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Table  of  Contents  

BEECHER  BAY  FIRST  NATION:  TRADITIONAL  MARINE  AND  LAND  USE  BASELINE  DOCUMENTATION  ..................................................................................................................................................  1  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS  ............................................................................................................................................  2  1.0  PROJECT  UNDERSTANDING  ..........................................................................................................................  4  2.0  INTRODUCTION  ................................................................................................................................................  4  3.0  METHODS  ...........................................................................................................................................................  5  4.0  HISTORICAL  OVERVIEW  ................................................................................................................................  5  CULTURAL  AREAS  AND  HARVESTING,  AND  TRAVEL  LOCATIONS  .......................................................................................  11  

5.0  TRADITIONAL  MARINE  USE  ........................................................................................................................  12  TRAVELWAYS  ...............................................................................................................................................................................  12  TRIBAL  JOURNEYS  .......................................................................................................................................................................  13  SUBSISTENCE  ECONOMY  ............................................................................................................................................................  16  SEASONAL  ROUND  ......................................................................................................................................................................  17  PLANT  GATHERING  .....................................................................................................................................................................  17  HUNTING  .......................................................................................................................................................................................  18  Ducks  .............................................................................................................................................................................................  18  

FISHING  .........................................................................................................................................................................................  18  Reef  Netting  ................................................................................................................................................................................  18  

CURRENT  SALMON  HARVESTING  .............................................................................................................................................  19  HALIBUT  .......................................................................................................................................................................................  20  COD  ................................................................................................................................................................................................  20  GATHERING  ..................................................................................................................................................................................  21  BIVALVES  ......................................................................................................................................................................................  22  CHITONS  ........................................................................................................................................................................................  24  URCHINS  .......................................................................................................................................................................................  25  ABALONE  ......................................................................................................................................................................................  26  HERRING  EGGS  ............................................................................................................................................................................  27  CRAB  &  BARNACLES  ...................................................................................................................................................................  28  SEA  CUCUMBER  ...........................................................................................................................................................................  29  HARVESTING  AND  TRAVEL  LOCATIONS  SUMMARY  ..............................................................................................................  29  

4.0  BARRIERS,  CONCERNS,  AND  EFFECTS  .....................................................................................................  30  5.0  DISCUSSION  ......................................................................................................................................................  32  REFERENCES  ...........................................................................................................................................................  35                

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Participant  1:  We  are  always  eating  seafood.      Participant  2:  I  have  never  not  eaten  seafood.  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014)  

   1.0  Project  Understanding      This  report  presents  the  results  of  a  Traditional  Marine  Use  Study  (MUS)  and  literature  review  undertaken  on  behalf  of  Beecher  Bay  First  Nation  regarding  Kinder  Morgan’s  application  for  a  Certificate  of  Public  Convenience  and  Necessity  under  Section  52  of  the  National  Energy  Board  Act  to  build  and  operate  the  Trans  Mountain  Pipeline  Expansion  Project.  Trans  Mountain  filed  its  application  to  the  National  Energy  Board  (NEB)  in  December  2013.      Trans  Mountain  is  proposing  an  expansion  of  its  current  1,150  km  pipeline  between  Strathcona  County,  Alberta  and  Burnaby,  BC.  If  approved,  the  proposed  expansion  will  create  a  twinned  pipeline  which  would  increase  the  capacity  of  the  system  from  300,000  barrels  a  day  to  890,000  barrels  a  day.  The  pipeline  expansion  project  (the  Project)  includes:  approximately  981  km  of  new  pipeline,  new  and  modified  facilities  such  as  pump  stations  and  tanks,  and  the  reactivation  of  193  km  of  existing  pipeline  between  Edmonton  and  Burnaby.  There  would  also  be  an  expansion  of  the  Westridge  Marine  Terminal  and  new  pipeline  capacity  added  between  Burnaby  Terminal  and  Westridge  Marine  Terminal.  The  marine  component  of  the  proposed  expansion  would  increase  the  number  of  vessels,  including  tankers  and  barges,  being  loaded  at  the  Westridge  Marine  Terminal  and  exiting  through  Beecher  Bay’s  marine  territory  from  five  to  approximately  37  a  month  (one  way).  The  proposed  expansion  at  Westridge  Terminal  is  geared  toward  loading  245  m  Aframax  tankers,  which  are  larger  than  the  tankers  currently  used.    Beecher  Bay’s  traditional  territory  is  bisected  by  the  proposed  tanker  route,  by  Trans  Mountain’s  Marine  Local  Study  Area  (LSA),  and  is  encompassed  by  the  entire  Regional  Study  Area  (RSA).  Research  for  this  report  centered  on  activities,  current  and  past,  within  the  marine  environment  of  Beecher  Bay’s  territory.      2.0  Introduction    This  report  contains  baseline  Traditional  Marine  Use  (TMU)  information  supplemental  to  what  was  gathered  by  TERA,  a  CH2M  Hill  Company  (TERA)  for  the  Traditional  Marine  Use  Study  component  of  the  Trans  Mountain  Pipeline  Expansion  Project.    The  intent  of  this  report  is  to  provide  key  supplementary  TMU  information  to  the  information  gathered  by  TERA.  TERA  initiated  a  “TERA-­‐facilitated”  TMU  Study  with  Sc’ianew  First  Nation  for  the  Project  in  April  2014.  Interviews  were  conducted  following  a  short  questionnaire,  and  the  interview  was  not  recorded  or  transcribed,  with  the  exception  of  interview  notes  and  uncoded  (and  therefore  

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not  traceable/verifiable)  sites  mapped  on  a  hard  copy  map.  TERA  did  not  inquire  or  document  the  temporal  aspects,  frequency  and  intensity  of  mapped  TMU  sites.    In  October  and  November,  2014,  Beecher  Bay  First  Nation  (Sc’ianew),  with  the  assistance  of  Trailmark  Consulting,  conducted  additional  family  meetings  with  the  five  most  prominent  Sc’ianew  families  of  Beecher  Bay.  We  interviewed  several  key  family  groups  about  the  frequency,  diversity,  quantity  and  social  and  ceremonial  significance  of  the  marine  resources  they  harvest  and  share,  with  specific  attention  paid  to  the  locations  of  harvests  occurring  within  or  nearby  the  Local  Study  Area  (LSA)  and  Regional  Study  Area  (RSA).    Through  the  research  process,  we  also  gathered  participating  Sc’ianew  members’  concerns  about  the  Project,  as  well  as  concerns  about  current  impacts  and  barriers  to  TMRU  in  the  LSA  and  RSA.      

 3.0  Methods      Sc’ianew,  with  the  assistance  of  Trailmark  Consulting’s  Beth  Keats  and  Peter  Evans,  conducted  in-­‐house  group  interviews  with  five  prominent  families  living  in  Beecher  Bay.  Each  interview  was  recorded  and  transcribed  by  Koren  Bear  (Sc’ianew),  and  harvesting  locations  were  mapped  digitally  in  an  integrated  web-­‐mapping  information  system  (Trailmark)  by  Peter  Evans  and  Beth  Keats.  Each  interview  followed  a  standardized  harvest  survey  questionnaire,  and  participants  were  asked  open-­‐ended  questions  about  marine  harvesting,  including  harvest  distribution  and  sharing  networks,  current  barriers,  sensitive  and  preferred  locations,  and  degree  of  reliance  on  marine  resources  for  social  and  ceremonial  purposes.  Each  interview  had  between  two  and  five  participants,  for  a  total  of  19  participants.    Following  the  completion  of  the  interviews,  a  limited  review  of  existing  and  accessible  ethnohistorical/traditional  land  and  marine  use  research  relating  directly  to  Beecher  Bay  was  undertaken.  In  addition,  the  project  team  reviewed  a  series  of  mapped  interviews,  transcripts,  and  videos  done  with  Beecher  Bay  elders  as  part  of  the  T’emexw  Treaty  Society’s  traditional  land  use  project,  dating  from  1996-­‐2002.    

 4.0  Historical  Overview    Beecher  Bay  First  Nation,  also  called  Sc’ianew  First  Nation,  comprises  248  members,  approximately  102  of  whom  live  at  the  community’s  main  village  reserve  site  at  Beecher  Bay  (146  members  live  on  other  reserves  or  off-­‐reserve)  (April  2015,  AANDC  Statistics  for  Beecher  Bay  640).  Recent  data  on  age  structure,  language,  mobility,  and  other  socio-­‐economic  indicators  is  not  available.    Beecher  Bay  First  Nation  currently  has  eight  reserves,  of  which  the  largest  is  Beecher  Bay  1,  also  the  community’s  main  village  site.  Other  reserves  include  Beecher  Bay  2,  Fraser  Island  6,  Lamb  Island  5,  Long  Neck  Island  9,  Twin  Island  10,  Village  Island  7,  and  Whale  Island  8.    

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system,  which  made  every  large  Indian  village  into  a  band  with  one  or  more  tiny  reserves,  and  an  American  system,  which  combined  villages  into  tribes  and  gave  some  larger  reservations  but  left  others  landless.”  (1990:471)    The  drawing  of  the  international  border  divided  both  the  territory,  the  Clallam  nation,  and  families  in  two:    

Our  people  lived  on  both  sides  of  the  so-­‐called  border.  There  was  no  border  before.  It  is  called  two  different  countries  now,  whereas  before  the  coming  of  the  non-­‐indian  people  there  was  no  border  of  North  America  at  all.   It  was  all  one,  so  our  people  are  on  both  sides  of   the  so-­‐called  border.  (1996  interview)  

 Clallam  on  both  sides  of  the  border  made  treaties  with  the  state.  The  Washington  Clallam  signed  the  Treaty  of  Point  No  Point  in  1855,  and  were  to  go  to  the  Skokomish  Reservation,  but  many  chose  to  live  near  their  old  village  sites.  On  the  Canadian  side,  the  ancestors  of  the  present  Beecher  Bay  families  were  among  those  Sooke,  Songhees,  Saanich,  and  Nanaimo  bands  who  signed  Douglas  treaties  between  1850  and  1854.  The  text  apparently  agreed  to  by  headmen  of  the  Chewhaytsum  tribe,  as  Douglas  understood  it,  included  the  following:    

The  conditions  of  our  understanding  of  this  sale  is  this,  that  our  village  sites  and  enclosed  fields  are  to  be  kept  for  our  own  use,  for  the  use  of  our  children,  and  for  those  who  may  follow  after  us  and  the  land  shall  be  properly  surveyed  hereafter.  It  is  understood,  however,  that  the  land  itself,  with  these  small  exceptions,  becomes  the  entire  property  of  the  white  people  for  ever;  it  is  also  understood  that  we  are  at  liberty  to  hunt  over  the  unoccupied  lands,  and  to  carry  on  our  fisheries  as  formerly.  (From  Papers  Connect  with  the  Indian  Land  Question,  1850-­‐1875,  ed.  R.  Wolfenden,  1875)  

 Chewhaytsum  may  derive  from  the  name  of  a  Clallam  village  near  present-­‐day  Port  Angeles,  Tse-­‐whi-­‐tzen,  according  to  Grant  Keddie  (2003:58).    The  historical  geography  of  Clallam  territory  on  both  sides  of  the  international  border  has  featured  numerous  evictions,  relocations,  and  broken  promises.  Suttles  notes:    

Around  1875  the  Dungeness  people  were  forced  off  their  traditional  site  and  bought  land  nearby  to  establish  the  settlement  of  Jamestown.  In  1936  Little  Boston  became  Port  Gamble  Indian  Reservation.  Under  the  Indian  Reorganization  Act,  land  was  purchased  for  the  lower  Elwha  Reservation.  Jamestown  received  federal  acknowledgement  in  1980.”  (Suttles  1990:472)  

 In  Canada,  Douglas  began  designating  some  lands  as  reserves,  Suttles  notes,  but  the  reserve-­‐making  process  went  on  until  the  1880s  (1990:471).  Harris  writes  that  the  creation  of  the  Beecher  Bay  reserve  did  not  follow  the  process  envisioned  by  Douglas  nor  the  one  that  the  Clallam  families  were  likely  expecting.    

The  natives  at  Beecher  Bay,  for  example,  had  signed  a  deed  of  conveyance  with  Douglas  on  1  May  1850,  and  still  received  no  land.  The  commissioners  found  a  pencilled  memorandum  about  a  place  for  Indians  at  Beecher  Bay,  but  no  formal  assignment  and  no  specified  acreage.  

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They  concluded  that  ‘it  was  unfortunate  that  lands  were  not  assigned  to  these  Indians  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  agreement  of  1850,’  but  could  not  do  much  about  it.  Where  an  Admiralty  chart  showed  potato  patches  in  1846,  the  land  was  held  as  a  Crown  grant  by  Mr.  Parker.  Where  Indians  had  built  some  houses,  the  land  belonged  to  Mrs.  Wittie  and  they  were  ordered  not  to  trespass.  The  commissioners  gave  them  two  abandoned  pre-­‐emptions  (‘they  don’t  contain  much  good  land’)  and  a  fishing  station  at  Albert  Head.  Such,  with  a  lag  of  twenty-­‐seven  years,  was  the  translation  of  ‘village  sites’  and  ‘enclosed  fields’  at  Beecher  Bay.”  (Harris,  Making  Native  Space,  p.  27)  

 Suttles  notes  that  “the  Central  Coast  Salish  tribes  intermarried  with  adjacent  peoples  both  within  their  own  region  and  beyond,  regardless  of  differences  in  speech  and  customs.”  (Suttles  1990,  456)    Interview  subjects  indicate  that  many  contemporary  Sc’ianew  families  are  descendants  of  Clallam  people  who  travelled  freely  throughout  their  traditional  territory  before  it  was  arbitrarily  divided  by  the  imposition  of  the  international  border  between  what  is  now  Washington  State  and  British  Columbia.    

The  Charles  family  here  are  descendants  from  the  Clallam  people,  and  it’s,  I  can’t  really  explain  whether  the  Clallams  are  from  the  so-­‐called  Washington  State  because  in  those  early  days  there  were  no  borders…  Most  of  my  family  came  from  across  the  Juan  de  Fuca.  (B.C.  interview  1996)    They  could  go  anywhere  they  wanted  to  without  being  bothered  by  the  customs  and  everything  like  that.  The  travelled  from  one  place  to  another  and  when  they  did  land  Becher  Bay  they  settled  here.  (T.C.  interview  1997)  

 These  historical  travel  patterns  resulted  in  extended  families  scattered  across  both  sides  of  the  Strait  of  Juan  de  Fuca  with  strong  ties  spanning  the  international  border,  as  this  Beecher  Bay  Elder  illustrates.    

My  father  was  from  Puyallup,  Washington…  that’s  where  my  Indian  name  comes  from.  That’s  where  my  late  mother  told  my  late  grandfather  that  when  the  time  comes  you  can  baptize  me  in  the  longhouse.  That  name  comes  from  Puyallup,  Washington,  which  is  about  39  or  40  miles  above  Seattle.  That  is  where  I  really  come  from.  (R.C.  interview  1997)  

 This  same  Elder  recalled  living  in  Jamestown,  Washington,  a  Clallam  village,  with  an  uncle  who  was  the  minister  for  a  Shaker  church  there,  and  learning  about  the  history  of  the  Clallam  people  in  the  area  from  his  grandfather,  who  was  originally  from  Elwha,  Washington.      

He  used  to  show  me  as  far  as  Jamestown,  as  far  as  Dungeness,  is  where  the  people  used  to  live.  Until  white  man  came  along  and  put  them  in  one  little  group  in  Jamestown  and  they  call  it  reserve  now,  reservation.  In  the  same  way  with  Elwha,  they  were  spread  from  the  Elwha  River  right  to  the  city  of  Port  Angeles,  but  that  happened  in  the  same  way  too.  They  moved  them  away  from  the  boundary  line  of  the  city  now  and  put  them  on  one  reserve.  (R.C.  interview  1997)    

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Another  Elder,  indicating  one  family’s  decision  to  remain  at  Sc’ianew  after  the  establishment  of  the  international  border,  relayed  the  following  story.    

It’s  hard  to  move  and  then  come  back  and  move  and,  you  know...  That’s  what  we’ve  been  doing  all  our  life.  We  were  down  here,  doing  here.  But  my  dad  got  tired  of  it.  And  he  said,  “that’s  it,  I’m  finished.”  We  couldn’t  understand  what  he  meant  by  saying  “I’m  finished.”  All  in  the  year  he  passed  away.  (C  Interview  2000)      

Map 1: Cultural Areas and Harvesting, and Travel Locations

             

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Map 2: Cultural Areas and Harvesting, and Travel Locations  

     5.0  Traditional  Marine  Use  

Travelways  Many  interview  respondents  with  families  connected  across  the  Strait  of  Juan  de  Fuca  described  travel  in  both  directions  for  the  purposes  of  visiting,  fishing,  gathering  and  dancing.  The  border,  shipping  lane,  and  LSA  for  the  Project  bisect  these  water  routes.  Travel  was  by  dugout  canoe  and  took  from  two  to  six  hours  paddling  with  the  tides,  and  depending  on  the  season,  along  routes  between  Rocky  Point  and  Lower  Elwha,  Beecher  Bay  and  the  Elwha  reserve,  Beecher  Bay  and  the  Port  Angeles  area,  Neah  Bay  and  Port  Alberni,  Rocky  Point  and  the  Houle  River,  Whyac  and  Neah  Bay,  and  San  Juan  Point  and  Neah  Bay.  Travel  between  Beecher  Bay  and  the  points  of  arrival  or  departure  listed  above  was  also  by  canoe.  One  Elder  indicated  that  it  was  considered  taboo  to  travel  across  the  Strait  using  

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gas  powered  motors  instead  of  dugout  canoes,  however,  another  respondent  reported  that  her  family  traveled  by  ferry  to  visit  relatives  in  Washington.    Participants  reported  relatives  traveling  from  Washington  to  visit  children  and  grandchildren,  to  deliver  dried  fish,  and  to  attend  dances.  They  reported  Beecher  Bay  families  traveling  to  Washington  also  for  the  purposes  of  visiting  relatives  and  dancing,  and  to  fish  for  salmon  and  halibut,  and  to  gather  berries.      In  addition  to  traditional  marine  and  land  use,  the  underlying  motivations  for  the  continuous  travel  across  the  Strait  is  perhaps  best  summarized  by  one  respondent  referring  to  a  Clallam  taboo  against  women  eating  loons.  “We  were  superstitious  like  that…  though  most  of  those  come  from  Neah  Bay,”  (C  Interview  1999)  she  explains.  Then  pointing  to  the  relationship  between  the  Sc’ianew  and  other  Clallam  she  adds:        

The  old  people  got  together  because  they  respected  one  another,  and  they  wanted  their  children,  our  children,  to  respect  where  they  come  from  and  who  they  are.  

 Additional  travelways  were  also  identified  by  respondents  to  visit  relatives  across  the  border  and  LSA  in  Elwha,  Washington.  Many  Beecher  Bay  Families  identified  that  they  had  original  family  ties  to  Elwha.  Such  ties  remain  strong  through  regular  visits  across  the  water  (M.C  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014).      Participants  identified  summer  routes  to  reach  salmon  fishing  grounds  straight  out  from  Beechey  Head  and  directly  south,  past  the  “2nd  and  3rd  tide  line”  to  the  open  waters  of  the  LSA  to  get  the  migrating  “pilot  fish”(Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014).  A  travel  route  to  halibut  fishing  areas  heads  south  from  Race  Rocks  to  the  shoals  at  18  fathom,  and  continue  to  find  the  60  fathom  point  from  this  marker,  which  intersects  with  the  LSA.  Another  related  cod  fishing  area  is  located  by  heading  a  half-­‐mile  south  from  Race  Rocks  to  a  shallow  area  (BDC  Family  Interview  Nov.  13,  2014).  In  the  fall  and  winter,  respondents  report  staying  closer  to  home,  and  fish  for  cod  and  salmon,  tracking  back  and  forth  between  Frazer  and  Wolf  islands.    

 Tribal Journeys  Establishing  and  maintaining  regional  ties  with  other  indigenous  communities  remains  a  long-­‐standing  priority  for  Coast  Salish  nations  such  as  Beecher  Bay.  As  Suttles  notes,  First  Nations  and  tribal  groups  on  both  sides  of  the  border  have  resisted  the  differences  the  border  and  two  discrete  systems  might  have  imposed  on  them  through  social  networking,  kinship,  summer  festivals  with  canoe  racing,  and  “Indian  pageantry,  intergroup  games,  winter  dancing,  the  Indian  Shaker  Church,  and  self-­‐awareness  stimulated  by  cultural  programs  developing  in  nearly  every  group.”  (1990:473)    Beecher  Bay  families  participate  in  Tribal  Canoe  Journeys,  a  long-­‐distance  canoe  trip  hosted  each  year  by  different  tribes  of  the  Pacific  Northwest.  Tribal  Journeys  is  a  major  source  of  regional  social  networking,  maintenance  of  identity,  culture,  and  kinship  ties.  This  event  is  a  significant  undertaking,  and  many  communities  structure  their  summer  activities  around  it.  It  is  a  critical  “touchstone”  of  cultural  exchange,  regional  networking,  reuniting  and  strengthening  inter-­‐generational  teachings.  While  the  route  changes  each  year  depending  on  the  host  community,  the  fact  that  participating  

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Subsistence Economy  

Participant  1:  We  protect  the  resource.  That's  our  job.  We  have  to  protect  our    resources,  because  we  use  it.  

 Interviewer:     In  using  it  you  manage  it  too?    Participant  1:  Yes,  yes…    Participant  2:  But  we  are  also  managing  our  resources.  You  know,  we  are    

making  sure  it  doesn't  get  over-­‐harvested,  so  that  there  is  something  there  for  us.  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014)  

   Four  out  of  the  five  family  groups  interviewed  currently  harvest  marine  resources  as  well  as  receive  them  from  others.  The  group  that  did  not  identify  as  currently  active  were  Elders  who  have  retired  from  harvesting  and  now  receive  gifts  of  marine  foods  from  others  within  their  network.  All  family  groups  described  their  food  sharing  networks  as  based  on  allocation  of  resources  and  historical  family  ties.  Beecher  Bay  respondents  pride  their  territory  as  an  unpolluted  source  of  sea  urchins  and  sea  cucumbers,  and  describe  trading  these  as  well  as  salmon  to  other  communities  for  herring  eggs,  clams  and  crabs.  Networks  of  exchange  include  trade  and  sharing  with  nearby  T’Souke  and  the  south  island  W’SANEC  communities,  and  extend  far  beyond  to  Nanoose  Bay,  Qualicum-­‐Robertson  Creek,  Port  Alberni,  Clayoquot,  Ahousat,  and  north  island  communities.      Most  families  could  identify  at  least  one  active  harvester  in  their  immediate  family  who  fishes/hunts/gathers  the  majority  of  the  resources  that  circulate  within  social  and  food-­‐sharing  networks,  and  are  available  at  community  events,  religious  and  spiritual  gatherings,  and  funerals.        Respondents  describe  that  all  community  events,  including  funerals,  big  house  ceremonies  and  gatherings  held  at  Beecher  Bay  serve  a  variety  of  seafoods.  These  events  occur  frequently:    

Interviewer:     How  many  community  events  or  feasts  or  memorials  did  you    attend  in  the  last  year  where  seafood  was  served  or  Marine  resources  was  served?  

 Participant  1:     Holy  crap…  Well  even  just  from  the  beginning  of  November,    

because  our  big  house  season  is  probably  from  December,  January,  February,  March,  first  of  April…  so  just  in  a  five-­‐month  period  our  big  house  gets  used  every  night.  And  every  night  that  place  is  going  to  have  seafood  in  it.  

 Participant  2:  Then  take  every  function  from  the  AFN  and  write  those  down.    

Every  events  or  function  from  the  First  Nation  Health  Council  has,  and  write  that  down.  

 Participant  1:  Seafood,  seafood,  seafood…  It  is  who  we  are.  

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 Participant  3:  It's  what  we  do.  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014)    

The  amount  of  seafood  individuals  eat  from  day  to  day  varied  greatly  between  individuals  and  families.  On  average,  respondents  reported  that  seafood  consists  of  64%  of  their  diet.    

Seasonal Round  Historically,  the  harvesting  pattern  of  Beecher  Bay  families  criss-­‐crossed  the  Juan  De  Fuca  Strait  from  Elwha  to  William  Head  and  the  surrounding  coastline,  benefiting  from  the  diversity  of  two  different  shorelines  and  the  deep,  open  water.  Seasonal  harvests  brought  families  over  to  Race  Rocks  for  multiple  uses,  including  fishing,  duck  hunting  and  gathering  of  marine  resources.  Race  Rocks  is  considered  a  unique  location  among  Beecher  Bay  harvesters.    Today,  harvesting  patterns  have  incorporated  changes  in  mobility,  access  and  species  availability.  When  the  penitentiary  was  built  in  the  1950s  at  William  Head,  families  who  lived  there  were  relocated  to  Beecher  Bay  (P.G.C  Family  Interview  Nov.  21,  2014).  Since  1953,  lands  of  the  Department  of  National  Defense  have  cut  off  and  restricted  access  to  Beecher  Bay  I.R.  #2.    Members  must  pass  through  DND’s  security  regime,  and  run  the  risk  of  having  their  firearms  confiscated.      Not  every  family  has  the  resources  to  own  a  fishing  boat  large  enough  to  cross  the  Strait,  and  members  with  the  appropriate  boats  and  equipment  to  travel  to  the  open  water  or  Race  Rocks  often  share  catches  with  members  who  do  not.  Individuals  without  large  boats  tend  to  specialize  more  in  harvesting  bivalves,  diving  for  sea  cucumbers  and  sea  urchins  and  other  shallow  water/shoreline  harvesting.      Generally  speaking,  today  Beecher  Bay  members  continue  to  use  the  shorelines  and  waters  of  Beecher  Bay  and  travel  out  to  the  LSA  for  deep  water  trolling  and  over  to  Race  Rocks  throughout  the  year,  but  focusing  on  salmon  harvests  at  these  locations  during  the  most  active  fishing  period  of  July  and  August.  Duck  hunting  occurs  in  the  fall  to  support  the  start  of  the  Long  House  season  in  October.      

Plant Gathering  2015  Participants  identified  current  seaweed  harvesting  areas  in  the  RSA  off  the  rocks  of  the  mouth  of  Beecher  Bay,  Gooseneck  Island  just  adjacent  to  I.R.#2,  and  East  Sooke  Park.    Terrestrial  plants,  including  lichen,  berries,  bark,  and  nettles  are  gathered  near  shore  at  IR  #2,  both  for  food  and  for  medicine,  and  around  IR  #1.  In  general,  gathering  of  terrestrial  plants  was  not  a  focus  of  the  current  study.  Twin  Islands,  within  the  RSA,  was  identified  as  a  gathering  location  for  medicinal  plants.  The  possible  effects  of  an  oil  spill,  and  response  to  an  oil  spill,  on  the  foreshore  and  terrestrial  plant  communities  and  resources  remains  a  subject  for  future  study.    

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Hunting

 Hunting  patterns  at  I.R.  #2  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Beecher  Bay  have  gone  through  many  changes  in  the  last  two  generations.  Currently,  access  to  I.R.#2  is  met  with  difficult  terrain,  and  the  neighbouring  DND  property  has  meant  that  land  users  must  pass  through  security,  and  may  have  their  firearms  confiscated  by  DND  authorities  (C  Family  Interview,  Nov.  21,  2014).    

Ducks  In  the  past,  ducks,  in  particular  the  “black  duck”  or  surf  scoter,  were  hunted  at  the  ecologically  diverse  area  of  Race  Rocks,  where  members  also  participated  in  reef-­‐netting  salmon  and  trolling  for  salmon,  cod  and  halibut  (C  Family  Interview  Nov.  21,  2014).  Additional  duck  species  hunted  by  Beecher  Bay  members  include  sawbills,  goldeneyes,  geese  and  “butterballs”—possibly  buffleheads  (B  &  D  Charles,  Nov  13th,  2014).    These  ducks  were  hunted  in  the  vicinity  of  Beecher  Bay.    Today,  respondents  claim  the  Black  Ducks  are  harder  to  find,  but  that  they  are  still  sought  after  for  longhouse  ceremonies    (B.D.C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).  The  “Black  Duck”  is  considered  a  sacred  bird  among  Coast  Salish,  and  remains  a  preferred  species  for  ceremonial  use  today.  It  is  harvested  to  make  the  traditional  duck  soup  used  in  the  smokehouse,  and  its  feathers  are  still  used  in  longhouse  dances.      

Fishing  Sc’ianew  fishers  pride  themselves  on  observing  traditional  management  values  to  avoid  overharvesting  and  conserving  resources.        Experienced  marine  users  observe  that  as  water  temperatures  increase  due  to  climate  change,  fish  populations  are  moving  into  deeper,  cooler  water,  and  into  the  shipping  lanes.  In  turn,  fishers  find  themselves  forced  to  follow  the  fish  into  the  open  water  and  the  LSA  because  “you  drive  out  until  you  catch  a  fish.”    

Reef Netting  Reefnetting,  Suttles  notes,  “was  of  paramount  importance  in  the  aboriginal  economy  of  the  Straits  peoples,”  before  it  was  outlawed  by  the  Canadian  government  in  1916  and  by  the  American  government  in  the  1950s.  However,  it  is  experiencing  a  revival  among  Salish  communities  from  Tsawout  to  Sooke  to  Beecher  Bay  to  Lummi,  where  it  is  regarded  as  an  activity  central  to  Salish  cultural  identity,  natural  resource  management  and  governance.  Suttles  identifies  four  reef-­‐net  sites  near  Beecher  Bay  (1974:192)  but  there  were  in  all  likelihood  more.  The  location,  he  writes,  was  important:  “The  place  where  a  single  gear  was  anchored,  was  usually  a  short  distance  from  shore  on  a  kelp-­‐covered  reef  that  lay  in  the  path  of  the  migrating  sockeye.  Frequently  it  was  opposite  a  headland  that  caused  a  backward  sweep  of  the  tidal  current.”  (1974:211)  Sc’ianew  families  would  cut  channels  

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through  the  kelp  beds  at  these  locations  to  aid  both  the  sockeye  and  later  runs  of  spring  salmon  (1974:166).    Because  of  its  location  on  the  Sockeye  path,  Beecher  Bay  played  an  important  role  in  watching  for  signs  of  coming  sockeye,  and  relaying  this  news  to  neighbouring  bands.  “At  Beecher  Bay  near  Church  Point,”  writes  Suttles,  “there  was  a  rock  which  was  dull  in  winter  but  became  green  in  summer.  Someone  watched  for  it,  calling  it  the  gall  of  the  sockeye.  If  it  was  bright,  they  said  it  would  be  a  good  year.”  (1974:169)    

The  Semiahmoo  informant  JCh  said  that  the  sockeye  first  showed  up  at  a  place  beyond  Victoria  where  they  talk  Klallam,  Sc’ianew  (Beecher  Bay)  When  they  come  there  the  word  was  sent  to  Point  Roberts,  “The  salmon  have  come  to  Sc’ianew.”  That  was  the  signal  for  all  the  reef  nets  to  get  ready.  (1974:169)  

 It  was  also  the  signal  for  a  ritual  or  sacred  performance  shared  throughout  the  Coast  Salish  world—the  First  Salmon  ceremony.  As  Suttles  explains,  “because  people  believed  that  the  salmon  were  like  people  and  that  they  had  come  to  feed  the  people  with  their  own  flesh,  they  showed  their  respect  for  the  salmon  with  the  first  salmon  rite.”  A  similar  rite  was  practised  by  many  or  all  of  the  Coast  Salish  groups,  and  involved  a  cessation  of  all  fishing  activities  for  one  to  four  days  while  the  people  prepared,  ate  and  celebrated  the  salmon  in  ritual  ways  (1974:228-­‐235).  Gunther  (1927)  described  the  First  Salmon  ceremony  of  Beecher  Bay  families:      

When  the  first  sockeye  is  caught  the  little  children  sprinkle  their  hair  with  down,  paint  their  faces  and  put  on  white  blankets.  They  go  out  to  the  canoe  and  carry  the  fish  on  their  arms  as  though  they  were  carrying  an  infant.  A  woman  cuts  it  with  a  mussel  shell  knife,  after  which  the  fish  is  boiled  and  given  only  to  the  children  to  eat.  The  sockeye  is  just  like  a  person,  they  say;  that  is  why  they  must  be  careful.  (1927:203;  cited  in  Suttles  1974:175)  

Current Salmon Harvesting  

Like  the  shipping  lane  is  in  our  main  fishing  areas  where  we  go.  Sockeye,  coho,  pinks,  all  those  smaller  fish  they  all  migrate  out  that  way,  so  that  is  where  you  are  fishing  for  all  those…  Out  in  the  “fishing”  lane.  (ibid)  

 Beecher  Bay  families  still  troll  for  salmon  in  a  shallow  area  roughly  a  half  a  mile  from  the  historic  reefnet  site  at  Race  Rocks,  towards  the  border  and  the  shipping  lane.  Coho,  Sockeye  and  Chum  are  critical  cultural  species  within  the  subsistence  economy  of  Beecher  Bay.  Sc’ianew  families  sustain  this  staple  element  of  their  diet  throughout  the  year  by  processing  and  preserving  surplus  salmon  catches,  and  by  distributing,  trading  and  using  salmon  to  barter  within  the  community.        Not  all  species  of  salmon  migrate  past  Beecher  Bay,  but  those  that  do  are  fished  from  shore  at  Beechey  Head  and  at  “Trap  Shack,”  in  the  waters  surrounding  and  between  Frazer  and  Wolf  Islands,  and  in  areas  adjacent  to  and  inside  the  LSA  during  the  summer  months.  Chum  travel  up  the  Sooke  River,  and  Beecher  Bay  members  join  relatives  at  T’Souke  to  “beach  net”  them  during  runs.  Those  with  boats  and  equipment  favour  the  open  channel  of  Juan  de  Fuca  Strait,  south  from  Beecher  Bay  and  into  the  LSA  to  maximize  their  potential  harvest.  Indeed,  the  whole  channel  from  Port  Renfrew  to  

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Beecher  Bay  to  Race  Rocks  is  cited  as  a  preferred  fishing  area  to  catch  the  pilot  runs  of  salmon  that  characteristically  head  down  the  “main  channel,”  in  addition  to  other  fish  including  cod  and  halibut  (Charles  Family,  Nov  12,  2014;  Chipps  Family,  Dec  3,  2014;  Millette-­‐Charles  Family,  Nov  26,  2014).  Beecher  Bay  fishers  pursue  sockeye  along  tidelines—areas  where  incoming  and  outgoing  tides  interact—into  the  open  strait.    Respondents  identify  Sockeye  and  Chinook  as  a  preferred  species  of  salmon,  specifically  the  “white”  variation  of  Chinook.        

Halibut  According  to  renowned  Coast  Salish  ethnographer,  Wayne  Suttles,  in  the  recent  past  halibut  was  second  only  to  salmon  in  terms  of  importance  and  preference  among  most  Straits  Salish  groups.  He  notes  that  halibut  were  “once  numerous  on  banks  off  the  southern  shore  of  Vancouver  Island  and  in  Haro  and  Rosario  Straits”  (1974:  114).  During  interviews  in  Beecher  Bay  last  year,  one  participant  indicated  that  the  busiest  months  of  the  year  are  April  and  May,  in  part  because  halibut  fishing  starts  in  March  and  that’s  when  processing  is  at  its  peak  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014).      The  waters  around  Race  Rocks  are  still  frequently  mentioned  as  a  halibut  fishing  area,  but  regulations  prevent  fishing  within  the  Marine  Protected  Area  there.  One  participant  reported  a  good  location  for  halibut  straight  across  from  Race  Rocks  towards  Port  Angeles  and  the  shipping  lane  at  18  fathom,  but  another  noted  that  boats  are  not  allowed  to  anchor  for  halibut  fishing  in  the  shipping  lane  past  Race  Rocks.  Nevertheless,  another  Elder  and  active  harvester  reported  that  “straight  out  to  the  shipping  lane  you  can  almost  draw  a  line  of  little  spots,”  for  halibut  and  ground  fishing  sites  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014).  Similarly,  participants  report  hotspots  for  halibut  “on  the  American  side,”  at  Swiftsure  Bank  near  Port  Renfrew  where  the  shipping  lane  begins.  Beecher  Bay  fishers  also  harvest  halibut  offshore  at  Beechey  Head.    Additional  halibut  harvesting  areas  were  indicated  at  Church  Rock,  “Shit  Rock,”  and  from  shore  at  “Tin  Shack”  on  the  Sooke  Flats.  Participants  report  that  most  halibut  fishing  is  done  by  jigging  and  following  the  bottom.    One  of  the  community’s  main  providers  reported  that  she  used  to  catch  halibut,  but  no  longer  fishes  because  she  doesn’t  have  a  boat.  Another  Elder  satisfies  his  dietary  requirements  for  halibut  by  obtaining  them  from  nephews  in  Sooke,  who  fish  commercially  and  harvest  halibut  “down  by  Race  Rocks”  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014).      

Cod  

You  are  out  there  for  a  while,  and  if  you  don't  get  a  salmon…  drop  it  down  and  you  are  going  to  get  and  take  home  some  cod.  It  all  depends  on  how  bad  you  want  your  dinner.  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014)  

 

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Participants  indicate  that  cod  are  frequently  caught  unintentionally,  when  jigging  for  halibut  for  instance,  or  as  a  fall-­‐back  when  salmon  fishing  is  slow  or  unsuccessful.  In  fact,  one  Elder  reported  that  his  cod  harvesting  sites  all  correspond  to  his  halibut  harvesting  areas  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).  Another  noted  that  catching  cod  by  accident  while  salmon  fishing  is  an  indication  that  you  are  fishing  too  deep  for  salmon  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014).  As  suggested  above,  “when  you  want  to  catch  a  cod  you  put  your  line  down  on  the  bottom  when  you  are  trolling”;  a  course  of  action  participants  suggest  becomes  more  appealing  the  longer  they  have  been  fishing  without  catching  (ibid).    The  waters  around  the  Bedford  Islands  used  to  be  particularly  good  for  harvesting  cod:      

Used  to  be  around  Bedford  that  you  could  catch  a  cod  or  a  bass.  My  grandpa  used  to  bring  20  or  30  a  day  and  pass  them  all  around.  If  we  got  bored  and  weren't  catching  any  fish,  we'd  go  there  and  jig  for  a  few  of  them.  But  now  there's  nothing  there.  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014).      

Smyth  Point  is  another  location  where  participants  reported  harvesting  cod  from  shore.      

And  the  same  over  on  (I.R.)  Number  2,  you  know  where  the  shack  was?    Where  there  was  kelp,  right  beside  the  kelp.  They  would  be  in  amongst  the  kelp,  the  cod.   (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014)  

 The  preferred  cod  species  amongst  Beecher  Bay  members  appears  to  be  ling  cod,  although  a  minority  of  participants  indicated  harvesting  and  using  rock  cod  as  well.  Tommy  cod  is  also  harvested  for  use  as  bait,  and  one  participant  reported  eating  it  (ibid).  Another  respondent,  who  indicated  a  desire  for  more  codfish  and  herring  eggs  than  she  finds  available  currently,  recalled:  “Dad  used  to  get  us  cod  fish  eggs  when  we  were  kids,  I  haven't  had  any  since  then”  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014).      

Gathering  

Participant  1:  See  that  big  island?...  That's  for  anything  and  everything  you  can  think  of.  

 Interviewer:     Oh,  Frazer  (Island).    Participant  2:  All  the  way  around  it,  that's  just  a  frickin’  smorgasbord.  (C    

Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014).                                The  “gathering”  mode  of  production  describes  the  harvesting  of  molluscs,  crustaceans,  and  echinoderms,  including  clams,  mussels,  oysters,  chitons,  sea  urchins,  and  sea  cucumbers,  among  other  resources  (Suttles  1974).  There  is  a  popular  expression  amongst  the  Sc’ianew  and  other  coastal  cultures  that  illustrates  the  fundamental  importance  the  gathering  of  these  many  species  represents:  “When  the  tide  is  out,  the  table  is  set.”    

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Bivalves  

I  have  something  every  day,  whether  it’s  berries,  or  fish,  or  clams.  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014).  

 The  above,  taken  from  an  Elder’s  description  of  her  traditional  eating  habits,  neatly  establishes  the  central  role  of  clams  and  bivalves  in  general  within  the  Beecher  Bay  diet.  Simply  put,  they  are  a  longstanding  staple.  One  contemporary  Sc’ianew  Elder  recalled  drying  clams  during  his  lifetime,  “so  we  could  have  them  whenever  we  wanted  them”  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014).      Another  Elder  discussed  the  importance  of  traditional  knowledge  and  harvesting  practices  as  they  relate  to  gathering  and  processing  clams  in  particular:    

(X)  is  a  harvester,  and  then  plus  all  the  teachings  that  went  along  with  it…  Which  is  my  way  of  saying,  honouring  her  understanding  of  what  is  going  on,  because  that  is  how  I  get  my  seafood…  The  stuff  I  really  like..  All  of  that  stuff  (X)  gets  and  she  brings  to  me,  and  other  people  in  the  community.  And  when  she  does  you  can  tell.  I  have  received  stuff  from  other  people  –  that's  why  I  am  so  strong  with  this  –  where  you  know  they  have  done  it  angrily,  or  it’s  dirty,  or  it’s  this  or  that.  She  is  very  well.  You  know  she  knows  what  she  is  doing.  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014)  

 Beecher  Bay  MUS  participants  indicated  a  number  of  current  gathering  sites  for  clams,  all  proximate  to  the  community.  One  stated  simply,  “all  the  beaches  actually…  Just  go  to  the  beaches”  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014).  Another  participant  reported  that  his  son  gathers  clams  from  a  beach  located  across  Beecher  Bay  from  the  community  that  his  mother  called  Penzil’s  Beach,  and  which  she  used  to  walk  to  from  the  family’s  home  to  dig  for  clams.  The  participant’s  son  has  been  clamming  at  this  location  2-­‐3  times  within  the  last  year,  each  time  gathering  enough  for  himself  and  to  share  with  his  parents’  household  and  others.  At  this  location  he  finds  “butter  clams,  some  littlenecks,  but  not  too  many,  (and)  no  manilas”  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014).    Several  participants  report  clamming  sites  on  the  Village  Islands  near  the  eastern  shore  of  Beecher  Bay,  and  inside  small  bays  within  these  islands.  One  participant  indicated  his  intention  to  visit  this  site  shortly  after  the  interview  to  gather  clams  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014).  Steamers,  butters,  horse  clams  and  cockles  are  all  gathered  in  Beecher  Bay  and  along  the  shores  of  the  Village  Islands.  Wolf  Island  on  the  west  side  of  Beecher  Bay  is  also  a  site  for  gathering  butter  clams,  however,  a  number  of  participants  reported  that  this  location  has  “been  raked  over  by  the  Filipinos,”  and  other  non-­‐aboriginal  harvesters.    Participants  gather  clams  as  frequently  as  twice  per  month,  and  as  little  as  2-­‐3  times  per  year.  One  Elder  reported  that,  “there  are  six  good  low  tides  a  year  that  last  about  five  days,”  and  that  these  are  best  for  clamming  (ibid).  In  answer  to  a  question  about  how  often  they  harvest  clams,  most  participants  indicated  that  they  do  so  whenever  they  want  them,  and  that  they  harvest  enough  to  share  with  at  least  1-­‐2  households  in  addition  to  their  own.      

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Participants  also  reported  receiving  clams  from  neighbouring  Coast  Salish  communities  on  the  Saanich  Peninsula,  including  East  Saanich  or  Tsawout  First  Nation,  whose  recorded  clam  gathering  sites  fall  within  the  LSA  and  RSA  of  the  proposed  project.  Participants  buy  or  receive  clams  from  relatives  in  West  Saanich,  Brentwood  Bay,  Mill  Bay,  Nanaimo,  and  Ahousaht.      It  is  worth  noting  that  in  answer  to  a  question  about  which  species  participants  would  like  to  have  more  of  than  they  do,  clams  were  rarely  mentioned.  The  general  impression  given  by  participants  is  that  clams  are  available  to  be  gathered,  and/or  to  be  received  or  purchased  from  other  First  Nations  communities.  Mussels,  on  the  other  hand,  were  among  the  first  species  mentioned  by  several  participants  when  asked  what  they  would  like  to  have  more.  However,  this  may  have  as  much  to  do  with  mussels  being  a  preferred  food  amongst  the  Beecher  Bay  as  with  the  availability  of  the  resource.      Harvesters  usually  peel  mussels  from  rocks  at  low  tide.  Participants  made  the  following  observations  about  the  availability  of  mussels  in  Sc’ianew  marine  territory:    

Mussels  are  hard  to  find  out  here  now.  Good  ones  anyway.  I  always  look,  there’s  always  a  bunch.  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014)    

    -­‐-­‐-­‐       Mussels,  those  are  hard  to  find  ones.  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014)    The  apparent  contradiction  between  the  statements  above  may  be  resolved  by  focusing  on  a  recognized  provider,  or  superharvester,  in  the  Beecher  Bay  community,  who  appears  to  find  lots  of  places  to  harvest  mussels,  but  not  without  working  hard  to  do  so.  This  provider  reports  going  out  to  gather  mussels  and  other  seafood  with  “every  tide,”  and  harvests  enough  to  share  with  other  households  on  each  outing  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).    One  provider  gathers  mussels  on  the  far  side  of  Gooseneck  Island,  on  Lamb  Island,  at  Crackey  Point,  along  the  shoreline  of  I.R.  2  below  Argyle  Point  near  Argyle  Islet.  She  also  collects  them  along  the  shoreline  directly  below  her  house  on  Beecher  Bay.  Other  participants  reported  gathering  mussels  “across  the  bay,”  and  from  a  “little  rock  sticking  out  at  low  tide”  there,  as  well  as  from  Frazer  Island,  and  on  the  outside  of  the  island  in  particular  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014).      One  Elder  recalled  being  taught  that  eating  mussels  at  the  wrong  time  of  year  will  “reverse  your  motors,”  and  cause  people  to  “walk  backwards  or  something”  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014).  With  the  exception  of  one  provider,  participants  gathered  mussels  in  the  summertime,  and  most  harvested  enough  mussels  to  share  with  other  households  in  addition  to  their  own.      Although  several  participants  reported  that  oysters  are  returning  to  Beecher  Bay,  residents  are  not  currently  able  to  meet  their  oyster  needs  through  gathering  in  their  traditional  territory.  As  one  participant  explained,  oysters  “used  to  be  by  the  log  boom,  but  all  the  log  debris  killed  them  all”  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014).  Several  participants  indicated  species  declines  caused  by  increased  acidity  from  bark  deposits  in  Beecher  Bay  associated  with  commercial  forestry  operations  in  the  area  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014;  C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014).    

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The  provider  mentioned  above  has  tried  to  harvest  oysters  in  Beecher  Bay  within  the  last  year,  but  was  unable  to  pry  them  off  the  rocks  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).  Other  participants  receive  oysters  at  “big  house”  gatherings,  and  from  other  communities  including  Nanaimo.  One  participant  trades  moose  meat  for  oysters  from  Nanoose  Bay  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014).          

Chitons  

We've  got  oysters,  clams,  moose  meat,  salmon,  all  in  my  freezer  right  now…  Oh  and  rock  stickers!  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014)    

 Chitons  are  a  type  of  mollusc,  commonly  known  as  “stick  shoes,”  “rock  stickers,”  or  “China  slippers,”  that  are  picked  off  exposed  rocks  along  with  other  shellfish.  Traditional  knowledge  holds  that  chitons,  particularly  a  small  red  variety,  are  hallucinogenic  when  eaten  at  “a  certain  time  of  year”  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014).  One  participant  who  is  originally  Nuu-­‐chah-­‐nulth  and  is  married  to  a  Beecher  Bay  Elder,  described  a  traditional  method  for  processing  chitons:    

Participant:     We  beat  them  and  hit  them  and  it’s  a  Nuu-­‐chah-­‐nulth  way.    They  have  a  circle  of  ladies  and  they,  we  all  go  hit  rock  stickers  and  take  the  shells  out,  take  the  guts  out,  carrying  a  big  pen  of  water  and  it's  just  like  a  big  party  and  then  you  hit  them  and  they  get  very  tender  and  eat  them.    

 Interviewer:     What  do  you  hit  them  with?    Participant:     Just  like  a  piece  of  stick,  like  a  wooden  stick.  (ibid)  

 Chitons  are  a  popular  delicacy  harvested  by  virtually  all  participants  who  reported  gathering  seafood.  They  are  collected  from  most  of  the  same  sites  where  participants  harvest  other  shellfish,  including  the  Village  Islands  and  Frazer  Island  inside  Beecher  Bay,  and  at  Bedford  Island  and  the  “mouth  of  Bedford  Island,”  just  outside  the  bay  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014).  According  to  one  participant,  “Bedford  has  the  biggest  ones”  (ibid).  At  this  site  harvesters  can  pry  the  chitons  off  the  rocks  without  even  getting  out  of  their  boats,  whereas  other  locations  require  them  to  disembark.        The  very  active  harvester  who  functions  as  a  provider  within  the  community  gathers  chitons  at  “every  tide”  from  all  of  the  same  sites  she  harvests  mussels  from,  including  Gooseneck  and  Lamb  Islands,  Crackey  Point,  and  along  the  shoreline  of  I.R.  2  below  Argyle  Point  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).  She  and  several  other  harvesters  indicated  that  they  harvest  enough  for  their  household  and  to  share  with  others  when  they  go  out  gathering,  and  several  participants  reported  having  chitons  in  their  freezers  at  home,  along  with  salmon  and  other  shellfish  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014).        

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Urchins  

People  are  getting  sea  urchins  because  they  use  them.  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014).                              

 Sea  urchins,  or  sea  eggs,  are  a  prized  food  with  particular  ceremonial  significance  and  function  amongst  the  Beecher  Bay.  “They  are  needed  for  certain  things,  but  I  don’t  want  to  give  details,”  explains  one  Elder  who  gathers  urchins  by  rowboat  for  every  community  gathering  and  every  Elders  gathering,  in  addition  to  feeding  his  household  and  households  of  other  family  members  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014).      Another  principle  urchin  gatherer  and  his  family  members  indicated  that  urchins  are  harvested  primarily  to  share  with  others  in  the  community:    

Interviewer:     (Do  you  gather)  enough  to  share  with  other  households?    Participant  1:   Absolutely!  

 Participant  2:  That's  what  they  are  for.      Participant  3:  Enough  to  share  with  the  community…  It's  a  community  issue.    Interviewer:     For  providing,  would  you  say  that  you  only  share  them;  that    

you  are  getting  them  for  the  sole  purpose  to  share  them?    Participant  2:  Yes.  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014)                              

 This  may  be  partly  understood  as  relating  to  a  traditional  provider  role  that  exists  within  at  least  some  Vancouver  Island  Coast  Salish  communities,  and  it  also  underscores  the  ceremonial  purpose  of  some  foods.  However,  it  is  also  related  to  observations  that  sea  urchins  are  scarcely  available  at  depths  accessible  by  ordinary  harvesters  and  must  be  gathered  by  diving  or  specialized  technique.  One  Elder  who  receives  urchins  from  his  son  reported:    

He  used  to  be  able  to  have  a  long  pole  with  these  sharp  things  on  the  end.  Low  tide  you  could  go  out  and  just  like  poke  them  and  bring  them  up.  But  now  you  have  to  get  divers  to  go  down  and  get  them.  It  is  too  deep.  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014)  

 As  a  result,  orders  for  urchin  that  would  have  previously  been  filled  by  a  family  or  community  provider  are  now  often  relayed  to  a  community  diver.      

Participant  1:  My  sister  ordered  some  about  eight  months  ago,  six  months    ago.  My  son  went  and  got  her  some.  That's  the  last  time.      

 Interviewer:     So  your  son  actually  harvested  them?      Participant  2:  Well  he  can't,  he  would  have  to  dive  for  them  now.      

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Participant  1:  He  had  for  his  call  his  friend  to  come  dive  for  them  for.  (ibid)    Licensing  regulations  restrict  where  a  diver  can  harvest.  Participants  reported  diving  for  urchins  “out  in  the  bay,”  and  around  Frazer  Island  in  particular  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014;  C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014).  The  diver  and  his  family  mentioned  above  reported  diving  for  urchins  6-­‐10  times  within  the  last  year:       Interviewer:     And  how  many  did  you  typically  harvest  each  time?    

Participant  1:  Lots.    

Participant  2:  Boatloads.    

Participant  1:  30-­‐40.  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014)    Even  the  Elder  who  gathers  urchins  for  every  community  and  Elders  gathering  indicated  the  need  for  local  divers  to  go  out.  He  reported  that  the  last  time  he  had  gone  out  to  gather  by  rowboat  was  “about  a  month  and  a  half  ago”  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014).  Sites  where  urchins  can  be  gathered  off  the  rocks  are  located  on  Wolf,  Lamb,  Frazer,  Bedford,  and  Gooseneck  Islands,  Crackey  Point,  along  the  shore  at  I.R.  2,  and  at  a  reef  offshore  near  Beechy  Head  at  a  depth  of  35  feet.      Red  urchins  are  harvested  as  well  as  green,  which  according  to  one  participant  are  “very  good,  but  it  takes  too  many  to  get  full”  (ibid).  More  than  one  participant  also  recalled  harvesting  urchins  at  Race  Rocks  in  the  recent  past,  but  reported  that  this  is  now  prohibited.    Despite  a  common  feeling  amongst  participants  that  urchins  are  less  abundant  and  harder  to  gather  now  than  in  the  recent  past,  several  indicated  that  urchins  in  Beecher  Bay  are  cleaner  than  elsewhere  on  southern  Vancouver  Island,  where  they  perceive  that  waters  have  become  more  polluted.  These  participants  report  that  as  a  result,  other  First  Nations  communities  have  begun  to  depend  on  Beecher  Bay  for  their  sea  eggs:    

Participant  1:  They  might  be  getting  some  somewhere  else,  but  not  that  I    know  of.  

 Participant  2:  They  usually  come  here.  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014)  

 

Abalone  

Yeah  abalone,  that's  another  biggy.  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014)    Abalone  is  a  highly  coveted  delicacy  amongst  Beecher  Bay  families,  and  at  present  a  carefully  guarded  resource.  Participants  report  that  abalone  is  returning  to  traditional  gathering  sites  where  it  had  previously  begun  to  disappear  from.  These  participants  stressed  the  importance  of  indigenous  conservation  principles  and  practices  to  rebuilding  the  stocks  of  this  prized  traditional  food.      

Participant  1:  The  abalone  is  starting  to  come  back,  and  the  oyster  too.  

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 Participant  2:  They  are  starting  to  slowly  rejuvenate  themselves.    Participant  2:  The  importance  of  keeping  that  safe  is  extreme,  because  for    

years  because  of  logging  and  other  issues  we  lost  that  resource.  Now  it’s  building  itself  back  up…  

 Participant  3:  The  one  thing  with  First  Nations  though,  they've  always  been    

taught  conservation.  We've  always  been  taught  not  to  over  fish,  over  hunt,  what  to  hunt,  don't  hunt  out  of  season  at  certain  times.  Any  kind  of  resources  that  we  had,  we  were  taught  not  to  overdo  anything.  You  always  got  to  think  of  the  future  when  you're  fishing  or  picking  or  anything.  We  were  always  taught  leave  some  of  it  for  future  use,  for  the  future  generations.  That's  why  we  were  called  the  caretakers  of  the  land,  to  make  sure  things  keep  going  not  to  just  overfish  and  everything,  which  has  been  happening.  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014)  

 In  addition  to  limited  availability  and  the  corresponding  need  to  conserve  the  resource,  participants  indicated  that  government  regulations  as  a  barrier  to  effective  use  and  management  of  abalone  by  Beecher  Bay  members.    

Herring Eggs  

Herring  eggs,  mmmmm.  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014)    In  the  recent  past,  vast  schools  of  herring  arrived  in  late  winter-­‐early  spring  and  laid  their  eggs  in  eel  grass  beds  along  the  shore.  Their  arrival  heralded  the  conclusion  of  the  ritual  dancing  season  and  the  onset  of  spring-­‐summer  fishing.  Coast  Salish  harvesters  took  both  their  roe  and  the  whole  fish.  Herring  roe  were  eaten,  while  the  herring  itself  was  eaten  whole  fresh  roasted  on  a  spit,  dried,  or  rendered  into  oil;  it  was  also  an  important  bait  for  halibut  and  cod  (Suttles  1974:127).    Coast  Salish  harvesting  practices  included  the  use  of  a  special  rake  for  gathering  herring:    

They  were  taken  with  a  rake  [ta’taman?],  which  was  made  by  setting  sharpened  teeth  into  a  fir  pole.  The  teeth  were  made  of  hemlock  or  white  fir  limbs  or  possibly  of  bone;  in  recent  times  nails  have  been  used.  The  shaft  was  8  to  12  feet  long  with  one  side  cut  flat  for  3  to  5  feet.  Into  the  flattened  part  the  teeth  were  set  about  an  inch  apart.  

 The  fisherman  used  the  rake  from  his  canoe  when  he  found  himself  over  a  school  of  herring.  Holding  the  rake  as  one  would  a  paddle,  he  drew  it  quickly  through  the  water,  impaling  with  each  stroke  several  fish,  which  he  then  dropped  into  the  bottom  of  the  canoe.  (Suttles  1974:126-­‐127)  

 Roe  was  harvested  by  hung  cedar  branches  in  the  water  during  the  spawning  run.  Suttles  notes  that  both  Jenness  and  Stern  described  this  practice:    

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Cedar  branches  were  sunk  by  sinkers  and  floats  into  an  eel-­‐grass  bed  a  few  feet  above  the  bottom  so  that  the  roe  was  deposited  on  them.  After  the  spawning  the  branches  were  raised  and  dried  and  the  roe  could  be  shaken  off.  Stern  says  it  was  stored  in  baskets  and  eaten  with  oil  (Suttles  1974:127).  

 Herring  eggs  remain  a  favourite  food  amongst  Beecher  Bay  members.  Sites  for  gathering  them  in  the  recent  past  included  Wolf  Island  on  the  west  side  of  Beecher  Bay,  and  “across  the  bay”  north  of  John  Park  Islands  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).  However,  participants  report  that  they  are  now  very  hard  to  find  because  “you  don’t  see  them  any  more,”  within  traditional  Sc’ianew  marine  territory  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  13;  C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014;  M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014).      In  order  to  preserve  this  valued  aspect  of  their  diet,  many  participants  report  receiving  herring  eggs  –  some  on  a  regular  basis  and  in  large  quantities  –  from  other  communities,  including  Port  Renfrew,  Clayoquot,  and  Ahousaht.  However,  all  generally  agreed  with  the  statement:  “I  would  just  like  to  see  the  herring  spawn  back  here”  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014).      

Crab & Barnacles  Like  other  forms  of  harvesting  that  requires  gear,  resources,  time,  and  knowledge,  crab  fishing  is  done  by  those  with  the  requisite  gear,  resources,  time,  and  knowledge,  who  in  turn  circulate  their  harvest  within  the  wider  community..      

Interviewer:     Have  you  gone  out  crabbing?      Participant:     No.      Interviewer:     Why  not?  Is  it  because  of  lack  of  equipment?        Participant:     Yes.    

 Those  who  do  harvest  report  gathering  crab  “just  off  the  marina,”  inside  the  bay,  and  “outside  the  bay  too”  (C  Family  Interview  Dec  3,  2014).  They  indicate  harvesting  “like  three  for  sure,”  per  outing,  and  report  that  these  Dungeness  crabs  are  generally  shared  amongst  households  (ibid).  Another  participant  who  receives  crab  from  his  son  also  reported  that  “the  guy  down  at  the  marina,  he’s  got  traps  out,”  and  that  he  shares  what  he’s  able  to  harvest  with  Elders  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  21,  2014).  One  of  the  community’s  recognized  providers  also  reported  gathering  crab  at  the  marina  “by  the  docks,”  along  the  shore  of  Beecher  Bay,  and  below  her  house  on  Beecher  Bay  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).  She  also  indicated  the  quality  of  crabs  available  is  better  further  from  shore.    Gooseneck  barnacles,  another  member  of  the  extended  arthropod  family,  are  another  Sc’ianew  delicacy  that  several  participants  reported  they  would  like  to  have  more  access  to.  Participants  indicated  gathering  sites  on  Gooseneck  and  Village  Islands,  and  at  the  “mouth  of  Bedford  Island,”  as  well  as  at  many  of  the  same  sites  where  clams  are  harvested  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014;  C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).      

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Sea Cucumber  

Only  during  special  services  or  something  like  that.    (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014)  

   Suttles  1974  indicates  that  in  the  recent,  past  sea  cucumbers  were  picked  off  of  exposed  flats  during  low  tides,  and  were  only  eaten  by  some  Coast  Salish  people  (122).  One  Elder  recalled  eating  these  “sea  sausages”  when  he  was  younger,  and  that  in  the  past  harvesters  would  gather  them  close  to  shore  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).  Another  participant  reported  that  harvesters  used  to  be  able  to  “rake  them  up,  across  the  bay  in  sandy  areas,”  (C  Family  Interview  Nov  12,  2014).      Several  participants  reported  knowing  how  to  clean  and  process  sea  cucumber  for  eating,  but  only  one  indicated  that  she  had  received  any  within  the  last  year:  “Oh,  I’ve  got  some.  I  was  given  some.  It’s  still  in  my  freezer”  (M.C.  Family  Interview  Nov  26,  2014).  This  same  participant  reported  that  she  would  like  to  have  more  sea  cucumber  than  she  is  currently  able  to  get,  and  another  participant  included  sea  cucumber  on  the  list  of  seafoods  her  father  prefers  (ibid).    

Harvesting and Travel Locations Summary  Table  1.0:  Harvesting  areas,  species  and  travel  routes  relative  to  Trans  Mountain  Local  Study  Area    Place   Purpose   Location  relative  to  TMP  Local  Study  Area  Beecher  Bay  to  Race  Rocks  

Travel  route   Through  LSA  

Beechey  Head  to  Elwha   Travel  route  &  Current  canoe  route  for  Tribal  Journeys  

Through  LSA  to  US  side  of  Border  

From  Beecher  Bay  to  Elwha  

Travel  route  &  Current  canoe  route  for  Tribal  Journeys  

Through  LSA  to  US  side  of  Border  

From  Beecher  Bay  to  Port  Angeles  

Travel  route  &  Current  canoe  route  for  Tribal  Journeys  

Through  LSA  to  US  side  of  Border  

From  Clo-­‐ose  to  Neah  Bay  

Travel  route   Through  LSA  to  US  side  of  Border  

From  Port  Renfrew  to  Neah  Bay  

Travel  route   Through  LSA  to  US  side  of  Border  

South  of  Discovery  Island  

Halibut;  Black  Bass;  Ling  cod;  Rock  cod;  Red  snapper;    

Within  LSA    

East  side  of  discovery  Island  

Herring   Within  LSA    

Circumference  of  Chatham  Island/  Discovery  

Black  Bass;  Ling  cod;  Rock  cod;  Red  Snapper;  Skate  

Within  LSA    

NE  Side  of  Discovery  Isl.   Sockeye;  Coho;  Pink   Within  LSA    

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Plumper  Pass   Halibut;  Skate;  Red  Snapper;  Ling  cod;  ;Rock  cod  

RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <300  m  

West  Discovery  Island   Sockeye;  Black  bass;  Ling  cod  

RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <320  m  

Chain  islets   Harbour  Seal   Exposed  to  LSA  <380  m  East  of  Chatham  island   Sockeye;  Coho;  Pink;  

Red  Snapper  RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <290m    

Trial  Islands  to  Ten  mile  point  

Coho;  Sockeye;  Pink;  Red  Snapper  

RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <700m  

Constance  Bank   Red  Snapper;  Ling  cod;  Rock  cod;  Black  bass  

Contiguous  and  within  LSA  

Open  water,  south  of  Race  Rocks  

Halibut;  Spring  Salmon;  Ling  cod;  Red  snapper  

Within  LSA  

North  of  Chain  islets   Sockeye;  Coho;    Spring;  Pink  

RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <540  m  

Race  Rocks,  water  surrounding  

Halibut   RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <890  m  

Race  Rocks,  water  surrounding  

Harbour  Seal   RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <890  m  

Race  Rocks  (South,  Outer,  and  Outer  Race  Rocks)  water  surrounding  

Halibut   RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <890  m  

Secretary  Island  to  Albert  head  

Pink,  Sockeye,  Coho   RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <2.95  km  

Trial  Islands   Chitons   Within  LSA  Middle  Bank   Salmon  and  Ground  fish     Within  LSA,  Exposed  to  LSA,  Across  LSA  Border  Bank   Salmon,  Ground  fish   Within  LSA,  Exposed  to  LSA,  Across  LSA  Albert  Head   Salmon,  Ground  fish   RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <3km  11  Fathom  Reef   Salmon,  Ground  fish   RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <2  km  27  Fathom  Reef   Salmon,  Ground  fish   RSA,  Exposed  to  LSA  <1.2  km  18  Fathom  Reef   Salmon  Ground  fish   Within  LSA  Main  Strait,  Shipping  Channel  

Salmon,  Ling  Cod,  Rock  Cod,  Halibut,  Red  Snapper,    

Within  and  contiguous  with  LSA  

Swiftsure  Bank   Salmon  Ground  fish   Contiguous  with  LSA      4.0  Barriers,  Concerns,  and  Effects        Family  groups  identified  a  number  of  barriers  to  harvesting,  including  declining  runs  and  other  environmental  degradation,  increasing  competition  from  sports  and  non-­‐Native  commercial  fisheries,  restrictions  on  gear  types,  fishing  spots  and  openings,  and  legal  and  administrative  barriers.  Many  of  these  factors  can  be  traced  to  a  lack  of  formal  visibility  of  aboriginal  fisheries  interests  and  

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management  practices.  Other  factors  included  competing  time  commitments,  availability  of  boats  and  other  equipment  such  as  gas  or  bullets,  differences  in  accessibility  of  resources,  and  harvesting  knowledge.    

● Harvesting  areas  at  I.R.#2  are  difficult  to  access  without  a  boat.  The  road  is  poor,  making  it  difficult  to  access  by  vehicle.    Individuals  must  also  gain  permission  from  DND  to  enter.    

● Poverty  in  the  community:  only  certain  families  in  the  community  have  access  to  boats  and  gear.  

● Registering  boats  and  trailers  with  DFO,  and  other  regulatory  annoyances  and  barriers.    ● Requirement  to  have  the  Safe  Vessel  Operator  Proficiency  Training  despite  a  lifetime  on  the  

water.    ● Loss  and  reduction  of  marine  resources:  respondents  mention  the  loss  of  black  bass,  and  the  

reduction  of  sea  cucumber  in  the  territory.        Interview  participants  expressed  many  concerns  about  the  current  state  of  marine  resources  and/or  concerns  related  to  the  effect  pathways  described  in  the  Project  Application,  including  the  following:      

● Any  impact  to  orca  whales  will  have  downstream  effects  on  fish,  in  particular  salmon  runs,  and  other  species  due  to  the  resulting  increase  in  seal  populations.    

● Orca  whales  are  sacred  animals  to  Beecher  Bay.  They  used  to  visit  Beecher  Bay  by  the  hundreds,  and  have  failed  to  return  in  the  last  few  years.  Respondents  feel  that  the  whale  watching  boats  may  have  played  a  role  in  this  disappearance  by  disturbing  and  cornering  the  wales  in  the  bay.    

● Ship  wake  increases  will  endanger  people  while  harvesting  from  rocky  shorelines.  ● Ship  wake  increases  will  have  a  negative  effect  on  natural  habitats/harvesting  areas  such  as  

kelp  beds  and  reefs,  of  which  are  currently  not  addressed  clearly  understood  or  addressed  by  Trans  Mountain/Kinder  Morgan.  

● The  perception  of  the  health  of  the  Bay  will  be  impacted  by  increased  visibility  of  large  ships  (B.D.C  Family  Interview  Nov  13,  2014).  

● There  is  currently  issues  with  wake  from  whale  watching  outfits  affecting  the  shoreline,  and  concern  about  heritage  resources  and  archaeological  sites  such  as  shell  middens  from  additional  wave  action  of  even  larger  vessels  proposed  for  the  shipping  lanes.  

● Concern  over  the  lack  of  assessment  on  archaeological  impacts  by  Trans  Mountain/Kinder  Morgan.    

● Concern  that  an  oil  spill  will  destroy  sensitive  marine  resources.    ● Concern  that  an  oil  spill  and  response  to  an  oil  spill  will  degrade  or  destroy  sensitive  

terrestrial  ecosystems  containing  food  and  medicinal  plants.  ● Concern  that  tanker  bilge  will  contaminate  seafoods.  ● Concern  that  there  is  no  adequate  compensation  for  the  loss  of  marine  resources  in  the  event  

of  a  catastrophic  spill.        

 

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5.0  Discussion      Beecher  Bay  is  a  community  intimately  tied  to  the  marine  environment  for  its  subsistence  production  of  food  for  physical  sustenance,  cultural  reproduction  in  the  form  of  ceremony  and  teaching,  and  identity  maintenance.  All  of  its  harvesting  takes  place  within  the  Regional  Study  Area  of  Trans  Mountain’s  proposed  project,  and  a  significant  portion  of  its  harvesting  takes  place  within  areas  interacting  with  or  contiguous  to  the  Local  Study  Area  and  the  shipping  lanes.    In  its  application  to  the  National  Energy  Board,  Trans  Mountain  identifies  two  effect  sources  for  likely  project-­‐related  effects,  both  direct  and  indirect,  on  traditional  marine  use  for  all  affected  indigenous  groups:    

● “Increased  marine  vessel  traffic  associated  with  the  proposed  expansion  and  operation  of  the  Westridge  Marine  Terminal;”  

● “General  increase  in  marine  vessel  traffic  in  the  region.”    It  states  that  general  increases  in  marine  vessel  traffic  in  the  region  may:    

● Result  in  changes  to  the  distribution  and  abundance  of  subsistence  resources  due  to  wake  effects  on  shoreline  habitats  and  sensory  disturbance.  

● Sensory  disturbance  [that]  has  the  potential  to  result  in  disruptions  to  cultural  activities  (e.g.  gathering  places,  sacred  areas)  whereby  noise  and  activity  as  a  result  of  increased  marine  vessel  traffic  may  influence  the  focus  and  intent  of  ceremonial  activities  (4.3.10.4,  p.  364).  

● Raise  the  likelihood  of…  possible  collision  (4.3.10.4,  p.  364)  or  other  conflicts.    

Trans  Mountain  identifies  (Table  4.3.10.3,  p.  367)  the  likelihood  of  “Disruption  of  use  of  travelways”  within  the  RSA  and  LSA  as  an  effect  of  the  Project.  It  identifies  the  following  potential  residual  effects  on  travelways,  post-­‐mitigation:    

● Alteration  of  traditional  marine  resource  users’  vessel  movement  patterns  ● Disruption  of  traditional  marine  resource  user  activities  from  Project-­‐related  marine  vessel  

wake    

Trans  Mountain  claim  that  transits  of  tankers  will  increase  from  “once  a  week  to  approximately  once  a  day.”  This  seems  to  include  both  inbound  and  outbound  routes  as  a  single  “transit.”  In  addition,  it  does  not  include  the  cumulative  effects  of  other  projects,  either  planned  or  reasonably  expected  to  occur.    The  coast  and  associated  islands  from  Race  Rocks  to  Port  Renfrew,  and  again  on  the  US  side,  is  dotted  with  registered  archaeological  sites,  burial  sites,  and  sacred  sites.  These  sites  and  locations  may  be  affected  by  shoreline  erosion  due  to  vessel  wake  from  increased  marine  traffic,  oil  contamination  from  small  or  large  mishaps,  and  impacts  associated  with  cleanup  measures  following  a  spill.    

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Beecher  Bay  has  intimate  family  and  other  social  connections  with  Clallam  communities  in  Washington  State.  The  Project,  by  increasing  shipping  through  the  Juan  de  Fuca  Strait,  as  well  as  the  cumulative  effects  of  existing  and  future  shipping  projects,  will  adversely  affect  the  social  and  cultural  lives  of  Beecher  Bay  members  by  alienating  them  from  relations  on  the  far  side  of  the  Strait,  parts  of  their  traditional  territory,  and  harvesting  locations  that  will  become  unusable,  undesirable,  or  difficult  to  access.    Beecher  Bay  harvesters  will  encounter  tanker  vessels  while  they  are  harvesting  in  or  near  the  shipping  lanes,  or  traversing  them  to  access  harvesting  sites,  or  to  visit  relatives  or  attend  cultural  events  on  the  other  side  of  the  Strait.  Trans  Mountain  notes    

Traditional  marine  resource  user  vessels  are  required  to  keep  the  shipping  lanes  clear,  however  are  permitted  to  cross  the  shipping  lanes  and  harvest  in  and  near  the  lanes  when  it  is  considered  safe.  (4.3.10.6.1,  p.371)  

 Beecher  Bay  members  hunting  and  fishing  is  predicted  to  experience  a  number  of  adverse  effects  as  a  result  of  the  Project,  including  the  following:    

● Disruption  of  subsistence  hunting  and  fishing  activities;  ● Alteration  of  subsistence  hunting  and  fishing  resources  (ducks,  marine  animals,  fish,  and  

other  resources);  ● Disruption  of  traditional  marine  resource  user  activities  from  Project-­‐related  marine  vessel  

wake.    

Harvesters  will  experience  reduced  ability  to  harvest  in  some  areas;  missed  opportunities;  and  increased  travel  time  (4.3.10.6.1,  p.371).    Trans  Mountain  predicts  that  gathering  locations,  heritage,  and  archaeological  sites  will  be  adversely  affected  by      

● Increased  sensory  disturbance  for  marine  users;  ● Disruption  of  traditional  marine  resource  user  activities  from  Project-­‐related  marine  vessel  

wake;  ● Negative  user  perspectives  of  increased  marine  vessel  traffic;  ● Shoreline  erosion  due  to  vessel  wake  caused  by  increased  marine  traffic;  ● Oil  contamination;  and    ● Impacts  associated  with  cleanup  measures  following  a  spill.  

 For  Beecher  Bay  members,  the  three  modes  of  production—gathering,  hunting,  and  fishing—will  likely  be  affected  by  the  Project  in  different  ways.  Gathering  of  species  prized  for  their  nutritional  content,  taste,  and  cultural  importance,  as  well  as  duck  hunting,  for  the  most  part,  takes  place  at  preferred  locations  nearby  the  community.  All  these  locations  are  within  the  RSA  and  some  are  within  the  LSA,  and  have  been  impacted  by  decades  of  nibbling  cumulative  effects.  Members  worry  that  Trans  Mountain  has  not  modelled  the  Project-­‐induced  changes  in  species’  behaviour  that  may  in  turn  alter  the  availability  of,  access  to,  and  practices  required  to  harvest  members  preferred  species  

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in  their  preferred  locations  nearby  the  community.  Members  worry  that  Trans  Mountain  has  not  adequately  calculated  the  possible  direct  effects  of  its  regular  operations  and  disaster  scenarios  from  its  Project,  or  its  contribution  to  cumulative  effects,  such  that  the  threshold  after  which  gathering  will  become  even  more  compromised  remains  unknown.      Fishing  for  high-­‐value  salmon  and  ground  fish  takes  place  to  within  the  LSA,  especially  during  the  summer  months.  The  open  channel  offshore  from  Port  Renfrew  to  Beecher  Bay  to  Race  Rocks  is  cited  as  a  preferred  fishing  area,  and  an  important  source  of  the  community’s  salmon  and  cod.  The  open  channel  will  become  relatively  more  inaccessible  and/or  dangerous  with  the  increase  in  vessel  traffic.  Increased  wake  will  affect  both  the  safety  and  practise  of  harvesting.  Vessel  traffic  and  wake  will  affect  the  aesthetic,  visual,  and  sensory  experiences  of  harvesting.  Harvesting  in  areas  outside  the  LSA  may  be  altered  by  effects  not  accounted  for  in  the  application,  including  increases  in  competition  from  other  harvesters  and  small  vessel  traffic  displaced  from  the  LSA.    

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