parents] stop waking me up”.

Having a cell phone with an alarm feature not only assists the adolescent in adjusting to his new

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responsibility but also eliminated the need to purchase and maintain an alarm clock therefore, indirectly

contributing to cost-savings.

Innovating on Services

In addition to using the “please call me” and “please credit me” applications, one respondent disclosed

that the “please credit me was itself used to send a message to someone by encrypting it in the “please

credit me” request that would be sent to the contact. “Please credit me” is an free application from Digicel

where the user enters “*127*(phone number)*(amount)#”. The respondent reported that instead of

entering an amount, he would enter a series of numbers that would correlate to some letters represented

on the mobile phone keypad. The receiver would then have to decode the message (a string of numbers)

that would be translated to a message based on corresponding letters. The respondent continued to say

that it cannot be used for this purpose anymore because Digicel has limited the sum that can be requested.

Through the ‘affordances’ of the provider’s mobile services, one youth in this age group have used the

mobile phone to suit his need to communicate on a limited or non-existent budget. This finding

demonstrates the ability of youth to creatively manipulate technology to their advantage in light of their

financial constraints.

Mobile Instruments

Access to a wide range of mobile features is dependent on the type of mobile instrument the user has.

High tech instruments normally come at a high cost that would be out of the reach of the average high

school student. The females in this age group used less value-added features, particularly because of the

type of instrument they owned. The girls only reported to using the alarm feature and sometimes the

Internet.

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Features such as camera, Internet and bluetooth were reported by the males as the most important

motivation in selecting their instrument whereas the girls were more concerned with cost. Mobile music

was seen as necessary in filling a void when the young males found themselves bored: “You haffi have

the music thing”. Respondents also noted that boys in their age range were more inclined to use their MP3

players (on their mobile phone) for competitions on who has the best songs.6 Winning one of these

competitions would increase the person’s status within their peer group. The use of mobile music shows a

pattern where the mobile phone is used as an interactive entertainment device, keeping the user occupied

during moments of boredom. This raises is role as new media replacing more traditional media forms.

Among girls it was evident that, although their phones were not equipped with these higher-end features

due to cost constraints, they did not want it to be readily noticed that their phone cannot accommodate

MP3 ringtones. Both girls reported that they kept their phones on silent due to peer pressure. One

explained that with “polyphonic ringtones, everybody else have ‘Pon di edge’7 and all sorts of things”,

she felt pressured to keep her phone on silent to avoid being ridiculed or not being considered “cool”. For

these youth, it was not only the MP3 feature that determined status but also the type of music that was

used. The newer and more popular the song the “cooler” the user was considered. The user would gain

“props” or approval from his or her peers especially if the ringtone was one that no one else had yet. This

raised the desire among this age group to ‘stand out to fit in’. As with fashion, standing out with

something brand new and unique was a factor in “fitting in” among their friends and classmates.

6 This phenomenon evolved out of competitions where DJ’s would compete with each other, also a feature of the

youth and young adult culture. The winner would be the one with the best and latest songs.

7 Popular Jamaican song in late 2007 by the dancehall artiste ‘Busy Signal’.

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The female student who was teased by her peers for not having a “proper phone” (in this case an MP3

enabled phone) would make the young adult feel left out among her peers. She felt pressured to keep her

use of this phone “under the radar” due to the influence of her peers. In her consideration of perspectives

by her peers she said: “sometimes you kind of feel left out but you just have to look at it and say you can’t

really afford it and at least you can receive a call and send a call”. Regardless of her desire to fit in, the

main determinant of her handset was the cost.

Mobile Phone Theft

Some members of this group said that mobile phones can do more harm than good. It was explained that,

although it was desirable to have a high tech mobile phone, it could cause the owner to be targeted by

thieves. In the words of one respondent: “some people have the high tech phones … and it attracts

thieves.” Youth of this age are vulnerable to mobile theft as they would have no regular access to a car

and they would be likely to travel from Point A to Point B by foot or by public transport. In addition,

because of the overwhelming pressure to have a high end phone, mobile theft in secondary schools is a

growing problem. At least one respondent had a phone stolen from her schoolbag while in school.

The Mobile Relationship

In addition to the features and services of mobile phone, another ‘beyond voice’ application was the

relationship between the user and the mobile. Overall, it was noted that the participants in this group had a

sense of personal attachment to their mobile phone. All felt their mobile phones needed to always be on

(except for when they were in school) to facilitate regular access to them by parents and friends. The real

test of this relationship, however, came with the investigation of how respondents felt when they did not

have their phone with them. It was felt this query would unearth some true sentiments of personal

attachment levels. All 16 to 18 year olds reported feeling some negative sentiment when they did not have

their mobile phones. Their responses are outlined below:

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Male 1: Lost

Female 1: Naked

Male 2: Lost

Female 2: Like I left part of by being at home … like only half of me walking.

Male 3: It feels like something’s missing

It was interesting that such strong metaphors and expressions were used to describe the sentiments

associated with not having their phone. As this was probed it was discovered that the phone provides the

dual function as a link to companions and as a companion itself. Without it there is an overwhelming

sentiment that something is not right, that ‘I am exposed’ or that ‘I am incomplete’. This shows the

overall utility of a mobile phone to these adolescents as it represents a symbolic link to the outside world.

Group 2: 19-21 year olds

The six respondents in the case of the second focus group were all tertiary-level urban middle class

students. Four respondents used Digicel only and one used Cable and Wireless only. One respondent had

one of each. All respondents in this group used Digicel as their primary service provider. Digicel was

favoured because of the range of services available for cost-cutting. One respondent who used Cable and

Wireless stated she wanted to switch. Digicel was unanimously considered the better provider because the

provider offers better and more convenient services such as Webtext, which is a free mechanism for

sending a text message from the Internet.

Respondents in this group reported using the phone for calling and texting with a few reporting the use of

other applications such as cameras and mobile music. Texting was a tool used for “keeping relationships

going” at a low cost. All reported that their cell phone has replaced their need for an alarm clock.

38


Group Profile Service Provider Data Services / Features Major Issues

Aged 19-21

6 participants: 3 boys and 3 boys

Tertiary Level Students

Middle Class background


1 out of 6 had Cable and Wireless only

1 out of 6 used Digicel and Cable and Wireless

Services

Please call me

Please credit me

Texting or SMS Messaging

Web Text

VIP Text

Features

Alarm Clock

Mobile Games

Camera

Mobile music

Bluetooth

Ringtones

Limited / non-existent budget (which meant no use of more expensive services such as mobile Internet)

Mobile as a source of entertainment and mischief

All but one felt a sense of personal attachment to their mobile

Mobile phones used as a fashion statement

The mobile as a facilitator of security and a threat to security at the same time including “hacking and viruses”

Texting

Cost cutting mobile services were the most popular including text messaging, VIP Texting and Web Text.

Respondents used text messaging when they could not talk (such as in a class) and also to save money.

In this group the impact of mobile phone use on intimate relationships was more prevalent than other

groups. Text messages were described as an important factor in relationship-building to keep

communication lines open at a distance. It also afforded the ability to store such messages allowing the

user to reminisce when going through them.

Text messages were also used negatively as evidence in lovers’ squabbles when one person goes back on

his/her word. Text messages were said to have a greater impact than oral communication in some

instances:

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“If you have something to say … good or bad but seeing the words kinda connect more with the person, it

is more effective than hearing cause you know you have it in the phone….And if the person refuse to

answer the phone, then you can send a message cause you know that it will go through.”

The use of text messaging provides something more permanent and provides a greater impact than the

spoken word in virtual confrontations.

Mobile Hacking

Bluetooth was used by one respondent for amusement to “hack other phones”. In explaining the process –

facilitated by specialized mobile software, the 20 year-old youth said that:

“The phone has to have Bluetooth of course and it has to be powered on. You would pick it up and you

connect. You have to bond with the other phone that’s the only catch. Once you bond with the other phone

you can read their messages, view their phonebook, you can activate games, you can change their volume,

you can play their music, as long as it bonds with the other phone.”

This is an example of the way the mobile phone provides an entertainment source for a mischievous

adolescent. It also raised the point that, with phones becoming mini-computers information security risks

exist in relation to hacking as well as mobile viruses.

Other Services and Value-Added Features

Mobile Internet was not utilized at all by the respondents, because it was considered “too expensive”.

This was in contrast to the high school students who did use mobile Internet services. This was an

interesting contradiction because one would expect that older persons would have more disposable

income. This contradiction could be explained either by the fact that older students have more personal

responsibilities and not necessarily a much larger allowance from parents. An alternative explanation

would be that older respondents are more inclined to make cost-efficient use of their mobile phones.

40

Mobile Instruments as Fashion Trends

Respondents noted the propensity of some persons to change their cell phones based on the newness and

popularity making it appear to be a fashion trend:

“… the phones are really like a fashion trend because … you have people that don’t keep their cell phone

for more than a year. Every year they change their cell phone and they have like a Motorola Razr now and

then there is a Sliver and so they change out. So they have to keep up with the time and change that and get

the new one.”

This again shows the role of the mobile phone in fulfilling the need of the young adult to “stand out to fit

in”. Having the cell phone of the latest model with unique capabilities is a fashion trend in itself and can

assist in gaining approval from peers.

Mobile Phones and Security

Respondents of both sexes noted the utility of the mobile phone for security but were also aware of the

converse perspective that having a high end phone can make you a target. This group was also more

prone to travelling by bus or on foot. One of the respondents related the following view: “If I am on the

road now at a bus stop in Half-Way Tree and my phone ring I am not going to take it out because mi

‘fraid a man look and I become a target”. A female agreed: “I believe it is not as secure as people make it

to be.”

The Mobile Relationship

Similar to the first focus group, the majority had negative sentiments when they did not have their phone

such as feeling “disconnected from the world”, “naked” and as if “something is missing”. This was

elaborated as feeling that you are missing something that you really need: “I’m missing my calls; I can’t

get to text when I want to, I can’t even get to call when I want to so it is kind of like I am disconnected or

41

missing from the world”. The respondent describes that not having her cell phone means not having her

link to the outside world, and missing essential day-to-day information.

One of the males showed a different type of dependence by stating that: “The thing is whenever I leave

my phone at home you know it’s not the calls that bother me it is the time. I always seem to want to know

the time whenever I don’t have my phone.” This shows a dependence not only on the mobile phone as a

link but also through its value-added feature – the digital clock. The more useful features that appear on a

mobile phone and the more it eliminates the need to buy a wristwatch, to have a physical address book, to

buy an alarm clock, and other physical tools used to make life easier. People appear to be becoming more

increasingly dependent on mobile phones for this reason. This participant’s attachment had little to do

with the mobile phone as symbolic link to his network of friends. It was more as its utility as a convergent

tool with a range of features in one central portable, handheld device.

One female, however, did not exhibit these traits of dependence on her mobile phone at all. In fact, she

showed some signs of aversion. This was evident in her mobile phone use:

“I do not like cell phones. I am being really honest; I will buy the cheapest cell phone you will find. I feel

like that is all I really need to call somebody and probably send a text message once in a while. I don’t like

getting phone calls. I am one of those people who probably in the middle of the day I just shut off my cell

phone and throw it in the bottom of my bag.”

This is an alternative to the type of relationship that others in this age group had with their phones. When

probed further, there was an indication that not being available by mobile phone led to a greater sense of

freedom from parental control. The reason given for this apparent aversion to mobile phone use was:

“…because of my parents. When I got my phone I was about 15 and one of the things that they said to me

was ‘when you go out I want to know where you are’ and they lecture me about the whole safety issue.”

In rebelling against her parents’ use of her mobile phone to know where she is (implicitly meaning that

they want to control her movements) the respondent terminates the possibility of any real-time link to

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anyone through her mobile phone. Her negative sentiments towards having her cell phone around and on

are linked directly to her relationship with her parents and their perception of the mobile phone as a

control device.


In the case of the 22-24 year olds there were only three respondents as the three additional respondents

that were expected did not show up. This was handled through successive interviews with the 2 females

and 1 male who did attend. All were urban middle class university students who were also part-time

workers. This introduced the aspect of an income, though limited, that was independent of what parents

provided.


Group Profile Service Provider Data Features / Services Major Issues

Aged 22-24

3 participants: 1 boy and 2 girls

Students with Part time Jobs

Middle Class Background


Services

Please call me


Mobile Radio

Web Text

Features

Personalized and MP3 Ringtones

Alarm Clock

Mobile Games

Camera

Limited budget but some independently-earned income leads to some choice in the instrument selected

This group wields greater power in the decision making process

Cost-saving still an important factor in the use of services

There is a range of levels of attachment to the mobile phone

There are young persons who are averse to the increasingly convergent mobile phones

All respondents in this age group used Digicel as their mobile provider. It was considered that Digicel had

more options for the low budget consumer, as well as more user- and customer-friendly service. The male

in the group went further to say that the Cable and Wireless monopoly led to the “exploitation of the

43

Jamaican people, so when Digicel entered the market it was a life saver for me.” The strong language

used here is a microcosm of the general sentiments of many Jamaicans in relation Digicel’s entry. Digicel

is still seen by the mass of the population as the champion for non-elite mobile users and Cable and

Wireless the opposite.

The two girls were more inclined to making use of features such as the alarm, the camera, the Internet,

calculator and spreadsheets. Internet was not used regularly but was considered useful on the rare

occasion, for example in the event of a hurricane where there is no electricity. Both girls opted for a high-

tech sleek phone. The male felt that phones were to be used for the purpose of placing and receiving calls

only and was not preoccupied with the look. This reflected in the type of phone he had which was a low-

end inexpensive model. In his own words:

“My usage of the cell phone is all about receiving and sending calls, it has no other usage to me. Phones are

developed at such a stage where it is now being used for camera facilities … games, use of storing media

files, even storage for documents and stuff like that. But my phone as again I will repeat is used for its

traditional usage, what it was intended for originally, as a means of sending and receiving calls.”

This shows for the first time a male who was not interested in value-added features. His disinterest, he

expressed, had to do with his aversion to a convergent device. This introduces an opinion not heard from

any other respondent in the previous groupings, that is, ‘a phone should be a phone’ and nothing more. He

believed the range of emergent features added no value to his mobile phone usage.

Texting

The use of texting was applied to the specific stage in life for some members of this group as an

opportunity to maintain contact while appearing professional. Text messaging is useful at work where one

may be under surveillance by superiors:

44

“I was working earlier today and my sister called me, and the lady that employs me was nearby. I am kind

of new there and I didn’t want to be on the phone on a personal call asking her if she picked up my

prescription yet. So I texted.”

It was also reported as useful when one is not interested in having a long conversation. “I also use it if I

don’t want to have a conversation with that person. I just want to say hi so they know you care about

them but you don’t have to encourage this long conversation.”

Mobile Relationships

In this group there were three different levels of attachment to mobile phones. One female expressed

extreme affinity towards the phone. It appeared to be a comforting companion without which she felt cut

off from the world. The other female respondent, normally had her phone on silent, and ignored it until

she needed to make a call or use one of the features. This again was in avoidance of the parental link

although the avoidance of control was not as strong. The male found the phone annoying and intrusive

and was glad when he did not have the phone with him. Insights on the varying levels of attachment

indicated are presented in Box 1.

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Box 1: Varied Levels of Attachment Towards the Mobile Phone in the 22-24 Age Group8

Affinity – Janelle

“I love my cell phone, I love using it. I keep it on me if I’m walking even if I’m in my house moving from room to room.”

“I like to just look at it, sometimes it is just to have something familiar near me… When I have my phone and hear it ring I feel some type of comfort…I guess I feel comforted by the fact that I have access to others.”

“I feel lost without it. I would find myself reaching for it like to calculate something … for me not having it is a burden, I feel cut off from the world.”

Indifference – Nardia

“Basically, in the morning I put it [my mobile phone] in my bag and it stays in there all day, unless I’m nearby my bag and I hear it ring. I have the ring on just one beep.”

“My friends complain that it is called a mobile for a reason, so I should always have it with me. It’s neither here nor there for me because the people that usually call me are the people I usually see on a daily basis like my friends that work at the lab… and then there’s my mommy. She calls me for the least thing. ‘You know the flowers need to water?’ She usually calls for stuff like that. There is really no need to keep the phone on me because sometimes it is not urgent.”

Aversion – Mark

“…it [the mobile phone] ensnares you in this interconnected world. It’s like you are trapped. They are constantly calling you…. It’s an intervention in your personal space. Because of this you don’t have time for your self anymore.”

“My phone is used by other persons as a means of getting information. I’m a tutor and people consider me as someone who knows stuff. So people tend to call me to get information to find out stuff to help them do something. That annoys me.”

“The majority of the times, I thank God when I don’t have the phone, thank God that person did not get to contact me today… .With it I feel trapped.”


This group was made up of three males and two females of an urban middle class background. All were

full-time workers and therefore all had a regular income. Four out of five respondents used Digicel as

their primary provider. This group took a more analytical stance when discussing the differences between

8 All names are pseudonyms.

46

the providers.9 Digicel was considered more innovative and Cable and Wireless more reactive in terms of

the offering of appealing services. But in the words of one participant, Digicel is no longer offering the

best promotions because they are now comfortable in the marketplace:

“Digicel came out with better phones and better coverage and they used to offer you special incentives like

free text messages for a month and some other special deals. Now that they have the bulk of the market,

Digicel offers nothing because they don’t have to. No matter what Cable and Wireless offers they will

never actually get somebody to switch from Digicel because most of the people that they speak to are on

the Digicel network.”


Group Profile Service Provider Data Services / Features Major Issues

Aged 25-27

5 participants: 3 boys and 2 girls

Full-time workers


1 out of 5 used Cable and Wireless only

1 out of 5 had both Cable and Wireless and Digicel

Services

Please call me


Synchronization

Features

Alarm Clock

Calendars

Appointment Schedules

Camera

This is the first group where the regular use of text messaging was not universal.

The work life dominated the mobile experiences of these respondents

Men in this group were more likely to believe that the mobile phone only gives an ‘illusion of security’

Texting

All but two respondents used text messaging regularly giving reasons that (1)“Texting doesn’t work for

me because I love to talk” and (2) “I have no patience... sometimes I would just dial the number instead of

9 Interestingly, the third mobile provider – MiPhone – never emerged in discussions as an option for the youth

interviewed

47

trying to send a text message”. Text messaging was used in “all circumstances” by one male respondent.

In his words:

“I hold endless text conversations with friends. It’s kind of almost like MSN10

on your

phone .... Also if somebody is in a situation that they cannot answer the phone but they

want some information, for example you are at a party and the person cannot hear you

and asking where you at, you can just text him.”

Messaging therefore fits neatly into the youth’s entertainment-driven culture. It also relates easily to other

norms and customs such as instant messaging.

In the case of this group, the women were keener to have a basic mobile phone for just sending and

receiving calls. Only one of the three men had the same perspective stating that he just needed a phone to

talk. The other two males required a camera phone and other advanced features such as being able to

synchronize it with the office computer. Camera phones were used by two of the respondents as a

convenient way to capture unique situations. Other value-added features used were work-related such as

calendars and appointment schedules. Mobile music (MP3 players or mobile radio) was not used by the

members of this group as their use of features appeared to be more business oriented than entertainment-

oriented.

Mobile Phones and Security

The mobile phone was considered to be a tool of security mainly by the women, with one even adding

that it made her feel more “socially secure”, in the sense that people are liable to judge you based on what

you have. The men were less inclined to view physical security as a benefit of the mobile phone. In a

comical response one male participant stated that:

10 MSN is a popular online Instant Messaging Service.

48

“In the case of a minor situation, something that is not life threatening, having a phone would be a plus but

before I had a phone I would have found some way to ride it out. But if it was something critical like a man

in front of me with a gun, mi cannot take out mi phone and shot the man.”

The converse argument was noted with the consideration that a high end cell phone could make you a

target.


Another youth with an aversion similar to Mark in Group 3 stated that mobile phones “invade your

privacy”.

“they feel that they have the right to invade your space when they feel like and I have found a problem and

it could be based on my own circumstance or it could be based on the groups that I have been affiliated

with that requires communication with a lot of people and so for example when I used to live on hall, we

had students calling at 12 o’ clock, 1 o’ clock in the nights with different issues and I felt that that was

really a problem.”

So it appears that where persons, particularly men, occupied some leadership role there would be a lot of

incoming communication facilitated by the cell phone. We saw this exhibited in Mark in Group 3. It

seems from these two cases that the continuous inflow of calls contributed to this aversion. On the whole

members of this group were not inclined to have extreme emotions when they did not have their phone.

They only noted that depending on responsibilities, not having your phone could impede your progress.

Even in this perspective is another indication of the business-oriented view of the mobile phone.

49

6. ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS

Overview of Trends

Across all groups the primary purpose of the mobile phone was to send and receive calls. Non-voice

applications included SMS Messaging, cost-cutting services and non-tariffed features. The following

overall trends were noted in relation to age and gender.

Digicel: Prevalent, Popular and Fashionable

Among the notable trends was the prevalence of Digicel as the preferred mobile provider among

respondents. Its popularity is reported by respondents to be due to its innovative and creative service

offerings and therefore interlinked with the use of mobile services among respondents. Digicel appears to

be the more flexible option in the sense that it appears to always be coming up with new ways to cater to

low-budget customers.

There was the suggestion in one of the focus groups, however, that the reason for the popularity of

Digicel had more to do with the fact that it is the dominant network. This would make it generally cheaper

to use as most contacts are already on that network. In addition youth, with the yearning to fit in with their

peers, would be likely to subscribe to the same network as their friends. As such, even subscribing to

Digicel can be considered a fashion statement or the ‘in thing’ among youth.

Cost-Cutting Services

Cost-cutting services were among the most prevalent services used. This included the ‘please call me’ the

‘please credit me’, Webtext and the ‘VIP text’. The relevance of these services reduced with higher age

ranges. These services were hardly utilized by the income earning 25-27 year old group. Members of this

50

group were also less inclined to make use of text messages. There was a low incidence across the board of

more expensive services such as the mobile Internet.

Texting

Text messaging was an almost universal application among the sample as a low cost mobile service. Only

two respondents did not use text messaging regularly and they were both in the oldest age group. The

application of text messaging was to gain a sense of co-presence with friends and partners when they

were at a distance. It was also used to create a private space for the sender and the recipient even in the

presence of others and in a regulated environment such as school or work.

The 19-21 age group most readily saw its application to intimate relationships as a way to store messages

as ‘lovers’ keepsakes’. This could indicate that intimate relationships are a high priority for students of

college age, but it could also reflect a greater amount of openness in this particular group in not being shy

to talk about their relationships. It is significant though that this group, without any prompting, readily

suggested the application of text messages to their relationships with boyfriends / girlfriends. Therefore

using it in their relationships appears to be a high priority for them.

Value-Added Features

It was noted by respondents that the mobile phone has replaced the physical alarm clock and physical

wrist watch. In some cases it also replaces the appointment diary. In these ways, the mobile phone is

contributing to a world that is becoming more and more digital with less need for some physical objects.

It can be noted that with the convergence of a multiplicity of services in a single portable object, users are

more likely to incorporate its features into elements of their daily life. For example, the digital clock on

the mobile phone eliminates the need for a wristwatch and because the phone is always with you anyway,

you would be inclined to make use of it and not a wristwatch. There is evidence, however, that a result of

51

the convergence of these features there would be increased dependence and emotions of attachment to

mobile devices.

In almost all age groups, females were more likely to have a phone without high end capabilities. The

only exception was the 22-24 age group where the male involved had no appreciation for the increasingly

convergent mobile phone. The finding, however, is not to be discarded due to this inconsistency, because

it does show an overall indication that men are more likely to own feature-rich mobile phones. In the

event of the younger females they wanted to have a feature-rich phone but could not afford it. They also

felt peer pressure to have a high end phone. Females in the 22-24 age group, on the contrary, had a

disposable income and therefore more control over the phones they purchased. Ladies in the 25-27 age

group had no interest in having anything more than a ‘basic phone’. So the determination whether one has

a feature-rich mobile had to do in the first place with being able to afford it, and then in wanting to have

it. Cost was more of a factor for the youngest females than any other group.

Another observation is that whereas the main use of mobile features and services for the lower age groups

(16-18 and 19-21) was for social contact, the older groups mixed social networking with business related

applications. Services such as synchronization and email were used by members of the 25-27 age groups

whereas spreadsheets and calculators were the business applications of mobile features among the 22-24

age group.

‘Out of the Box’ Applications

Respondents in the two youngest age groups found innovative ‘out of the box’ applications to mobile

services and features. Through the unconventional use of the ‘please credit me’ application and through

blue-tooth hacking, the younger respondents used everyday mobile applications to fulfill specific needs.

This supports the sentiment that young persons handle technology like second nature to achieve their

52

particular ends and is in line with Negroponte’s observation that children and young adults tend to be in

control of modern technology.


There appears to be a wide scale of commonality in relation to attachment or aversion to the mobile phone

among respondents. There were different levels identified here as: affinity, indifference and aversion. In

terms of affinity, this extreme level of attachment to the mobile phone appeared to be strongest among the

youngest respondents (16-18 years). The older the group, the more likely one or more persons would have

indifference or aversion to the mobile phone. In the final group, among the 25-27 year olds, none of the

respondents used extreme metaphors and expressions to describe their feelings when detached from their

phone.

Figure 4: The Mobile Attachment Scale

Mobile indifference, in at least one case, was affected by the relationship of the mobile phone to parents.

If the mobile phone appears to be a tool for parents to make persistent contact, whether for control or

other types of communication, an indifferent attitude may emerge. These indifferent attitudes due to

parental control appeared in girls and speak to the tendency of some Jamaican parents to be over-

Mobile Attachment Scale

Affinity Indifference Aversion

53

protective of their daughters while not being protective of their boys. It would appear that an indifferent

attitude would emerge when the mobile phone failed to be a symbol of independence for these young

girls.

Boys appear to be more likely to have an aversion to the mobile phone. This appears to be directly related

to their role as a leader among other young people, and so information and advice from them was in high

demand. The two boys considered the mobile phone, when used in this way to be an unwelcome invasion

of privacy. When girls exhibited averse attitudes to mobile phone it again correlated with the use of the

mobile tool for control by parents. Overall, the relationship with the mobile was directly connected to the

interrelations it facilitate, strengthening the viewpoint that is it is a symbol of social networks and

relationships. It was ironic that in spite of an indifferent or aversive attitude towards the mobile phone,

they all had a mobile in the first place and they all carried it around with them.

The Mobile Phone: Fulfilling Youth and Young Adult Needs

For members of the sample, the mobile phone appears to have several applications to suiting their needs

outside of its primary usage as a form of voice communication. A prevalent factor for many of the youth

in the sample was their financial constraints. Mobile services such as mobile email, mobile Internet and

various types of mobile commerce were not a priority for these persons as they mainly had a need to

communicate within low income budgets. This could explain the patterns of limited uptake related to

mobile services among youth.

There was much higher uptake for cost-saving mobile services. Such services appear to be tailor-made for

the low-budget persons that would be in the group under study. This would be a contrast to the more

developed countries of Europe and Asia where the uptake for mobile commerce applications of the

mobile is higher among youth. As a part of a middle-income less developed country Jamaican youth, even

54

if part of the middle class, would not be able to afford mobile commerce applications. They would more

likely be preoccupied with using the most basic and inexpensive features. This speaks to the need to make

costs for mobile Internet and similar services cheaper so that they can be accessed by more youth and

young adults. Further, a critical need that the mobile phone did not fulfill to any great extent was

information. Although it made information relative to the individual available through communication

with contacts, the range of information tools available on the Internet was hardly used due to the cost.

Mobile services assisted some youths in their pursuit of fulfilling their need to belong. The mobile phone

assisted them in ‘fitting in’ by being a symbolic link to their friends and family and therefore assisting in

reflexive identity construction. In addition, peer pressure was an influence in selection of the instrument

for younger groups. The newer and more technologically advanced your phone, the great the approval

from friends and peers.

Mobile music was a tool, especially among boys in their bid to ‘stand out to fit in’ by having the latest

songs on their mobile phone. Popular music is a part of what is fashionable among youth. In the same

way the walkman was a portable novelty item two decades ago, now the musical mobile phone is the

novelty item of choice for exhibiting musical tastes to the world. As music is a significant factor of the

Jamaican culture and a part of youth trends, the popularity of mobile music among youth (especially those

below 25) is not surprising.

Security was a motivating factor for some to have a mobile phone. However, in a strong contradiction,

security was also threatened by having one. The fact that the item can make one feel physically secure

and physically insecure at the same time is a paradox of the technology. This is in line with Mick and

Fournier’s theory that there are paradoxes to technology (1998, 123). In spite of this paradox, the youth

continue to carry mobile phones which are apt to attract thieves and which could threaten security.

55

The need for entertainment was also fulfilled by mobile services through the use of games, bluetooth

information sharing, cameras, mobile music and by communication itself. The mobile phone had no doubt

become a challenge to traditional entertainment media such as television and radio due to its portability

and the multiplicity of features which it can hold. The advantage of the mobile phone over these media is

that it is a personal tool and many of the features such as the camera and mailbox would be able to store

information that is unique and special to the individual. This is not possible with mass media.

Overall though, the main ‘beyond voice’ function of the mobile phone for the young persons interviewed

was in simply ‘being there’ as symbol of their social contacts and as a handy companion which physically

and aesthetically becomes a part of the person. It is a memory store and game box that provides

companionship in times of boredom or can be a link to a companion in a time of boredom. But in its

omnipresence and attachment to the human, it becomes an object of dependence especially for younger

respondents creating new needs as it fulfills old ones.

In the overall analysis it has been found that the younger the age of respondents, the more likely they

would be to prove Negroponte’s theory that “the control bits of [the] digital future are more than ever

before in the hands of the young”. There was also evidence that as youth move into adulthood their

control of the mobile phone, especially among males, would translated into the utilization of a range of

business tools.

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7. CONCLUSIONS

It is clear that mobile features and services have become part of the lived experiences of youth in Jamaica.

The phone is a part of their social reality which coincides neatly with other aspects of youth culture. As it

relates to the youngest groups, however, there are constants within their culture and way of life that

impacted on the way they see and use the mobile phone including dependence on parents and cost

considerations.

Although the most common usage of the mobile phone is voice communication, there is evidence that

youth are using other mobile services and features in their everyday life. The mobile phone is becoming

an increasingly convergent device with layers of available tools, even in the most basic instrument. As

the tiny device begins to hold more features the more valued it is by the owner and the more likely it

would be considered valuable by a thief. Dependence on the convergent object which is at once a

memory box, appointment diary, clock, camera, address book, etc, is reflected in the attachment that

many of the respondents have to the mobile phone, and conversely feelings of detachment when they do

not have it.

There were differences in usage by age range as young groups were more likely to make use of cost-

cutting services. Across the board, however, the features and services used regularly were of low or no

cost. Texting was the most prevalent of the services while others which were used were related to

specific needs, such as the alarms and games.

There were differentiated levels of mobile attachment found in the form of:

- Affinity

- Indifference

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- Aversion

Affinity was the most common level of attachment among respondents. Lower levels of attachment came

about due to some negative association with the connections facilitated by the mobile phone.

Mobile features and services were used as a fashion statement for younger groups to gain the approval of

their peers and as tools for business and recreation for older groups. Peer pressure and cost constraints

were strong determinants of mobile phone usage among younger groups whereas older groups appeared

to exercise their own choice more often.

As it relates to mobile services and value-added features, Jamaican youth show an inclination to

manipulate the technology to their benefit as it appears to be second-nature to many of them. It is

encouraging that the youth and young adults who are demonstrating such high levels of understanding

and interacting with the technology will be the leaders of the coming decade. However, there needs to be

a greater thrust towards reduction in costs for mobile Internet and similar information-rich services which

can be a vital information source for young persons. As we look towards a future where mobile

broadband, mobile work and mobile education will be commonplace, it is important to capitalize on the

propensity of many of these young people to make use of technology in innovative and creative ways

towards the development of Jamaican society.

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APPENDIX I

Focus Group Schedule of Questions

Introduce moderator and give background to the research study.

Ask each person for self introduction including name, age and occupation and what type of a cell phone

user you consider yourself to be.

1. How long have you had a cell phone?

2. Which service provider do you use?

3. How did you get the phone you have right now?

4. What goes into your decision when you consider buying a phone?

5. Who do you call the most?

6. Do you find mobile usage expensive?

7. Do you rely on your phone a lot for business?

8. Do you use your phone differently from your parents?

9. Is there anything else you notice about how young people use their cell phones?

10. Does having a cell phone make you feel more secure?

11. Do men use their cell phones differently from women?

12. Are you comfortable with other people going through your cell phone?

13. What (other) effect does having a cell phone have on intimate relationships?

14. How do you feel when you don’t have your cell phone?

15. Do you use text messaging? When and Why?

16. Do you use a special ‘texting language’?

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17. What other features on mobile phones do you find useful?

18. How different would your life be if you could not access these features?

19. Do you use special command features like please call me and top you up? How important are

these features to you?

20. Do you use Bluetooth a lot? In what ways?

21. Do you download ringtones, games, wallpaper? Anything else? Why?

22. What other ways do you find to personalize your cell phone?

23. How important is a ringtone? What does it say about you?

24. Do you keep music on your phone? Why and what type?

25. Do you use your cell phone to participate in television and radio competitions? And for voting for

reality television series?

26. How do these add-on services affect different parts of your life?

27. How do you see the phone of mobile phone usage in Jamaica, especially as it relates to these

value-added features?

The question schedule was flexible as often issues emerged before the schedule called for them. The

sequence of questioning and probing was therefore dynamic while still covering all areas outlined.