benedictine order
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Benedictine Order
The oldest monastic communities in England belong to the Benedictine order. The
order takes its name from the set of laws that governs member communities, the Rule
of St. Benedict [1]. Composed by Benedict of Nursia in the sixth century, the Ruledetails the laws by which a community ofcenobitesshould live, including its
organization, daily routine, correction of wayward members, ownership of property,
and provision for the sick, as well as regulations and guidelines concerning many
other subjects. The Rule was adopted by monasteries throughout Europe over the
years following St. Benedict's death, and for centuries monasticism was virtually
synonymous with the Benedictines [2]. In fact, the appellation "Benedictine" may be
applied to theCluniacs, theCistercians, and members of other orders that use some form
of the Rule. For simplicity's sake, the term is used here only to describe those
religious and houses that do not belong to any other order.
The Benedictine order is unique in that it is not a confederation so much as a catch-all
classification applied to semi-autonomous communities. It imposes no supra-
communal hierarchy upon its houses, though individual monasteries often interfere in
the matters of theirdaughter prioriesunless the latter are able to become independent.
Thus, individual houses often have little oversight imposed upon them from outside
thecloister[3]. With the exception ofvisitations, they are generally responsible for
disciplining themselves as they see fit with regard to observance of ritual and the
Rule. Such a state of affairs has resulted in corruption and scandal within some
houses, and this, combined with the hidebound tradition that encumbers many
Benedictine communities, has inspired much criticism of the order in the last fortyyears, especially from the reform-minded clergy. Indeed, when zealous reformers
founded the new, more austere monastic orders in the last century, they were reacting
in part to what they saw as the opulent and greedy Benedictine houses [4].
The Benedictines are known as the "black monks" and "black nuns" due to the
predominantly dark colors of their garments [5]. Their communities vary widely in
size and stature, the most prestigious and independent being known as abbeys, the
lesser houses as priories [6]. The individual populations of many Benedictine houses
peaked several decades ago, and are gradually declining. A very large male
community might number over 100 monks; thecathedral prioryof Canterbury has 140.Most, though, are much smaller, with some having less than the minimum apostolic
ideal of twelve brethren or sisters and one head [7]. A male Benedictine community is
termed a priory if it is subordinate to another house, and an abbey if it is
independent;cathedral monasteries, which are in a sense dependent uponepiscopates, are
known as priories, not abbeys. A nunnery, in contrast, is considered a priory if its
endowments are relatively minor, and an abbey otherwise [8]. Some of the wealthiest
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monastic communities in England are Benedictine, including all but one of the
cathedral monasteries, but there are many small and poor priories as well [9].
History
At the end of the sixth
century, a Roman mission
headed by St. Augustine of
Canterbury introduced the
Rule of St. Benedict into
England. At first, Roman
monasticism was not
particularly popular on the
island. The Celtic model
of monastic life, broughtto England by Irish
missionaries, was
preferred. In time, though,
Benedictine customs
supplanted those of the
Irish ascetics, and the observance of the Rule became widespread. By the middle of
the eighth century, England was home to a number of substantial religious houses,
including both all-male and mixed-sex monasteries, the latter ruled by powerful and
influential abbesses. Benedictine monasticism thrived on the island [10].
The Scandinavian invasions and general upheaval of the following centuries almost
extinguished regular clerical life in England. A number of religious communities were
destroyed outright by raiders, and many others suffered spiritual decay to the point
where their members lived more as laypersons than as clergy. This period was
followed in the tenth century by a monastic revival, the impetus for which was
provided by St. Dunstan and other energetic reformers. Wayward houses were
brought back into line, and new communities were established. Not all monasteries
were revitalized, however. In particular, the powerful abbeys formerly populated by
mixed communities of men and women religious were not restored to their former
glory. Some were abandoned entirely, others converted to exclusively malemonasteries, and the single remaining abbey, Barking, was refounded as an all-female
house, a shadow of its former self. While new communities of nuns were established
during the religious revival of the tenth century, they were not of the same stature as
the old abbeys, nor were they the equal of the newer male houses. Female
monasticism has never fully recovered the prestige and influence it once had in
England [11].
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The Norman Conquest of 1066 brought further upheaval. The new masters of England
were determined to transform the country's monastic culture by imbuing it with
Norman traditions. They set about accomplishing their aims by concentrating on
reforming monks' houses, leaving most female communities to their own devices. In
addition to founding a number of new male Benedictine monasteries, the Normans
altered the character of the pre-Conquest communities by placing them under theleadership of dynamic religious from Bec and other influential French houses. These
superiors endeavored to supplant English customs with Continental conventions
through various means, including in at least one case force of arms. The realization of
their aims was only encouraged by the gradual replacement of Anglo-Saxon religious
with clergy drawn from the ranks of the Norman nobility. Given the shift from an
Anglo-Saxon to a Norman ruling class following 1066, the latter was a natural
process, since the nobility formed the pool from which nearly all religious were drawn
during this period. Simultaneously, the Normans began to replace the old conventual
churches and claustral complexes with structures built on a scale more magnificent
than had previously been common in England. Ultimately, these assimilatory efforts
met with success; by the early twelfth century, the pre-Conquest houses were little
different from their Norman counterparts. The Conquest thus brought fundamental
changes to English monasticism [12].
Since the early years of Henry I's reign, English Benedictine houses have
beenexposed to Cluniac customsvia the exchange of religious between the two orders,
notably the installation of Cluniac monks as abbots in independent Benedictine
houses. As a result, many Benedictine communities have adopted some Cluniac
practices as their own, whether in whole or in part. The changes, generally affecting
liturgical celebration, have been for the most part gradual rather than radical [13]. To a
lesser extent, the culture of the newer and more austere orders such as the Cistercians
has influenced the Benedictines as well. For example, the Cistercian criticism of the
acceptance ofchild oblateshas led to the abandonment of this practice by most
Benedictine houses [14]. But though the black monks and nuns have made subtle
changes in response to the examples set by other orders, their communities and
traditions are still fundamentally those of the unaffiliated Benedictines. They have not
lost their unique identity.
Foundation, Patronage, and BenefactionIn past centuries, there were few alternatives to the Benedictines for those who wished
to found a religious house; most of the other orders did not yet exist, or were not
popular. Thus, the foundation of a monastic community was almost by definition the
foundation of a Benedictine house. Some communities became the favorites of royalty
or powerful nobility, and grew in size, wealth, and status into the largest and most
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influential abbeys in existence today. Of course, not all of the older communities
attained such heights; nonetheless, many of the smaller houses have persisted, some
accumulating a fair amount of wealth in the process. In the first few decades
following the Conquest, the new Norman nobility founded numerous Benedictine
communities and endowed those already in existence with new possessions. At first,
the Normans only established new male houses, but as time went on, their enthusiasmfor such enterprises flagged, and female foundations became increasingly popular. In
the last century, however, the popularity of houses of this order has declined amongst
their would-be patrons and benefactors, and rarely these days is a new community of
Benedictines brought into being [15].
Reasons for the Decline in Patronage
Regular clergy as a whole are no less popular with patrons than they were in the past.
In fact, the newer religious orders still receive at least adequate financial and material
support from the laity. The Benedictines, however, have suffered a declining numberof donations. This is due primarily to competition from the other orders. Since there
are only a limited number of endowments available to monasteries, the success of the
Cistercians, Augustinians, and others has necessarily been at the Benedictines'
expense. Two principal factors have motivated the shift of funding from the older to
the newer orders, one spiritual, the other temporal. The reformist orders have caught
the imagination of the laity, who perceive them as leading devout and austere lives
exemplifying the monastic ideal. In contrast, laypersons may see Benedictine religious
as indolent and prone to sin. To many observers, the black monks and their female
counterparts live as do lay lords, enjoying the fruits of the labors of others and
engaging in far too much interaction with the secular world [16]. This negative
perception of Benedictines has also encouraged potential religious to look to the other
orders when entering the monastic life, and thus has contributed to the gradual decline
in Benedictine monastic populations [17].
Spiritual concerns alone do not motivate the lack of interest in the old order; other,
more worldly considerations also govern patrons' choices of monastic donees.
Practicality favors the granting of assets to houses of the newer orders instead of
Benedictine monasteries. The latter require much the same resources as do lay lords:
arable, pasture, mills, tolls, fees, and numerous tenants. In the first years following the
Conquest, the nobility had a surplus of land, and thus lords were relatively liberal in
their donations to monasteries, whether the latter were of pre-Conquest origin or new
foundations. As the years progressed, however, cultivated land has become a much
more valuable commodity. This is due to both a rise in the price of agricultural
produce, and to the fact that many lordssubinfeudatedtheir lands to such an extent that
their descendants now have lessdemesnethan they would like. Since the newer
monastic orders tend to require less in the way of developed land, their popularity has
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increased at the expense of the Benedictines. A lord today finds that it is much
cheaper to endow a house of Cistercian monks, who are happy with land that is waste
to the donor, or an Augustinian priory, which is ideally suited to receive gifts
ofbenefices, than it is to support a Benedictine community [18].
This is not to say that Benedictine houses receive so little that they are unable tosupport themselves; in fact, this is generally not the case, though few communities are
actually expanding their holdings to any significant degree. New Benedictine houses
have even been founded in the last hundred years, especially in the early and middle
parts of the century. Most of these, however, are nunneries. Since female communities
are not expected to be as wealthy as their male counterparts, the foundation or
patronage of a nunnery is generally not as expensive an undertaking. In some areas,
female convents are fairly popular beneficiaries of laypersons' largess; in particular,
the middle of this century saw a large number of nunneries founded in the north of
England [19].
Rights of Patrons
Of all the orders, the Benedictines have the most traditionally feudal relationships
with their patrons, who are generally regarded asliege lords. This is especially true of
the older monasteries, which hold much of their land bymilitary tenurefrom their
patrons [20]. The latter have a number of rights concerning their monastic tenants,
variations of a lay lord's usual entitlements with respect to vassals. These privileges
include a right to the community's hospitality and some power overabbatialelections.
Communities founded in the last 100 years, which are likely to be smaller than the
older houses, often hold more of their lands byfrankalmoininstead of military service;
nonetheless, they too may have powerful and meddlesome patrons who insist upon
interfering in elections. A liege lord has a practical interest in the outcome of such
contests, since he or she wants to ensure that the new head of the house will be a good
vassal. Interference in elections is thus akin to the right of a liege lord to arrange,
approve, or veto the marriage plans of a lay vassal's daughter. Regardless of its size or
age, a Benedictine house also owes spiritual services, such as prayers for its patron's
soul, just as do houses of all orders [21].
Confratres and Corrodians
Benedictine houses are not restricted in the agreements they may make with
laypersons. Thus, bothconfratresandcorrodiansare often found associated with such
communities [22].
Sources of Income
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Benedictine houses exploit a number of resources in order to bring in revenue. Of all
religious orders, their management and use of such resources most closely mirror the
practices of lay lords.
Land Holdings
Given that Benedictine communities' relationships with their patrons are often
traditionally feudal in nature, it is perhaps not surprising that they manage and work
their own holdings much as do lay lords. In fact, the Benedictines' use of land more
closely mirrors lay customs than do the practices of other orders. A greater proportion
of their holdings tends to be agricultural land worked by tenants [23]. The older
houses have vassals who hold bymilitary tenure, an arrangement that provides the
monasteries with knights that they in turn owe their liege lords. Such houses may
alsofarmout some of their lands, or work them directly under abailifforreeve. Newer
houses, which more often hold byfrankalmoin, are less likely to have tenants holding
byknight service. Recently, a small number of Benedictine communities have begun tousegrangesin emulation of the newer orders to manage a portion of their lands. Most
of the order's houses have been granted lands that were already developed and
populated, however, and thus employ themanorial systemfor the administration of their
holdings [24].
Some Benedictine houses, especially older ones, are located within towns that have
grown up around them over the years. Such monasteries tend to be inextricably
involved with the secular communities surrounding them. The monks or nuns may
grant theburgessesmarket privileges, agree to or dispute the formation ofguilds, or
farm out the right to holdboroughcourts to the town citizens. If the town prospers, it
may generate enormous amounts of wealth for the religious who rule it, though it is
also more likely to attempt to wrest control of its government away from its monastic
lord. Most religious communities located within urban areas are male houses, though
a few nunneries occupy similar positions. Most female convents are founded either in
rural areas, or on the suburban outskirts of towns [25].
Patrons who are also liege lords have the right ofwardshipover the monastic lands
when theabbacyorpriorateis vacant. The patron, who is often the king, is entitled to
custody of the superior's portion of the monastic property and the revenue generated
thereby during the vacancy. This privilege mirrors a lord's right of wardship over a lay
vassal and his or her property when the latter has not yet come of age. In the case of a
house under royal patronage, thejusticiarsends royal clerks to audit the monastic
property, and a fee is assessed that must be paid to the king annually until the vacancy
is filled. A religious from within or outside the community who is appointed by the
king acts as a sort of bailiff, ensuring that the appropriate revenue is forwarded to the
crown each year. Alternatively, the king may use the wardship as a patronage
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resource, granting it to abishopwhom the king wishes to reward, or even granting it to
the religious house itself in return for a significant fee. Other patrons may follow
similar courses of action [26].
The lucrative nature of monastic custody encourages unscrupulous patrons to neglect
to fill vacancies for long periods of time. Such extended vacancies have ledBenedictine monastic communities to split their lands between the head of the house
and the rest of the community. This strategy allows religious houses to avoid
forfeiting all of the income generated by their lands while they endure a vacant abbacy
or priorate. When the office is not vacant, the superior's portion of the monastic
property pays for his or her household and its servants, as well as some of the costs of
hospitality. If the monastic community holds lands by knight service, the superior's
holdings also provide the necessary knights to the house's liege lord [27].
Parish Churches
Benedictine houses are happy to receive rights overparishchurches,
bothadvowsonsandappropriations, as donations. Though thecanonical ordershave
provided stiff competition for the receipt of such gifts, a number ofbeneficeshave
fallen under the control of the black monks and nuns [28]. Since women cannot
beordained, and monks are not supposed to act as parish priests, thecure of soulsin an
appropriated parish should be entrusted to aregular canonorsecular clergyman.
However, male Benedictine houses sometimes floutcanon lawand staff appropriated
benefices with monks in order to avoid paying for the services of a priest. Those
female convents that includeregular canonsin their populations may lawfully appoint
such canons as thevicarsof their appropriated parishes. As an alternative, a house of
black monks or nuns may neglect a benefice by keeping the vicarage vacant, or fill the
vacancy with an inadequate priest, leaving the parishioners with little or no spiritual
guidance. These abuses are also forbidden by the Church, but still occur with some
regularity [29].
Shrines and Pilgrims
Benedictine communities, especially the older and wealthier ones, often possess
shrines and holy relics reputed to be imbued with great spiritual power. As a
consequence, these houses are popular destinations for pilgrims, and the latter mayserve as a significant source of income. Benedictines sometimes make public appeals
for money in order to finance new construction, offeringindulgencesor other spiritual
services as rewards for those who respond to their plea. This practice is forbidden by
some of the newer orders, and is seen by critics as yet more evidence of the black
monks' and nuns' corrupt nature [30].
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Craftmaking
Many Benedictine houses engage in craftmaking, and some communities are famous
for the quality of their work with precious metals, illumination of manuscripts, and in
women's houses, needlepoint. Such work may be sold, given as gifts, or used to
embellish the monastic precinct. The majority of communities, however, producemore mundane items for their own use or for sale [31].
Organization and Hierarchy
Benedictine monasteries are not as a rule exempt from episcopalvisitation. However,
individual houses may be considered exempt according to custom. Some houses have
gone to great lengths to remove themselves from authority of the bishops, taking such
cases to the papacy in Rome in the hope of obtaining or maintaining exemption. The
litigation involved is generally quite costly; monasteries may end up hundreds of
marks in debt because of travel costs, the need to pay off various papal officials, and
other expenses incurred while prosecuting their suits in Rome [32]. Regardless,
exemption may bring mere status rather than any other advantage to those houses that
possess it, since bishops sometimes forego visitations of monasteries in their dioceses
for years at a time [33].
Internally, Benedictine houses organize themselves along standard monastic lines,
with a superior, acellarer, aprecentor, and other officers dictated by the Rule or added
to the hierarchy in the last few centuries. Property is divided between the head of the
house and the rest of the community [34]. Additionally, theobedientiary systemisstandard in Benedictine houses. The community's share of the monastic possessions is
apportioned between various departments, each headed by an obedientiary, for the
purposes of management and profit. This system has led to numerous abuses, and
critics of the Benedictines hold the obedientiary system up as an example of why the
black monks and nuns are in urgent need of reform [35].
A number of Benedictine nunneries in the north of England hold lands that fall outside
the manorial system. Such property lacks the integral labor force found on manorial
lands, and thus its holder must directly exploit it instead of merely providing
management from a distance. Additionally, northern nunneries tend to possess moreappropriated benefices than do their southern counterparts, benefices to which vicars
must be appointed. Their holdings therefore threaten to enmesh them in a series of
temporal relationships, a state of affairs that is at odds with attempts to remain apart
from the secular world [36]. Houses that find themselves in this predicament, inspired
by the example set by nearby Gilbertine priories, often incorporate male religious into
their communities. Some include a small number of regular canons who are to
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minister to the nuns' spiritual needs, and may also fulfill parochial duties in
appropriated churches.Conversiof one or both sexes may be present, charged with
managing and working the community's lands. Many such monasteries are ruled by a
prior with a subordinate prioress, or the male and female superiors may share power.
Women outnumber men in such communities by a ratio of between two and four to
one. The inclusion of male religious and lay sisters serves to insulate the nuns fromregular contact with laypersons when such isolation would otherwise be impossible
[37].
Cathedral Priories
About half thediocesesin England, including thearchdioceseof Canterbury, are headed
by Benedictine monasticcathedrals. Each cathedral priory, as these monasteries are
called, is populated by a full complement of religious, with the bishop holding the title
of abbot. The cathedral priories hold their land separately from theirepiscopalabbots,
just as with other Benedictine houses. The offices that are filled bycanonsinsecularseesare held by the senior monks instead, or occasionally shared in some
manner betweenregularandsecular clergy. As such, the bishops of these episcopates
preside over a sometimes uneasy fusion of hierarchies and customs drawn from the
monastic and secular ecclesiastical realms [38].
Ideally, the bishop and the monks work together in harmony in a monastic cathedral,
but in practice this is rarely true for a variety of reasons. The bishop's duties keep him
from overseeing the religious, and in consequence, the prior has come to function as
the de factohead of the community, the bishop holding little actual power over his
monks. The bishop is entitled to appoint the prior and usually a few of the other major
priory officers, such as thecellarer, thesacrist, thechamberlain, and thealmoner, but he
should make the appointments only with the consent of the monks. Other officers are
to be elected by the religious without interference from the bishop. Other factors, both
psychological and practical, contribute to discord between bishop and priory. The
latter's monks are permanent fixtures, whereas bishops come and go. Additionally,
many bishops have secular ecclesiastical backgrounds, and there may be little love
lost between them and the religious for this reason. A bishop of a monastic see has
fewer patronage resources with which to reward the secular clergy of his entourage,
since the monks hold a significant portion of the episcopal lands [39].
These differences provide opportunities for a host of internal conflicts to plague the
cathedral. The monks may attempt to gain additional freedom from their bishop, with
their prior leading them in the fight. Since monasteries are supposed to elect their own
abbots, the monks often feel entitled to elect one of their number as bishop, and
sometimes attempt it. They are usually unsuccessful in such endeavors, which is not
surprising given the power wielded by the other interested parties when it comes to
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the appointment of a bishop, including other members of the secular ecclesiastical
hierarchy, the king, and the papacy. When the monks are foiled in their attempt, they
tend to alienate their new bishop and work against him [40]. All this contributes to bad
feeling between many cathedral priories and their bishop-abbots, and has led to bitter
argument and even violence. Baldwin, thearchbishopof Canterbury, has been involved
for years in a scheme to establish acollegiate churchofsecular canonsthat wouldeventually replace the archdiocesan cathedral priory of Christ Church. He has met
strong opposition from his monks, and at one point responded by imprisoning them
within their monastery. Even more bitter is the conflict between Hugh of Nonant,
bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, and the diocesan priory of Coventry. The bishop, a
longtime foe of cathedral priories, has committed violent acts against his monastery,
ejecting a number of the brethren and destroying some of the conventual buildings
[41].
Agreements of Confraternity Between Houses
Benedictine monasteries do not only enter into agreements ofconfraternitywith
individuals [42], but also with other monastic communities within or outside the order.
Such agreements may stipulate spiritual support, with the religious of each house
saying offices for the souls of the other's deceased. Many agreements of confraternity
involve temporal aspects as well. The members of each house may be considered full
members of the other, meaning that religious from one house have rights in the other's
choir andchapter, for example. This sort of agreement often stipulates that a monk or
nun fleeing from one house to the other is to be received well by the latter, and that
the superior of the second house is to help the wayward brother or sister return to his
or her community. Needless to say, problems sometimes arise when the religious of
one house attempt to participate in the election of another house's superior, citing as
their justification the agreement of confraternity between the two communities [43].
Head of the Community and Disciplinary Officials
Canon law holds that when an abbacy or priorate becomes vacant in a Benedictine
house, the patron is notified, and he or she gives the community permission to elect a
candidate for the position. Once the superior-elect is chosen by the religious, he or she
is presented to the patron for the latter's approval. If all goes well, the patron in turn
presents the candidate to thediocesanor, if the house is exempt from episcopal
authority, the party holding the right of visitation. After the latter confirms the
election, the superior-elect goes through the installation ceremony, after which he or
she is considered the head of the community. During the vacancy, the community
governs itself much as it would if its superior was absent, with the subordinate prior or
prioress taking the role of leader and the religious acting as advisors while in chapter
[44].
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While ideally the filling of a vacancy should proceed smoothly as outlined above, it
rarely does. The powerful interests of the patron, the visitor, and other parties, which
often fail to coincide with those of the community, cannot be denied. In particular,
those Benedictine monasteries to which the king acts as patron are expected to send a
delegation of religious to court, where they hold an election under royal supervision.
The religious, for their part, often require the delegates to take an oath to only electone of a few candidates, the latter being chosen by the monks or nuns in chapter prior
to delegation's departure. The names of the candidates may even be presented to the
delegates under seal. The king, of course, will only accept the electoral result if it
pleases him. Although the elections held in this manner are clearly controlled by the
patron, the monasteries often end up with a superior with whom they are satisfied,
since the royal ear is generally receptive to the delegation's recommendations.
Occasionally, the king insists upon appointing someone for whom he has been waiting
for a vacancy to open. But even in such cases, the new superior is usually qualified for
his or her new position [45].
The actual investiture of the superior of a Benedictine community that is not exempt
from episcopal authority usually involves the bestowing of formal confirmation and a
blessing by a bishop, generally the diocesan. The latter also has the right, by ancient
custom, to depose the head of a non-exempt house. This is almost never done,
however, probably due to the fact that such an action would irritate the patron of the
monastery and other interested and powerful parties. In fact, Benedictine communities
have no rules as to how an unworthy superior is to be removed. In most cases, the
latter retains his or her office until death, or until he or she is transferred to another
priorate or abbacy, or in the case of a male, is made a bishop [46].
While ideally a Benedictine superior is intimately involved in his or her community's
conventual life, such is rarely the case. In fact, it may be argued that compared with
the superiors of other orders, the abbots and abbesses of large Benedictine houses are
the most aloof from their brethren or sisters. Such a superior is not a parental figure so
much as an ambassador who represents the community to the outside world, but has
little contact with the religious in his or her charge. The problem is at least partly one
of limited time. The superior must put much effort into the maintenance of good
relations with neighbors, patrons, and other parties of consequence. He or she must
also administer his or her portion of the monastic lands; since the latter are oftenwidely scattered, this involves a significant amount of travel [47]. If an abbot, he may
be called upon to act as a papaljudge-delegate, a position that may easily consume
months of time [48]. As a result, the head of a wealthy community is likely to be away
from the monastic precinct for much of his or her tenure of office. Smaller and poorer
Benedictine monasteries suffer the absence of their superiors less often, allowing the
heads of such communities to be more involved in the daily lives of their charges.
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Benedictine communities, like houses of other orders, generally appoint a master or
mistress of novices, and perhaps a separate master or mistress of children, though
usually the two positions are combined into one. Neither office is considered
particularly important by the black monks and their female counterparts. This is
because the latter do not believe that the training of novices is of great consequence;
the two officers are merely meant to teach initiates the community's customs andensure that they behave themselves [49].
Servants
With the exception of the northern nunneries discussed above, Benedictine
communities do not includelay brethrenorlay sisters. Instead, free and unfree
laypersons are employed as servants. These are merely hired or bonded workers and
have no power or status within the communal hierarchy, though of course some of
them may oversee other servants as part of their duties. In the typical monastery of
black monks, servants outnumber the brethren whom they serve, occasionally by twoor even three to one. Female houses, which are often poorer, may have only one
servant for each nun. In general, only impoverished houses that cannot afford to
maintain enough agricultural and domestic workers expect their members to toil in the
fields or perform menial tasks. If at all possible, such labor is left to the servants [50].
Becoming Religious, Profession, and Renunciation of Vows
In the past, Benedictine houses frequently acceptedchild oblatesinto their
communities. In the last century, the popularity of this practice has declinedconsiderably. The newer orders such as the Cistercians forbid their members from
accepting child oblates, and religious reformers heap scorn upon the practice.
Monastics are supposed to freely choose the cloistered life, not be forced into it, yet
children offered to a religious house as oblates have no choice but to be professed. As
a result, the Benedictines rarely accept such offerings any longer [51].
This is not to say that aspirants do not join communities as children; in fact, child
novices are still quite common amongst the Benedictines. However, they are not
oblates, and thus are supposed to be able to decline profession and reenter the secular
world. Older aspirants are meant to spend a year as novices before being professed,but oftentimes their novitiate is considerably shorter [52].
The religious populating Benedictine communities are often of noble stock, especially
in the older and wealthier monasteries. Males commonly take the priestly orders; in
fact, black monks are more likely to be ordained than the male religious of most other
orders [53].
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Structures and Layout of the Monastic Complex
Benedictine monasteries are not, as a rule, built in places of solitude. While the newer
orders often seek out quiet landscapes in which to locate their precincts, the black
monks and nuns usually live near or within villages and towns. Even when aBenedictine monastery is built in a deserted area, it tends to attract artisans, and in
time, a village often grows around it. Such a village is dominated by the monastery at
its center, the religious acting as the lay community's lord. Eventually, the village may
become aborough, with a market, fairs, and other urban characteristics [54]. As with
other aspects of the order, the fact that Benedictine houses are so often located in
towns full of merchants and craftspersons irritates critics, who see the black monks
and nuns as overly obsessed with wealth and luxury. Additionally, nunneries come
under attack when they are within close proximity to male religious houses. Any hint
of scandal involving regular clergy of different sexes brings calls for the removal of
nuns to a safe distance from monks, and for severe restrictions to be placed upon themovement of women religious [55].
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Apsidal east end of Durham Cathedral Priory[56]
The physical layout and structure of a Benedictine enclosure generally follows
standard monastic patterns, with the church forming the northern side of thecloisterif
possible. The church frequently features a tower at its crossing, or between the nave
and chancel if it lacks transepts. Its chancel often sports an apsidal east end, as might
the aisles of the chancel. Semicircular projections containing altars may also extend
from the east wall of the transepts in a male house, where most of the religious are
ordained and thus may celebrate privateMasses. A cathedral priory usually sets aside
the chancel as a private chapel for its monks [57].
The other three ranges of a Benedictine monastery hold thedormitory,chapter
house,parlor,refectory, storage cellars, and so forth. The refectory is often aligned
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along an east-west axis, with the kitchen andcalefactorylocated either to one side of it,
or below the dormitory, or in a detached building to the south of the refectory. The
latter arrangement reduces the risk of a blaze spreading through the complex. The
subordinate prior or prioress may be quartered on the upper level of the western range;
in smaller communities, the superior and guests may be there as well [58].
Life as a Religious
Although the Rule states that each day should include liturgical celebration, study, and
manual labor, Benedictine monasteries have so de-emphasized physical work that it is
rarely undertaken by those religious who can avoid it. If possible, servants labor in the
fields and gardens, and the professed only work with their hands when copying books
or exercising a craft, if at all. This means that Benedictines have more time available
to devote to intellectual and liturgical purposes than the Rule may have intended.
Since each house governs itself with little supervision provided by an externalauthority, the actual practices of black monks and nuns vary fairly widely between
communities [59].
In general, the course of day-to-day life is to a great extent determined by the myriad
traditions that have developed over the years in each house, especially the older
monasteries. Some communities stress the celebration of theDivine Office, others the
copying of books, and a few have gradually relaxed discipline to the point where the
inmates have spare time on their hands. Most have customs that lead to idiosyncrasies.
One house might serve two meals each day throughout the winter months, another
might extend the celebration of one or morecanonical hoursat the expense of privateprayer, and a third might expect its members to do some ritualized labor on occasion.
The presence of so many different customs in Benedictine communities, and the
resulting lack of uniformity, has often stood in the way of reform, and this has only
encouraged critics in their condemnations of the order. The fact that obedientiaries are
excused from following the monastic regimen when they are fulfilling their duties,
and often live more as laypersons than as regular clergy, has only increased the outcry
of detractors [60].
Structure of theHorarium
The diversity of foci and customs amongst Benedictine houses has encouraged each
community to develop a different daily schedule. Nonetheless, most houses follow an
adaptation of what might be called a standardhorarium. The latter varies depending
upon the time of the year, the day of the week, the occurrence of feast days, and so
forth. However, it always includes time for liturgy, studying, and the necessities of
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life such as eating and sleeping. On Sundays and feast days, any manual labor that
might otherwise be performed is replaced by study or liturgical elaboration [61].
Roughly speaking, the horarium changes fundamentally three times each year. During
the first period, from September 13th through Ash Wednesday, the winter schedule is
in effect, featuring one meal per day in the early afternoon except on Sundays andfeast days, when a second meal is allowed in the evening. Through the end of
October, the religious may nap twice per day, but from November onwards through
the winter, they only sleep during the hours of darkness. The second period extends
through Lent, and is thus known as the Lenten schedule. During this time, a single
meal is taken just as in the winter, but in the late afternoon so as to allow fasting
through the daylight hours. A variation of the Lenten schedule applies on other fast
days, such as Ember Days. Finally, during the third period, from Easter through
September 12th, the religious follow the summer schedule. They nap twice each day
and have two meals, dinner around midday and supper in the evening. However, on
Wednesdays and Fridays from Whitsuntide onwards, the standard summer schedule is
put aside and a single meal is eaten each day in the early afternoon. Children and
elderly religious are often allowed a small morning breakfast throughout the year [62].
Sample schedules for each of these periods are provided in theAppendixof this
document.
Within the three periods, there are numerous deviations from the standard timetables,
the details of which are beyond the scope of this article. The schedule of any monastic
house is extremely complex, and given that each Benedictine community incorporates
its own variations into daily life, the above can provide only the roughest of outlines.
Worship and Ritual
Benedictine communities perform two or three communal Masses each day: morrow
Mass, High Mass, and optionally the Mass of Our Lady, dedicated to the Virgin Mary.
The celebration of the Divine Office, the Offices of All Saints, the Dead, and Our
Lady, as well as additional psalms, varies between houses, but in general such rituals
take a considerable amount of time each day. Private prayers are offered at specific
times as dictated by the horarium. Since almost all brethren besidesconversiare
ordained, the saying of private Masses is quite common amongst the black monks.
Benedictines generally celebrate feast days more often and with greater ceremony
than do the religious of most other orders. Their critics may attribute this to the
Benedictines' love of food, splendor, and rest, but their traditional emphasis on
liturgical observance is also a factor [63].
Study and Writing
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In the last century, secular universities have surpassed monastic schools as
educational institutions, and the days when monks were the foremost scholars in
Europe have passed. However, the cloister is still a center of learning, and the larger
Benedictine houses, together with some Augustinian communities, are arguably
foremost amongst monasteries with respect to intellectual activity [64]. The greatest
houses of the black monks, with their vast wealth and their inmates' relativelyundemanding schedules, have been able to build up their book collections to the point
where they have the largest libraries in England, each containing hundreds of tomes.
The cathedral priory of Canterbury has a collection of over 600 volumes, and
Durham's library holds more than 400. A small and impoverished priory, of course,
has far less, perhaps even as few as a dozen books. Nonetheless, such a monastery
generally has more works than would a similarly sized counterpart belonging to
another order [65].
Furthermore, Benedictine libraries tend to hold a greater diversity of works than do
those of the reformist orders, with books on theology, canon law, literature, and
medicine nestled alongside bibles, saints' lives, and historical chronicles [66]. The
books of these libraries are often not only intellectually stimulating, but also visually
stunning. Benedictine scribes and illuminators, as well as the laypersons hired by the
black monks and nuns to assist in copying and rubrication, are known for the high
quality of their work, and at times considerable resources are lavished upon the
creation of a book. The result is a work featuring richly drawn illustrations, gold leaf
decoration, and an elaborate binding that may include a cover inlaid with precious
metals [67].
The order produced some impressive scholars during the heyday of monastic learning,
and even now, the religious of some Benedictine houses are known for their
scholarship. Studying generally replaces work on feast days, and in some
communities, the horarium is amended to allow those who wish to read during rest
periods to do so. These conditions foster intellectual activity in Benedictine houses.
With the rise of universities, however, the cloister schools of the black monks are in
decline. Men who seek a good education are better off in the secular colleges of Paris
than in a monastery. Schooling for women is a different matter, since they generally
cannot attend universities. For them, Benedictine conventual life offers the best
opportunity for education, and many of the most learned women are found amongstthe black nuns [68].
The decline in Benedictine scholarship is due not only to the universities' attraction of
learned men away from the monasteries. The obedientiary system, and administrative
responsibilities in general, consume energy at the expense of intellectual pursuits. As
religious become more involved in managing monastic resources, they have less time
for learning or the reproduction of books. Much of the copying that is done is
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performed by younger religious or those who are uninterested in obedientiary duties.
Even the scribes hired by some Benedictine houses are often employed in secretarial
capacities instead of as copyists [69].
Food and Drink
Benedictine diets are not known for their severity, especially when compared with
those of the newer and more austere religious orders. Though the Rule of St. Benedict
proscribes the eating of meat, fish is eaten at all Benedictine houses, and some
inmates partake of lard and the flesh of birds as well. Child novices may be allowed
the full range of meat dishes, and the head of a house may well have the flesh of pigs,
deer, or other animals at his or her table. Obedientiaries frequently eat whatever they
wish while travelling, and even when they are within the conventual walls, they may
take their meals with the guests of the house and indulge in foods not found in the
refectory [70].
Though their diets are more restricted, cloistered monks and nuns also enjoy a variety
of dishes in many Benedictine communities. Quantities are often generous,
andpittancesare common additions to the daily meals. Feast days feature elaborate
banquets, with ten or more courses served in the refectories of the wealthiest houses
on important holidays. Ale is the usual beverage, or wine if the community can afford
it. Mead may be served on special occasions [71]. The customary drink in the
refectory in the afternoon during the summer and in the evening in winter sometimes
includes light bread or cakes [72]. Not surprisingly, reformist clergy often hold up
Benedictine diets as further evidence that the order has strayed from the path of true
monasticism into sinful corruption [73].
Clothing
Each Benedictine religious generally wears acassockwith ascapularover it, and a
cloak when outdoors. Nuns wear veils as well. All vestments are usually black,
leading to the Benedictines being termed "black monks" and "black nuns" [74].
Conversation and Silence
Benedictines are not to converse except during certain times of the day, generallyduring work periods. Even when talking is permitted, it should concern business,
administrative, or practical matters, not frivolity. On feast days, when no work is
done, such discussion is not allowed. At any time when conversation is proscribed,
but is absolutely necessary, it should either be conducted using hand signals, or else
transacted in the parlor [75].
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Appendix: TheHorarium
The following tables provide a general summary of the Benedictines' daily schedule at
various times of the year. These are only the most basic approximations of the actual
schedules used by each individual community. Since thehorarium
differs accordingto the date and monastery in question, the variations are almost infinite and are not
enumerated here. Additionally, many details, such as the numerous psalms that are
said at different times throughout the day, are not included. All times are given
innatural hours[76].
Table 1:Horarium, September 13 - October 31
Approximate
TimeActivity
2:00 Professed rise from their beds, don night shoes, proceed to the choir, andrecite private prayers while waiting for the children to arrive. The latter
enter and say their prayers while the professed wait.
2:30 Celebration of Nocturns (Divine Office, Office of the Dead, Office of All
Saints, Office of Our Lady).
4:30 (or whenfinished with
Nocturns)
Reading.
5:30 (or at first
light)
Celebration of Matins (Divine Office, Office of Our Lady).
Sleep in the dormitory.
6:30 (or whendaylight is full)
Celebration of Prime (Divine O