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Baluchistan: Beyond Six Points

Air Commodore (R) Khal id Iqbal

Attempt on Malalahs life, dumping of defaced dead bodies in Baluchistan andsurfacing of body bags in Karachi are some of the facets of terrorism running high inPakistan; intricately linked together by common financier, trainer and arms provider.Logistics trail leads to one source, though operatives have diversified origins andpurposes. All these acts need unequivocal condemnation by the entire nation. Underthese circumstances, a reiteration that there is no foreign interference in Baluchistan isan act of extreme ignorance or criminal connivance, or may be a combination of thetwo. Under this gloomy environment, Supreme Court has emerged as a beacon ofhope. At least it provides a shoulder against which aggrieved ones can lean and cry.

Baluchistan is under constant national focus, with missing persons conundrum as akey Human Rights issue resonating at international level. Sardar Akhtar Mengalsappearance before the Supreme Court was a pleasant event. His interaction withnational political leaders indicated unanimous urge to bring Baluchistan out of theunfortunate situation that it is going through since the early seventies.

Mengals six points were reasonable in content. Equating these points with SheikhMujibs six points was essentially a political rhetoric directed at emotional black mail.Neither Akhtar Mengal is Shiekh Mujib, nor is Baluchistan East Pakistan. Mengal wasalso widely off the mark in his reference to neutral international supervision for thepeaceful resolution of the Baluchistan conflict. His citing of UN-backed processes in

East Timor, Kosovo and South Sudan was certainly erratic. Any attempt to involve theUN is obviously unacceptable and will be vehemently opposed by all Pakistanis.

Mujibs six points went far beyond the constitutional frame-work of that time. Akhtarspoints were well within the constitutional provisions, mainly focusing on ordinary civilrights. Akhtar has submitted his case before the apex court; hopefully he would pursueit as a legal matter, lest it fizzles down as a politically motivated oratory. However, aposture of denial by the government was a disappointment. Unambiguous charges on

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the one hand and forceful rebuttal on the other have made the situation hazy.Confutation to Mengals position also came from amongst Baluch leaders, whichindicate ample play-able space between the two extreme stances. Mengal is certainlyaware that the majority of hard-core Baluch like Raisanis, Bizenjos, Magsis and anoverwhelming majority within Marris, Bugtis and Mengals do not support Baluchistans

secession. Likewise, Pakhtuns and Hazaras have never talked about leaving thefederation.

Chief of J amhoori Watan Party Talal Bugti recently said that use of force by the stateinstitutions had caused irreparable damage to our province. He questioned whetherthere was anything in the Mengals six points that went against the interests ofPakistan. Talal claimed credit for being the originator of Mengals six points. However,his stance was more moderate and compatible with a political solution within theframework of the constitution. He indicated his partys willingness to rejoin the politicalprocess and participate in the coming elections, provided the government acts on thesix points, opens up Dera Bugti and rehabilitates the displaced Baluch including Bugti

people affected by the insurgency.

Apparently, the political process has jump-stated in Baluchistan and the thing wouldmove in the right direction. It appears that nationalist parties have realized that boycottof elections is neither useful to them, nor to a common Baluch. Despite Mengalsstance that Baluchistan issue is no more a matter of fair resource distribution orprovincial autonomy, he got overwhelming support from all main-stream politicalparties. In an apparent response, Army Chief also commented that: The Army fullysupports any political process, as long as it is within the constitution of Pakistan.

As of now, there is a serious political vacuum in Baluchistan. The civil administrationhas collapsed. The politicians have lost both public confidence as well as legitimacy.Certainly, the current political dispensation of Baluchistan has lost its credibility and isbeyond the scope of patchy repair. Starting point could be fresh elections in theprovince and revivification of the benefits envisaged in the Eighteenth ConstitutionalAmendment and the seventh NFC Award. Mere allocation of funds and constitution ofcommittees and commissions would not bring respite.

Baluchistan is essentially an internal problem of Pakistan warranting a consensusbased political solution aimed at redressing the grievances, factual or perceptional. Ina joint security meeting on Baluchistan, in May this year, the national leadership hasalready resolved that the issue needs a political tackling and there is a need to getserious about the situation in the province. Federal and provincial governments needto lead the process.

As regards external interference, the foreign office should effectively play its part inhighlighting such involvements at appropriate international forums. Countriessuspected of playing catalytic role in the deteriorating situations must be engagedconstructively by sharing the information. A professional approach needs to replaceambiguity and evasion.

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Beating which FC and other Law Enforcing Agencies (LEAs) are getting is uncalledfor. Irresponsible statements by provincial ministers have heavily contributed towardstarnishing the image of LEAs. Talal Bugti recently said, The fate of FC should besimilar to that of Federal Security Force created by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and was

finished off by Gen Ziaul Haq. He said that police should be responsible for controllinglaw and order in city areas. He conveniently skipped as to who would control ruralareas. There are many narratives circulating about the high handedness of the FC.Even if these are mere myths, very strong negative perceptions have successfullybeen created, which cannot be just wished away. Maligning of FC is a part ofconcerted campaign to force withdrawal of FC and push Baluchistan into an anarchicsituation beyond redemption.

Bold steps are needed to counter the prevalent negative perception about FC andother LEAs. There is a need to redefine the rules of engagement for them. Without aviable force in place to enforce order, pulling out of FC would only benefit the elements

working for destabilization of Pakistan. An alternative structure may be raised and atimeframe for phased withdrawal of FC may be announced. This would remove amajor irritant in the way of an early calm.

Baluch nationalist political parties often call for an environment where they could freelypractice politics without interference from the agencies. This demand is genuine;however such conditions could only emerge as a result of satisfactory law and ordersituation. Poor law and order would prevail till sectarian and ethnic killings of Punjabisand Hazaras come to an end. So, it is a chicken and egg situation. Yet, all need tostrive for this end.

Mengals return may be part of some understanding. In Talal Bugtis reckoning,Mengal may have received the go-ahead from concerned military quarters to returnand rejoin the political process. Whatever the case, both Mengal and Talal Bugti havean opportunity to regain their lost political space. Other Baluch nationalists also needto come forward and join the process.

Akhtar Mengal deserves praise for having the courage to come personally to make hispeace offer. He summed up the outcome of his visit: The ball is in (your) court now. If(you) want to play fair we are ready to play fair. It is time for the political leadership toseize the moment and move ahead. Political solution should aim at empowering of acommon Baluch rather than appeasing a couple of tribal chieftains.

{The Nation & Pakistan Observer, October 15, 2012}

WriterisConsultant, Policy & Strategic Response, IPRI. Email:Khalid3408@gmail.com