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Bangladesh Primary Education Stipends

A Qualitative Assessment

Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh

Directorate of Primary Education

Bangladesh Primary Education Stipends

A Qualitative Assessment

iii

Bangladesh Primary Education Stipends : A Qualitative Assessment

First Published : November 2013

© Directorate of Primary Education (DPE), Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC), and

UNICEF Bangladesh, November 2013

All rights reserved. No part of this report may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means,

electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage or retrieval

system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Directorate of Primary Education (DPE)

Mirpur-2, Dhaka-1216, Dhaka, Bangladesh

Telephone: +880-2-8057877

Fax: +880-2-8016499

Email: [email protected]

Website: www.dpe.gov.bd

Power and Participation Research Centre

House 77A, Road 12A, Dhanmondi R/A

Dhaka 1209, Bangladesh

Tel. +880-2-8119207, 9118880

Fax: +880-2-8144379


Website: http://www.pprcbd.org/new/

UNICEF Bangladesh

BSL Office Complex, 1 Minto Road, Dhaka-1000

Telephone: +880-2-9336701-10


Website: www.unicef.org.bd

This publication is available in the websites of DPE < www.dpe.gov.bd >, PPRC <[email protected]>, and

UNICEF Bangladesh <www.unicef.org.bd>

ISBN: 978-984-8969-16-8

Cover design : Khondoker Shakhawat Ali

Cover Photo: UNICEF/Siddique

Inner design : ShikkhaBichitra, 196/3, Shantibag, Malibag, Dhaka-1217,

Acknowledgements

The study was undertaken collaboratively and the report was jointly producedby the Directorate of Primary Education, the Ministry of Primary and MassEducation, the Power and Participation Research Centre and UNICEFBangladesh. The purpose of the study was to assist appropriate programmeand policy reforms in the primary education stipend programme for the newphase of the sector-wide Third Primary Education Development Programme(PEDP3).

Contributions in conceptualization, analysis and report preparation werereceived from the following officials and experts:

Directorate of Primary Education and Ministry of Primary and Mass Education

S.M. Ashraful Islam, Additional Secretary; Md. Serajul Huq Khan, AdditionalSecretary; Irtiza Ahmed Chowdhury, Project Director, Primary EducationStipend Programme (PESP); and Imtiaz Mahmud, Deputy Chief, Planning.

Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC)Hossain Zillur Rahman, Executive Chairman; Liaquat Ali Choudhury, SeniorResearch Fellow; Syed Ziauddin Ahmed, Director, Resource Planning andKhondaker Shakhawat Ali, Research Fellow.

UNICEF BangladeshIsa Achoba, Chief, Social Policy, Monitoring and Evaluation; MohammedShafiqul Islam, Social Policy Specialist; and Shantanu Gupta, Monitoring andEvaluation Specialist.

Special thanks are also due to Billal Hossain, Masudul Huq, M. Billah Faruqi,Nurul Momen. Mohidur Rahman Khan, Nurul Anwar, Subodh ChandraSarker and Iftekhar Ahmed of PPRC for facilitating data collection, dataprocessing and data management.

Foreword

Inclusive primary education has been a policy priority of allgovernments of Bangladesh since independence. The PrimaryEducation Stipend Programme (PESP) has been one of the keyinstruments to advance the causes of this national policy goal. ThePESP has evolved in targeting and scope over the past decade,currently reaching 7.8 million children per annum, drawn largely frompoor households with cash incentives to reduce schooling cost.

Various studies during the preceding decade underscored the PESP'simportant role in increasing enrolment and reducing, albeit slowly, thedrop-out rate, which remains a critical challenge in primary education.Poised to complete its second five-year phase and as the primaryeducation sector as a whole embarks on a new round of reforms andtargets through the Third Primary Education Development Programme(PEDP3), it is timely that an in-depth analysis of the PESP beundertaken jointly by the Directorate of Primary Education (DPE), theMinistry of Primary and Mass Education (MoPME), Power andParticipation Research Centre (PPRC) and UNICEF.

Going beyond the limits of usual impact analysis, this study hasutilized a variety of qualitative research instruments to establish theground realities vis-à-vis PESP operation and has engaged the criticalrange of stakeholders composed of key duty bearers and rights holdersto assess strengths and weaknesses and identify the reform prioritiesthat can further enhance the role of PESP in accelerating inclusiveprimary education. It is indeed a matter of concern that rising costs ofschooling are impacting on the ability of poorer families to availthemselves of the opportunities of primary education. The opportunitycost of schooling is particularly significant for the students of thehigher grades of 4 and 5 and their families. While Bangladesh does notcharge tuition fees for primary schooling, the entrenched problem ofdrop-out is a consequence of user costs among several other barriers. Aparticular strength of this study has been to provide innovative andcredible analysis of these and related factors and to indicate wherereform actions may bear the optimal dividend for Bangladesh'sinclusive growth.

The partnership that led to this study and its ensuing findings andrecommendations, if implemented, demonstrate the value of a socialector-led approach to child-sensitive social protection in the country'smove to middle income status, with equity in educational opportunitiesfor all children in Bangladesh.

We hope this report will be an important addition to the rich body ofanalysis focused on PESP and the theme of inclusive primaryeducation and be useful to policy makers, agencies and academia.Most importantly, we hope that the analysis and recommendationsemerging from the study will spur fruitful actions to consolidate andfurther strengthen the important role of PESP in the promotion ofinclusive primary education that has brought Bangladesh justifiableglobal renown.

Bangladesh Primary Education Stipends : A Qualitative Assessmentviii

Shyamal Kanti GhoshDirector GeneralDirectorate of PrimaryEducation

Hossain Zillur RahmanExecutive ChairmanPower and ParticipationResearch Centre

Pascal VilleneuveRepresentativeUNICEF Bangladesh

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Contents

Acknowledgements vForeword viiList of Tables xiList of Figures xiAbbreviations xiii

1 Introduction 11.1 Inclusive primary education: A policy priority 11.2 Mixed balance sheet on achievements 21.3 Distinguishing features of PESP 3

2 Rationale of study, scope and research strategy 52.1 Rationale of study 52.2 Scope 62.3 Research strategy and methodology 6

3 PESP in operation: A reality check11

3.1 Success in coverage and geographic targeting 113.2 Selection: Low inclusion error 123.3 Disbursement: Low leakage but transaction burdens 123.4 Changes in the real value of the stipend 143.5 Stipend spent on student, not family 163.6 Stipend, opportunity cost of schooling and

drop-out dynamics 17

4 What has the stipend achieved? 234.1 A branding success 234.2 Impact 254.3 Spillover effects 294.4 Is the stipend adequate? 31

5 Conclusion 37

References 41Annex-1 43

List of Tables

Table 1 : Primary school completion rate, 1991 and 2010, Bangladesh 3Table 2 : Bangladesh PESP school survey:

Sampled area location 7Table 3 : Scope of FGDs in school survey, Bangladesh 2013 8Table 4 : Scope of interviews and case studies in school survey

Bangladesh 2013 9Table 5 : Primary stipend coverage in 2011 and 2013, Bangladesh11Table 6 : Changing value of primary stipend 2003-2012, Bangladesh 15Table 7 : Items on which stipend is utilized, Bangladesh 2013 16Table 8 : Opportunity cost of schooling: Average child wages in typical

rural Occupations insights from FGDs, Bangladesh 2013 18Table 9 : Drop-out dynamics: Two case scenarios, Bangladesh 2013 20Table 10 : Parental aspiration on children's education,

Bangladesh 2013 24Table 11 : Perceptions on outcome impact of stipend programme:

Insights from triangular FGDs, Bangladesh 2013 26Table 12 : Average annual cost of primary education: Findings

from student FGDs, Bangladesh 2013 32Table 13 : Rural average annual cost of primary education: Findings

from student case studies, Bangladesh 2013 32Table 14 : Average annual household costs of primary education

(grade 4 & 5), Bangladesh 2013 33Table 15 : Options of adjusting primary stipend, Bangladesh 2013 35

List of Figures

Figure 1: Trends in net enrolment ratio in primary education,1990-2011, Bangladesh 2

Figure 2: Inflation adjusted primary stipend value,2003-2012, Bangladesh 15

Figure 3: Rice equivalent of primary education stipend value,2003-2013, Bangladesh 16

Abbreviations

ASPR Annual Sector Performance Report

BBS Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics

BDT Bangladesh Taka

BIDS Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies

BRAC Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee

CAMPE Campaign for Popular Education

DPE Directorate of Primary Education

FFE Food for Education

FGD Focus Group Discussion

GoB Government of Bangladesh

IFPRI International Food Policy Research Institute

MDG Millennium Development Goals

MoPME Ministry of Primary and Mass Education

NGO Non-government Organization

PD Project Director

PEDP Primary Education Development Programme

PESP Primary Education Stipend Programme

PMED Primary and Mass Education Division

PPRC Power and Participation Research Centre

SMC School Management Committee

UNO Upazila Nirbahi Officer

UNICEF United Nations Children's Fund

UEO Upazila Education Officer

WFP World Food Programme

Introduction

1.1 Inclusive primary education: A policy priority

Universal primary education has been a policy priority of allgovernments of Bangladesh since independence in 1971. Asuccession of policy steps in this regard include the nationalization of primary education in 1974, the passage of theCompulsory Primary Education Act in 1990, the establishment ofa dedicated implementing agency-Primary and Mass Education Division (PMED)-in 1992 and its elevation to a full-fledgedministry-Ministry of Primary and Mass Education (MoPME)-in 2004. Alongside these broad policy and institutional steps, therehas been an appreciation of the need for extra efforts to enrollpoorer children in primary schools and reduce the drop-out rate.Bangladesh's demand-side innovations have been pioneering innature and have garnered worldwide recognition as ConditionalCash Transfers.

The first innovation used food transfers as an instrument to encourage selected poor families to send their children to school.The Food-for-Education (FFE) project introduced in 1993 on apilot basis, at its height, covered 27 per cent of the country. Some40 per cent of enrolled students from poor families were given 15 kg of wheat or 12 kg of rice per beneficiary family, which was later reduced to 10 kg of wheat or 8 kg of rice in 2001-2002. To extend coverage, a separate cash-based programme-Primary Education Stipends (PES)-was introduced in 1990-2000 withBDT 25 Taka per month per beneficiary as the benefit package.Both FFE and PES were replaced by a single cash-based PrimaryEducation Stipend Programme (PESP) covering the whole country in 2002-2003. The PESP is currently in the final year ofits second five-year phase. Initially, the targeting principle was uniform across upazilas (sub-districts), but in the recent phase, the principle of geographic targeting has been added with poorer upazilas being eligible for proportionately higher coverage-up to 90 per cent-of the poor children in a school.

1

Universal primary education has been a policypriority of allgovernments ofBangladesh since independence in1971.

Bangladesh's demand-side innovations have been pioneering in nature and have garnered worldwide recognition asConditional Cash Transfers.

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Stipends for poorer students have not been the only means ofpromoting inclusive primary education. There have been severalother supply-side and demand-side policy steps, such as abolitionof school fees, free text books, infrastructural development ofprimary schools and training of primary teachers.

1.2 Mixed balance sheet on achievements

There have been significant achievements in primary educationmost notably in school enrollment and closing of the gender gap.Between 1990 and 2011, enrolment rose from 60 per cent to 98.7per cent as per the departmental data (BANBEIS and DPE:Figure 1). Strikingly enough, girls' enrolment began to overtakeboys' enrollment by 2005 and almost reached the EFA goal by2011. Attendance too has improved from 49.7 per cent in 2001 to77 per cent in 2011.

However, on other crucial indicators, progress is either morelimited or the overall situation stark. Only 21.6 per cent of 5 yearolds have access to pre-primary education. Disaggregated data iseven starker, with remote rural areas such as Kurigram districtshowing only 9.4 per cent of 5 year olds in pre-primaryeducation.

Bangladesh Primary Education Stipends : A Qualitative Assessment2

Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies and UNICEF,Child Equity Atlas: Pockets of Social Deprivation in Bangladesh (Bangladesh: July, 2013).

1

1

2

2 Ibid , p.43

Figure 1: Trends in net enrolment ratio in primary education, Bangladesh 1990-2011

There have beensignificant

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Total 60.48 75.75 80.86 85.52 87.20 90.90 91.10 93.90 94.89 98.70

Girls 50.76 73.86 81.33 85.83 90.10 94.50 94.70 99.10 97.60 99.40

Boys 89.43 77.53 80.41 85.22 84.46 87.60 87.80 89.10 92.20 97.20

1990 1995 1997 2000 2005 2006 2007 2009 2010 2011

Source : BANBEIS & DPE

The more comprehensive indicator of cycle completion rate also shows much slower progress. Between 1990 and 2010, the cycle completion rate rose from 43 per cent to only 67 per cent as reported by departmental data (see Table 1). The picture in rural schools is probably worse than these national averages. Data from Population Censuses broadly confirm these departmental findings: proportion of out-of-school 6-10 year olds stood at 23 per cent in 2011. Quality indicators in terms of learning achievements also indicate a difficult situation compounded by a relative lack of independent data.

Table 1 : Primary school completion rate, 1991 and 2010, Bangladesh

1.3 Distinguishing features of PESP

The key objective of PESP is to increase educational participation-enrolment, attendance, persistence and performance-of primary school-age children from poor families. The program, currently in its 2nd phase, is one of the biggest educational programmes of the government. According to the Revised Development Project Proforma of PESP-II of December, 2010, annual allocations stand at BDT 3.9 Billion and cover 62,087 rural schools and 7.8 million primary students. Coverage rose by 62 per cent midway through the current phase to reach current total of 7.8 million children. The program is 100 per cent financed by GoB and covers six categories of schools: government primary schools, registered non-government primary schools, community schools, satellite schools, NGO-run full (grades 1-5) primary schools approved by the GoB, and Ebtedayee Madrashas recognized by the GoB with a minimum of 100 students.

The distinguishing features of PESP include:

Introduction 3

3

3 ibid , p.43

Source: Directorate of Primary Education (DPE)

Cash-based incentive to selected poor household to send their primary-age children to school;

Conditionalities on selected students to increase attendance rate and avoid drop-out;

l

l

The picture in rural schools is probably worse than these national averages.

Year Completion Rate (per cent) 1991 43 2010 67


Use of banking channel to provide the cash incentive;

Pursuit of a women empowerment goal by making the mother the authorized person to collect the cash incentive from bank;

Pursuit of a geographic targeting goal by providing proportionately greater coverage in poorer upazilas;

A transparent local-level beneficiary selection process wherein primary selection is done at the school level by school management committees (SMCs) and teachers and approval is provided at upazila level by the Government officials, specifically the Upazila Education Officer (UEO) and Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO).

l

l

l

l

Rationale of study, scope and research strategy

After a decade of operation, the PESP has played an importantrole in the achievement of the Millennium Development Goal(MDG) target of increased primary enrolment and has helped tosignificantly narrow the enrolment gender gap. However, as theearlier evidence showed, issues of drop-out, low attendance andchild labour remain grave concerns. As the primary educationsector transitions to the new sector-wide programme phase ofPEDP-3, it is timely to take a broader look at the efficacy ofPESP in relationship to its stated goals of enhanced educationalparticipation by poorer children and concomitant reduction inchild labour. The departmental mid-term review, the World Bank's recent assessment of PESP and the International Food Policy Research Institute/Chronic Poverty Research Centre's impact assessment note provide useful insights. However, anissue that merits deeper attention is the adequacy of primarystipends, in particular, how well the economic value of the stipend has been performing as an incentive over time vis-à-visthe changing education cost realities facing households and thediffering opportunity cost of schooling for children in the higherprimary grades. The monetary value of the primary stipend hasremained unchanged at BDT 100 per month since PESP was introduced in 2002-2003, but the PESP coverage has grown to7.8 million children. Furthermore, the quantum of the stipend isthe same for grade 1 students and for students in the highergrades of 4 and 5 where the opportunity cost of schooling becomes a real-life issue for poor households. Additionally, theprimary stipend for families with multiple children enrolled in

4

Ministry of Primary Mass Education, Final Report on Mid-Term Evaluation/Assessment of PESP (Phase II); World Bank, An Assessment of the Revised PESP in Bangladesh (Draft, World Bank, 2012); Bob Baulch, The Medium-term Impact of the PESP in Rural Bangladesh, (International Food Policy Research Institute/Chronic Poverty Research Centre, 2010)

Here it means income foregone due to school attendance.

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the primary grades is only 25 per cent higher than for a familywith a single student. Given these features, the adequacy of theprimary stipend vis-à-vis its inclusive education goal has becomean important policy concern. The rationale of the current study isto review the basis for such a concern and, based on this, identifyappropriate policy steps that may enhance the efficacy of PESP.As Bangladesh engages in wider social protection reform, thefindings and recommendation from this PESP study willcontribute meaningful knowledge to the education sector-ledchild-sensitive social protection reform for inclusive growth.

2.2 Scope

The current study is a qualitative assessment of PESP based on areview of secondary data as well as a sample review of selectedrural schools. Specifically, the study looks at:

2.3 Research strategy and methodology

Strategy

Though the study is essentially a qualitative assessment, itentailed a rigorous research strategy based on i) an intensivereview of secondary information; ii) selection of a sample ofrural and urban schools spread across the country; iii)implementation of a range of qualitative instruments on keystakeholders in the selected schools and localities.

Sample

The qualitative assessment was national in scope with eight ruraland four urban sites chosen across the country. The first step wasto choose one district in each of the six administrative divisionsin the country. The districts chosen were Barguna, Chittagong,Gaibandha, Mymensingh, Satkhira and Sunamganj. The secondstep was to choose one upazila in each of these selected districtsbased on two criteria: poverty rate (World Food Programme


The cost realities of primary education facing ruralhouseholds;

The opportunity cost of schooling vis-à-vis the prevalence ofchild labour;

The beneficiary perceptions on the efficacy of primarystipends and the dynamics of drop-out;

How best the primary stipend is repackaged to ensure anadequate incentive.

i

ii

iii

iv

the findings andrecommendation

contributeto the educationsector-led child-

sensitive socialprotection reform

for inclusivegrowth.

poverty map) and drop-out rate (DPE Annual School Survey). To ensure representation of ethnic minorities, one school each in two additional upazilas-Nachol upazila of Chapai Nawabganj district and Sadar upazila in Bandarban district-was also included. Thus, the final sample included eight upazilas. Of these, four were high-poverty upazilas and four were medium-poverty upazilas (see Table 2)

The third step was to choose six rural schools in each of the selected upazilas, having an initial sample of 36 rural schools. Two ethnic area schools in Nachol and Bandarban were added, making the rural school sample 38. During survey implementation, in one of the rural sites-Sundarganj in Gaibandha-an extra school beyond the original six of the initial sample was included due to some issues in survey implementation. Thus, the final rural school sample stood at 39.

The fourth step was to add a few low-income urban area schools as per the suggestion of MoPME, covering both big and small city contexts. One school each was chosen from the two metropolitan centres of Chittagong and Narayanganj and two secondary cities of Lalmonirhat and Rajbari, bringing the total urban school sample to four.

The final sample of surveyed schools stood at 43, of which 39 were rural and four were urban (see Table 2). The list of surveyed schools is provided in Annex 1.

Rationale of Study, Scope and Research Strategy 7

Table 2: Bangladesh PESP school survey: Sampled area locations

Rural

District

Upazila

Poverty rate (per

cent)

Area characteristics Barguna Patherghata 36 Coastal Chapai Nawabganj Nachol 25 Ethnic Chittagong Banshkhali 22 Plains Chittagong Hill Tracts Bandarban 26 Ethnic Gaibandha Sundarganj 39 Char Mymensingh Haluaghat 46 Plains, ethnic Satkhira Shyamnagar 65 Coastal Sunamganj Bishwambarpur 30 Haor

Urban

Chittagong Metropolitan Lalmonirhat Secondary city Narayanganj Metropolitan Rajbari Secondary city

Research instruments

Information was collected through five qualitative research instruments. They included:

Focus group discussions (FGDs): These were held with four categories of stakeholders-parents, teachers, students and SMC-of each selected school. The Table below shows that the FGDs had on average five to 16 participants per FGD for different groups.

In-depth interviews: These were carried out with three categories of implementers-headmaster, Upazila Education Officer (UEO)/Assistant Upazila Education Officer (AUEO) and bank official.

Beneficiary household case studies: One beneficiary household case study per school was carried out, making a total of 43 case studies.

Drop-out student case studies: Case studies were also carried out on drop-out students, three per upazila, plus one each in the five urban sites and the supplementary ethnic rural site. The total number of such case studies came to 24.

In-depth view exchange with PESP directorate: There were two wide-ranging and in-depth view exchange meetings with the Project Directorate of the PESP and his team on a range of operational and policy issues relevant to the study. The first meeting was held prior to the field work and the second after the preliminary report had been prepared.

Tables 3 and 4 describe the scope of each of the above.

Table 3 : Scope of FGDs in school survey, Bangladesh 2013

*FGD with one SMC-Banshkhali, Chittagong-could not be carried out due to severe political disturbance during field work


Stakeholder Number of FGDs Total number of participantsStudent 43 680Parents 43 496Teachers 43 227SMC 42* 273

Table 4 : Scope of interviews and case studies in school survey, Bangladesh 2013

The qualitative instruments were supplemented by two types of fact sheets-one on the selected upazila and the other on the selected school. These fact sheets provided useful contextual information that both supplemented and cross-checked the information arising from the FGDs, case studies and interviews.

Survey timing

The survey was implemented from 15 February through 2 April, 2013. Midway through the survey, fieldwork was hampered by high political unrest. The SMC FGD could not be completed in Banshkahli. In Gaibandha, the selected school had to be dropped halfway through the survey and a replacement school was surveyed. However, once the unrest had subsided, the headmistress of the originally selected school requested the PPRC team to complete the survey. As a result, in this site, seven schools were surveyed instead of the originally planned six..

Rationale of Study, Scope and Research Strategy 9

Category Number

Implementer interviews Headmaster 43 UEO/UAEO 12 Bank official 8 Case studies Beneficiary household 43 Drop - out student 24

PESP in operation: A reality check

3.1 Success in coverage and geographic targeting

In 2010, PESP's targeting policy was changed from uniform coverage of 40 per cent to geographic targeting, with poorer areas given proportionately greater coverage up to a limit of 90 per cent. Both the 2013 survey of 39 rural schools and other related surveys indicate that there has been significant expansion in coverage and that the principle of geographic targeting has worked well in practice (see Table 5)

Coverage on average increased from around 40 per cent to around 60 per cent. The positive achievement of geographic targeting is clear: high poverty upazilas have a much higher coverage at 78.6 per cent compared to medium poverty upazilas at 50.9 per cent. A related World Bank report also shows a rise in stipend coverage from 38.5 per cent in October 2009 to 56.6 per cent in October 2010.

Table 5 : Primary stipend coverage in 2011 and 2013, Bangladesh

Source: PPRC, 2011, Education Realities in Hoar Region; PESP Field Survey,

Bangladesh 2013

6 Op.cit. An Assessment of the Revised PESP in Bangladesh , p.4

6

3

Survey Data Survey % of stipend

coverage Area category (Survey of 39 schools, 2013)

% of stipend coverage Survey of 502 rural (five hoar upazilas) households, 2011 45.8 High poverty upazilas 78.6 Survey of 39 rural schools in eight districts, 2013 68.9 Medium poverty upazilas 50.9

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Despite these positive developments, the FGDs carried outduring the 2013 survey indicated that there was still some unmetdemand particularly in medium poverty areas.

3.2 Selection: Low inclusion error

The PESP utilizes several criteria to select beneficiaries, whichhave been designed to be self-evident rather than requiringdetailed data-collection. Five basic types of criteria are stipulatedto identify poor households: insolvent female-headedhouseholds; low income occupations such as day labourer,fishermen, artisans; landlessness; insolvent ethnic minorities;and students suffering from disabilities. Basic information isgenerated through home visits by schoolteachers to all familieswithin the catchment area. From this information-base, selectionis finalized in the monthly SMC meeting together with theteachers. The relevant class teacher plays the lead role in theprocess for his/her class. The criteria are not consideredseparately but rather in a composite manner to establish theinsolvency of the household. Among the criteria, applyinglandownership presented many practical challenges because ofsuch issues as infertile land and mortgage. In December 2010,the landownership criterion was officially dropped from the listof eligibility criteria.

Inclusion error based on the eligibility criteria has been relativelyminor. A reworking of the data in the World Bank draft reportreferred to earlier had an inclusion error of 6 per cent (theproportion of ineligible students in the total number of receivingstudents). The FGDs in all 39 schools also show a comparablelevel of inclusion errors to the World Bank report. The FGDsalso indicated that, in some instances, inclusion errors may be aconsequence of the compulsion of fulfilling the quota wheneligible students are barred due to their failure to meetconditionalities on attendance and performance.

3.3 Disbursement: Low leakage but transaction burdens

The use of the banking channel for disbursing stipends withstrict adherence to the proviso for the mother of the beneficiarystudent as the authorized recipient has worked well. FGDs acrossall 39 schools in eight districts indicate virtually no leakage assuch. The comparable World Bank assessment notes that about 8per cent of beneficiaries pay on average BDT 10 to receive thestipend. But the significance of this information is


Inclusion errorbased on the

eligibility criteriahas been

relatively minor....in someinstances,

inclusion errorsmay be a

consequence ofthe compulsion of

fulfilling thequota ...

...use of thebanking channel

for disbursingstipends ...

has worked well.

rendered somewhat questionable by the simultaneous admissionof a lack of knowledge of why or to whom this payment is made.

While leakage as such does not appear to be an issue, transactionburdens on both the implementer and recipient side appear to bean issue. Four types of transaction burdens were indicated by theFGDs and in-depth interviews: i) disbursement delay; ii)opportunity cost of one day's lost labour and/or travel/food costsfor guardians, specially from schools other than the motherschool, since typically it takes a whole day for collection; iii)loss of teaching time on payment paperwork and boothassistance; iv) lapse of payment for mothers who miss collectionon the appointed day.

Disbursement delays arise both due to delayed receipt ofallocated money by the bank from the government and banksholding on to the fund for brief periods before actualdisbursement. On average, delays of two weeks are typicalexcept for the final installment in December, when the delayextends on average to two months. The FGDs indicated that thetypical two-week delay is not considered a major problem by therecipients. However, the much longer delay in the finalinstallment is a concern. This is particularly true for class 5students who have left the primary school stage by the time theinstallment is received after the two to three month delay.

Severe overcrowding is a regular phenomenon on the day ofdisbursement. A single bank branch on average has to disbursestipend money to upward of 150 schools within a time period of15 days. Daily workloads for a booth are typically about 1,500beneficiary students.

The FGDs with guardians and teachers emphasized that thoughthe transaction burdens were real, they did not have seriousconsequences. There were some positive aspects too, since it wasfelt that the collection days served as spontaneous forums toexchange views and spark motivation among the mothers fortheir children's school participation. Though the transactionburdens were not serious, some easy solutions were suggested.One issue that merits immediate attention is the lapse of paymentfor mothers who miss the collection day. Interviews with bank

PESP in Operation: A Reality Check 13

7

8

Ibid, p.11During stipend disbursement, schools are clustered into average groups of 5-6 with one designated asthe mother school where the bank booth is established for the day.

78

On average,delays of twoweeks are typicalexcept for thefinal installmentin December,when the delayextends onaverage to twomonths.

...though thetransactionburdens were real,they did not haveseriousconsequences.

officials indicated that the money not distributed on collectionday does not revert to the government immediately but remainswith the bank. So the obvious and easy solution is to carry overthe lapsed payment to the next installment. This requires a policydecision and, if enacted, can be implemented immediately. Thiswould remove an important source of inequity for around 5 percent of mothers who on average miss collection day due to amultitude of personal reasons.

The other suggestion to lessen the transaction burden is to makethe payment through the school rather than through schoolclusters as is the current practice. Even though payment is madethrough bank booths in the designated mother school, teachersmust spend time dealing with the paperwork and providing adegree of supervision on collection day for their respectivestudents. A comparison can be made to the separate socialtransfers for students with disabilities, which are currentlyimplemented through the individual school. This issue meritsfurther review and perhaps can be piloted before any generalpolicy change is decided upon.

Regarding the transaction burden in terms of loss of teachingtime, the FDGs suggested to either provide for compensation forthe teachers who would arrange this work as a dedicatedadditional responsibility or provide for dedicated personnel inthe form of a stipend assistant. This issue too requires furtherreview before any general policy steps are undertaken.

3.4 Changes in the real value of the stipend

Since its introduction in 2002-2003, the monetary value of thestipend has been unchanged at BDT 100 per month. How has thereal value of this benefit evolved over time given inflation andother price changes? Prior to PESP, this benefit was given infood-grains. Thus, one way to look at the changes in the value ofthe stipend is in terms of rice equivalents using prevailing retailprice of coarse rice. The other approach is to discount the stipendvalue by the inflation rate. Table 6 looks at the changing value ofthe primary stipend, using both of the above approaches.


the obvious andeasy solution is to

carry over thelapsed payment to

the nextinstallment. Thisrequires a policy

decision.

How has the realvalue of this

benefit evolvedover time given

inflation andother price

changes?

Table 6 : Changing value of primary stipend 2003-2012

Source: Inflation figures from CIA World Fact Book on Bangladesh; Rice price data from Statistical Yearbook, 2010, WFP Bangladesh Food Security Monitoring Bulletin, April-June, 2012

Adjusting for inflation, the real value of the BDT 100 primary stipend stood at BDT 50.51 in 2012. In terms of rice equivalents, the real value of the stipend has declined from 7 kg of rice to 3.7 kg. By both measures, the value of the primary stipend has declined by half since it was introduced in 2003. The trend is also shown graphically in Figure 2 and 3.

Figure 2 : Inflation adjusted primary stipend value, 2003-2012, Bangladesh

Source : PPRC Calculation from BBS Data.


the value of the primary stipend has declined by half since it was introduced in 2003.

Year Rate of inflation

(%) Inflation-adjusted stipend value (Tk) Primary stipend in terms of rice

equivalents vis-à-vis prevailing retail price of coarse rice (kg) 2003 100 7.0 2004 6.0 94.33 6.9 2005 7.0 88.15 6.12 2006 7.2 82.23 5.69 2007 9.1 75.37 5.23 2008 8.9 69.21 3.59 2009 5.4 65.46 3.64 2010 8.1 60.55 3.88 2011 10.7 54.55 3.7 2012 7.7 50.51 3.7

10094.33

88.1582.23

75.3769.21 65.46

60.5554.55

50.51

0

20

40

60

80

100

2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

Val

ue(i

nT

k)

Year

Table 7 : Items on which stipend is utilized, Bangladesh 2013

Source: PESP Field Survey, Bangladesh 2013In only one area-Bandarban Sadar upazila-family expenses were mentioned as one of the items on which the stipend money was utilized. Overwhelmingly, stipend money is used for schooling-related purposes. Such a finding is corroborated by the World Bank quantitative assessment.


Figure 3 : Rice equivalent of primary education stipend value, 2003-2012, Bangladesh

3.5 Stipend spent on student, not familyAn important FGD focus was to establish how the stipend money was being utilized. Table 7 provides a ranking of the items on which stipend money is usually spent as determined through the FGDs with guardians and students and further corroborated through the FGDs with teachers and SMC members.

9

9 Op. cit. An Assessment of the Revised PESP in Bangladesh

Overwhelmingly, stipend money is

used for schooling-related

purposes.

Area Stipend utilizationranking of items as per FGDsHaluaghat, Mymensingh Stationaries, Guidebook, Tutoring, DressShyamnagar, Satkhira Tutoring, Stationaries, Guidebook Patherghata, Borguna Stationaries, Guidebook, Tutoring Banshkhali, Chittagong Stationaries, Dress, Tiffin Biswambarpur, Sunamganj Stationaries, Tiffin, Tutoring, Dress Sundarganj, Gaibanda Stationaries, Tutoring, Child food Nachol, Chapai Nawabganj Stationaries, Tiffin Sadar, Bandarban Stationaries, Tutoring, Family expenses

7.03 6.96.12

5.695.23

3.59 3.64 3.88 3.7 3.7

2012201120102009200820072006200520042003

Year

0

2

4

6

8

Val

ue(i

nK

g)

Source : PPRC Calculation from BBS Data.

The dominant use of the stipend money is for stationaries. Alleight study sites across the country confirm this ranking. Thesecond major expenditure item, which was reported by six of theeight surveyed sites, is private tuition. The comparable WorldBank finding corroborates such a ranking. Though lessuniversal, other items on which stipend money is used includedress, tiffin and guidebooks. The last group of items is mainlyused by students of classes 4 and 5.

3.6 Stipend, opportunity cost of schooling and drop-outdynamics

For poor families, schooling has an opportunity cost in terms oflost earning opportunities. While this logic is more compellingfor older children, particularly those at the secondary educationlevel, opportunity costs can also be a concern for primarystudents of classes 3, 4 and 5. One of the objectives of theprimary stipend was to offset such concerns and provide anincentive to poor families to prioritize schooling overopportunity costs. The qualitative assessment examined theground realities of these dynamics.

Bangladeshi children have traditionally participated in familywork both at home and in the field. Not all such work necessarilyclashes with schooling. The issue becomes a concern when i)participation in work renders participation in school irregular,leading to poor performance; ii) participation in work entailsdropping school altogether. There are other relevant issues suchas hazardous work, but for purposes of this paper, the analysis islimited to the dynamics of the relationship between work andschooling.

For families labouring under the pressures of poverty in ruralBangladesh, the opportunity costs of schooling for primary-agedchildren stem from possibilities of income supplementation inthe following types of work: seasonal work in agriculture andfishing; work as helpers in tea stalls or small workshops;attached labourer in brick fields; helpers in bus and othertransportation; domestic helpers in others' homes. However,these opportunities are relevant only for the upper grades withinthe primary cycle, mainly grades 4 and 5. Both the categories


10

Ibid. p.11 (Expenditure on stationaries is reported by 83 per cent of beneficiaries and on privatetuition by 63 per cent)

10

One of theobjectives of theprimary stipendwas to provide anincentive to poorfamilies toprioritizeschooling overopportunity costs.

of such child work and the levels of income typically available from such work as described in the FGDs in the eight field sites across the country are described in Table 8.


Source: PESP Field Survey, Bangladesh 2013

While opportunity costs of schooling for the higher grades within the primary cycle are real as seen above, actual incidence of child work varies considerably across regions. Typically, such incidence is relatively higher in high poverty upazilas compared to the medium poverty upazilas. There may also be additional contextual factors impinging upon such incidences. For example, tribal children in Nachol, Chapai Nawabganj and children in the Cyclone Sidr-affected coastal south face greater pressure to participate in paid work.

The obvious indicator to assess the magnitude of child work vis-à-vis schooling is the drop-out rate; though it is worth bearing in

Table 8 : Opportunity cost of schooling: Average child wages in typical rural occupations insights from FGDs, Bangladesh 2013

Area Type of child work Average remuneration

Haluaghat, Mymensingh Seasonal agri labour Daily wage of BDT 100 Helper in tea stall, shops Daily wage of BDT 50 + 3 meals

Girls doing stitching work Monthly wage of BDT 500 -600

Shyamnagar, Satkhira Seasonal agri labour Daily wage of BDT 90 Helper in hotel, workshops Daily wage of BDT 50 + 1 meal

Patherghata, Borguna Seasonal helper in fishing trawler

(April -July) Daily wage of BDT 100 -

and dress Collection of shrimp fries after

school ( April -July) Daily wage of BDT 300 -350

Banshkhali, Chittagong Seasonal fruit picking Family farms

Helper in tea stalls Daily wage of BDT 80-100

Biswambarpur, Sunamganj Seasonal agri labour Daily wage of BDT 80-90 Stone/sand lifting Daily wage of BDT 100

Sundarganj, Gaibandha Seasonal agri labour Daily wage of BDT 100 -150

Nachol, Chapai Nawabganj Bus helper Daily wage of BDT 50 + 3 meals

Hotel boy Monthly wage of BDT 1,000-1,500 + food

Agri labour Daily wage of BDT 100 -150

Bandarban Work in family farm Shop assistant Daily wage of BDT 100

mind that there may be other determinants of drop-out, such aschild-unfriendly teaching-learning methods, overcrowdedclassrooms and unattractive educational environments. As aphenomenon, drop-out is less self-evident than commonlyassumed. At least four dimensions can be distinguished:


Permanently leaving school: This is usually what isunderstood as drop-out. The FGDs indicate that thisproportion may be smaller than commonly assumed.

Leaving school but going to another school or a madrasha:This is a regular and sizeable phenomenon, but surprisinglyenough is not separately recorded and hence treated as drop-out. The field teams examined the official forms on whichsuch statistics are recorded and found no column to recordthe phenomenon of leaving for another school/madrasha.Arguably, leaving a school to join a madrasha is oftenpoverty-driven since food and lodgings are generally free inthese religious schools. Nevertheless, this phenomenon mustbe distinguished from the first, which is an immediate andpermanent break with schooling.

Irregularity and temporary absence from school to joinseasonal and other work opportunities: As indicated earlier,in several rural localities, seasonal work opportunities are anestablished phenomenon such as coastal fishing, fruit pickingor crop-harvesting. Assisting on family farms is common, butfor some poorer students it is a matter of full-time paid workalbeit for the season. The FGDs revealed that it is mostlymale children who are involved in such prolonged absencesdue to work. However, absences can also be intermittent butpersistent. Typically, such irregularities result in poorperformance and may lead to permanently dropping out.

Repeat Students: Students who fail to qualify in annualperformance tests become repeat students. This proportionvaries across areas and schools and is not an inconsiderablepercentage. A segment of such repeat students can becomemore permanent drop-outs if their performances fail toimprove. For stipend beneficiaries, performance failure alsousually means getting dropped from the stipend list, althoughrejoining the list by bettering performance is possible. Atypical consequence of repetition is that these children finishprimary education at a much later age. Persistent repetitioncan also lead to permanently dropping out.

i.

ii.

iii.

iv.

As a phenomenon,drop-out is lessself- evident thancommonlyassumed. At leastfour dimensionscan bedistinguished:

Given the above dynamics, it is no surprise that estimates of drop-out rates can present considerable conceptual and methodological challenges, a fact acknowledged in the 2012 Primary Education Annual Sectoral Performance Report (ASPR, 2012). The field teams undertook 23 case studies on drop-out students who were identified through discussions with teachers from the surveyed schools. Of these, 16 were boys and 7 were girls. Maximum drop-out was in grade 4 (16 out of 23) while the rest dropped-out from grades 3 and 5. In addition to these case studies, the field teams also established cohort scenarios for a few of the schools. Table 9 describes two cohort scenarios that put the complexities of the drop-out process in sharp relief.

By current practice, drop-out rate is calculated as a combination of those who have permanently left schooling and those who have moved to another school/madrasha. With this calculation, the drop-out rate in the two cases comes to 36 per cent in the Mymensingh school and 25 per cent in the Nachol school. The ASPR 2011 reports a generally comparable overall drop-out rate of 29.7 per cent.

However, if only those who have permanently left schooling within the primary cycle are considered, the drop-out rate is almost similar in the two cases: 7.8 per cent and 8.5 per cent, respectively. Since specific information on those who move to another school/madrasah is not maintained, the larger percentage that combines both those who have abandoned school altogether and those who have moved to another institution is usually cited as the drop-out rate. It is noteworthy, however, that the MoPME


11

12

Government of Bangladesh Directorate of Primary Education, Bangladesh Primary Education Annual Sector Performance Report (ASPR, 2012), (May 2012), p 29.

Ibid12

11

Source: PESP Field Survey, Bangladesh 2013

Table 9 : Drop-out dynamics: Two case scenarios, Bangladesh 2013

it is no surprise that estimates of

drop-out rates can present

considerable conceptual and methodological

challenges

Case scenario Class 1 cohort

Cycle completers (survived until class 5)

Repeaters Moved to another school/madrasha

Permanently left school Songra Primary School, Haluaghat, Mymensingh 64 15 26 18 5School in Nachol, Chapai Nawabganj 59 39 5 10 5

Mid-Term Evaluation of PESP2 assess drop-out rate inrespondent schools to be 9.9 per cent in 2010, a figure that isquite close to the above estimate of drop-out rate exclusive ofthose who have moved to another educational institution.

Further insight into drop-out dynamics can be gleaned byreviewing the reasons stated by those who drop out permanently.The information from the two case scenarios described earliershows that in the Mymensingh school, for instance, of the fivestudents who dropped out permanently, two did so because of theonset of disability, two because they migrated to Dhaka withtheir parents for employment and one girl because of earlymarriage. In the other school at Nachol, of the five whopermanently dropped out, four did so to work and one girl formarriage. Field teams also carried out a number of case studieson students who had dropped out. A selection of these casesummaries are described in the Box 1.

Box 1: Drop-out case studies, Bangladesh 2013


Case Study 1: Haluaghat, MymensinghA poor vendor with three primary-aged children: The first child droppedout from Class 4. The second child, a stipend recipient, attended Class 2irregularly to supplement family income by working in the field. Thischild had to repeat Class 2 for failing to pass exams. The irregularitybecame more pronounced in Class 3 as the pressure to work grew.Facing continuous scolding and punishment, the second child, like hiselder brother, dropped out completely from Class 4. Now at age 13, heis a full-time helper in a tea shop for a daily wage of Taka 60. The thirdchild has started schooling, but faces a similar prospect as his brothers.

Case Study 2: Shyamnagar, SatkhiraA family with one child: The father died when the child was veryyoung, forcing the mother to become a labourer in a brick field. Themother admitted her son into a school and tried her best to keep himthere. A stipend recipient, the boy had no option but to abandon schoolfrom Class 4 when his mother fell sick and was unable to work. Nowage 11, the boy is a full-time labourer in a brick field, earning Taka 60as daily wage. This is the only income of the family.

Case Study 3: Banshkhali, ChittagongAn ethnic minority family, the father works as a barber and the motheras domestic help: The girl, a stipend recipient, dropped out of schoolfrom Class 4 to mind her younger brother and attend to householdchores because both parents were working during the day.

13

Ministry of Primary and Mass Education, Final Report on Mid-Term Evaluation/Assessment of PESP(Phase II), (Bangladesh, 2012), p. 33.

13

(Box 1 Contd.)

The drop-out factors are a combination of poverty (as in thosewho have joined the paid workforce to supplement familyincome or who had to perform household chores in the absenceof their working parents), social pressure (as in girls who aremarried off at an early age) and marginality (as in the case of thedisabled). In addition to these reasons, the FGDs also identifiedcertain supply-side factors that play a role in exacerbating thedrop-out process, notably child-unfriendly class environments,overcrowding and increased study loads in the higher grades of 3to 5. Such supply-side drivers of the drop-out rate areemphasized in a number of other studies focusing onBangladesh. Discussion with the PESP Directorate alsounderscored the supply-side drivers of the drop-out rate,particularly the sharply increased study load from grades 3.


14

Ashrafuzzaman Khan and Mrinmoy Samadder, Beyond Dropout: A Study on BRAC Primary School(Bangladesh: Research and Evaluation Division BRAC, 2010); A Mushtaque R. Chowdhury (ed.),Rasheda K. Chowdhury (ed.) and Samir R. Nath (ed.) Hope Not Complacency: State of PrimaryEducation in Bangladesh (Bangladesh: Campaign for Popular Education,1999); Ricardo Sabates et al.,School Dropout: Pattern, Causes, Changes and Policies, Background Paper for EFA GlobalMonitoring Report 2011 (UNESCO, 2010).

14

Case Study 4: Nachol, Chapai NawabganjAn ethnic minority family in which both parents worked as agricultural daylabourers: The parents were keen on their daughter's education and got heradmitted to the local government primary school. A stipend recipient, shehad to interrupt her studies when her mother gave birth to another girl andshe had to replace her mother as a day labourer. Though she resumed herclasses later, she had little choice but to drop out altogether from Class 4because her mother resumed working and the girl had to be home to lookafter the baby and do household chores. On occasions, she also had to workpart-time to supplement the family income. The headmaster of the schooltried to persuade the parents to send her back to school, but their povertymade this impossible.

The drop-outfactors are a

combination ofpoverty

...social pressure...and marginality

...FGDs alsoidentified certain

supply-sidefactors that play a

role inexacerbating the

drop-outprocess,...

(Box 1 Contd.)

What has the stipend achieved?

4.1 A branding success

The broad objective of the stipend programme has been to enhance and strengthen access and participation in primary education for children from poor families. In this, the stipend programme has not been a stand-alone intervention, working inisolation. The biscuit programme, free textbook programme and infrastructural improvement through additional classrooms also work towards a similar purpose, though the stipend programme has the distinction of being a targeted and conditional mechanism. Within this crowded intervention milieu, the first and foremost impact of the stipend programme has been its branding success. The stipend programme-in Bangla referred to as upobritti-has come to enjoy great name recognition within guardian circles and within local communities at large. While it is a programme targeted to poorer households, it has nevertheless transcended this boundary and the name recognition has come to be a more general phenomenon. Furthermore, such name recognition has not been merely a matter of information awareness, but more substantively, key constituencies such asmothers, students and the local community have come to see the programme as an essential intervention in primary education.

There are at least five dimensions to this branding success. First and foremost, the stipend programme is seen as an opportunity for poorer families to participate in primary education. Secondly, there is the incentive dimension that makes up the programme content, both in terms of the financial support as well as the conditionalities to ensure performance. But beyond these two, there are two other dimensions that also define the branding success of the stipend programme.

In a sociopsychological sense, the stipend programme has also engendered a larger interest in education among the rural population including among the poorest families. The FGDs have discovered several elements that pique an interest among

44

the first and foremost impact of the stipend programme has been its branding success.

the stipend programme has also engendered alarger interest in education among the rural population including among the poorest families.

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families. Most poor parents are illiterate and perceive illiteracy as a major handicap in their economic and social life. Illiteracy and low social status are seen as strongly correlated. A powerful belief coming from the parent FGDs was that their children should escape this particular fate of their parents and acquire a minimum of schooling. Education is also seen as a vehicle of economic mobility. An additional consideration for girls concerns marriageability as well as specific employment opportunities. In Sundarganj, Gaibanda, for example, girls have employment opportunities in garment factories and in the Village Defence Party (law enforcement).

Certainly the stipend programme has not been the only factor responsible for this increased interest in education. Better communication and greater mobility within the rural society and an aspirational transformation in general have also underpinned this burgeoning family interest in the education of their children. Notwithstanding these larger trends, the stipend programme from its origin as the food-for-education programme has played a major role in strengthening family interest in education. It has also helped that from the outset, it had a national scale.

Some confirmation of the rising interest in education can be seen from two data sources from two surveys: one on haor-area primary schools carried out in 2011 by PPRC and the other this current study. Table 10 describes parental aspirations for their children's education.

The fourth dimension to the branding success has been in triggering enhanced social status for two key groups-mothers and children. Making the mother the authorized recipient of the stipend has worked not merely as an administrative arrangement


Table 10 : Parental aspirations for children's education, Bangladesh 2013

...success... in triggering

enhanced social status for two key

groups-mothers and children.

Source: PPRC Study 2011 and PESP Field Survey Bangladesh, 2013

Parental aspiration for the level

their children will pursue education

PPRC Haor Primary Schools Survey,

2011(Surveyed families: 502)

Current survey of 39 rural primary schools, 2013 (Total number of gparticipants: 437) Up to primary 1.1 Up to secondary 26.9 17.2 Up to higher secondary 13.9 12.9 Up to graduate studies 27.3 43.8 As per capacity and student interest 30.2 26.2

but more significantly has galvanized this crucial constituency asa co-partner in pursuing the programme goals. Mothers are avisible presence and strongly identify with the programme. At adifferent level, the child too has undergone a noticeable statuschange within both the family context and the local communitycontext because the child is now a regular attendee in school andcontinued enjoyment of the stipend is proof of performance.Within the family context, an additional factor contributing toenhanced status is the fact that he or she is the reason why aregular infusion of money to the family budget, howsoeversmall, is occurring.

It should be added that alongside the stipend programme, thebiscuit programme too has gained a visible brand identity forpossibly related, but distinct reasons, including its snack-appealto children. Though more limited in coverage, this programmetoo has created great interest particularly among the children andprogramme awareness has reached areas that are not currentlycovered. Although not the focus of this study, the FGDshighlighted significant demand for biscuit programme in allareas alongside the demand for the stipend programme. Some 60per cent of the 577 students participating in the FGDs carried outin the 39 surveyed schools identified the biscuit programme asan important incentive that can contribute to reducing the drop-out rate. Hence, further study is required to better understand theintricacies of this observation and the policy implications and tocompare them with global knowledge on similar programmes.

The fifth and final dimension of the branding success of thestipend programme lies in the fact that within the plethora ofsocial safety net programmes, the primary stipend programme isstrongly associated with a clean governance image with littlereport of leakage or political misuse. This is so because of threekey factors: i) use of the banking channel; ii) simultaneousengagement of three mutually monitoring groups ofstakeholders-parents, teachers and SMCs members; iii)procedural opportunities for leakage are very small.

4.2 Impact

Triangular FGDs that cover parents, teachers and SMC membersshow a number of areas in which the stipend programme isperceived to have made an impact (see Table 11). The threedifferent types of stakeholders articulate some common effectsof the stipend programme.

What Has the Stipend Achieved? 25

the primarystipendprogramme isstronglyassociated with aclean governanceimage with littlereport of leakageor politicalmisuse.


Table 11 : Perceptions on outcome impact of stipend program: Insights from triangular FGDs

(Table 11 Continued)

Haluaghat, Mymensingh · Cost burden on stationaries reduced · Children now school-oriented · Female decision-making in children education increased

· Educational costs partly covered · Attendance increased · Drop-out slightly reduced

· Prevented drop-out up to 20-25% · Enrollment increased· Education materials now affordable · Immediate food shortfalls can be covered Shyamnagar, Satkhira · Cost burden on stationaries reduced

· Children now school-oriented · Parents illiterate and cannot help on school work. Stipend has made private tuition possible · Attendance rate increased · Female decisionmaking in children education increased· Reduced drop-out

· 30% more enrollment · Private tuition possible, most parents illiterate · Costs of stationaries and dress covered · Attendance increased

· Parent’s interest in sending children to school has increased · Parents are more engaged in the education of their children · Some educational expenses have become affordable · Child labour and dropout rate slightly reduced

Patherghata, Borguna · Cost burden on stationaries reduced · Stipend has made private tuition possible and consequently school performance

· Children and mother both have increased interest in schools· Attendance increased

· Some educational expenses – guide

-book, stationaries

–can be covered

· Mother’s and student’s interest in education has increased · Attendance increased · Prevented drop-out · Some educational expenses can be covered

Banshkhali, Chittagong

· Cost burden on stationaries reduced · Children now school-oriented · Female decision -making in children education increased

· Big role in covering costs of stationaries· Attendance increased· Drop-out reduced· Competitive spirit among children increased

· Stationaries cost can now be covered · Enrollment increased· Attendance increased· Mothers more engaged in children’s education

· Drop-out reduced as also child labour · Students are now more competitive

Area Perceived impacts

Parent FGDs Teacher FGDs SMC FGDs


Source: PESP Field Survey Bangladesh, 2013Four major impacts of the stipend program can be highlighted:Attitudinal changes have occurred among two core groups: i) children have become school-oriented; ii) parents are more interested in sending their children to school and are more engaged, especially mothers, in monitoring school participation. This has led to increased enrolment.

(Table 11 Continued)

Area Perceived impacts

Parent FGDs Teacher FGDs SMC FGDsBiswambarpur, Sunamganj · Children now school-oriented · Mothers’ involvement in children education increased · Cost burden on stationaries reduced

· 25% extra enrollment · Attendance increased · Teacher attendance also increased.

· Enrollment increased · Attendance increased · Drop-out rate reduced

Sundarganj, Gaibanda · Children now school-oriented · Cost burden on stationaries remove · Private tuition has become possible · Guardians more attentive to children school attendance · Reduced drop-out

· 30% increased enrollment · Educational expenses can be covered · Attendance increased

· Poorest families can now have courage to send their children to school · Students more attentive to lessons · Some educational expenses now affordable

· Drop-out rate slowly decreasing Nachol, Chapai Nawabganj · Cost burden on stationaries reduced

· Children now school-oriented · Private tuition now possible · Reduced drop-out

· Attendance increased · Quality of education increased · Children now school-oriented

· Attendance increased · Drop-out rate reduced · Parent awareness increased · Cost burden removed on some items

Sadar, Bandarban · Attendance increased · Children now school-oriented · Cost burden on stationaries reduced

· Attendance increased · Children now school-oriented · Costs of stationaries can be covered

· Enrollment increased · Some educational expenses now affordable · Attendance increased · Drop-out slightly reduced

School attendance increased: Parents, teachers, SMCmembers-all three types of stakeholders-strongly suggestedthat school attendance has significantly increased due to thestipend programme. The conditionality associated with thestipend programme has played the major role in this regard. Therecent assessment by the World Bank provides quantitativeevidence of such impact. For girls, attendance rates for stipendholders are shown to be 91 per cent compared to 69 per cent fornon-stipend. For boys, attendance rates are 89 per cent forstipend and 65 per cent for non-stipend.

Necessary education expenditures, in particular stationaries,have become affordable: All three types of stakeholdersunanimously agreed that the stipend money has made thepurchase of stationaries affordable and that coverage of thisexpenditure by stipend money is almost universal. Though arelatively small expenditure, stationaries are a regularrequirement and uncertainty of this basic schooling-relatedsupply has in the past led poorer students to attend irregularlyand eventually drop out. The stipend money has made suchregular expenditures affordable and has thus provided animportant brake on the persistent problem of drop-out.

Drop-out rate has been reduced: Drop-out rate remains a majorproblem in primary education though the rate has been declining,albeit slowly. The stipend programme has played an importantrole in the reduction of the drop-out rate. The FGDs with parents,students and teachers provide an indicative estimate of the extentto which the stipend contributes to drop-out reduction. Thepercentage of students who are likely to drop out if the stipendprogramme was to be stopped was assessed to be 10 per cent bystudents, 7 per cent by parents and 18 per cent by teachers. Fieldteams assessed that the estimate by students and parents was inall likelihood an underestimate since both these groups wereeager to project an image of being greatly interested ineducation. The estimate provided by teachers was likely to be amore realistic indicator of the likely impact of the stipend ondrop-out reduction.

The factors through which the stipend impinges on drop-outreduction include: i) increased children's interest in schooling;


15

World Bank, An Assessment of the Revised PESP in Bangladesh (March 1, 2012 Draft).15

stipend money hasmade the

purchase ofstationaries

affordabl

The stipendprogramme has

played animportant role inthe reduction of

the drop-out rate.

ii) affordability of regular costs, such as stationaries, that serve tokeep children in school; iii) the possibility of access to privatetuition, serving to increase the confidence levels of the student;iv) closer monitoring by parents on school attendance of thechild since non-attendance means loss of the stipend.

4.3 Spillover effects

The stipend programme has produced some indirect changes orspillover effects that are as important as its direct impacts. Fiveare highlighted below.

Empowerment of mothers

The provision for making the mother the authorized recipient ofthe stipend on behalf of her child has brought about severalspillover effects. Over the long term, these have the potential totransform the mother into a key stakeholder in primary educationand include the following:

i

ii

iii

iv


There is a role transformation within the family with themother emerging as having a primary responsibility forchildren's education.

The need to transact at the bank has forced illiterate mothersto attain minimum literacy in terms of signing for thestipend, a process that has the potential to impact on adultliteracy.

The stipend collection day in which mothers from five to sixschools congregate for the whole day in one designatedschool campus has effectively become an empowermentforum for the mothers. Such ma shomabesh (convention ofmothers) allow mothers to exchange views with othermothers, teachers and SMC members, not just on stipendmatters but overall school activities as it pertains to theirchildren.

Since non-attendance leads to a suspension of the stipend,the mother has become more engaged in monitoring herchild's school attendance and performance.

Strengthening child rights within the family

The branding success of the stipend programme has worked notonly at the community level but also within the family. There isconsiderable awareness among the children, particularly those in

The stipendprogramme hasproduced someindirect changesor spillover effectsthat are asimportant as itsdirect impacts.

the higher grades of Classes 4 and 5, that the stipend is intendedfor them and that they can insist on the money being used fortheir needs. The information on stipend utilization indicates thatthis indeed is the case. The FGDs with parents confirm that theirchildren are now more assertive about their needs. When thestipend money had been spent on some immediate family need,for instance, monies were later reimbursed out of the familyincome to pay for the children's schooling needs.

Triggering proactiveness of key stakeholders in school activities

The stipend programme has sparked proactive engagement ofkey stakeholders in school activities. Management of the stipendprogramme has prompted greater interaction among the four keyschool constituencies-students, mothers, teachers and SMCmembers. The FGDs with all four stakeholder categoriesrepeatedly underscored this point.

Strengthening accountability within the school process

An indirect consequence of the stipend programme, particularlythe implementation of the conditionalities on attendance andperformance, has strengthened accountability within the schoolprocess. Random absences now can carry concrete sanctionssuch as suspension of the stipend and both guardian and studentare aware of such consequences. On the implementer side,teachers and SMC members may and do face questioning bymothers if stipend-related decisions are not seen as fair. Theaccountability pressure appears to be working even within thefamily because children cannot skip classes and not get caught ascontinuity of the stipend is affected.

Students are more competitive

Notwithstanding its pro-poor goals, guardians and studentsunderstand that the opportunity provided by the stipend is anincentive not an entitlement. This is true even for high povertyareas, where coverage is significantly larger but theconditionalities on attendance and performance are enforcedequally. Consequently, the programme has succeeded ingenerating a competitive spirit among the children, whichtogether with improved attendance, is producing more emphasison performance. An additional suggestion emerging from theFGDs is that the stipend programme should also considerrecognizing the emphasis on performance by including merit


Management ofthe stipend

programme hasprompted greater

interaction amongthe four key

schoolconstituencies-

students, mothers,teachers and SMC

members.


students (top three in each grade) in the stipend list irrespectiveof their economic status.

4.4 Is the stipend adequate?

At its core, the stipend is a financial incentive and the question ofits adequacy is moot given the halving of its real value since theprogramme began and a space for rethinking becoming availablethrough the transition to a new sector-wide programmingphase-the PEDP3. However, a meaningful resolution of thequestion of adequacy requires a juxtaposition of the stipend sizeto the costs of education.

The costs of primary education

On paper, primary education is free. In reality, all households,even the poorest among them, bear several types of expendituresfor their children's education. An earlier PPRC study had foundthat the burden of such educational expenditures was quiteinelastic, meaning that the burden had to be borne whatever theincome position of the household. This remains the case as seenin the findings from the current study (see Tables 12 and 13).Two sets of data are examined, one derived from student FGDsin which 680 students from grades 4-5 participated and the otherfrom 39 case studies of student families with the latter includingsome additional cost items, notably tiffin. Both findings aregenerally comparable once excluded items are taken intoaccount.

Average annual costs of primary education of grades 4-5 stand atBDT 4,788 (excluding tiffin). For the high poverty areas, this isslightly lower, but not by much-BDT 3,617-while for urbanareas, it is slightly higher-BDT 6,398 (see Table 12).

Data from the case studies show that there is an increase in costswith grade progression; with grade 4 costs being more than threetimes the grade 1 costs (see Table 13). Such increases are due tospecific costs items, notably expenditures on guidebooks and on.private tutoring. There are slightly higher expenditures on malestudents compared to their female counterparts, but thedifference is not significant (6 per cent in the case of grade 4students)

16

Hossain Zillur Rahman and K. Shakhawat Ali, Quality Improvement in Primary Education: MicroInsights for Macro Agenda, Power and Participation Research Centre Policy Paper (Dhaka: 2005), p. 13.

16

On paper, primaryeducation is free.In reality, allhouseholds, eventhe poorest amongthem, bear severaltypes ofexpenditures fortheir children'seducation.

...there is anincrease in costswith gradeprogression;


Source: Student FGDs, Survey of 43 Schools, Bangladesh 2013

How representative are these 2012 cost estimates from the DPE/MoPME-PPRC-UNICEF Study? A Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) study of 2009-2010 on primary education provides a useful comparison. The BRAC study was carried out in 76 schools (49 government primary schools) in a nationally representative sample of 62 villages . Estimates of private expenditure of grades 4 and 5 for the year 2008 for the government primary schools are shown to be Taka BDT 2569. This estimate excludes two cost items, namely tiffin and guidebooks. Another estimate from 2005 is provided by Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE), which covered a

Alia Ahmad and Iftekharul Haque Economic and Social Analysis of Primary Education in Bangladesh: A Study of BRAC Interventions and Mainstream Schools, Research Monograph Series No. 48, Research and Evaluation Division (Dhaka: BRAC, 2011).

17

17

Table 12 : Average annual costs of primary education: Findings from student FGDs, Bangladesh 2013

Source: 39 Household Case Studies of Primary Students, PESP Field Survey, Bangladesh 2013

Table 13 : Rural average annual costs of primary education:

Findings from student case studies, Bangladesh 2013

Cost items Grade 1 Grade 2 Grade 3 Grade 4

Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls

Average Annual Cost (BDT)Examination and other fees 50 50 50 50 60 60 90 90 Pencil/pen/exercise book 600 550 700 650 1,000 900 1,300 1,250 Guide/notebook 0 0 0 0 450 475 500 480 Dress/bag/umbrella 800 900 900 1,000 1,100 1,250 1,400 1,350 Tiffin 300 270 360 280 350 205 805 720 Private tutoring 0 0 400 400 605 300 1,300 1,200 Total 1,750 1,770 2,410 2,380 3,565 3,190 5,395 5,090

Cost item High poverty areas Medium poverty areas Urban areas All areas

Taka % Taka % Taka % Taka %Guidebooks 371 10.3 399 9.2 468 7.3 413 8.6Dress 473 13.1 471 10.8 602 9.4 515 10.8Stationaries 1,057 29.2 1,229 28.2 1,533 24.0 1,273 26.6Private tuition 1,716 47.4 2,254 51.8 3,795 59.3 2,588 54.1Total 3,617 100.0 4,353 100.0 6,398 100.0 4,788 100.0

larger number of schools. Average private cost for primary education of grades 4 and 5 in the CAMPE Study stood at BDT 3,619.

Table 14 compares the findings of the DPE/MoPME-PPRC-UNICEF, BRAC and CAMPE studies on the average annual household cost on primary education (grades 4 and 5). The BRAC estimate and the DPE/MoPME-PPRC-UNICEF FGD estimates exclude an important cost item, namely tiffin, but the other two estimates are comparable and have the additional feature of representing the situation over a 10-year interval without adjusting for inflation.

Table 14 : Average annual household costs of primary education (grades 4

& 5), Bangladesh 2013


Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE), Education Watch 2006: Financing of Primary and Secondary Education in Bangladesh.

18

Perceptions on the adequacy of the stipend amount An important emphasis of the FGDs with parents, teachers and SMC members was to assess the social perceptions on the adequacy of the stipend amount. Two factors impinge on this

question of adequacy-the drop in the value of the stipend and increase in the costs associated with schooling. As has been noted in the previous sections, the real value of the stipend has dropped by half over the preceding decade. Over the same period, the private cost of primary schooling has also risen. The estimates in the CAMPE and DPE/MoPME-PPRC-UNICEF studies, separated by nearly a decade, can be used here for an approximation of increase in costs. This amounts to a 45 per cent rise in private costs of primary schooling. This estimate is applicable for the higher grades of 4 and 5. A decade ago (the CAMPE study), costs for the higher grades were on average 42 per cent higher than for the intermediate grades of 2 and 3 . The

19

19

Ibid, p. 43

Two factors impinge on this question of adequacy-the drop in the value of the stipend and increase in the costs associated with schooling.

Average private annual costs of primary education (grades 4 & 5) CAMPE Education Watch 2006 2005 BDT 3,619 BRAC Study 2008 BDT 2,569 (exclusive of tiffin)MoPME- DPE-PPRC-UNICEF Study

FGD findings Case Study Findings

2013 BDT 4,788 (exclusive of tiffin)BDT 5,242DataYear

current study shows that the rise in cost in grade 4 compared tothat for grades 2 and 3 is 75 per cent (see Table 13). Comparedto grade 1, the rise in cost is around 300 per cent.

On both grounds-drop in real value and increase in costs-thereare clearly acceptable reasons for rethinking the stipend amount,particularly for the higher grades of 4 and 5. Such a need hasbeen highlighted in the FGDs with all three groups of principalstakeholders-parents, teachers and SMC members. The FGDparticipants were also clear that the contribution of the stipenddid not prevent the core drop-out rate, which was driven byextreme poverty. Rather, they saw the stipend as playing animportant dual role-lessening the burden of private costs ofschooling and triggering greater interest in schooling. Withinsuch an understanding of the goals and contribution of thestipend, the FGDs provided five suggestions for rethinking thestipend amount:

i

ii

iii

iv

v

Budgetary implications of rethinking stipend

Policy re-thinking on the stipend program so far has prioritizedcoverage over increase in the stipend amount. In 2010, coveragewas increased 62 per cent from 4.8 million to 7.8 million.However, the question of re-thinking is again being felt in policycircles. There are of course major budgetary implications on any


An increase in the stipend amount to reduce the increasedcost burdens on essential items. The suggested increase wasin the range of BDT 250-300.

Increased stipend amount can be implemented mainly for thehigher grades of 4 and 5, where the cost of schooling is amuch more serious burden.

Introduction of additional in-kind support to cover two othercost items seen as increasingly necessary-bag and schooldress.

A change in the policy of the second child within the familygetting only BDT 25 instead of the full stipend value of BDT100. The proposal is to provide the stipend value equally toall children from a family enrolled in primary education.

To strengthen the role of the stipend as an incentive toemphasize performance, a provision for including meritstudents (top three in each grade) in the stipend listirrespective of their economic status should be included.

On bothgrounds-drop in

real value andincrease in costs-

there arereasons for

rethinking thestipend amount

re-thinking in this regard that also have to be borne in mind. Currently, around 11.73 per cent of budgetary allocations are given to education as a whole and 5.36 per cent specifically to primary education (Budget 2013-14). PESP allocations constitute 8.1 per cent of MoPME budget (Budget 2013-14). Table 15 describes the options on rethinking the stipend amount and their budgetary implications.

Total number of beneficiaries in 2012-13 was 7,869,000 and total amount of stipend paid was BDT 884 Crores. If monthly stipend is raised to BDT 200, extra budgetary requirement is BDT 1,000 Crores. If increased amount is BDT 250 per month, extra budgetary requirement is BDT 1,480 Crores. However, the recommendation is to increase the stipend only for grades 4 and 5. In that case, the extra budgetary requirement will come down substantially.

In addition to increasing the monthly stipend, it is also recommended to add some annual in-kind items-umbrella, soap and winter clothing. Total budgetary requirement for these in-kind items comes to BDT 429 Crores.


Table 15 : Options of adjusting primary stipend, Bangladesh 2013

the recommendation is to increase the stipend only for grades 4 and 5.It is also recommended to add some annual in-kind items

Policy options Extra budget required(Crore Taka)

Option 1(As emerging from the discussion with PESP directorate)Increase monthly amount to Taka 200 1,000 Provision of umbrella (for 7.8 million) 156Provision of winter clothing (for 7.8 million) 156Provision of soaps (7) (for 7.8 million) 117 Total 1,429 Option 2 As emerging from the field FGDs Increase monthly amount to Taka 250 1,480

Conclusion

PESP has made important achievements and needs to besustained: PESP has energized social interest in primaryschooling in particular among the poor and marginalized groups.Its impact has been multidimensional with noticeableimprovement in enrolment, attendance and drop-out. It has alsotriggered important spillover effects that have strengthenedaccountability processes within primary schooling and madestakeholders, such as mothers, teachers and SMCs, moreproactive in school matters. These achievements have laid animportant foundation for the larger policy goal of inclusive andquality education. PESP remains critical in sustaining thisprocess.

The cost burden of schooling remains a serious barrier tomeaningful participation by poor students and rethinking thestipend programme to lessen such burdens is necessary: Thoughthe interest in education has significantly gained ground, privatecosts of schooling remain an important deterrent to meaningfulparticipation by poorer students. The value of the stipend hasdropped by half since its introduction, while the private cost ofschooling has seen an increase. A pragmatic rethinking onadjusting the stipend, both in terms of monetary enhancementand in-kind provision of identified priority items, such as bag,dress, is needed. An increase in the stipend amount may bemoderated by the fact that such increases would apply primarilyto the higher grades, where the cost of the schooling burden ishigher. The policy of providing only partial stipend to a secondchild within the family enrolled in primary education needs to bereconsidered as the cost burden applies for all children.

Budgetary implications of enhanced stipend are notoverwhelming, but suitable advocacy efforts are necessary togenerate broader policy support: The extra budgetaryrequirements for enhancing the stipend through the two optionsreviewed earlier are in the range of BDT 1,000 and 1,480 crores

5

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or USD 125 and 185 million. If as recommended, the enhancedamount is applied only for grades 4 and 5, the extra requirementswill be substantially lower. In addition to the monetaryenhancement, recommended in-kind items will require an extraBDT 429 Crores or USD 54 million. While these amounts arenot large in an absolute sense, strong advocacy efforts will berequired to convince the broader policy-making establishment toimplement these recommendations.

While PESP is a successful programme by many yardsticks,there are considerable opportunities to enhance outcomesthrough specific strengthening of the implementation process:The DPE/MOPME-PPRC-UNICEF Study has brought out anumber of steps to improve the implementation process in theareas of disbursement and program management. These includei) timely budget allocations and release processes that eliminatethe banking and disbursement delays particularly in the case ofthe final installment in the annual cycle where delays of up totwo months are routine, ii) review the experience of mobilebanking pilot for stipend disbursement and scale up operation iffound useful, iii) include additional provision to ensure thatmothers missing out on collection of stipend amount onstipulated day has the opportunity to collect during thesucceeding cycle, and iv) address the issue of stipend-relatedpaperwork burden on teachers either by reasonably enhancingcompensation for teachers or arranging for administrativeassistant in schools with large student population.

Access to schooling for the urban poor is a growing issue and apolicy review of how best to extend the stipend programme tourban areas is a priority: While the urban poor enjoy greateraccess to economic opportunities than their rural counterparts,national statistics indicate that their access to socialopportunities, such as schooling, is less secure. Extending thestipend programme may be an important policy step to redressthis situation and merits urgent policy consideration.

While further analysis is required, simultaneous expansion of thebiscuit programme complements the stipend programme: TheFGDs found a widespread demand for the biscuit programme asan important complement of the stipend programme. Providingbiscuits can lessen the cost burden of tiffin and is seen asincreasing food security and attendance. Further study is


20

Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Household Income and Expenditure Survey, 2005 and 2010.20

strong advocacyefforts will be

required toconvince the

broader policy-making

establishment toimplement these

recommendations.

recommended to gain insight into the intricacies and policyimplications and to draw lessons from similar interventionsimplemented elsewhere.

To maximize the impact of the stipend programme, severalsupply-side factors need to be addressed: Improving supply-sidefactors such as teacher-student ratio, user-friendly text-books,infrastructural improvements and maintenance are as importantas addressing demand-side interventions such as the stipendprogramme.

Conclusion 39

Improving supply-side factors...are asimportant...

References

Baulch, Bob. 2010. The Medium-Term Impact of the Primary Education

Stipend in Rural Bangladesh. Washington, D.C.: International Food

Policy Research Institute.

Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Bangladesh Institute of Developmental

Studies and- UNICEF. 2013. Child Equity Atlas: Pockets of Social

Deprivation in Bangladesh. Dhaka: UNICEF.

Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. Household Income and Expenditure Survey

2010. Chapters 4 & 7. Dhaka: BBS.

Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE), Education Watch 2006:

Financing of Primary and Secondary Education in Bangladesh.

Campaign for Popular Education (CAMPE). 1999. Hope Not Complacency:

State of Primary Education in Bangladesh.

Directorate of Primary Education (DPE), Ministry of Primary and Mass

Education, 2010, Final Report on Mid-Term Evaluation/Assessment of

PESP (Phase II), Bangladesh.

Directorate of Primary Education. Ministry of Primary and Mass Education,

Bangladesh Primary Education Annual Sector Performance Reports of

2011 and 2012 (Draft), Bangladesh.

General Economics Division, Planning Commission, Government of Peoples

Republic of Bangladesh, Sixth Five Year Plan of Bangladesh, 2011-

2015, Chapter 7 (Part 2).

Government of Bangladesh, Ministry of Education. 2010. National Education

Policy.

Khan, Ashrafuzzaman and M. Samadder. 2010. Beyond Dropout: A Study on

BRAC Primary School. Dhaka: Research and Evaluation Division,

BRAC.

Mujeri, M. Mustapha and Shamsul Alam (ed), 2011, Background Papers to 6th

Five Year Plan of Bangladesh, Volume 3, Chapter 2, Bangladesh

Institute of Development Studies, Dhaka, Bangladesh.


Power and Participation Research Centre. 2011. Education Realities in Haor

Region.

Project Implementation Management Unit, Directorate of Primary Education,Ministry of Primary and Mass Education, Primary Education StipendProject : Project Proforma (December 2002), Bangladesh.

Project Implementation Management Unit, Directorate of Primary Education,

Ministry of Primary and Mass Education, Primary Education Stipend

Project : Policy Guideline (February 2003), Bangladesh.

Rahman, Hossain Zillur, Liaquat Ali Choudhury and Khondoker Shakhawat

Ali. 2011. Social Safety Nets in Bangladesh : Volume 1. Dhaka: Power

and Participation Research Centre.

Rahman, Hossain Zillur and Liaquat Ali Choudhury. 2012. Social Safety Nets

in Bangladesh : Volume 2. Dhaka: Power and Participation Research

Centre.

Sabates, Ricardo, Kwame Akyeampong, Jo Westbrook and Frances Hunt.

2010. School Drop Out in Bangladesh: Patterns, Causes, Changes and

Policies. Background paper prepared for the Education for All Global

Monitoring Report. Sussex, UK: Center for International Education

School of Education and Social Work.

Sabates, Ricardo, Altaf Hossain and Keith M. Lewin. 2010. School Drop Out

in Banglades : New Insights from Longitudinal Evidence. Sussex, UK:

Centre for International Education, School of Education and Social

Work.

Sharif, Iffath A. 2009. Building a Targeting System for Bangladesh based on

Proxy Means Testing. Social Protection & Labor, The World Bank.

Washington, DC: The World Bank.

Tietjen, Karen, 2003, The Bangladesh Primary Education Stipend Project: A

Descriptive Analysis, Partnership for Sustainable Strategies on Girls'

Education (www.girlseducation.org), http: /siteresources.workdbank.org

/EDUCATION/Resources/278200

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report), Dhaka, Bangladesh

School List

Chittagong Division

1. East Baghmara Registered Primary School, Banskhali, Chittagong.

2. Kockdondi Govt. Primary School, Banskhali, Chittagong.

3. KalipurNaseraKhatun Govt. Primary School, Banskhali, Chittagong.

4. Middle Katharia Govt. Primary School, Banskhali, Chittagong.

5. West ChechuriaGhonapara Registered Primary School, Banskhali,

Chittagong.

6. Boilchhari Govt. Primary School, Banskhali, Chittagong.

7. Raichha Govt. Primary School, BandarbanSadar, Bandarban.

8. West Bakalia Govt. Primary School, Chittagong City Corporation

Dhaka Division

9. Saint Andress, Govt. Primary School, Haluaghat, Mymenshing

10. Kalapagla, Govt. Primary School, Haluaghat, Mymenshing

11. Baghitola, Govt. Primary School, Haluaghat, Mymenshing

12. Krisnonagar, Govt. Primary School, Haluaghat, Mymenshing

13. Sangdha, Registered Primary School, Haluaghat, Mymenshing

14. PurbaSaknite, Registered Primary School, Haluaghat, Mymenshing

15. NarayanganjAdarsha, Govt. Primary School, NarayanganjSadar,

Narayanganj

16. Bazar Pathshala, Govt. Primary School, RajbariSadar, Rajbari

Rangpur Division

17. Mahisbandhi, Govt. Primary School, Sundarganj, Gaibandha

18. TalukBelka, Govt. Primary School, Sundarganj, Gaibandha

19. Paglarhat, Govt. Primary School, Sundarganj, Gaibandha

20. Sicha(2), Govt. Primary School, Sundarganj, Gaibandha

21. Zamadiar Char, Govt. Primary School, Sundarganj, Gaibandha

22. Char Khurda Registered Primary School, Sundarganj, Gaibandha

23. DaskhinKakoiKashdaha, Registered Primary School, Sundarganj,

Gaibandha

24. Khorda, Saptana, Govt. Primary School, LalmoirhatSadar, Lalmonirhat

Annex-1

Rajshahi Division

25. Hatbakail, Govt. Primary School, Nachole, Chapai Nawabganj

Khulna Division

26. Nawabeki, Govt. Primary School, Shyamnagar, Satkhira

27. BuriGoalini Govt. Primary School, Shyamnagar, Satkhira

28. Kolbari, Govt. Primary School, Shyamnagar, Satkhira

29. Munshiganj, Govt. Primary School, Shyamnagar, Satkhira

30. Munshiganj, Uttar Kadamtala, Registered Primary School,

Shyamnagar, Satkhira

31. Zurzuria Registered Primary School, Shyamnagar, Satkhira

Sylhet Division

32. Bhatipara, Govt. Primary School, Bishwambarpur, Sunamganj

33. Durgahpur, Govt. Primary School, Bishwambarpur, Sunamganj

34. Muktikhola, Govt. Primary School, Bishwambarpur, Sunamganj

35. Dhonpur, Govt. Primary School, Bishwambarpur, Sunamganj

36. Kachirgati, Registered Primary School, Bishwambarpur,

Sunamganj

37. Islampur, Registered Primary School, Bishwambarpur, Sunamganj

Barisal Division

38. Charduani, Govt. Primary School, Patharghata, Borguna

39. Ruhita, Govt. Primary School, Patharghata, Borguna

40. Padma, Govt. Primary School, Patharghata, Borguna

41. Kathaltoli, Govt. Primary School, Patharghata, Borguna

42. TalukerCharduani, MuktijoddhaAdarsha, Registered Primary

School

Patharghata, Borguna

43. Hoglapasha Adarsha, Registered Primary School, Patharghata,

Borguna


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