bennet, john. the structure of the linear b administration at knossos

The Structure of the Linear B Administration at KnossosAuthor(s): John BennetSource: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 89, No. 2 (Apr., 1985), pp. 231-249Published by: Archaeological Institute of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/504327 .

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The Structure of the Linear B Administration at Knossos* JOHN BENNET

Abstract An analysis of the Linear B texts from Knossos and of

the archaeological data for LM II-III Crete permits conclusions to be drawn as to the extent and the administrative organization of Knossos' interests in LM III Crete. It is postulated that Knossos dealt with outlying areas indirectly through second-order centers, six of which are identified. These second-order centers seem also to have played an important part in the establishment of the administrative system at Knossos, probably in LM II. Finally, three case studies of sites known both from the documents and from excavation highlight the importance of an integration of textual and archaeological approaches.

This article outlines an approach to the study of LM III Crete from the point of view of the archaeo-

logist and the Linear B scholar. Until relatively re-

cently the two disciplines involved have been rather

exclusive, but it is the integrated approach which is as crucial as the conclusions drawn from it. The two bodies of data are, first, the Linear B documents preserved in the final destruction of the palace at Knos- sos,' documents of immense value in allowing us in- sights into the operation of an administrative system in

the prehistoric Aegean. Second, there are the archaeological data pieced together over the past century for the period after the LM IB destructions on Crete2: LM II and LM III, or the "Post-Palatial" period.3

The term "Post-Palatial," as applied to the whole of the period 1450 to 1100 B.C., is inaccurate, since, for at least part of the time, the monumental building at Knossos continued to function as the center of an organization run by an dlite for the exploitation (and possible reciprocal benefit) of a hierarchy of lesser sites and individuals: in Aegean terms, a "palace." The existence of this organization is both signalled and illuminated by the presence of documents in the palace at Knossos. Not a single scrap of a Linear B tablet has yet been excavated elsewhere on Crete, and, although an argumentum e silentio, I think this lack indicates that Knossos alone had such an archive and fulfilled the role of a central place in LM III Crete.4 This contention is supported by the way the Knossos archive is widely scattered across the site (ill. 1). If such an archive had existed elsewhere, I think it unlikely that it would have disappeared without trace across an entire site. A parallel can be drawn with the

* This article is based on a paper delivered at the London Myce- naean Seminar on 4 May 1983. I am indebted to J.T. Hooker and J.N. Coldstream for allowing me to present my ideas there. The article summarizes research carried out in the Department of Clas- sics, Cambridge University, funded chiefly by the Department of Education and Science, with additional funds from Sidney Sussex College, the Faculty of Classics and the Drummond Studentship Committee. I should like to record my special thanks to my research supervisor, John Cherry, and my gratitude to John Chadwick, Jack L. Davis, Tom Gallant, Paul Halstead, John Killen, Todd Whitelaw and Tony Wilson for comments and suggestions.

' The main corpus remains J. Chadwick, J.T. Killen and J.-P. Olivier, The Knossos Tablets 4. A Transcription (Cambridge 1971). Some additional fragments and joins are published in the following articles: L. Godart and J.-P. Olivier, "Nouveaux fragments de tablettes en lin~aire B de Cnossos," BCH 97 (1973) 5-22; L. Godart and J.-P. Olivier, "119 raccords et quasi-raccords de fragments dans les tablettes de Cnossos," SMEA 15 (1972) 33-50; and L. Godart and J.-P. Olivier, "98 raccords et quasi-raccords de fragments dans les tablettes de Cnossos," Minos 13 (1973) 113-29. More recently, the following new fragments have appeared: J. Sa- kellarakis and J.-P. Olivier, "Deux fragments de tablettes en li- niaire B de Cnossos au Mus&e National d'Athanes," AAA 5 (1972) 289-92 (Dd 8831); E. Hallager, "A Linear B Tablet Fragment from Knossos," Kadmos 16 (1977) 24-25 (X 8832); R.G.D. Evely and J.T. Killen, forthcoming in Kadmos (X 8833); J. Bennet and

J.A. MacGillivray, "A New Fragment of a Sheep Tablet from Knossos," Kadmos 21 (1982) 30-32 (Dv 8834).

2 The archaeological information for LM III Crete is now available with full bibliography in A. Kanta, The Late Minoan III Pe- riod in Crete. A Survey of Sites, Pottery and their Distribution (SIMA 58, Goteborg 1980). The following provide some supple- mentary information: S. Hiller, Das minoi'sche Kreta nach den Ausgrabungen des letzten Jahrzehnts (Vienna 1977) and D. Leek- ley and R. Noyes, Archaeological Excavations in the Greek Islands (Park Ridge, N.J. 1975).

3 For the term "Post-Palatial," see, e.g., N. Platon, Crete (Ar- chaeologia Mundi, London 1966) 206-207.

4 I do not mean to imply a total lack of administrative activity outside Knossos (see infra), but I think that Knossos alone was centrally processing information on clay tablets. Activity, perhaps subordinate to Knossos, is implied by the existence of the inscribed stirrup jars. Similarly, the fact that ko-no-so-de ("to Knossos") can appear on a text (C 5753) at least implies an extra-Knossian perspective, if not a tablet actually inscribed elsewhere. (Interestingly enough, the scribe concerned- 107-appears to deal only with western mat- ters.) Information may have been gathered (even recorded, on per- ishable materials) elsewhere, but it probably took its final form on clay in the palace. How else can we explain the situation with the sheep tablets, where one scribe (117) writes not only the individual flock records (Da-Dg), but also the totalling records (Dn)?

231 American Journal of Archaeology 89 (1985)



232 JOHN BENNET fAJA 89

A LP •-•_27

5 mr

A 125m

SWS

[ 1• :,--• , ......

. E

Ir .

:

* 91-500

* Les than 1 )

-il " ---

tt

rITI

SOIE OF DEPOSIT (No. of tablets)

W91-500

Ak 10-?90

SLess than 10

Ill. 1. Knossos. Schematic representation of tablet findspots: palace, Arsenal and Little Palace. "A" = Arsenal; "LP" = Little Palace. (Redrawn after Olivier, Les scribes de Cnossos [Rome 1967] 22)



1985] THE STRUCTURE OF THE LINEAR B ADMINISTRATION AT KNOSSOS 233

? Kea N

KEY

0 5 0 * 5 or more examples

* Less than 5 KM * A single example

Ill. 2. Crete. Locations of known deposits of administrative documents (tablets and roundels) in Linear A

distribution of administrative documents in Linear A on Crete (and at least on Kea and Melos, among the islands). These documents are subject to conditions of preservation similar to those of Linear B tablets, yet their distribution was widespread, if not plentiful in each case (ill. 2). Further, the Linear B deposits of varying size on the mainland are known from several sites-Pylos, Mycenae, Thebes and Tiryns.

Thus, it is reasonable to assume no other LM III site on Crete had a Linear B tablet archive. The inscribed stirrup jars (ISJs), which turn up both on Crete and on the mainland, might be said to contradict this assumption by offering evidence of a literate center in West Crete. I deal with this question below, but it is worth pointing out that if the ISJs are contemporary with the Knossos archive, then their area of production is documented as part of the Knossos system. If, as many archaeologists argue, the ISJs postdate the destruction of Knossos, then they merely provide evidence of continuing literacy, not of a rival center to Knossos. In either case, Knossos appears to remain the sole central place before its destruction. A

better term for the period before the destruction of Knossos would then be the "Mono-Palatial" period, which could carry both a descriptive and a chronological reference.5

KNOSSOS AND ITS SATELLITES

Although Knossos was alone as a center, we do know that it dealt with other places both within its immediate area and outside it. This none-too-surprising fact is demonstrated by the existence on the tablets of sign-groups which we can assume are place-names, or toponyms (TNs). The number of these places attested is just over one hundred-probably 103, including all probable and possible examples.6 This figure is probably close to the actual total number of TNs Knossos recorded. In the first group of tablets to be published,7 99 of the known TNs occur. Subsequent study has to date brought to light a further 2,877 fragments (many of which join), but only four possible new TNs, two of which are doubtful. At least 39 of the original number of TNs are attested again in this second group of tablets, and possibly as many as 47.8

5 For yet another attempt to provide a descriptive nomenclature for the LM III period, see E. Hallager, SMEA 19 (1978) 17, fig. 1.

6 This is a maximum figure based on a personal assessment of the TNs. It is greater than that derivable from the glossaries of M. Ventris and J. Chadwick eds., Documents in Mycenaean Greek2 (Cambridge 1973) 527-94 (102 TNs) and of L.R. Palmer, The In- terpretation of Mycenaean Greek Texts (Oxford 1963) 403-66 (77

TNs), quoted in A.L. Wilson, "The Place-names in the Linear B Tablets from Knossos: Some Preliminary Considerations," Minos 16 (1977) 72, Table I.

7 Scripta Minoa II, numbers 1 to 1,654, from all over the palace site.

8 I should like to thank Dr. J.T. Killen for suggesting this line of inquiry.



234 JOHN BENNET [AJA 89

TN PAITO TN KONOSO

occurs59 times occurs22 tames

? •'• . -1 ..- r -1

/* * 3

28

*. 2 2

**SS0

* * *I

N.B. Findspots are not established for all the tablets, therefore the number of occurrences of a TN in the whole corpus (top right) usually exceeds the number of examples plotted out here.

TN KUDONIJA TN DADAREJODE occurs17 times occurs 3 times

ocus3 times

Ar

* . * 1 *

I - * 0 *0 00

* 0 0

* . " I -* * ? 0* 2 @0

* *.

0 0._>>•:?

Ill. 3. Toponym occurrence by deposit within the palace and its dependencies (four examples)




A cross-check is afforded by looking at the distribution of findspots of tablets containing TN mentions, four examples of which are shown in ill. 3.9 On this diagram, the connection of a tablet deposit with a no- tional symbol in the central court indicates an occurrence of that TN on a tablet in that deposit. I have chosen three TNs ranging from high to medium frequency of occurrence, and a fourth (da-da-re-jo-de) of low occurrence and specialized function. The diagram demonstrates that mentions of a TN are usually widely distributed within the palace, and rarely occur only within a single deposit, unless the TN represents a site with a highly specialized function, like da-da-re- jo-de. The largest class of TNs reflecting such a specialized function comprises those to which it seems offerings are sent, of which da-da-re-jo-de is one. There are 24 of these by my count, 20 of which do not occur in other functional contexts, and 14 of which occur only once in the whole archive. It is thus unlikely that we have missed many TNs entirely, and, if more have been lost, they would most likely fall within the offerings class. Two of the new TNs already mentioned occur in similarly specialized contexts.

It ought not to surprise us that TNs of the offerings type occur rarely in the archive, since the function of the majority of the TNs suggests that they may be occupation sites. The same is not to be expected (in a Minoan context at any rate) of a cult site, which could have been located in a cave, or on a peak. Such TNs will thus not usually refer to sites with other functions, unless the cult site lies close to an occupation site (e.g., Amnisos?). It is also possible that cult TNs might refer to a specific building, or shrine (for example, da-da-re-jo-de perhaps?), or even to a divinity, references which would again be unlikely to turn up elsewhere in the archive in secular contexts.

Knossos was thus probably the administrative center of a network of about one hundred named sites, twenty or so of which played a specialized role. But is it necessarily the case that the other TNs actually referred to occupation sites, which would thus be liable to be recognized archaeologically? I think they probably are genuine occupation sites, since they not infrequently have personnel attested at them, or are mentioned as producing cloth, or both. It is difficult to see how these two functions could be achieved at sites

other than occupation sites, and this pattern of multi- ple function is common to those TNs which seem not to reflect sites with a specialized function.

Since many of the tablets deal with sheep or with agricultural produce, it might be argued that some TNs may refer merely to pasture areas or to land. Such variability in TN reference is unlikely, however, particularly as TNs against which sheep are recorded often occur with personnel. Da-wo, for instance, has 2,440 sheep, but also occurs with mentions of personnel and cloth.10 With specific regard to sheep, I think it implausible that they should be recorded against a pasture name, since the interest of the palace was es- sentially in their wool and its processing into cloth, which seems to have taken place at the site, as well as at Knossos itself. In addition, the pasture area (and therefore its name) is likely to vary annually, even seasonally. I would argue that the tablets recording flocks document the flocks belonging to a particular locality (indicated by the TN) under the charge of a shepherd, whose name appears in majuscule at the left of the tablet, indicating his importance in the palace record. It is the shepherd who is the link between the flock and its home base. I leave aside at this point the vexed question of the "owners" or "collectors."1

We can thus distinguish most of the TNs against which Knossos records its interests, and we can assume that in many cases they are the names of occupation sites. There probably also existed a network of sanctuary sites, which, although identified by TNs, need not also have been occupation sites, as observed above. The occupation sites ought to be detectable in the archaeological record,12 although the task of iden- tifying all the sites on the ground and assigning them their correct Linear B name must presumably remain impossible. Only when we have TNs which can plausibly be identified with a name attested from other sources can we hope directly to match what we find on the ground to what we have on the tablets.

APPROACHES TO GEOGRAPHY

Extent

One such identifiable TN is ko-no-so (Knossos), and there are now generally accepted to be five more, whose identification gives us our first clue to the extent of the interests on the island of the Knossian ad-

9 For the reconstruction of many of the findspots, see L.R. Pal- mer, The Find-Places of the Knossos Tablets (Oxford 1963) and J.-P. Olivier, Les scribes de Cnossos (Incunabula Graeca 17, Rome 1967).

o10 E.g., Dn 1094.2 (2,440 sheep); Ak(2) 621.C (personnel); Lc(1) 526.B, or Le 641.2 (cloth). l

See, e.g., infra ns. 26 and 27. 12 This statement does not imply that sanctuary sites are not ar-

chaeologically recognizable. TNs referring to such sites are, however, less easy to locate iri relation to other TNs because they occur rarely, in specialized contexts, and because we cannot be absolutely sure of what the TN refers to (cave, shrine, deity?). Thus, there is no contextual support for a connection of di-ka-ta-de-e.g., Fp(1) 1.2-with Mt. Dikte, whereas ku-do-ni-ja's relative location can be confirmed in this way. A-mi-ni-so among the cult TNs is a notable exception (cf. infra n. 43).




N

KUDONIJ

. APATAWA

dd

~KEY

Rethymnon

KN Knossos 0 50

AMINISO Linear B known place-name

KM Malia Modern place-name

KM8

Ill. 4. Crete. A possible distribution of Wilson's groups I-IV, together with the locations of the known Linear B toponyms

ministration.13 The six are mapped out on ill. 4 in their Linear B syllabic forms. From east to west they are: Amnisos, Knossos, Tylissos, Phaistos, Aptera (in an archaic form /Aptarwa/) and Kydonia (modern Khania). On a superficial level, these TNs suggest an extent as far west as Khania, and as far east as Amni- sos. But in practice, an identification of this type needs to be supported, for there are other TNs with plausible Greek correlates which are dismissed as unlikely to refer to the place we now identify with that name. One such example is ra-to (? = Lato), where the lack of evidence for Minoan habitation at the site and the contextual associations of the TN with other TNs not in the present-day Lato area combine to tell against such an identification of the Linear B TN. Caution must be exercised, however, for Minoan remains in the Aptera region were little known until the relatively recent finds there: the site at Soudha Bay, the Kala- mi chamber tombs and the settlement and tomb at Stylos.14

The discovery of LM III remains in the west of Crete has served to increase the likelihood of a far

western extent for Knossos' administrative system. In addition, a second approach helps to support such an estimation of the western extent. There will be more to say on the subject of relative geography later, but in the Co texts ku-do-ni-ja and a-pa-ta-wa occur in association with the TNs wa-to and o-du-ru-wo, TNs which also occur on some of the ISJs found on the mainland. Recent analysis by optical emission spec- troscopy (OES) has shown that many of these ISJs were made from clays whose provenance is likely to lie in West Crete.15 In particular, those jars bearing the TN wa-to all have a West Cretan 3 composition type.16 The likelihood is that these TNs lay in West Crete, and thus the western component in Knossos' administration is confirmed beyond reasonable doubt.

A third method for establishing the area in which Knossos was interested might be termed the ecological approach. The starting point is the total number of sheep recorded on the Knossos tablets: a little less than 100,000, with allowance made for incompletely preserved numerals. Theoretical and practical esti- mates suggest that the grazing requirement per an-

'3 See, e.g., J.T. Killen, "The Knossos Texts and the Geography of Mycenaean Crete," in J.L. Bintliff ed., Mycenaean Geography (British Association for Mycenaean Studies, Cambridge 1977) 41.

14 Soudha: Kanta (supra n. 2) 236; F. Matz ed., Forschungen auf Kreta 1942 (Berlin 1951) 82-88; Jennifer Moody, personal com- munication. Kalami: Kanta 238; I. Tzedakis, "'AvacrTKa4 Mvwt'- KOV NEKPoTa dov EL4 FEPLOX7V Kakaalov XavWov," AAA 2 (1969) 365-69. Stylos: Kanta 235 and "The Minoan Settlement of the Northern Part of the Apokoronas and Minoan Apatawa," in Aux origines de 1'Hellenisme. La Crete et la Gr&ce. Hommage &

Henri van Effenterre (Paris 1984) 9-16. '5 H.W. Catling, J.F. Cherry, R.E. Jones and J.T. Killen, "The

Linear B Inscribed Stirrup Jars and West Crete," BSA 75 (1980) 49-113.

16 Catling et al. (supra n. 15) 86, nos. 5 (TH Z 849), 7 (TH Z 851), 8 (TH Z 852), 9 (TH Z 854). All have wa-to and are of West Cretan /3 composition. TH Z 839 (not analyzed) has the TN o-du- ru-wi-jo and may have a West Cretan a composition, as it is deco- rated in light paint on a dark background (cf. BSA 75 [1980] 82).




num of an adult sheep (and the tablets are chiefly concerned with adult sheep) is in the region of one hec- tare of fallow land, possibly more in the case of more marginal land." Thus, the minimum area required by these 100,000 sheep would be about the same number of hectares.

In the Late Bronze Age the amount of land available for grazing was probably limited by greater tree cover, settlement and agricultural constraints, the extent of which are indicated by the figure of 10,000[ units of grain, the produce of at least 1,000 ha.,"18 which is recorded for the da-wo area, a TN against which 2,440 sheep are recorded. The presence of greater tree cover is perhaps reflected in the correlation among greater sheep numbers, larger flock sizes and locations on plains, as at Phaistos. This correlation indicates the importance of lowland grazing, which may have had its advantages in ease of access to the settlement for wool processing.19 As a result of these limitations, it seems that perhaps two to three times the minimum area would be required by these 100,000 sheep: that is, 200-300,000 ha., or between one quarter and one third of the island.

Such an estimate can give us only a minimum figure, and cannot tell us in which part of Crete this area lay. The estimate of one-quarter to one-third of the land area does not, however, contradict the extent for Knossian interests indicated by the identifiable TNs outlined above. Indeed, it is worth noting, in the light of what I have just mentioned about lowland grazing, that the region suggested by the identifiable TNs in- cludes four plains: the Mesara, the Rethymnon coastal plain, the Apokoronas and the relatively flat hinter- land behind Knossos.

Groupings These different approaches can give us an idea of

the extent of Knossian interests in LM III Crete, but geographical analysis can be taken further. As was hinted above in the case of Aptera and Khania and the other Co series TNs, we can assume that proximity on a text-or within a series of closely related texts- indirectly represents actual geographical proximity. Much has been done with the Pylos TNs in this respect, where the existence of the Hither and Further provinces and the presence of lists of TNs make mat- ters easier.20 Although the Knossos documents are at first glance less susceptible to such an analysis, it has been undertaken with considerable success, first by Hart, then by Palmer, and more recently by Wilson and McArthur.21 The general picture they present is fairly consistent; because different techniques were used in assessing links, the implication is that this picture is genuine, and not an arbitrary imposition of order on textual chaos. Particularly important is the fact that Wilson and McArthur were both using objective tests of co-occurrence based on statistical and computer analyses. Wilson applied statistical tests to the TN associations in order to establish their significance as systematic, non-random co-occurrences. These significant associations were used as the basis for his TN groupings. McArthur, on the other hand, used TN associations (expressed as a matrix) as the input to a computer non-metric mapping program: multi-dimensional scaling (MDSCAL).22

Here I use Wilson's determination of groupings (see Table 1). Wilson analyzes a selection of 29 TNs, which are necessarily of high occurrence and frequent co-occurrence.23 They are indicated on ill. 5. The

7 P. Halstead, "From Determinism to Uncertainty: Social Stor- age and the Rise of the Minoan Palace," in A. Sheridan and G. Bailey eds., Economic Archaeology. Towards an Integration ofEco- logical and Social Approaches (BAR International Series 96, Ox- ford 1981) 204.

18 p. Halstead, "Counting Sheep in Neolithic and Bronze Age Greece," in I. Hodder et al. eds., Pattern of the Past (Cambridge 1981) 332-33, assumes the value for the major dry unit to be 96 1.: see Chadwick (supra n. 6) 393-94. Halstead's calculations suggest that the smallest land area that could produce such a yield is 2,000 ha., with one-half of that lying fallow. Fallow land could have been (and probably was) used for grazing, and thus the minimum area under crops, and therefore to be kept free of livestock, would be about 1,000 ha. It should be noted that the figure of 10,000[ units on the tablet F(2) 852 is incomplete: i.e., it is almost certainly larger.

19 Incidentally, the correlation does little to confirm (or disprove) the existence of transhumance practices in the Late Bronze Age suggested by J.L. Bintliff, Natural Environment and Human Set- tlement in Prehistoric Greece (BAR International Series 28, Ox- ford 1977) 630 and 653 (fig. 7). See also: B. Rutkowski, Cult Places in the Aegean World (Warsaw 1972) 184, and L.V. Watrous, "Ae- gean Settlement and Transhumance," Temple University Aegean Symposium 2 (1977) 2-6.

20 Cf., e.g., J. Chadwick, The Mlycenaean World (Cambridge

1976) 35-48, and, for a computer-based approach, J.F. Cherry, "Investigating the Political Geography of an Early State by Multi- dimensional Scaling of Linear B Data," in Bintliff ed. (supra n. 13) 76-83.

21 G.R. Hart, "The Groupings of Place-names in the Knossos Tablets," Mnemosyne 18 (1965) 1-28; L.R. Palmer, "Mycenaean Inscribed Vases II. The Mainland Finds," Kadmos 11 (1972) 27-46, and "Context and Geography I: Crete," in E. Risch and H. Miuhlestein eds., Colloquium Mycenaeum (Neuchltel 1979) 43-63; Wilson (supra n. 6) 67-125; J.K. McArthur, Place-Names in the Knossos Tablets: Identification and Location (Diss. Univer- sity of Monash, Australia 1979). I am indebted to DI)r. McArthur for a copy of her dissertation, which is to appear as a supplement to Minos. She has also provided a useful and comprehensive summary of work on Knossian geography: "The Textual Evidence for Loca- tion of Place-Names in the Knossos Tablets," Minos 17 (1981) 147-210.

22 Wilson (supra n. 6), e.g., 85-88 and 121-22. McArthur 1979 (supra n. 21) Ch. 13, pp. 332-53. On MDSCAL, see, e.g., Cherry (supra n. 20) and D. Kendall in Bintliff ed. (supra n. 13) 83-88.

23 Wilson (supra n. 6) 91. In order for his statistical tests of associations to be valid, there had to be a sufficient number of cases. Thus the many TNs which occur only once or twice in the archive (see ill. 5, to the left of the bottom axis) and never in association had




oI TNs not used in Wilson's analysis

30_ * Group I

Group II

Group III

Group IV 20

a -A,K,S Group V (Amnisos, Knossos, Setoija) z I-,

10 6 z

10 20 30 40 50 660 5

Frequency of Occurrence of TN

Ill. 5. Frequency histogram of toponym occurrences in the whole Knossos archive. On the "x" axis, the number of times each toponym occurs in the whole archive; on the "y" axis, the number of toponyms that occur a given number of times. Thus, 31 toponyms occur only once, while only one (Knossos) occurs 22 times. The TNs that make up Wilson's groups are indicated. (Total no. TNs = 103. Total no. occurrences = 1089)

TNs break down into five groups, which are, at this stage, "closed": they could stand in almost any relationship to each other. By the presence of our identifiable TNs, however, we can begin to assign locations to the groups. Group I contains Phaistos, and thus at least partly falls in the Mesara plain. Group III contains Tylissos, which lies just over 10 km. west of Knossos. Group V contains Knossos and Amnisos. Group IV contains our ISJ TNs again, which, as we saw, are probably western, and link in the Co series texts to the known TNs Kydonia and Aptera.

Group I presents an anomaly: although it contains Phaistos, whose location we know, it also contains da-

*22-to, which recent work has shown probably to have a West Central context.24 With reference to ill. 4 we can propose a solution to this problem, and assume that the group lay in an are extending from the Me- sara, west of Psiloriti, to the Rethymnon-Stavromenos region on the north coast. To its west would lie group IV, da-*22-to and *56-ko-we representing what Pal-

mer has usefully termed a "buffer zone,'25 or an over- lap on the edges of groupings, represented on the map by a broken line. To the east of group I in the north lay the Tylissos group (group III), which was probably the local Knossos area. For reasons given below, group II probably lay to the east of group III. Group V may represent a special case, and is discussed below.

Administrative Patterning Thus far, we have relied on our TN fixed points to

assign locations to the various groups, but the inquiry can be taken further by looking in more detail at the occurrences within the archive of the TNs in the

groups. The results of such an inquiry not only support our geographical groupings, but also highlight aspects of the structure of the administration itself. Palmer first suggested that the presence of a second personal name on certain sheep tablets might indicate a third party in the relationship between the palace and its sheep.26 He has advocated the term "owner"

to be excluded, leaving a basic 27 x 27 matrix of co-occurrences: Wilson (supra n. 6) 120. Three western TNs with good contextual control were added (o-du-ru-wo, si-ra-ro and wa-to) and ku-do-ni- ja was subtracted, making a total of 29 TNs in the groups.

24 Catling et al. (supra n. 15) 92. 25 Palmer 1979 (supra n. 21) 55. 26 Palmer (supra n. 6) 165-69, 178.




Table 1. The Toponym Groupings as Suggested by A.L. Wilson

I da-wo, da-*22-to, e-ko-so, e-ra, pa-i-to (Phaistos), ku-ta-to II pu-na-so, ra-ja, ra-su-to, ra-to, ri-jo-no, tu-ni-ja, do-ti-ja III a-ka, pu-so, qa-mo, qa-ra, ru-ki-to, su-ri-mo, ti-ri-to, tu-ri-so (Tylissos), u-ta-no IV o-du-ru-wo, *56-ko-we, si-ra-ro, wa-to V a-mi-ni-so (Amnisos), ko-no-so (Knossos), se-to-i-ja

for this person, preferring it to the original suggestion of "collector."27 In this case, Palmer argued, the flocks are not owned by the wanax or "king," but by a third party. Both he and Hart observed that the number of these "owners" seems to increase with distance from the center at Knossos, and that their presence thus has a spatial implication.28 Wilson pursued this suggestion further with reference to the sheep tablets, and showed that it was his group I which has the largest mean ratio of "owner" to non-"owner" flocks in

groups I to IV.29 (I have set his figures out in the final column of Table 2.) This observation provided a de- gree of confirmation for his isolation of group I, and helps to establish its location at one remove from the center at Knossos.

At the opposite extreme, group III shows the lowest ratio, which supports its proximity to Knossos. The intermediate figure of Group II suggests an intermediate location.

Table 2 also shows the figures which I have com- puted for the frequency of occurrence of the TNs in groups I to V. Again, group I has over 30% of the total TN occurrences in the archive, and, more important- ly, an average occurrence per TN nearly twice as high

as that of any other group. This figure suggests a high level of administrative interest in this area, and the correlation with high occurrences of "owners" may indicate that the "owners" are important to the administration, particularly in those areas separated from Knossos. In contrast, the local group III has a low "owner" figure, and a relatively low occurrence figure. There are also two documents-E 749 and Og 833-which list small amounts of grain and of an unknown weighed commodity against the TNs of group III. This situation may be indicative of local exploitation of its immediate area performed directly by the palace, thus requiring less explicit documentation. We must also bear in mind that tu-ri-so controls this speculation by providing independent evidence, through its known location, that the group did lie close to Knossos.

The arguments for the location of group II are much less firm. This group contains no fixed points, but there is a small amount of contextual evidence for location on the eastern edge of the Knossos area. Tab- let Le 654 lists ko-no-]si-ja, a-mi-ni-si-ja, se-to-i-ja and tu-ni-ja. The first two are known and tu-ni-ja is a group II TN. Se-to-i-ja, it is suggested below, proba-

Table 2: Frequency of Occurrence of TNs and Ratio of "Owner" to Non-"Owner" Flocks in Wilson's TN Groupings

Group No. TNs Percentage total KN Percentage total KN Mean ratio "owner": occurrence (whole group) occurrence (per TN average) non-"owner" flocks

I 6 30.3% 5.05% 0.49 II 7 16.3% 2.33% 0.22 III 9 22.1% 2.46% 0.09 IV 4 4.4% 1.10% (0.13) V 3 8.3% 2.77% (1.00)

27 Chadwick (supra n. 6) 201-202, 434, who accepts Palmer's distinction between flocks belonging to the "king" and flocks belonging to other individuals.

28 Hart (supra n. 21) 10-15; Palmer 1972 (supra n. 21) 34. 29 Wilson (supra n. 6) 93, Table V.




bly lay east of Knossos. Similarly, the flocks of the "owner" a-te-jo are grouped six in group II, two at se- to-i-ja, and one at qa-sa-ro-we (whose relative location is not known at present), suggesting a link between se-to-i-ja and group II.3?

At a more subjective level, group II contains the TN ra-su-to, which may represent a pre-Greek /la- sunthos/, a plausible early form of the name Lasithi. Faure and Thomopoulou both regard the name Lasi- thi as ancient in origin, although they differ in their exact derivations.31 There is certainly archaeological evidence for activity on the plateau in the LM III period, and Watrous believes it fell within the sphere of Knossian interest at the time of the tablets.32

Group IV presents different problems. In terms of frequency of occurrence, the notion of fall-off with distance is clearly established by the group IV TNs, which we assume to lie at the western edge of the area of interest. They account for the lowest total, and the lowest average occurrence per TN. It is, however, surprising to see them low in the ratio of "owner" flocks, as the model suggests that, at this western extreme, the farthest remove from the center, there should be a higher proportion of "owners." In fact, the lack of "owners" is illusory, and arises from the fact that there are no records relating specifically to sheep for this area of Crete. The livestock records relating to this region are of a different type-the Co documents, an example of which is shown here:

Co 903 (107) .1 wa-to / a-ko-ra-ja OVISm 60 OVISf 270

CAPm 49 .2 CAPf 130 SUSm 17 SUSf 41 BOSm 2 BOSf 4

These texts record more complete livestock assem- blages: sheep, goats, pigs and cattle, in descending nu- merical order. Entries in the Co series are distin-

guished by the term a-ko-ra-ja, which, as Killen has shown, probably has a significance similar to the presence of an "owner" name.33 He has demonstrated connections between these TNs and the Lc(2) set of cloth production records, which list the produce of mainly "owner" workshops in this region, and display links with a list of "owner" names on tablet B 798, written by scribe 107, who also wrote the Co records. What Killen has shown, then, is the logical extension of the picture presented: namely, that the western TNs are less "involved" in the administration, but that this

limited "involvement" is almost entirely carried on through intermediaries: the "owners." Thus, the spatial distribution of TNs is shown to be linked to the administrative organization.

If the presence of "owners" and administrative practice are in fact linked, then the term "owner" is itself probably inaccurate. The notion of "ownership" in the context of such an administrative system seems anachronistic and to be based on the modern distinction between the public and the private sector. Rath- er, the importance of these persons to the palace (which is signalled by their being recorded on the tablets) seems to have been one of responsibility for over- seeing production (and, no doubt, insuring its comple- tion and the delivery of products to the palace) in areas outside that nearest to the palace itself. I would propose on these grounds that the term "overseer" might be considered as a replacement for "owner."

Our consideration of the context of the TNs and their organization thus points to a difference in the way in which certain parts of Crete are handled by the administration. Knossos appears to have had its own region which it administered directly for the most part, while radiating out from it were regions where indirect administration, signalled by the presence of "overseers," became more important as a function of distance and separation. At the farthest end lay the western TNs, which occur less frequently in the archive, but were apparently managed almost entirely through "overseers."

Second-order Centers At this point we must bring group V into the discus-

sion. The location of two of its TNs we know (Knossos and Amnisos), but that of the third (se-to-i-ja), we do not. I am unsure of the status of group V as a geographical grouping, and believe that it is one point where the objective analysis of associations breaks down, for the grouping is largely achieved through contextual associations with Knossos itself. We know, however, that Knossos is the center, and we might then expect these co-occurrences to be of a special kind. By definition, Knossos, the administrative center, has an implicit link with any TN it records.34 But, when Knossos itself is actually mentioned in association with a TN, the link becomes more important. We can contrast the occurrences of Pylos within its system,

30 Wilson (supra n. 6) 92-93, n. 82.

3' P. Faure, "Toponymes prihdlleniques dans la Crtte moderne," Kadmos 6 (1967) 62, and I. Thomopoulou, "Tb "Ovoja Aao•lL," Amaltheia 6 (1975) 137-43. The problem, however, is documenting the pre-Greek name beyond the end of the Bronze Age, and before the Venetian period.

32 L.V. Watrous, Lasithi, a History of Settlement on a Highland Plain in Crete (Hesperia suppl. 18, Princeton 1982) 17-18.

33 J.T. Killen, "Linear B a-ko-ra-ja/-jo," in A. Morpurgo-Da- vies and W. Meid eds., Studies in Greek, Italic and Indo-European Linguistics Offered to L.R. Palmer (Innsbruck 1976) 117-25.

34 Cf. Cherry (supra n. 20) 79.




which are never in association with other TNs.35 Thus, there may be a difference in status for those TNs which occur in association with Knossos. In practice, Knossos only occurs with other TNs six times out of a total of 22 occurrences. (Knossos is indicated by "K" on the bottom axis in ill. 5.) The actual co-occurrences are set out in abbreviated form in Table 3.

What the first three examples show is a linking between Knossos and da-*22-to, se-to-i-ja, Amnisos, Phaistos and most likely ku-ta-to.36 The context is important, for As 40 lists personal names, including one su-ke-re at se-to-i-ja. As(2) 1516, a tablet by the same hand, also lists names, but of a special kind (they are distinguished by the term qa-si-re-wi-ja) in three groups by place. Here su-ke-re returns at the head of

the se-to-i-ja list, in the form su-ke-re-o, presumably a genitive, which implies that he is in some way in charge of those men."37 The context is, then, specialized, and further, it is fair to assume that, as da-*22- to-a group I TN-occurs in As 40, the proximity implied is not geographical. Similarly, E 777 has a specialized context, linking three known TNs at opposite sides of the island in what appears to be a rations context. These TNs are not linked by proximity, but by status, as suspected.

We have, then, links on tablets among these TNs which Wilson and others have used to imply a Knos- sian geographical grouping, comprising Knossos, Amnisos and se-to-i-ja.38 We might ask why da-*22- to and Phaistos are not included. The reason, of course, is that their geographical-contextual associa-

Table 3: The Co-occurrences of Knossos within the Archive (Abbreviated)

1. As 40 .1 ko-no-so .2.3.4.5 da-*22-to

.6 se-to-i-ja

2. As(2) 1516 .2 ko-no-si-ja .12 ku-]ta-ti-jo .20 se-to-i-ja

3. E 777 .1 ko-no-si-ja .2 a-mi-ni-si-ja .3 pa-i-ti-ja

4. Le 641 .1 pa-i-ti-ja....da-wi-ja .2 do-ti-ja......qa-mi-ja .3 ko-no-so.....tu-ni-ja

5. Xd 168 .1 ko-no-si-jo [ .2 ru-ki-ti-jo [

6. Xe 6011 .1 ]ko-no-so[ .2 ]e-ra[

35 A. Sainer, "An Index of the Place-names at Pylos," SMEA 17 (1976) 51-52.

36 The apparatus in Chadwick et al., (supra n. 1) 26, suggests a possible restoration as ]ra-ti-jo, or as ku-]ta-ti-jo on As(2) 1516.12. From the spacing to the left of ]ti-jo, I think two signs are more likely. Also, I think that ku-ta-to, which occurs 78 times in the archive (more than any other TN), is more likely to have a high-level

status than ra-to, which appears less often in the archive (31 times). 7 I think the co-occurrence of personal name and place-name,

together with the fact that the tablets are both by the same scribal hand, puts the question of the identity of the two su-ke-res beyond reasonable doubt.

38 Wilson (supra n. 6) 91; Palmer 1972 (supra n. 21) 37, 41.




tions lie elsewhere. Ironically, it is precisely because of its known location that Amnisos is included, whereas, on the basis of these documents alone, it has no more right to inclusion than da-*22-to or Phaistos. Se-to-i-ja is included because its location is unknown, although it seems to associate with group II, and thus may lie east of Knossos. What these particular texts imply is the existence of a set of high-level TNs, which we can legitimately refer to as second-order centers-Amnisos, se-to-i-ja, Phaistos, da-*22-to and ku-ta-to.

What is more, these second-order centers, or sub- centers, are further evidenced by their presence on the Sc, Sd and So records. Amnisos occurs relatively frequently in the Sc texts, which record chariots, horses and tunics. An example from the Sd documents de- scribes ornate chariot bodies, the outcome of many highly specialized production processes, indicated by the string of descriptions applied to them:

Sd 4413 (128) .a a-ra-ru-]ja, a-ni-ja-pi, wi-ri-ni-jo, o-po-qo,

ke-ra-ja-pi, o-pi-i-ja-pi CUR[ .b i-]qi-ja / pa-i-to, a-ra-ro-mo-te-me-na,

do-we-jo, i-qo-e-qe , po-ni-ki[-ja The descriptions include the TNs Phaistos (as in the example given), se-to-i-ja and ku-do-ni-ja. The So series records wheels in similar fashion-one pair at se-to-i-ja, and three at Phaistos39:

So(1)4448 (130) pa-i-to , a-mo-ta , pte-re-wa , te-mi-dwe-ta

ROTA ZE 3

Whether these chariots were actual war chariots, or merely ornate vehicles (armored cars or Rolls- Royces?), their symbolic value must have been important, and their distribution among our second-order centers is telling. We are almost certainly correct in adding Kydonia to our list of second-order centers on this basis. This addition has an interesting conse- quence in respect to the "overseers" discussed earlier, since it confirms the relationship of administrative concern in Khania and the presence of "overseers."

Not only does Kydonia have these ornate chariots, but so does se-to-i-ja, which we had clearly isolated as a second-order center. Yet there are two further

points to be made about this TN. First, it occurs on Le 654 with the abbreviation "wa", and on Lc(1) 525 with the full adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra:

Le654 (103) .1 sup. mut. .2 ]si-ja [ .3 a-mi-ni-si-ja [ .4 se-to-i-ja 'wa' 2[ .5 tu-ni-ja 2[ .6 we-we-si-jo 1[

Lc(1) 525 (103) .a 'wa-na-ka-te-ra' TELA3+TE 40 LANA 100[ .b se-to-i-ja ,/ tu-na-no TELA! 3 LANA [

Wa-na-ka-te-ra is generally accepted to relate to the wanax, or "king."40 But-the second point-in Wil- son's analysis of the so-called "collector" to non-"collector" flock ratios, se-to-i-ja alone in group V has a ratio of 1.00, the highest of all the groups.41 This figure is difficult to explain if the presence of such names indicates a separation from the wanax, as Palmer has maintained.42

ARCHAEOLOGY AND ADMINISTRATION

Origins From an analysis of the textual evidence we seem to

be able to sketch a picture of groupings among the TNs, and also to isolate certain TNs which probably functioned as second-order administrative centers. These sub-centers are an important link to our second body of data: the archaeological evidence. If we include Knossos, then four have a known location- Knossos (the center), Phaistos, Kydonia and Amnisos. It is significant that all correspond to sites of some importance in LM I-two of them palaces, the third a major town with a Linear A archive, and the fourth a "villa."

The status of Amnisos is, however, difficult to assess, as it lies close to Knossos, and may thus not be separable from it as a center in the same way as the other second-order centers are. Its importance is shown by the variety of functions it fulfilled in the administration,43 but it is clear that one of its chief functions was as a cult place (see, e.g., its occurrences in the Fp, Ga, Gg, and perhaps also in the M records),

39 I assume the chariots and wheels to be at the locations mentioned on the tablets because the TNs do not appear in the ethnic form. By implication, we can assume that those tablets which do not have a TN record vehicles and wheels at Knossos. Confirmation is perhaps offered by the tablet Le 641 (cf. Table 3) where cloth is recorded against several ethnic forms, but against the te-pe-ja at ko-no-so.

40 See, e.g., Chadwick (supra n. 6) glossary, p. 589, and Palmer (supra n. 6) glossary, p. 461.

41 Wilson, (supra n. 6) 94, is right to stress the limited evidence in

this particular case. It is, however, worth noting that se-to-i-ja occurs with ka-to-ro in the Do texts, and also in the same group of tablets in abbreviated form (se): cf. J.T. Killen, "Some Adjuncts to the SHEEP Ideogram on Knossos Tablets," Eranos 61 (1963) 89-93. This information supports the identification of se-to-i-ja as a place of particular importance.

42 Palmer (supra n. 6) 178. 43 Cf. S. Hiller, "Amnisos in den mykenischen Texten," Kadmos

21(1982) 33-63.




which might suggest a status in the Knossos system similar to that of pa-ki-ja-ne in the Pylos system--a nearby and possibly specialized area.44

The other three centers whose names are recognizable have a similar history in LM II. Knossos itself is not destroyed in LM IB, although it does seem to suf- fer damage,45 but it continues to function in LM II and LM IIIA, and its pottery style was highly influ- ential on the contemporary pottery preserved in limited deposits elsewhere on Crete.46 I have plotted the distribution of LM II material in ill. 6,47 which shows only LM II material, not LM IIIA1, as I wish to de- fine the earliest contacts after the LM IB destructions. Phaistos and Khania both occur on the map. This pattern might help us look for likely locations for our other second-order centers.

First, da-*22-to. We have seen that its connections are western and southern within group I,48 and a likely location would be on the Rethymnon coastal plain; a further possible confirmation is its occurrence in the V(5) series texts, which may deal with coastal sites.49 Rethymnon itself is not well known archaeologically, but LM II pottery does occur there, notably the flask published by Tzedakis,50 and of course LM III chamber tombs are known in the town, although they have been haphazardly explored. Outside the modern town to the east, the area of Stavromenos has not yet been excavated, and so has not yielded LM II pottery, but surface finds from the area point to extensive occupation in both LM I and LM III. It is also worth noting the discovery of LM III chamber tombs at several locations in the region."'

Second, se-to-i-ja. It is much less easy to assess the possible location of this TN, and what I offer here as a suggestion must be regarded as highly speculative. If we look for another ex-palatial site reoccupied in LM II to the east of Knossos, we can plausibly consider only Malia.52 Se-to-i-ja's archival position, with its clear second-order center status, and its high "overseer" ratio, implying separation from Knossos, would match the location of Malia well. Arkhanes might be offered as a rival candidate, but I think it is unlikely. It does not fall within the region east of Knossos, as it lies only 8 km. almost due south. Also, although an impressive archaeological site throughout its history, Arkhanes has not yielded well attested LM II material, which makes it difficult to place in a class with the other sub-centers.

We ought to take account of Crete farther east than Malia, and ask why that area is not brought into consideration. First, within the contextual groupings and the identifiable TNs, not one is securely assigned to the east of the island.53 In the second place, if one were, we might expect it to have similar characteris- tics to the western TNs already examined, but none does, although the group II TNs, it is suggested, appear to have some intermediate status. Finally, there are no examples of LM II pottery from the east de- spite major excavations at Gournia, Palaikastro and Kato Zakro. It is true that there is LM IIIA1 pottery at least from Palaikastro and Myrtos, and possibly from Kato Zakro, but it is too late for what I should like to establish: namely, a more or less immediate reuse after a LM IB destruction.54

44 This may sound like special pleading, but we can add the fact that the records of military equipment at Amnisos (the Sc texts) are of a kind different from the Sd and So records. A possible explanation for the discrepancy may be sought in the office from which these military texts came: the "Room of the Chariot Tablets" deposit by the "124" group of scribal hands. This office shows no scribal links to other offices, but strong links among its ten or more scribes (cf. Olivier [supra n. 9] 66), and also appears to duplicate commodity records found elsewhere, as in this case: Sc duplicating Sd and So. This state of affairs has not been adequately explained, but it clearly reflects a separation from the main archive for the records by hand "124," a separation which may be either chronological or functional. In either case, the references to Amnisos acquire a pecu- liar status. (More work is necessary on this question, and I should point out that this observation about the "124" records applies equally to the references to tablet Ce 59, on which see infra.)

45 See, e.g., JHS-AR 1980-81, 75-92, and JHS-AR 1961-62, 26-27.

46 E.g., at Kommos: L.V. Watrous, Hesperia 47 (1978) 170; at Khania: I. Tzedakis, "L'atelier de c~ramique post-palatiale i Ky- d6nia," BCH 93 (1969) 413-14 (specifically referring to LM IIIA influence); at Malia: M.R. Popham, "Cretan Sites Occupied between c. 1450 and 1400 B.C.," BSA 75 (1980) 166, and cf., e.g., O. Pelon, Fouilles exdecutees & Mallia. Exploration des maisons. . . 3 (Etudes Cr~toises 16, Paris 1970) 169.

47 The map is based on the references given by Popham (supra n. 46) 163-67.

48 Cf. supra n. 24. 49 Cf. J. Chadwick, "A Cretan Fleet?" in Antichith Cretesi: Studi

in onore di Doro Levi (Catania 1977) 199-201. 50so I. Tzedakis, "Minoan Globular Flasks," BSA 66 (1971)

363-68, and C. Mavriyannaki, RDAC 1973, 83-84. The flask has the inventory number TI 95 in the Rethymnon Museum.

" Cf. especially S. Hood, P.M. Warren and G. Cadogan, "Trav- els in Crete, 1962," BSA 59 (1964) 62-64 (LM II-III kylix stems are mentioned on p. 64). For chamber tombs in the area, see Kanta (supra n. 2) 211-12 (Stavromenos), 212-13 (Pigi), 214-15 (Ma- roulas), and 216 (Adele). All are within a radius of 6 km. of the coast at Stavromenos. Recently the area has been re-examined, and its importance confirmed: W. Schiering, W. Muiller and W.-D. Niemeier, "Landbegehungen in Rethymnon und Umgebung," AA 1982, 15-54.

52 Cf. the references given by Popham (supra n. 46) 167, and add the reference to an unpublished Ephyrean goblet fragment from the palace site: J. Deshayes and A. Dessenne, Fouilles exdcutes Malal- lia. Exploration des mnaisons ... 2 (Etudes Cr~toises 11, Paris 1959) 123, n. 3.

3 See, e.g., Killen (supra n. 13) 45-46. This evidence was further confirmed by the recent re-analysis of the ISJs: Catling et al. (supra n. 15) 91.

54 Cf. Popham (supra n. 46) 166-67. The early LM IIIA deposit from Myrtos is alluded to by G. Cadogan, "Pyrgos, Crete 1970-77," JHS-AR 1977-78, 82.




N

6B . . . ... . o.,.;•::

0 50 I I

KM

Ill. 6. Crete. Distribution of LM II pottery

There is not enough evidence to speculate on ku-ta- to here, but I think the general position is sufficiently clear. These second-order centers not only have char- acteristics which distinguish them within the archive, but they seem to have been reactivated early after their destruction in LM IB, under Knossian influence. They seem also to have been centers in the LM I period before their destruction. The point I wish to make here is that these sites, defined both by archaeology and by study of the texts, may reflect the initial stages of the Knossian administrative system after the LM IB disturbances: it was established by reviving sites which had previously existed as centers.

These sites remain as centers (and are detectable as such in the archive) into the period from which the tablets are actually preserved, but it is only in the LM II period that they stand out clearly in the archaeological record. By LM IIIA1 the picture is already more complex, as material of this period is more widely distributed, notably at sites other than the sub-centers and in East Crete. By this time also, Crete seems to be recovering, at least in terms of numbers of sites attested, and we can contrast the picture in LM II,

when there are perhaps seven known sites (ill. 6), with that in LM IIIA1, when there are nearly fifty. The number of known sites is even larger for the subsequent LM IIIA2 and IIIB periods. It might be ob- jected that LM II material has also been found at He- rakleion (Katsambas cemetery) and at Kommos, but, strikingly, they are both coastal towns corresponding to sites reactivated in LM II themselves: Knossos and Phaistos.55

The establishment of a new administrative system in this way ought not to surprise us, for the process is well attested ethnohistorically. In a recent survey of state organization with reference to Mesoamerica, it is maintained that "assembling a large-scale system apparently requires considerable preexisting organization."56 A parallel in the Aegean area may be the expansion of Mycenaean influence into the islands: an enlargement of an economic or exchange system, which was presumably aided by the existence of an organization that had arisen under Minoan influence.

In the case under consideration here, the pre-existing LM I administrative organization, which (whether or not Knossos was pre-eminent) reflected a re-

55 St. Alexiou, 'YrrePpolVwwLKOL TdcOL Al/LEvos KvUoroo (Ka- TcraL/rri) (Athens 1967) passim (Katsambas), and Watrous (supra n. 46) 170 (Kommos). I do not regard the swords found at Kato Symi Viannou (cf. A. Lembessi, Praktika 1973, 193, pl. 198a, and ArchEph 1981, 15-16, pl. 2) as secure evidence of LM II activity. No LM II pottery is illustrated from the sanctuary, and one can imagine that the swords may have been in existence for generations

before their dedication there. 56 R.E. Blanton, S.A. Kowalewski, G. Feinman and J. Appel,

Ancient Mesoamerica (Cambridge 1981) 20, where the parallel of Alexander the Great's expansion of his empire by the incorporation of political sub-assemblies is also given; cf. H. Simon, "The Archi- tecture of Complexity," in H. Simon ed., The Sciences of the Artifi- cial (Cambridge, Mass. 1969) 98.




gional division marked by the presence of centers in several locations, may have provided the necessary framework for Knossos to establish administrative control in LM II. This thesis does not run counter to any of the more conventional historical explanations of change in LM II Crete, such as Knossian milita- rism or Mycenaean invasion. The establishment of a new administration is marked in the archaeological record by change and disturbance in the period imme- diately following the LM IB destructions. Distur- bances on Crete in this period are indicated by the destructions in the Knossos region-notably at the Unexplored Mansion-and at Malia, where the LM II deposit was preserved by a destruction in House E.57 Further, advocates of both sides of the dating controversy agree that there was damage to and reconstruction of the palace at Knossos early in the LM IIIA period."58

Other indicators of change are the so-called "war- rior graves" (or, more accurately, "burials with bronzes") in the regions of Knossos, Phaistos and possibly Khania.59 These burials are remarkable for their richness; they include (rather than being exclu- sively composed of) bronze weapons, and may represent a symbolic display of status by a new ruling class in support of their power. This symbolic legitimation may be related to the slight evidence for LM III reuse of peak sanctuaries cited by Cherry, and the change in the symbolic repertoire of palatial decoration.60 The distribution of the sites considered above, where LM II material is attested, and their archaeological "fin- gerprints" are highly suggestive in the light of their status in the administration at a later date. An ob/vious archaeological challenge is to find a site that may match ku-ta-to.

Maturity The sites just discussed appear to be high in the

hierarchy, both at this early date and certainly also in the period of the operation of the system as we know it: the period of the destruction in the palace which

preserved the texts. At this time, Knossos documents an interest in at least 100 TNs. It is the period of destruction (the period in which the system attested was actually functioning) that I propose to consider here by taking three examples of TNs in the archive whose archaeological correlates we know and which show how archaeology and the tablets can complement each other.

A. Tylissos There is evidence for LM III habitation at the "vil-

la" site. Although Hazzidakis' excavations seem to have made difficult the reconstruction of the LM III

complex which existed over the LM I site, Barbara Hayden has reinvestigated Tylissos in some detail, and has good evidence for reconstruction and reuse in the LM III period.61 In addition to Hayden's discussion of the reconstructed buildings, we can also note Hazzidakis' discovery of LM III occupation remains in tests 50 m. north, and 100 m. east of the excavated area.62

Tylissos, then, was clearly an occupation site. In the documents it occurs relatively infrequently--13 times in all, as we would expect for a TN referring to a site in Knossos' immediate area. Among these occurrences are two which imply the presence of personnel: a reference in a cloth tablet to tu-ri-si-ja women, and a single tablet documenting men at Tylissos and u-ta- no. At least six flocks of sheep are also recorded against the TN tu-ri-so.63 We have then a picture that matches that sketched above (p. 235) of an occupation site, whose involvement in cloth production and man- agement of a number of flocks are indicated in the texts.

Hayden's picture of the architecture can take us further, however, for she argues convincingly for the existence of a pier-and-door construction and a small stoa in the LM III period.64 These features would tend to indicate a certain status for Tylissos, some- thing that can be supported by its other occurrences in the documents. It is one of Wilson's group III TNs-

57 M.R. Popham, JHS-AR 1972-73, 50-61 (Unexplored Man- sion). Popham also refers to a burnt LM II deposit from Knossos in "Late Minoan II Crete: A Note," AJA 79 (1975) 374. The burnt nature of the Malia, House E deposit is referred to in Mallia Mai- sons 3 (supra n. 46) 169.

58 M.R. Popham, The Destruction of the Palace at Knossos (SIMA 12, Gdteborg 1970) 60, 67; E. Hallager, The Mycenaean Palace at Knossos (Stockholm 1977) 17-50.

59 Cf. E.A. and H.W. Catling in M.R. Popham, E.A. and H.W. Catling, "Sellopoulo Tombs 3 and 4, Two Late Minoan Graves near Knossos," BSA 69 (1974) 253-54.

o60 Peak sanctuaries: J.F. Cherry, "Generalization and the Ar- chaeology of the State," in D. Green, C. Haselgrove and M. Spriggs eds., Social Organisation and Settlement (BAR International Series 47, Oxford 1978) 429 and fig. 1; A.A.D. Peatfield, "The Topo-

graphy of Minoan Peak Sanctuaries," BSA 78 (1983) 278-79. Knossos palace decoration: see, e.g., S. Hood, The Arts in Prehis- toric Greece (Harmondsworth 1978) 65-70.

6' B.J. Hayden, The Development of Cretan Architecture from the LM IIIA Through the Geometric Periods (Diss. University of Pennsylvania 1981) 41-49.

62 J. Hazzidakis, Les villas minoennes de Tylissos (Etudes Cr&- toises 3, Paris 1934) 3-4, 70-72. Recently a chamber tomb was found nearby: JHS-AR 1980-81,44.

63 Personnel: Lc(1) 533; B 807 (?). Sheep: Da 8385; Db 1241, 1242, 1245; Dd 1244; Dh(1) 1243.

64 Hayden (supra n. 61) 44 (pier-and-door), 49 (stoa). The stoa provides an interesting parallel to the small stoa at Ayia Triadha: Hayden (supra n. 61) 52-55.




the group that probably lay closest to Knossos. The nine TNs forming Group III occur on two tablets, which have the appearance of local taxation records-- E 749 and Og 833:

E749 (136) .1 qa-ra-jo, GRA 25 .2 ru-ki-ti-jo GRA 23[ .3 ti-ri-ti-jo GRA [ .4 [su-]ri-mi-jo GRA[ ]T 2 'V 3' .5 qa-mi-jo, GRA 12 T 5 .6 u-ta-ni-jo, GRA[ .7 pu-si-jo, GRA 6[ .8.9 vacant .10 vacat [

Og 833 (---) .0 sup. mut. .1 [su-]ri-mi-jo[ .2 [u-]ta-ni-jo[ .3 [ti-]ri-ti-jo M 6 .4 qa-mi-jo M 6 .5 pu-si-jo M 5 .6 ru-ki-ti-jo M 9 .7 tu-ri-si-jo M 4 .8 qa-ra-jo M 9 .9 to-so M 47

Tylissos does not appear on E 749, but it does on Og 833, with an entry of about 4 kg. of an unknown commodity. On the analogy of similar lists from Pylos,65 this recording of relatively small amounts of a commodity from several locations may be a kind of taxation record, and, if so, we can then argue a certain importance for Tylissos and the other eight TNs of group III as local taxation points. Clearly, these nine TNs are not the only sites in existence in the immediate region of Knossos, and they may well not be the only TNs in this region to be recorded in the archive; it is the way in which they are recorded that serves both to identify them and to indicate their status. I believe that Tylissos is a third-order center, a type which possibly exists only in the Knossos area, and has a different status from that of the second-order centers already identified.

The status argued here for Tylissos is further supported by another list:

Ce 59 ASHM("124"c) .1

].ma-sa / we-ka-ta BOSm 6 // da-wo /we-ka-ta

BOSm 6 .2a ta-ra-me-to [.]-mo .2b ku-]ta-to / we-ka-ta BOSm 10 // da-*22-to

/we-ka-ta BOS 6 .3a [.]-mo .3b ] tu-ri-so / we-ka-ta BOSm 6 // ku-do-ni-ja /

we-ka-ta BOSm 50

This tablet documents oxen (probably "working" oxen) at various localities spread over the island. In the Aegean the ox is an expensive animal to maintain, as it requires large amounts of food and water,66 so it is not surprising to see the palace recording such a resource. The oxen are documented at disparate locations from West to Central Crete, and three of the sites (ku-ta-to, da-*22-to and Kydonia) are second-order centers.

The location of oxen in second-order centers is significant in itself, but in the case of Tylissos we can go further and take note of the number of oxen-six- and the amount of land they could plow in a season: perhaps 24 to 30 ha.'67 Tylissos also occurs in a text- E(2) 668-in which 261 units of grain are recorded against it. This figure could have been produced on about 26 ha. of land, using mono-cropping, an area that falls within our suggested plowing calculation. It is thus tempting to see a link between the two figures-the oxen being supplied to produce at Tylissos a certain amount of grain for the palace.

It must, however, be noted that da-*22-to also occurs in this series of grain texts, on E(2) 669, but with only 70 units of grain, although the same number of oxen appears against this TN on Ce 59. This figure would not support the hypothesis, although a possible explanation may be given by the presence of 45 units of olives on the same E(2) document; perhaps they re- place the "missing" grain. Unfortunately, the other Ce 59 TNs do not occur in the E(2) series grain texts, so further comparison is not possible.68

65 These are the Pylos Ma records which relate to those places listed in the two provinces: cf., e.g., Jn 829 (Hither Province). For discussion, see W.F. Wyatt, Jr., "The Ma Tablets from Pylos," AJA 66 (1962) 21-41, and C.W. Shelmerdine, "The Pylos Ma Tablets Reconsidered," AJA 77 (1973) 261-75.

66 Cf., e.g., C. Renfrew and M. Wagstaff eds., An Island Polity: the Archaeology of Exploitation on Melos (Cambridge 1982) 100-101,120.

67 I am indebted to Paul Halstead for the figures. One pair of oxen can plow roughly a stremma (0.1 ha.) in a day. (This was the original definition of a stremma.) If we assume a working season

(November to February) of 120 days, of which 60+ are practicable, then we reach a figure per team of 60 x 0.1 ha., or 6 ha. In practice the rate could be better, and Halstead's figures for 19th c. Thessaly suggest 8 ha. per pair per annum.

68 This frustrating situation, where a pattern appears to emerge, but is neither proven nor disproven as a result of lack of evidence, is all too familiar in Linear B studies. Having said that, it should be noted that tablet Ce 59 (the "key" in this case) is by hand "124" c, and the evidence it affords is thus conditioned by the factors already mentioned (supra n. 44).




B. Phaistos and Ayia Triadha The location of pa-i-to we can assume to be known,

and to lie in the western Mesara at the site of Phai- stos. We know that the palace at Phaistos was reoccupied in LM II69 and LM III, but nearby Ayia Tria- dha seems to have been the more impressive site in LM III proper. At this site there was a monumental building (Building A-D) possibly constructed in LM II, and a series of other structures, including the large stoa, which recent investigations suggest was built in LM IIIA2.70 The size of these structures suggests a possible storage function.

On the documents Phaistos is often paired with a TN da-wo. Against da-wo tablet F(2) 852 records an entry of at least 10,000 units of grain-the produce of between 2,000 and 6,000 ha. of land, depending on the type of cropping used.71 This scale of entry is un- paralleled against a single TN elsewhere, and indeed that amount of grain, as has been observed,72 would fill the entire central court at Knossos to a depth of over one meter. Against this being a purely local production figure, we can appeal to the Ce 59 oxen records again,73 where da-wo has only six oxen. Clearly these six oxen cannot possibly plow even 1,000 ha. in a season, assuming the other half lies fallow. They may then have been used locally to produce da-wo's contribution of perhaps 300 units to this massive total figure. The figure of 10,000 units might then have been stored at da-wo, but would represent the produce of sites all over the Mesara. A parallel would be the agricultural exploitation of the Mesara region in the Roman period.74

We can speculate on where this massive amount might have been kept. My calculation from figures given in Hayden's study of the LM III buildings at

Ayia Triadha shows that an equivalent volume to that of the central court at Knossos covered to a depth of over one meter could be achieved in the large stoa together with the so-called "Bastione." Indeed, Banti suggested just such a function for the "Bastione."75 The presence of such a vast amount of grain in the Mesara indicates either a massive redistribution center for a large part of Crete,76 or perhaps that the grain was for exchange, as Knossos seems to have had its own supply network for grain rations, which appears in the E(2) records. (It is perhaps significant that da-wo's grain is stored close to the port at Kom- mos, with its large buildings J and T reused in LM III.77)

C. Khania (Kydonia) The third, and final, place-name whose archaeo-

logical implications I discuss lies in the west: ku-do- ni-ja, modern Khania. Much interest has centered on this site, both in its own right as one of the most recently discovered and spectacularly productive LM sites on Crete,78 and also as an outlying area of the Knossos administration.

I have argued above that the Kydonia region seems to be handled indirectly by Knossos. This observation counters one of the arguments against such an apparently important site being politically subordinate to Knossos: if the site was a separate entity and had its own site hierarchy, how was it that Knossos could appear to deal directly with Khania's satellites, for example, on the Co records? I maintain that Knossos does not deal directly with them, but indirectly, through "overseers," via the sub-center at Khania, and that the apparent direct recording of sites is conditioned by the term a-ko-ra-ja.79

69 Popham (supra n. 46) 167, with references. 70 Building A-D: P.M. Warren, JHS 102 (1982) 275; Stoa: V.

La Rosa, "La ripresa dei lavori ad Haghia Triadha: relazione pre- liminare sui saggi del 1977," ASAtene n.s. 39 (1977) 318-42, esp. 340. Cf. also BCH 102 (1978) 760.

71 Cf. supra n. 18. The lower figure is for land solely under wheat (including one-half lying fallow), the higher for inter-cropped land (again with one-half fallow). In any one season at least 1,000 ha. would be cultivated.

72 P. Halstead and J. O'Shea, "A Friend in Need is a Friend In- deed: Social Storage and the Origins of Social Ranking," in C. Ren- frew and S. Shennan eds., Ranking, Resource and Exchange (Cambridge 1982) 96.

73 Cf., however, supra n. 68 for the status of text Ce 59. 74 I.F. Sanders, Roman Crete (Warminster 1982) 20-24, and cf.

BSA 71 (1976) 131-37. 75 Hayden (supra n. 61) 55-57. L. Banti, ASAtene n.s. 3-5

(1941-1943) 28, and cf. Ausonia 4 (1909) Notiziario 37. For a recent discussion of the Bastione, primarily in its LM I context, see L.V. Watrous, "Ayia Triadha: A New Perspective on the Minoan

Villa," AJA 88 (1984) 131-32. 76 Chadwick, (supra n. 6) 157-58, 170 and 412, arrives at a plau-

sible monthly wheat ration of T2 (i.e., two of the second largest dry unit, which is one-tenth of the major unit), implying a yearly ration of T24, or 2.4 major units; 10,000 units could then represent 10,000/2.4 annual rations, sufficient for almost 4,200 persons. When converted into absolute values (cf. supra n. 18) and com- pared with ethnographic data for Greece, the range is from ca. 3,700 to ca. 4,900 persons, figures which bracket our ration-based estimate nicely: see L. Foxhall and H.A. Forbes, "Ltroerpdla: The Role of Grain as a Staple Food in Classical Antiquity," Chiron 12 (1982) 44 and 65-68 for the values used. How long this amount could have been stored would depend on the condition of the grain and the type of facility used, but losses over a Cretan winter could have been considerable.

77 See, e.g., Hesperia 50 (1981) 218-24; 51 (1982) 184-85; and 53 (1984) 257-79.

78 Cf. Kanta (supra n. 2) 217-28 and Hiller (supra n. 2) 146-57. 79 Cf. supra p. 240.




The archaeological implications of this observation are twofold. First, we ought to be able to detect a group of sites which show a direct economic relationship with Khania, in much the same way as those of group III appear to relate to Knossos. Perhaps the distribution of Khaniote pottery wares locally, at Ka- lami, for example, or at Stylos, supports the idea of such a relationship."8 Local sites would thus still be part of a Khanio-centric economic system, while Kha- nia itself was politically related to Knossos, a form of relationship which appears to have carried certain economic obligations. The data from Jennifer Moo- dy's survey in the Khania region should help us to study such a patterning, and similar surveys in other areas like the western Mesara or the Knossos region would repay similar dividends.81

Second, and related to the first point, the emergence of a distinctive Khaniote pottery style after the assumed early fall of Knossos is not necessarily indicative of a loss of political control in Khania. Such an assumption need not be warranted, for parallels offered by Peacock in his recent ethnoarchaeological study of Roman pottery production suggest that an improvement in pottery mass-production techniques can lead to an increase in the mass-production of high-quality pottery at the local level.82 In LM III Crete, we see both an improvement in pottery tech- nique over LM II, and the emergence of local schools, not only at Khania, but elsewhere,83 the result of the economic attraction of centers like Khania, and more likely to be an index of a rise in complexity, not a loss of overall political control.84 Pots, as Furumark said,85 are not political documents, and we should not

expect them to reflect accurately the extent of an administration, particularly when that administration seems to have had no explicit concern with pottery production,86 or-apart from one notable exception-with any class of pottery.

The notable exception is the stirrup jar (SJ), whose Linear B name we know to have been *ka-ra-re-u (cf. PY Fr 1184 and KN K 778),87 also represented by the ideogram "210VAS and *210VAS+KA. This is the only class of vessel which appears to occur in quantity on the Knossos documents: between them, tablets K 700 and K 778 list 1,980 of the items denoted by the "210VAS ideogram, those on K 700 distinguished by the adjunct "ka"-the cruciform syllabogram which occurs on some ISJs.88 It is worth pointing out that storage SJs (uninscribed) were common among the finds from the latest phase of the Knossos palace: i.e., that after the major destruction postulated by Evans.89

The abundance of such vessels in the palace in what is thought to be the LM IIIA2 to IIIB period ties in with the chronological contexts of most of the ISJs.90 Many of the ISJs have a provenance in West Crete, although there is a group with a "Thebes- Knossos" profile91 and one ISJ (EL Z 1) has a West Central Cretan provenance and bears the TN da- "22-to. The findspots of ISJs on the mainland are confined to Mycenaean centers in the Argolid, Attica and Boiotia. To date, none is known from Pylos, or elsewhere in the southern Peloponnese. If the ISJs were travelling from the west of the island, then it is surprising that none has been discovered in those parts of the mainland closest to western Crete. Their

80 Kalami: Tzedakis (supra n. 14); Stylos: Kanta 1984 (supra n. 14) 12.

81 See J.A. Moody, "Khania Archaeological Site Survey," in D.R. Keller and D.W. Rupp eds., Archaeological Survey in the Mediter- ranean Area (BAR International Series 155, Oxford 1983) 301-302. I am indebted to Jennifer Moody for sending me some preliminary data from her survey, which suggest a decrease in the number of sites from LM I to LM III, but a more even spread of them across the landscape, and a larger site size. Without further data, however, it would be rash to speculate on these trends.

82 D.P.S. Peacock, Pottery in the Roman World: An Ethnoar- chaeological Approach (London 1982) 39-43.

83 Cf. Kanta (supra n. 2) 288-93. 84 It should be pointed out that we are still unsure of the nature of

any control Knossos may have exercised over sites it names in its archive. For this reason, I prefer the term "interest."

85 A. Furumark, "The Settlement at Ialysos and Aegean History c. 1550-1400 B.C.," OpusArch 6 (1950) 200.

86 See J.-P. Olivier et al., Index gindraux du lindaire B (Incuna- bula Graeca 52, Rome 1973) 97 for the six occurrences of ke-ra- me-u and related words. In no case does the title seem to refer to potters in their occupational capacity, although it clearly was an occupational name (e.g., PY Cn 1287). Contrast the ka-ke-we (PY Jn 301 etc.). The only occurrence at Knossos is of ke-ra-me-ja, a woman's name on Ap 639.7.

87 We only have the plural form attested: ka-ra-re-we, probably /khlarawes/: Chadwick (supra n. 6) 551.

88 See, e.g., Catling et al. (supra n. 15) 86-87 (nos. 12, 47, 79 and 87).

89 Cf., e.g., Palmer (supra n. 9) 142-43, who quotes from Mac- kenzie's pottery notebook a passage suggesting that at least 68 stirrup jars were found in the "Queen's Megaron" area ("Area of the Fish Fresco"). J. Boardman, The Date of the Knossos Tablets (Ox- ford 1963) pl. 14b, has a photograph of the area in the course of excavation in which the stirrup jars are in evidence.

90 Catling et al. (supra n. 15) 92-103. I prefer to follow Catling's lower dating for the Kadmeion ISJs. The idea of a single palatial building at Thebes seems extremely unlikely. There seem to have been several buildings, some with ISJs, some with tablets, thus matching the situation at Mycenae rather than that at Knossos: i.e., activity spread over several buildings and a large area, rather than confined to a single palatial building.

91 The problem is that the local clay compositions for the two areas (or, at any rate, those assumed to be local) are similar and thus it is impossible to state categorically that examples found on the mainland come from the Knossos region: cf. Catling et al. (supra n. 15) 83. The existence of an ISJ at Knossos (KN Z 1716) helps to strengthen the assumption that the jars may have been made from Knossian clay.




distribution appears to reflect a central outlet, although the OES analysis clearly indicates a western place of manufacture for many examples. The ISJs could thus be tied into the Knossos archive, and it should not surprise us to find that the archive makes no mention of their export to the mainland, as explicit references to the mechanisms of exchange are absent from the documents.

The same is not true for the uninscribed SJs, for two examples from the Menelaion excavations are of West Cretan provenance,92 and examples are known from Mycenae. We also know the name ka-ra-re-we from the Pylos archive, but we have no evidence to date as to whether or not these items were imported. It seems that SJs were exported from West Crete to the nearest parts of the mainland, but it is possible that the lack of inscribed examples indicates a localized trade, independent of Knossos, perhaps reflecting Khania's semi-independent status.

Such a rationalization of Khania's relationship and the position of the ISJs fits the picture sketched above for Khania and would not be controversial, were it not for one fact-almost all ISJs (including the sole find from Knossos itself: KN Z 1716) are dated to Late Bronze IIIB contexts, a few possibly to IIIA2, whereas the dating accepted by many archaeologists for the preservation by fire of the Knossian archive is the very beginning of the LM IIIA2 phase. As long as the dating of Knossos remains as it is, we must accept the contradiction, and attempt to explain it.

This explanation must remain one of the most important challenges to the archaeologist, for the dating of the destruction at Knossos remains fundamental to any detailed understanding of the administrative system. The real problem with establishing a date for the destruction is that the palace site no longer exists. As Kent Flannery's "Old Timer" remarks in a recent semi-fictitious dialogue, "archaeology is the only

branch of anthropology in which we kill our infor- mants in the process of studying them."93

CONCLUSION

In a general way, the Linear B texts from Knossos can indicate the extent of the administration and patterning within it in LM III Crete. The number of places in which Knossos was interested was probably about 100. The fact that we know of nearly fifty LM IIIA1 sites implies an original total far in excess of that figure, allowing for the vagaries of archaeological preservation. This figure suggests that, even if the documents do belong to (the very end of) LM IIIA1, Knossos is unlikely to have recorded its interests in all the potentially discoverable sites within its area. This situation is even more likely for the subsequent LM IIIA2 and IIIB periods, in which preserved site numbers are greater still. The implication is that Knossos was selective in its recording of sites (by means of TNs), and I have offered the suggestion that there existed second-order centers as a possible explanation of how Knossos related indirectly to the smaller sites. This suggestion is offered both in its operational context, for the period in which the texts are preserved, and as a possible explanation of the growth of the system by incorporating pre-existing organizational units. We are fortunate in the fact that five of our six securely identifiable TNs seem to have had some importance in the administration: Knossos, the center; Amnisos, a local specialized area; Phaistos and Kydo- nia, second-order centers; and Tylissos, a third-order center. In these cases, the specific archaeological remains at these sites can be related to the status of the TN within the administration and to its function, as reflected in the archive.

SIDNEY SUSSEX COLLEGE

CAMBRIDGE CB2 3HU ENGLAND

92 Catling et al. (supra n. 15) 79, Table 11 (nos. 107 and 108). 93 K.V. Flannery, "The Golden Marshalltown: A Parable for the

Archaeology of the 1980s," American Anthropologist 84 (1982) 275.



bennet, john. the structure of the linear b administration at knossos

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study of lm

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