aspirations of west indian parents towards their children's...
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Aspirations of West Indian parents towards their children's education
A thesis submitted to The Faculty of Graduate Studies
McGill University Montreal, Quebec
In partial fulfillernent of the requirement for the degree of
Master of Arts
Department of Administration and Policy Studies in Education
Arianne Maraj-Guitard July, 1992
to Frédéric and Jérémi
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Abstract
The purpose of this study is to explore the aspirations
of parents of elementary children of Caribbean background in
Montréal. Several studies show that these children tend to do
poorly in Canadian schools. Research indicates that a
signi ficant variable in the home environment which influences
school performance is the aspirations of parents for their
children. The aspirations can be manifested through parental
encouragement and are in~lllcnced by factors such as culture,
class and/or ethnicity.
A sample of 20, English speaking West Indian parents
agreed to participate in this research. An interview protoeol
was used ta eollect the data by telephone. The semi -struc-
tured interview was based on questionnaires used in similar
studies and from issues emerging from the literature reVlew.
The findings show that despite West Indian parents' high
aspirations, their socioeconomic and/or ethnie status influ-
ence the outcome. They feel disadvantaged in a society where
the realization of their perceptions of success are dependent
on their ethnie status vis-à-vis the dominant group. Despite
human rights legislation and multicultural pOlicy, these
parents anticipated racial and socioeconomic disadvantages for
their children. The language factor in Québec is seen as
compounding the problem for English speaking Canadians of
Caribbean origine
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Résumé
Le but de cette étude est d'explorer les aspinltions des
parents originaire des Caralbes, résidant à Montréal, vis-à-
vis de l'éducation de leurs enfant s . Plusieurs études
montrent que ces enfants ont tendance à ne pas bien réussir
dans le système scolaire canadien et que les rapports entre
parents et enfants, et notanunent des aspirat ions des premiers
en matière d'éducation, influencent les performances scolaires
de ces derniers. Elles montrent aussi que ces aspirat ions ont
un lien direct avec la culture, le statut socio-économique
et/ou la race des individus.
Cette étude est basée sur un échantillon de 20 parents
des Caraïbes anglophones ayant un enfant scolarisé en cycle
primaire à Montréal. La collecte des données a été faite par
téléphone en ut ilisant des entrevues semi-structurées.
Les résultats de cette enquête montrent que ces parents
ont de grandes aspirations en mat ière d' éducat ion mais croient
que l'assimilation structurelle de leurs enfants dans la
société canadienne n'est qu'un rêve. Ils se sentent désavan
tagés dans une société où la réalisation de leur perception de
la réussite dépend de leur statut ethnique vis-à-vis du groupe
dominant. La politique multiculturelle et la Déclaration des
Droits Humains au Canada ne suff it pas à enrayer leur pessi
misme quant à ces désavantages qu'attendent leurs enfants. De
plus, au Québec un énorme problème linguistique vient accen
tuer ce malaise.
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Acknowledg~ent8
l would like to thank aIl the parents who so kindly
participated ln my study. Without their willingness and their
interest, l could not have completed ml' research. l appre
ciate the support l got from my professors and from the
Department of Administration and Policy Stuàies in Education.
l would especially like to thank my thesis advisor, Dr. Ratna
Ghosh, for her sincere dedication and her encouragement. l
would also like to thank the Faculty of Graduate Studies and
Research at MCG1Il for the financial support.
l am indebted to Eric Mansfield for his generous efforts to
assist me in my research. l would also like to thank my
sisters Maria and Ingrid who, from across the Atlantic,
photocopied, faxed and telephoned needed information. l am
thankful for the warm and loving family l have, and especially
lucky to have parents who have always believed in me and been
there for me.
Most of aIl l would like to thank my dear husband
Frédéric, without whom this Masters thesis would never have
been at tempted. l thank him also for the long hours he spent
setting up my thesis on the computer.
Finally, l would like to say thank you to my darling
little son llérémi who started out the M.A. program at McGil1.
with me in September 1990 and who, at one year of age, has
been with me through to its end, July 1992.
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Table of Contenta
Abstract
Résumé
Acknowledgements
Table of Contents
Figures . . . . .
CHAPTER 1
1 Problem Statement . .
1.1 Introduction.
1.1.1 Ethnie minorities and the education
system in Canada . .
1.1.2 West Indian immigrants to Canada
1.1.3 Problems faeed by West Indians in Cana-
dian education
1.2 Objective
1.3 Significance
1.4 Theoretical Framework
1. 5 The Study
1.6 Delimitations
CHAPTER 2
2 Literature Review .
2.1 West Indians as immigrants
2.2 Raeism .
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7
10
14
15
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22
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24
24
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2.3 Determinants of aspirations
2.4 Manifestations of aspirations
CHAP'fER 3
3 Methodology . 3.1 Sample selection
3.2 Pilot Study
3 .3 Instruments
3.4 Interview process
CHAPTER 4
4 Data
4.1 Demographie characteristic
4.2 Parents' expectations about their ehildren' s
level of education and kind of work
4.3 Discrimination.
4.4 Encouragement by significant others
CHAPTER 5
Conclusions and suggestions for further research
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Appendix A
Interview Protocol
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34
42
47
47
49
50
53
55
55
58
63
65
70
101
110
Figures
Tables:
Table I. Description of sample 57
Table II. Expectations of education and work 59
Table III. Perception of occupations 61
Table IV. Ideal time for important event 62
Table V. Perception of discrimination 64
Table VI. Parental encouragement 66
Charts:
Chart I. Reason for completing Highschool 60
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CHAPTER 1
1 Problem Staternent
1.1 Introduction
.1.1 . 1 Ethnie minorities and the education system in
Canada
Canada is a country macle up of a large diversity of
peoples. Thirty-three percent of the entire population of
this country belong te ethnie groups ether than French or
Eng lish. In the French speaking province of Québec, 24 % of
the population is made up of non-French groups. In Montréal,
Québec' s largest city, 14. 5 % of the people beleng to As ian,
African, South Arnerican and mixed origins (Ghosh, 1991). Yet,
despite the increasl.ng existence of other cultural groups, the
French-English power struggle still holds the attention of the
Québec political agenda at the expense of other cultural
groups.
In 1971, pierre Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada at that
time, declared the multiculturalism policy within a bilingual
framework. Tt was not until 1988 that this pOlicy becarne law.
The multicultural act symbolically recognizes Canada as a
country of social and ethnie diversity.
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The Canada Act of 1982 or the Charter of Rights and
Freedom was declared with the objective to equalize opportu
nities and elirninate discrimination. Quebec has not signed
the Charter yet. AlI Canadians are equal according to the
Charter. However, the British North Arnerican Act of 1867
protects the linguistic duality of Canada while the Charter
supports cultural pluralisme
The roulticultural ideology as the concept of intercultur
alism in Quebec encourages cultural grou~ s to develop and
maintain their tradi tion and at the same time fully part ici
pate in the larger Canadian (Quebecl culture/society. This
policy attempts ta get rid of discrimination against minor
ities through equc1l opportunities and access to socio-pol i t i
cal goods and quality education (Armogan, 1980).
But does multieulturalism/interculturalism really serve
to reduee inequalities or does it in fact maintain the status
quo? For example, in education, the focus has been more on
culture as artifact than on the empowerment of minorities and
as Ghosh (1978) states, multiculturalism may become "a
disguised policy of maintaining and perpetuating ethnie
stratification" (p.24).
Aceording to Hughes and Kallen (1974) mul t iculturalisrn is
ln effect a modern version of the dominant group conformi ty
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model which officially allows for the cultural traditions of
ethnie minorities to persist while unofficially ensures that
they remain in an inferior position. Despite the ideals of
multiculturalism, argue Hughes and Kallen, the reality is that
in order to succeed in Canada, aIl ethnie minorities must
acculturate to the "dominant Euro-Canadian pattern N (p.191).
However, they further add, "the more dissimilar the ethnie
minority (in terms of physical, cultural and behaviourial
indices) from the majority ideal, the greater the discrimina
tory effects of racism implicit in the dominant group confor
mit y model, and the greater the barriers to integration within
Canadian society" (p. 191).
Although Québec was the first among the provinces to
adopt its own Charter of Rights, it rejected both bilingualism
and the policy of Multiculturalism as being opposed to French
cultural revitaL.zation. In 1974, french was made the
official language of Québec, and in 1977 Bill 101 required new
immigrants to join the French education system. A response to
the needs of cultural minority students was made in the 1980' s
when sever~l Québec government documents referred to the need
for "intercultural education". In 1990, The Québec government
developed a policy statement on immigration and integration.
Intercultural Education is expected to help in a new vision of
society -- one that is pluralistic in outlook but Francophonie
in culture and language. The federal multicultural policy has
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been received in diverse ways by Canadian provinces. So far,
five provinces have formally adopted multiculturalism as
policy.
Among the functions of education, the transmission of
culture is an important one. But whose culture is being
transmitted? Several theorists have pointed to education's
role in the transmission of middle class culture (Bowles and
Gitis, 1976; Rist, 1970; Porter, 1965). Tn addition, the
function of particular "language codes" (Bernstein, 1975) and
"cul t ure capital" (Bordieu, 1977) of schools in al ienating
'Jroups whieh cannot identify with, or do not possess the
language and capital have brought a new view on the
differential effeets of education. In Canada, whether in the
English speaking of the French speaking parts, the white upper
and middle classes dictate the language, socialization
patterns, values
upward mObility,
and norms to the minorities. They value
economic and social competiti veness,
indivi."J.'Jal rather than group loyalty, nuclear rather than
extended family unit, secular rather than religious beljefs,
and delayed gratification. To succeed jn such a society one
must share the same values. But Canada and its school system
are made up of many different ethnie minorities.
One of the major causes of lower educational achievement
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amongst ethnic minorities is the phenomenon of cultural
conf lict argues Bhatnagar (1982). Schools perpetuate the
middle class culture which represents a code that children of
different socioeconomic status or from different ethnic groups
cannot understand. Therefore, what is taught in schools is
irrelevant and foreign to these children. "Studies show that
motivators, learning styles, behaviour patterns and aspira
tions vary between cultural groups" (Ghosh, 1991, p.8). The
culture of the school may therefore vary from the child's
culture at home. The result is a conflict of identity which
often hinders the child' s integration at an economic and
social level. For those ethnie minorities who are also
"visible" (non-white) in Western societies, the problems of
cul tural and behaviourial adjustment are doubled. These
people readily believe that their children are being discrimi
nated against in the schools because, based on their own
experiences, racism, prej udice and discrimination exist in
their daily lives. Language can also be a barrier. If a non
white parent cannot speak either of the official languages,
communication with the school is difficult. For many of these
parents, the school is a foreign place where they can only
look in from the outside. They lack a knowledge of the
organization of the school, its system in general, and
programs available to them. They are often unaware of their
chi Id' s progress at school, but nonetheless these parents are
concerned about their children's education.
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The ethnie minorities which do assimilate eulturally, may
not, however, assimilate structurally. One still does not
find minorities in positions of power. In 1965, Porter' s
study, The Vertical Mosaic, indicated that ethnicity in
Canadian society was the cause for hierarchy. More recently,
follow-up research indicated that ethnicity continues to be an
important factor in strdtifieation (Lautard & Guppy, 1990).
The stratification system within society slots ethnie/raclaI
groups towards the bottom of society just as the school' s
stratification system slots the pupils into lower aehievers.
Several studies show lower teacher expeetations and attitudes
towards black ehildren are linked to their poorer performance
(Rist, 1970; Braun, 1976; Cooper, 1979). "If racer ethnieity
and culture, sex or class is the basis of lower expectations
by teachers, then we must conelude, the school is perpetuating
a social stratification system in which ehildren of different
classes, races, and ethnie background are at the bottom:
(Ghosh, 1991, p. 9) . Stereotyping aIl ethnie minorities as
underachievers leads to prejudice and discrimination. The
resulting low self-esteem leads to maintaining subordination
and powerlessness.
Academie success in sehools depends on the abi l ity to
proeess information and manage to get along within the limits
of the curriculum. But standardized tests eval uate adaptat ion
and cultural assimilation. They refleet the norms of the
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host culture which mea5ures potential according to the norms
of the whi te middle class majori ty. Evaluation of these
children, therefore, i5 not based on intelligence, but their
ability to conform to the majority. Schools can perpetuate
the self-fulfilling prophecy through the myth of objectivity
of standardized testing. More than often ethnie minorities
end up labelled and over represented in voc,'tional, basic
level or special needs programs. Needless to say, labelling
limits the opportunitie5 for such individuals.
Equal opportunity in education concerns access to
edueational services for aIl, appropriate treatment by the
system, and equity in achievement within the system. Regar-
dless of one's race, class, reUgion, disability or sex,
education philosophically represents a precious and everlas-
ting gift that must be offered to aIL ehildren, and shared
equally among thern. Equal here does not mean sarne. It means
a fair chance 50 that no student is denied opportunities due
to reasons unrelated to one's ~bility. Education can be, in
many ways, the ladder to success for aIl, and not sirnply a
reflection of societal injustices. Equal educational opportu
nit y for aIL minorities means that the schools, the teaehers,
and the educational system as a whole must acknowledge the
existence of a multicultural and multiracial classroorn where
aIL the pupils are not of the mainstream culture. Teachers
and schools have not only the opportunity but the responsibi-
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lit y to confront group prejudice and racism growing as a
resul t- of cultural pluralism. In this way the gap which
exists between democratic ideals and the social reality
experienced by ethnie minorities can be closed.
1.1.2 West Indian immigrants te Canada
Geographically, West Indians can be grouped as citizens
of the former British colonial territories. Many of the West
Indian islands were under the rule of various other colonial
powers before they were taken over by the British. The West
Indies (or the Caribbean) stretches from the northern coast of
South America to the southern tip of Florida. Some argue that
mainland territories such as Guyana and Belize are continental
rather than West Indian but generally they are included as
part of the West Indies. West Indians are multiracial and
include Africans, OrientaIs, and people from the Indian Sub
continent (Indians), groups of Europeans such as British,
French, Spanish, Dutch, Portuguese as weIl as Syrians and
Jews. Africans were brought over during the slave trade to
work on the sugar, coffee, and cocoa plentations. After the
abolition of slavery, Chinese, Portuguese, and East Indians
came as indentured labourers (Brown, 1984).
Canada is a country made up of immigrants. First coloni
zed by the British, and the French, other immigrant groups,
including West Indians,have since established themselves in
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this country. According to Brown (1984) West Indian immigra
tion to Canada began on a ncticeable scale with the domestic
scheme. He argues that from as early as the 1920's, the
Canadian government made exceptions to its otherwise exclusio
nist immigration laws in order to allow the entrance of West
Indian female domestics. The scheme remained in effect until
1967 when it was replaced by a new immigration policy. At the
time (before 1967) there were approximately 7000 West Indians
in Canada (Williams, 1989). Indeed, prior to 1967, according
to Bhatnagar (1982), "the principle of selective immigration
on the basis of race and country of origin ... Il was the
cornerstone of the Canadian immigration policy (p.73).
Priority was given to British, French and northern European
immigrants. But since 1967, immigration to Canada is based on
education, skills, training, and the need for the individual
in the Canadian market (Brown, 1984).
Once the amendments were made to the Immigration Act,
West Indians were counted as one of the fifty different
nationaJity groups to enter into Canada in relatively large
numbers, Québec and Ontario receiving the majority of these
new residents (Head, 1979). Between 1967-1975, approximate!y
115,000 West Indians immigrated to Canada, increasing by, more
or less, 10,000 per year since 1967 (Brown, 1984).
English speaking West Indians are by far the largest
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group of English speaking non-whites in Québec according to
Williams (1989). Moreover, she adds, in Montréal, half of the
total English speaking Black conununi ty has come from the
Caribbean since 1966. Another 25% of the community are West
Indians who a~rived during World War II and a small 5% had
immigrated prior to 1930.
1.1.3 problems faced bv West Indians in Canadian
education
Studies suggest that there are a number of problems faced
by West Indian immigrants; Brown (1984) suggests the
following:
a) cultural adjustment, which is manifested in
culture shock as well as in social and
psychological problems
bl Linguistic and psychological problems
cl Coping with immigration and ethnicity
dl Factors related to the home and school environ-
ment.
Many West Indians immigrated to Canada to improve their
economic status, part of which involves a good education for
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their children. Culture conflict
influencing factors in the process
immigrant children (Brown, 1984).
and culture shock are
of the education of
Many difficulties in
educating immigrant children are due to an ignorance of their
cultural background. What is considered educationally
appropriate in one society rnay result in a diagnosis of
learning disability and/or rnaladjustrnent in another. For
example, in many cultures outside North America students
indicate their respect for teachers by being silent unless
spoken to. In the English speaking Caribbean this is the
case. In North American schools quiet, respectful classroorn
behaviour is often interpreted by teachers as indicative
either of difficulty in cornprehending English and/or the
subject of instruction, or of lack of confidence. Unfortuna
tely, this misinterpretation often resul ts in Caribbean and
other immigrant children being placed in special education
prograrns where they are likely to fall further and further
behind in their school work (Keiser, 1985).
West Indian immigrants may share certain similarities
with the rnajority culture but their dissimilarities in social
attitudes, education, values and the farnily cannot be ignored.
Discipline of children is just one example. In the West
Indies, parents have a social and legal right to hit their
children whereas in Canada such an act can have penal conse
quences (Barrett, 1980).
Il
Apart from the difficulties faced due to racial prejudice
and discrimination, the West Indian family must adjust to a
society in which primary family and other group relationships
are not highly valued. Anderson and Grant (1975) illustrate
this conflict with what is considered as the "abiding virtue"
in the West Indies, that is, neighbourliness. The family as
weIl as friendships in general are deeply valued by these peo-
pIe. These values support an informaI network system of
associations and contacts which make up an important part of
the general life of the people. The ability and the facility
for a West Indian to engage in timely and informed conversa
tion strengthens this intimacy and communication at the
primary level (Head, 1982). Many West Indians try to achieve
a happy medium between their culture and that of the dominant
cl1lture through adaptation and participation but have not
succeeded due mostly to restrictions based on race.
Education is the means to success for many West Indians.
Roth (1973) contends that because education is the key to
escaping from hard manual labour and permanent poverty, West
Indian parents are often determined that their children must
succeed at school. However, these parents do not always have
the personal experience to appreciate how difficult academic
tasks can be for a child of minority cultural background. Nor
can they always understand that homework and preparation
require a lot of time. In such homes it is difficult to
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Parents have complete faith in the school and the teacher
believing that the educational process will take place in the
school. They have fai th that the teacher can be depended upon
to provide the needed facts and ideas for their children.
They see no reason to involve thernselves in a field which has
its experts-- the school personnel. As a result, children rnay
be scolded for doing poorly at school, while the parents
continue to insist they perform their full quota of chores
around the house and provide neither the tirne nor privacy
necessary for them to pursue their studies (Roth, 1973).
Head (1982) confirms this attitude that West Indian
parents hold towards school: the demands they make upon the
school system and their determination that their children
perform weIl. They are not concerned about the daily func
tions of the school, withdrawing in total confidence that the
teachers, as professionals, know what they are doing. As far
as they are concerned, insists Head, the education system will
look after their children's educational, social and econornic
growth. In fact, sorne parents themselve~ come from educatio
nally deficient homes. Often in such homes, there may not be
books or other forms of educational material for their
children. Educational outings such as trips to the library,
museurns and 50 on may rarely be on the parents' agenda.
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According t() Hughes and Kallen (1974) " ... the most
difficult problems faced by many West Indian children in the
schools are related to race and colour". Head (1982) refers
to the "Every Student Survey" by the Toronto Board of Educa
tion (1976) which shows convincing evidence that teachers and
administrators alike engage ln discriminatory practices
against West Indian children.
"Because the West Indian child lS an
immigrant and frequently assumed by tea
chers and school administrators to come
from an underprivileged background, he is
often ... counselled or placed in vocatio
nal rather then academic classes. ~hese
assumptions ignore the fact that present
Canadian immigration policies demand
appropriate educational, occupational and
social backgrounds for admi~sion into the
country" (Head, 1982, p.l8).
Despite the conflicts, West Indians see education as
the road to economic and social advancement, holding high
hopes for their children's success and faith and trust in the
Canadian school syst.em (Head, 1982).
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1.2 Objective
Studies (sueh as the Swann Report) in the U.K. indieate
lhat ehildren of West Indian parents do poorly in schools.
Studies in Toronto show similar findings (Roth 1973, Ramcharan
1975, Bhatnagar 1982).
performing weIl at school.
West Indian children are not
The relationship children have
with their parents influence school performance. Significant
var iables in the home environment such as parental aspirations
towards education for their children, positive reinforcement
for desired academic behaviours, and the value parents place
on educat ion are important factors which affect a child' s
success at school. Studies show that high rates of school
achievement can be traced to the family (Gage and Berliner,
1988), but there are other factors which influence parent
aspirations such as class, socioeconomic status, race, culture
and farnily size.
The intent of this study is to examine the aspirations
that West Indians have for their children. More specifically,
the aim here is to explore the relationship between parental
aspirations and characteristics such as socioeconomic status
and race/ethnicity (Black or Indian) within this immigrant
community.
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1.3 Significance
Canada is a heterogeneous country made up of many
cul tures, ethnj c groups, races and languages, living and
growing together. Our classrooms are a mixture of sounds and
colours tied together with a string of hope for a bet ter
future. As educators, we have a mandate to provide a fair
chance to all our students, opening doors ta a variety of
opportunities in all walks of life. lt is through an unders
tanding of these children, their culture and background, and
parental aspirations that an attempt can be made towards
identifying their needs within our educational system in arder
to serve them better. This study hopes to add to the research
on West Indian people particularly who make up part of society
in Quebec and Canada.
1.4 Theoretical Framework
Why do sorne children of sorne groups not succeed at
school? There are many theories that try to explain this
phenornenon of which two are major sociological paradigms: the
structural-functionalist (conservative) theory and the
conflict (radical) theory. The structural-functionalist's
(represented by Parsons, Merton and Clark) position is thdt
inequality is necessary in society. They claim that people
16
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inevitably end up at the class level they deserve. Since
there will be hierarchy in social roles or jobs, the structu-
ral-functionalists believe that the functional stratification
of society is a necessity. There is a need for inducement of
sorne kind for differential reward, and society has developed
ways of distributing these rewards accordingly. As a result,
social inequality is an inevitable consequence of the manner
in which society allocates valuable positions (Brown, 1984).
Therefore stratification results in inequality which produces
the proper functioning of a society. Such a social structure
facilitates its existence through a process of social inequa-
lit y where those who are 'good' are slotted at the top, and
those who are 'bad', slotted at the bottom. The structural-
functionalist theory is not concerned with individuals because
they are simply part of the social system. What is important
is to keep things the way they are, that is, to maintain the
status quo. This theory stresses the corrunon advantages of
stability in society where consensus is the most important
variable.
Conflict theory rooted in the ideas of Marx and Weber,
demands radical changes to society. Unlike the structural-
functionalists, they consider the needs and desires of the
group as being most important. Their rationale is that
society is made up of several different groups. These groups
have conflicting needs and values. Why? Because one group
17
has more resources than another and 50 does not want to give
thern up. Those with resources have power; those without are
powerless. Therefore social dynamics, according to this
theory, consists of continuaI conflicts in search of greater
social reward.
While Marx based conflict in society on class, neo
Marxists have suggested other factors as contributing lo
conflict in society. Among them racism, the category of race
and concept of ethnicity, provide the ideological tools which
legitimize and perpetuate unequal power relations. As Porter
(1965) observes, in Canada social class and ethnie groups are
parallel. The hierarchy in Canadian society is directly
related to one's ethnie group.
Conflict theorists claim that stability in society cannot
be rnaintained if people are poor and exploited. They demand
social changes, whereas structural-functionalists do not want
ta 'rock the boat'. They argue that the hierarchy in society
must be maintained at aIl levels including the school system.
Schools must reproduce the inequalities that exist in society
sa that later the children can fit into their 'assigned
slots' . The' conflict theorists argue the contrary. They
believe that the school is not there to continue social
inequalities but to free people from poverty and oppression.
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Status quo is maintained through the role the school
plays in perpetuating the unequal distribution of power in
society. In so doing the school reproduces the culture of the
majority, that is, of the group in power whir.h Bordieu (1977)
refers to as Il culture capital". For those of a different
cultural background than that of the majority, the result is
cul tural depri vation and therefore an even more disadvantaged
social position. Survival in such a situation can only be
through assimi lation, that is, through adaptation to the
dominant culture.
Within these two major theoretical models, ethnic and
power relations can be analyzed in terrns of assimilation and
accommodation. To assimilate means to become part of. This
model envisions a mono-cultural society. It is a one-way
process which is intended to replace group identification in
terms of culture and language. The structural-functionalists,
from their conservative perspective, argue that assimilation
of that which is new maintains stabili ty. Therefore, the
assimilation of minoritiE::s into the majority ethos (as in the
Arnerican 'melting pot') reduces any risk of change. In
educational terms, different ethnie group students are
expected to become like the dominant group students and no
attention is paid to their special linguistic and cultural
needs.
19
On the other hand, accommodation promotes the preserva
tion of ethnie distinctiveness within the larger society (as
in Canadian 'multiculturalism'). Through this social process
an attempt is made ta reach an equilibrium between the
different parties. Because Canadian multiculturalism and
interculturalism in Québec both stress the need to respect
diverse cultural and ethnic groups, this study will look at
the education of Canadians of West Indian origin in terms of
accommodation within the conflict model.
The accommodation model envisions a pluralist society
by accepting that other cultural groups exist while expecting
the transmission of the dominant language and culture. Both
Multicultural and Intercultural policies mean assistance to
integrate into the main society by creating structural
opportunities. Within the framework of the conflict model,
the French sociologist, Pierre Bordieu, explains this conflict
through his theory of culture capital. His work has been
greatly influenced by both Marx and functionalists such as
Durkheim. "Education serves to reinforce status cultures by
identifying , insiders' and posing barriers to ' outsiders' "
(Karabel & Halsey, 1977 p. 32). According to the conflict
theory, education perpetuates the middle class culture (the
culture of' insiders' ) . The' outsiders', says Bordieu, are
those who do not possess the "culture capital" (C.C.) necessa
ry to succeed. Culture capital is what children bring with
them to the classroom. It reflects their socioeconomic
20
status, race, gender, and famiIy size. It aiso includes the
knowledge of how the education system works, parental involve
ment in school activities and with teachers, and the aspira
tions and expectations of parents for their children.
Bordieu's thesis is that schouls are structured with a
middle class code which children from outside this class
cannot understand. Consequently, these children do not
stlcceed in such a system. If one's C.C. is not the same as
the school's, then achievement is affected.
C.C. is the asplrations parents have for
A large part of
their children.
Parental expectations and encouragement are therefore part of
C.C. which determine school success. The impact of parental
aspirations on the educational development of children may
contribute to a great extent to their performance in school.
More recently, the theoretical stance of critical
pedagogy sees multicultural education as empowerment focusing
on the relationship of power and knowledge. This implies a
more radical transformation which is not yet envisioned in
Canada in general or Québec in particular.
This study has been prompted by the question of why West
Indian children do poorly in school in Canada vis-à-vis other
groups. What accounts for their low performance and achieve
ment levels? Are their difficulties due to a difference of
21
, l
the culture capital. necessary to integrate into, and do weIl
in Canadian society? Is parental aspiration part of the
difference in C.C.? Given the literature relating ethnicity
and school perforrnance,.this study will explore the aspirations
of West Indian parents as one possible significant factor
which determines educational performance of West Indian
children. How do West Indians express their educational
aspirations and what are the particular characteristics that
affect them? How do West Indians manifest their expectations
and goals for their children? Do West Indian parents provide
their children with the culture capital they need to succeed?
1.5 The Study
This is an exploratory study designed to find out what
kind of aspirations West Indian Canadians have for their
children. The methodology involves interviews with English
speaking West Indian families from the West Indian community
in Montreal. A pilot study was first carried out to determine
the most appropriate questions to be used for data collection.
The data collection itself took over a period of one month to
complete.
The interview protocol was developed from issues emerging
from the literature review and adapted from questionnaires
22
--------~ -- -~-
used in research studies of this nature. 'l'he data is analyzed
qualitatively. Direct quotes from the transcriptions of the
interviews are incorporated in the last chapter. The sample is
small and any conclusions can only be tentative.
1.6 Delimitations
This study involves a small sample of only English
speaking West Indian families with children at elementary
school level. It covers only West Indians of African and
South Asian origin. However, data from the in-depth
interviews suggest certain trends and conclusions.
23
, \
CHAPTER 2
2 Literature Review
The literature relevant to this study has been categori-
zed in four sections:
- West Indian immigrants to Canada;
- racism;
- the deterrninants, or socio-cultural characteris-
tics related to aspirations;
- manifestations of aspirations in terms of parental
encouragement.
2.1 West Indians as immigrants
Due to the history of colonization ~n the English
speaking West Indies, there is a wide variety of races living
together, speaking the same language and sharing the same
general culture. The people of the West Indies are of
African, Chinese, Indian (South Asian), and Western European
origin. This study concentrates on West Indians of Black and
Indian origin. But the literature reviewed for this study
does not distinguish between the different races of the West
Indies and refers to al! West Indians in an inclusive manner.
Also, one finds that sorne literature on West Indians assumes
24
<
l
( ,
that they are aIl Black. There needs to be research done in
this area to clarify the obvious confusion.
The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE),
among others, has done sorne work on the West Indian inunigrant
in Canada. But there is very little literature specifically
on West Indians of African or Indian descent, in Canada,
outside Toronto. Extensive studies have been undertaken in
the USA on Black Americans and their aspirations but not on
West Indian Americans.
The difference between Black North Americans and Black
West Indians is that the former developed in a society where
they were a minority within a white majority, whereas the
lat ter were a majority in their own countries. The Caribbean
Blacks have therefore had professionals as role models
inspiring success and ambition among their youth. Black West
Indians have a great feeling of belonging and do not share the
teel ing of marginality that Black North Americans have (The
Black Community Work Group on Education, 1978).
The West Indians of Indian origin carne to the Caribbean
from the sub-continent of India, settled there and becarne part
of the people (Kurian & Srivastara, 1983). They, like the
African West Indians, do not have a minority mentality. But,
25
,.
,
1
this changes for both the Black and South Asian groups when
they leave the islands to become part of an immigrant mass in
another country such as Canada.
There are socio-cultural, educational and linguistic
problems facing aIl immigrants who are new Canadians. Sorne
difficulties involve culture-shock, value conflicts, change in
family structure (extended to nuclear families), behavioral
changes, discrimination, and pressures on children to earn
money to help the family. Immigrant children are in contact
with a new system of learning, strange faces, new or foreign
behaviours which can make their educational adjustment a
difficult one (Ashworth, 1975). For irrunigrants who belong to
the "visible minority" category (meaning non-white people), as
do West Indians, the added problems of racism and discrimina-
tion pose further barriers to achievement (Ghosh, 1991).
Bhatnagar (1982) arJues that low education achievement
among sorne immigrant chilùren is due ta a great extent to the
phenomenon of culture-shock and culture conflict. The
movement from one country to another often involves a change
in culture, language, life style, attitude, and behaviour.
This experience can be bewildering especially for the children
of immigrants, who must daily face this alien way of life in
the school environment (Ramcharan, 1975).
26
-------------
New Canadians have chosen this country in search of a
better life for their children both in material and
educational terms (Masemann, 1975). They have great hope and
faith in the Canadian system, holding high expectations for
their chi ldren. Often these parents are unaware of the
difficulties which await them in the :promised land".
Ad justment to a new way of life is not easy. Problems of
ad justment are even greater for visible minori ties. According
to the report by The Black Community work Group on Education
(1978), when studying immigrants and education, most often
attention is focused on ethnie origin. This report asks
whether the variable of the status of immigrant is not more
important than the variable of ethnicity, or any other
variable, when considering immigrant educational aspirations.
West Indi,ms have immigrated to Canada since 1967. For
the West Indlan parent a "major motivation for immigration was
their perception of bett.er educational opportunities in Canada
for their children, opportunities that would lead to higher
status white collar jobs" (Rarncharan, 1975, p.101).
The fami ly patterns of West Indians vary with social
class. The middle and upper classes exhibit the same nuclear
farnily pattern that predominates in North America. Among the
working class, common-law marriage and marital instability are
the norm. The working class is characterized by the
27
.~
extended farnily and strong family ties (Rarncharan, 1975).
According to a study by Dorothy Wilis (1977), rnost Black West
Indian parents, especially those of working class backgrounds,
have high academic aspL.:ations for thei r chi ldren. They
believe that education is the rneans by which their children
will attain high status and a generally better life.
According to a study on Caribbean students in Montreal
schools, Keizer (1985) founa that lower educational and
occupational aspirations reflected the increased perception of
racial discrimination in Canada. Fifty to seventy- f ive parent
of the students (grade eight and grade ten) int erviewed in
this study reported experiences of racial discrimination
including problems due to the Québec language Iegislation.
Keizer found that these students expressed a concern for their
future in a society where the disadvantages were compounded
due to their col our and their language. In fact, he adds,
over sixt Y percent of these students predicted that they would
leave Canada by the age of thirty.
Rarncharan (1975) studied West Indians in Toronto. From
a sample of 30 students enroled in high school, he found that
19 were in technical/vocational school rather than academic
high schools. Of the 19 students in the non-academic program
me 1 16 were of working class background. (Ramcharan' s research
did not specify racial group.)
28
West Indian parents translate the diversion of their
chi ldren from academic instruction to technical/vocational
instruction as lia direct attempt by the school system to
prevent Blacks from achieving high educational levels Il
(Ramcharan, 1975, p. 101). Non-Whites who face discrimination
in their daily lives, especially in housing or employment,
extend their resentment to school, persuaded that their
children are diso victims of prejudice in the educational
institution.
For West Indian parents, a technical/vocational education
is a failure. It dismisses any hope of academic success or
status mobility. They are concerned for the education of
their children. Barriers preventing adaptation must be
broken. Educat ional success cannot be hoped for if immigrant
children are not understood from a cultural, educational and
linguistic perspective (Ashworth, 1975).
Roth (1973) sees education as being, traditionally, "the
golden road to economic and social advancement. Parents of
irrunigrant children, whose education was limited by the inade
quate opportunities in their Caribbean homelands, may hold
ext ravagant ly high hopes for the chi Idren' s success in
Canadian schools." (p. 7). West Indians hold teachers and the
educational system in reverence.
educa tors allows them to have
29
Their great respect for
complete faith that this
'f
institution will provide the necessary knowledge needed in
order for their children to progress educationally, socially
and economically (Head, 1979). Such faith cornes with strong
dernands upon the school system, and strong determination that
their children will reach high levels of achievement. But
once West Indian parents put their trust in the teachers and
the schoel, they withdraw concern from the daily operations of
the system, believing that it is not necessary te become
involved (Head, 1979).
From the li terat ure reviewed here, there appears to be a
need to study in closer detail Black and Indian West Indian
immigrants and their aspirations. Most research on West
Indians has been carried out in Toronto. There is a lack of
information on the West Indian' s adaptation in a Francophone
environment. Implications of the language law, bill 101,
would mean different adjustments for West Indians in Québec
than in Ontario.
2.2 Racism
According to Reeves (1983), racism lS the belief that
certain attitudinal, cultural and intellectual behaviours of
groups is the direct result of their genetical make up. When
the concept 'race' is used to classify groups according to
30
(
their visible characteristics, 1 race' then assumes a f?ocial
significance.
Hughes & Kallen (1974) in their study of racism and race
within the Canadian context, consider racism not only as an
ideology but as a practice. They maintain that racism, unlike
ethnocentrism, is a contemporary attempt to scientifieally
justify the old idea of inherently inferior and superior
groups of people. The racist ideology is founded on the
belief that humankind is divided into several 'pure' races of
which sorne are superior by "virtue of genetic endowment· (p.
97). "Racism in the context of majority-minority relations,
is a political tool, wielded by the dominant ethnie group to
justify the status quo and rationalize the disabilities to
which the minority group is subject M (Hughes & Rallen, 1974,
p. 105). Therefore, in a society where stratification is
based on ethnicity, racism becomes the means to differential
power used by the dominant ethnie group to keep the ethnie
minorities from gaining power, privilege and prestige (Hughes
& Kallen, 1974).
Van den Berghe (1967) notes that if races exist in
society i t is due ta the presence of racism because, as he
argues, if it were not for racisrn, physical features would
have no social significance. Sociologists such as Banton
(1967), and Hodge & Hodge (1965) argue that if physical
31
eharaeteristics are the basis of classif ication, then the
result will always be that one race is more privileged than
the other, thus maintaining a social hierarchy. Therefore
social classification according to one' s race or ethnicity
ensures social inequalities.
Recently, the words ' ethnic' or ' ethnie i ty' have taken on
several connotations especially in terrns of social classi f ica-
tion. In general, says Kallen (1982), these terms are used in
reference to biological and cultural differences among certain
groups. In fact, that which was considered ' ethnie' was
considered "exotic, less civilized and probably less than
human creatures" (Bannet, 1975, p.5).
But due to migration and interaction among different
human groups, today's society is faced with great demographic
changes. As a resul t of these human groups mixing and moving,
their similarities have increased. Yet the social classifica-
tion system of majority and minorities based on ethnicity has
stayed in place, and thus so have the inequalities. There-
fore, ethnicity, as race, provides an important social
function in ascribing a lower social status to groups
considered as belonging to such categories. While, in fact,
aIl groups have an ethnicity, the contemporary usage of the
word refers to subordinate groups -- those excl uded from
power. The dominant group -- that which has access to power
32
(
is not referred to as an 'ethnie' group. In Québec, the
term cultural communities is substituted for the word
'ethnie'. The dominant French group is not referred to as a
cultural community, a term which denotes other groups.
There are many concepts which relate to racial phenome-
na. Allport (1958) puts stereotyping, prejudice and racism
under the same urnbrella. A stereotype is an over generalized
belief which serves to categorize groups of people, and in so
doing justifies certain conduct towards that category.
Prejudice is a "judgment based on previous decisions and
experiences" (Allport, 1958, p.7). Prejudice violates social
norms. For example, according to Jones (1972), it invents
'accurate' information. Prejudice, he claims, uses illogical
deduction and makes irresponsible inferences.
While prejudice is an attitude, it rarely remains a mere
thought or a concept. It can be acted out in several degrees,
from avoidance of a mernber of a disliked group to discrimina-
tion or the exclusion of mernbers of the group. Discrimina-
tion, the behaviour, deprives ethnic group mernbers certain
privileges such as equal education or ernployrnent opportuni-
ties. Discrimination can aIso manifest itself in physical
attack where those who are prejudiced act out their prejudice
in the form of violence.
33
..
Racism is a social phenornenon which manifests itself at
three leve1s: individua11y, institutional1y, and structura11y
(as in large societies) (Henry,1976). But racism is a subt1e
phenomenon and a sensitive issue for research. It is one
thing to c1aim to be the victim of racisrn but to empirical1y
prove this as fact is very difficu1t (Brown, 1984).
2.3 Determinants of aspirations
The literature surveyed shows conf1icting views as to the
importance and/or re1evance of certain determinants used to
measure aspirations. The most important contributions to this
area of study date from the early fifties to the late sixties,
the majority of which are by American sociologists.
Parental aspiration is the 1evel of achievement or
qua1ity of performance that parents desire for their children.
These aspirations are related to certain variables such as
c1ass, socioeconomic status, race or ethnicity, culture and
fami1y size.
Wend1 ing & Elliot (1968) clairn that there is no rela
tionship between class and aspirations, but that opportunities
are directly re1ated to class. He concludes therefore, that
limited achievement of the lower class is due to 1imited
34
..
(
(
opportunity, and not limited aspirations. Durkheim (1951)
posits that both aspirations and opportunities vary with
class. Hyman (1953) states that the diffcrence in aspiration
levels lies in the values held by the lower class which tend
to put less emphasis on the traditional goals of success.
Sewell, Haller and Strauss (1957) confirm the relationship
between social status, as measured by the prestige of the
father's occupation, and educational aspirations. Stephenson
(1957) reported the lack of difference in educational aspira
tions among Blacks and Whites. Bennet and Gist (1964) found
that in general Black aspirations toward education were
comparable to, or higher in sorne cases, than those of Whites.
Rosen (19S9) found that Blacks held higher educational
aspirations than expected. Antonovsky and Lerner (1959)
compared lower socioeconomic status Blacks and Whites and
found that Blacks showed higher levels of aspirations than
Whites. Wendling and Elliot (1968) contend that both educa
tionai aspirations and expectations vary by class and within
class, and that ethnicity is another variable directly related
to parental educational aspirations and expectations for their
children. Contrary to Holloway and Berreman (1959), who claim
that race is not a factor here, Wendling and Elliot (1963)
found that, when class is controlled, Blacks state higher
aspirations and expectations than Whites. Mexicans, they
found, expressed consistently lower levels of aspirations and
35
, expectations than both Blacks and Whites. "It is clear that
there are significant differences in educational aspirations
and expectations among these ethnie groups within each social
class catego:r:y and that low educational aspirations and
expectations are not simply a function of class" (Wendling &
Elliot, 1968, p. 125). Sewell and Shah (1968) argue that
"social class origins have been found to have an indèpendent
influence on educational and occupational aspirations"
(p.560) .
In his study Il Race, ethnicity and the achievement syndro
me", Rosen (1959) states that high achievement motivation,
values and aspirations are essential for educational and
occupational mobility but they are not evenly distributed
among aIl races" and aIl classes. He studied 427 pairs of
mothers and S011S of Southern Italian, Greek, Jewish, Black,
French Canadj an and Whi te Protestant descent. They were
grouped into different social classes based on the father's
occupation and education. He found that among the ethnie and
racial groups studied here, the Jews, Greeks, and the Protes
tants imposed high standards of excellence on their chi ldren
and expected high evidence of achievement and individualism.
Achievement motivation was lowest among the French Canadians,
Southern Italians, and Blacks. Therefore Rosen found thal
there is a difference by ethnicity. He also found that social
class was more significantly related to achievement
36
motivation than ethnicity. Though ethnicity does play a role
in achievement motivation, social class plays a more influen-
tial part. Rosen argues that in general someone who cornes
from an ethnie group with "low achievement motivation" (for
example a French Canadian or a Black), but is a "high status
person· is more likely to succeed than sorneone from an ethnie
group with Ha high achievernent motivation H ( for example a Jew
or a Whi te Protestant) but is a "low status person·. Both
ethnicity and social class determine one' s achievement motiva-
tion. Rosen recognizes that social class has an important
affect on academic success but insists that the determining
role that ethnicity plays therein cannot be denied.
The values par8nts hold and pass on to their children
reflect how they foresee their children's future. An active,
individualistic future-oriented model shows a "preparedness to
plan, work hard, make sacrifices and be physically mobile H
(Rosen 1959, p. 54). These are the values of the Whi te
Protestant, Jewish and Greek cultures, according to Rosen.
The French Canadian, Southern Italian and Black cultures hold
passive, collective, present-oriented values. With reference
to Black Arnericans he stated, Il typically, the Negro life
situation does not encourage the belief that one can manipu
late his environment, or the conviction that one can improve
his condition very much by planning and hard work" (Rosen
1959, p. 55). He also noted that when educational aspirations
37
~ 1
,
,,.
are considered: "How far do you intend your son to go to
school? H, Blacks hold significantly comparable leveis of
aspirations to Jews, Greeks, and White Protestants, and their
aspirations levels are significantly higher than French
Canadians and Southern Italians. The educational aspirations
of Black parents are higher than expected, however their
vocational aspirations are the lowest of any of the groups
examined in Rosen's study. Rosen explains this contradiction
in his f indings. The Black parents' educational aspirations
go beyond the reality of their situation, in hopes of attai-
ning the Il i\merican dream" . At the sarne time however, they are
ready to accept that their children work in any field as long
as they can make a living. Their vocat ional aspirations
therefore do not surpass their limited socioeconomic condi-
tions (Rosen, 1959).
Bell (1967) was interested in the different subgroups
wi thin the lower class Black family 1 particularly the role of
the Black mother, her values and aspirations for her children.
The Black mother holds a prestigious and influential position
in reference to her children. Bell contacted 202 lower class
Black mothers whom he interviewed to collect his data. The
amount of education of the mothers and the number of children
are the two variables he used to determine their class leveis.
He also looked at their age at rnarriage and living conditions.
Bell grouped the lower class Black mothers into low status/-
38
( -.
high status groups where low status represented mothers with
little education and a large number of children, and high
status represented mothers with a higher level of education
and a smaller number of children.
Within the lower class, low status group, the mothers
expected their children to marry at a young age and to have
large families. The opposite was true for the high status
group. But the Black mothers of both the low status and high
status lower class expressed the importance of education and
held an ideal for educational success. The data here shows a
range of beliefs and values in the Black lower class, emphasi
zing the importance of the family, especially the role of the
mother. "Her values and aspirations in reference to her
children are meaningful and influential for the children's
future" (Bell 1967, p. 500). Bell found that within the Black
lower class there are subgroups which hold different values.
Therefore, one cannot assume that aIl class categories are the
same. The importance of his study was ta show that within
social class levels, aspirations can vary. Of most importance
he found that in the Black lower class as a whole, the
maternaI influence is of primary importance in determining
their children's future.
Bennet and Gist (1964) studied the relationship between
educational and occupational aspirations and the influences of
39
class and farnily. They posit that there is little variation
among social classes when educational aspirations and plans
are considered. Where occupational aspirations were con-
cerned, class differences varied significantly. That is, the
lower the class the lower the job status. They also found
that the type of family influence, maternaI influence for
exarnple, was greatest at the lower class levels when Black and
White lower class mothers were compared. This confirms Bell' s
thesis. Bennet and Gist claim that paternal influence is
greatest at the upper class level.
The belief that maternaI influence exists only in the
lower class milieu has been refuted by several studies. For
the Jewish, Asian and South Asian families, for example, the
mother plays a decisive role in the educational ambition and
achievement of their children, not only at the lower class
level but at all levels of social class (Rosen 1959; Gage &
Berliner, 1988).
The research surveyed above illustrates the important
role social characteristics play in determining parental
aspirations. There is agreement that high education and high
incorne of parents results in high aspirations. Upper and
middle class families expect a lot of their children. The
education and occupational values of these classes affect the
level of achievement motivation of their children.
40
The information gathered in the literature above
underlines the important role parents play in their children' s
sociali zation process. Parents impart to their children
certain values and ideas which affect their "psychological and
cultural orientation toward achievement" (Rosen, 1959, p.47).
Future-oriented thinking and deferred gratification are high
aspiration values conducive to high achievement (Rosen, 1959).
Sorne of the studies cited in the literature review noted
ethno-cultural differences in aspirations. When controlled
for class, studies generally found that Blacks have higher
than expected levels of educational aspiration when compared
with Whites. The studies aiso show a definite relation5hip
between race/ethnicity, cultural values of the group, and
aspiration/achievement. That i5, one' s race or ethnicity
influences one's values/culture, which in turn affects one's
level of aspirat ions and achievement. However, there seems to
be a difference between educational and occupational
aspirations by social class.
The research studies here consistently state that the
larger the family, the greater the reduction in frequency and
effectlveness of parent educational encouragement and
aspirations.
(
41
2.4 Manifestations of aspirations
Aspirations are goals. How do parents who hold high
aspirations for their children's education meet their goals?
That is, what do parents say and do to manifest their desired
aspirations for their children's education? What do they do
to ensure that their dreams become reality?
Sewell and Shah (1968) state that the higher the socioe
conomic status (SES), the higher the level of educational
aspirations but within each level of SES, parental encourage
ment, as a social-psychological variable, is a very powerful
factor. Socioeconomic status is directly related to educa
tional aspirations but "parental advice is a much better pre
dictor of high ambi tion than is social class" (Bordua
1960, p. 262). "Where parental encouragement is low, rela
tively few students, regardless of their intelligence or SES
levels, plan on college... where parental encouragement is
high, the proportion of students planning on college is also
high, even when SES and intelligence levels are relatively
low" (Sewell & Shah 1968, p. 571).
Rehberg and Westby (1967) state that the education level
of the father is often used to determine his occupational
level, both being used as major determinants of the family
social status level. The socialization process, wherein chil-
42
f
t dren internalize the social values and goals of their parents,
is aiso determined by the level of education, occupation and
status which parents attain. Those parents of the upper
middle class strata, of higher education, and prestigious
occupations generally show more positive interest in educa-
tion, achievement and social mobili ty as desired values. They
usually aspire to great educational futures and career goals
for their children. This does not mean that middle and lower
class parents do not have the same hopes for their children.
"Values and goals, whatever their source, can be manifested in
a nurnber of ways. One such important manifestation ... takes
the forro of parental educational encouragement Il (Rehberg &
Westby 1967, p. 371).
By showing encouragement, parents translate their aspira-
tions for their children into expectations. " ... parental
encouragement cornes close to being a necessary condition for
the continuation of education beyond the high school level in
aIl strata and not just in the lower class H (Rehberg & Westby,
1967). But, Rehberg and Westby conclude that, the larger the
family the greater the reduction in the frequency and the
effectiveness of any parental encouragement of their children
to continue their education beyond high school. Therefore,
the larger the family 1 the lesser the degree of encouragement.
In 1964, Wolf studied parental encouragement. He found
43
1 ;
j.
that parents do certain things which demonstrate their
aspirations for their children. He did research on a repre-
sentative group of grade five students in a Midwestern
community in the U.S.A. Through the use of a lengthy ques-
tionnaire, he interviewed parents, mostly mothers, from a
variety of social class levels, as to their behaviours in the
home environment regarding their children' s education. He
found that parental aspirations are manifested in three
important areas:
1. The pressure parents place on their children for
achievement motivation either in the form of their intel-
lectual expectations of their child, what they aspire for
their child, to what extent they are aware of their
child's intellectual development, and the rewards that
are given for intellectual development.
2. The pressure parents place on language development
including enlarging their vocabulary, and emphasis on the
correctness of usage.
3. General learning opportunities that the parents
provide for their child in and out of the home, facilita
ting the child's learning experiences (books, learning
materials, etc.).
44
. ,
( Two recent studies have been carried out which confirm
the importance of parental encouragement as a behavioral mani
festation of aspirations for their children's educational
future (Gage & Berliner 1988, So 1987).
Research on oriental Asian Americans reports that
immigrants of Asian origin attain an extraordinary high level
of achievement. According to researchers, their sueeess finds
its roots, to a great extent, in the family environment.
"Asian mothers .. stress hard work, hold high expectations
for performance, and are regularly dissatisfied with their
children's level of performance. They expect children to get
and do homework, they limit t.elevision viewing, and they delay
dating" (Gage & Berliner, 1988, p.95).
So (1987) did research on Hispanie parental aspiration
levels. He found that contrary to the literature on Hispanie
education, Hispdnic parents, despite their educational back
ground, have high aspirations for their children entailing
great future goals, ev en beyond that of the parents. So sawa
close relationship between parental encouragement and their
children's academic achievement. "Hispanie parents appeared
determined about their aspirations and started forming aspira
tions for college attainment when their children were still in
elernentary school, expecting their children to defer marriage,
having ehildren and working full time until formal education
45
...
would typically be completed M (50 1987, p.53).
The literature surveyed above shows a general agreement
regarding the importance of parental aspirations in the form
of encouragement. It is an important part of the realization
of aspirations regardless of one's socioeconomic status, or
racial/ethnie background .
46
-
( CHAP'l'IR 3
3 Methodology
This study was designed to interview English speaking
West Indian parents in Montréal, to learn about their aspira
tions for their children. The methodology involved the use of
an interview protocol as the interviewing instrument for col-
lecting the necessary data.
3.1 Sample selection
Ouring the research for the literature review, the writer
met with a representative of the multicultural department of
the Protestant School Board of Greater Montréal (PSBGM). The
PSBGM represents one half of the confessional school board
system in Montreal. The other half is the CECM (Conunission •
des Ecoles Catholiques de Montréal). The PSBGM has traditio-
nally accepted aIl non-Catholics and provided education in
English. In 1977, the provincial language legislation (Bill
101), required aIl new immigrant children {with a few excep-
tions), to be educated in French. Since then the PSBGM has
gradually added French schools while the Eng1ish schools still
exist but are on the decline.
47
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.. "
...
The researcher contact.ed the PSBGM for a list of West
Indian parents living in Montréal, who had children at the
elementary level attending school. In the medntime, lists
were obtained from two other resource persons through McGill
University. One contact represented the Mont réal Black
Community Centre, and the other was the chairperson of the
Parents Commit tee for a predominant1y West Indian English
speaking school. Severa1 attempts were made to get in touch
with the three different contacts (by telephone), and a list
of 50 West Indian parents was received by fax from the PSBGM.
With the list was attached a note where the contact indicated
that sorne of the phone numbers may be incorrect or erroneous.
He further advised that the writer calI after 6pm, and that
she use his name as a reference for having obtained the
telephone numbers as sorne numbers may have been unlisted. He
also suggested that she tell the participants that the study
could sorne day help to improve the present services to West
Indian youngsters in the PSBGM school system. In his opinion,
there would be more cooperation if the parents knew this study
could eventua11y help them and their children.
Sorne phone numbers on the 1ist were no longer in service.
Others did not answer at aIl. Therefore, from the original
1ist, the interviewer estab1ished a list of twenty partici-
pants aIl of whom fit the criteria which had been developed,
that is, West Indian English speaking parents of Indian or
48
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African origin wi~h children at elementary level .
In aIl twenty people participated in the study. They
were from different areas of Montreal aIl were parents who had
children in one of the PSBGM schools. The majority of these
parents (mostly mothers, a few fathers and one grandmother)
were of African origin. A pilot study was planned to prepare
the groundwork and help formulate the questions ta be used for
data collection for the final study.
3.2 Pilot Study
The first ten people on the list were selected. The
Objective here was to get an idea of the willingness of
parents to respond, the best time to calI to make the first
contact, and the best way to conduct the interview, that is,
either by phone, in person, and 50 on. During the phone caiis
the purpose of the study was explained, aiong with what the
questions were about. Sorne sample questions were tried but
the interviews were not done at this point. A broad outline
of what was planned and why was given, leaving the option open
for them to either agree to participate or refuse.
The parents contacted during the pilot study were very
willing to participate. They unanimously agreed on informaI,
49
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quick interviews by telephone. This would reduce the time
spent during face to face interviews at their homes or
elsewhere. The researcher felt that the phone interviews
would also maintain the distance they preferred. Therefore,
for the following reasons, the telephone interview was the
means of collecting data for this study:
1- less time consurning
2 - anonymi ty kept
3- (in the writer's opinion) more comfortable in a
non-direct situation, that is, less threatening.
3.3 Instruments (Appendix Al
The interview was used as the main method for data
collection in the study. The interview protocol was developed
from issues emerging from the literature review and adapted
from questionnaires used in research studies of this nature.
For example, studies earried out by 50 (1987) on Hispanie
Arnericans, or by Rosen (1959) on several ethnie groups, raised
certain questions addressed in the interview protocol. Both
So and Rosen used questionnaires in their studies, parts of
which were adapted for this research. Gage and Berliner
(1988) and Wolf (1964) provide a list of ways in which parent
aspirations are manifested in the home environment. From this
list several questions regarding parental encouragement were
50
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established.
Characteristics associated with high aspirations have
been outlined by several researchers, and are the bases of the
questions formulated. For example, Rosen (1959), and others,
state that parents with high status jobs have high aspirations
for their children. Sewell (1968) says that there is a
relationship between highly educated parents and high expecta
tions. 50 (1987), and many others, recognize that high
socioeconomic status often means high aspirations, and vice
versa. The Iiterature aiso shows that those who hold future
oriented values have greater aspirations than those who do
not. The literature review therefore provides the important
questions for the interview protocol, enabling the researcher
to collect the necessary data for this study.
The first section of the interview protocol dealt with
the demographic characteristics of the parents who participa
ted. Questions concerning their marital status 1 race 1 income
level and education level were asked in order to establish
their socioeconomic status.
The second section asked questions about the parents
expectations about their children' s level of education and the
kind of work they would get. The objective behind these type
of questions i5 to develop a picture of what the parents hope
51
for their child' s future; how far they want them to go
academically and what type of profession they aspire for their
children.
Section three addresses the problems the parents have
faced and expect their children to face, in terms of discrimi-
nation. In order to trace a relationship between their
aspirations and what they consider racism, discrimination
and/or prejudice, certain questions were asked. For example,
whether or not the parent feels that. their child faces or wi 11
face racism at school and later in the working world. Other
questions asked if Bill 101 affected their children's educa
tion and if, for any reason, they felt more discriminated
against in Québec. The objective here was to see if the
poiiticai climate in Québec affected their aspirations for
their children.
The last section posed several questions about the
parent's involvement with, or encouragement of, the child. It
is one thing to hope and pray that your chi Id succeeds, but if
these aspirations are not supported at home, they are mere
wishes. Parents were asked questions about whether they spent
time with their children reading, doing homework, or correc
ting their language. They were also asked if they reinforced
their children' s efforts and were interested in their pro
gress. Other questions concerning parent participation in the
52
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school and concerning the parents opinion of what responsibi-
1 i ties the school, teachers and guidance counsellors had, were
asked to discover whether the parents knew anything about the
school system in Canada, or whether it was foreign to them.
Also the objective here was to get feedback from the parents
concerning what they consider the problems facing the school
system as an institution and the problems their children face
in the school system.
3.4 Interview process
The telephone interviews were carried out over a period
of one month. The participants were very willing to talk and
to answer questions. They tended to be a little hesitant and
even suspicious at the beginning of the interview. The
interviewer started by describing the study and asking for
their consent, giving them the option not to answer questions
if they so wished. This greatly reduced any threat. Since
the interviews were carried out by telephone, the partici
pants' conf idential i ty was preserved as people are more
wi Iling to admit certain things or gi ve certain information
when they are able to maintain a degree of anonymit.y.
The best tirne to call varied since sorne parents worked in
the day, therefore evening/night time was better for them.
53
r ,
Others worked at night or not at aIl, 50 any time in the day
was convenient with them. As a result, atternpts te calI were
made several times during the day as well as at night. If no
one answered, the calls were continued till sorneone was
available. If the calI was at an inconvenient time, a more
suitable time was fixed with the participant.
The data was recorded by the interviewer during each
telephene interview. 'rhere was an interview protocol copy for
each interview, provided with a lot of space between each
question. The responses to each question posed were recorded
directly on to the interview protocois.
The parents were very eager to express themselves on a
subject that interested them greatly. Each interview lasted
from a minimum of twenty minutes, to a maximum of sixt Y
minutes. Many parents took this occasion to vent their
frustrations as immigrants, especially as visible minorities
against an unjust society characterized by racism. Many spoke
for a long time about problems they face in Québec. In fact 1
quite a few went beyond the questions in the interview
protocol. Several volunteered a final summary of what they
considered the problems with the school system in Canada and
how they see that it can he changed. The participants were
very warm and friendly, very open, but not very optimistic.
54
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CHAPTBR 4
4 Data
The following chapter outlines the overall data produced from
the questions in the interview protocol. This chapter presents
the straightforward answers to each question. But being an
interview, much more information was either voluntary given or
elicited. The data here is presented qualitatively though
sorne tables are given to emphasize the points in numerical
form. The qualitative data is presented in the final chapter
which analyses the data.
4.1 Demogr .. lphic characteristic
Section l of the interview protocol dealt with the
demographic characteristics of the parents who participated in
this study. AlI twenty participants answered every question
in this section. Regarding marital status, the sample was
divided into three groups of which more than half were
married, and the others were either separated or single
parents. Of the parents interviewed, the separated or single
parents were aIl female. Of the married couples, the resear
cher was able to interview only three males who spoke on
behalf of their wives.
55
'. Regarding incorne, over half of the sample had an incorne
under $20,000. Only one parent (female) had an incorne of over
$40,000. The racial background of the large rnajority of the
participants was African. The level of education of the
parents (both males and females) indicated that the rnajority
had less than a university degree. Over half of the sample
had eithe~ an elementary or a secondary education.
Most part icipants' line of work centred on services.
Sorne were receptionists, factory workers, or nursing aides.
A few mothers were housewi ves and one was a researcher. Of
the few males interviewed, one was a teacher while the others
were blue collar workers.
When asked how many children they had, most parents
indicated they had small families of approximately two
children. Concerning the number of years spent in Canada,
alrnost aIl of the participants have spent over ten years in
this country.
56
,
t Table I. Description of sample
1 Parents (20) Male (3) Female (17) 1
Character istics 1 1 Parents
married 11
Marital statua separated 3
single parents 6
o - $20,000 12
Income $21 - $40, 000 7
$40,000 + 1
Race African 18
Indian 2
Elementary 5
Secondary 7
Education Tech./Vocational 6
University 1
Graduate degree 1
Line of work Professional 1 1 me.le 1 female -Blue collar 2 male 16 female
Family size 1 - 3 Children 14
4 - 10 Children 6
a - la Years 5
No. of yeara in 11 - 20 Years 10
Canada 21 - 35 Years 5
57
4.2 Parents' expectations about their chi ldren' s level of
education and kind of work
Section II dealt with the parents' expectations about
their children's level of education and the kind of work they
wanted for them. In general, most people answered aIl the
questions in this section. Questions dealing with when the
parents started thinking about sending their chlldren ta
university, and where and from whom they would get the
information for university, were very difficult for sorne
participants to answer.
Most parents interviewed wanted a university education
for their children. A minority believed that it was up to the
children, and not the parent, to decide up to what level of
education they wished to study. Hal f of the parents said they
would start thinking about sending their kids to university
before grade six, the other half said after grade ten. Sorne
parents had no idea. Most of the participants 5aid they would
get the information about university from the university but
sorne parents did not know where to go to find out about post
secondary studies. A variety of people were mentioned as
sources of information about university, including friends,
high school staff and university staff.
58
( Table II. Expectations of education and work.
Expectations 1 Parents
Level of College 6
children'. University 12
education Chi Id decides 2
Age at which Before grade 6 8
parents think of After grade 10 8
univ. education Don't know 4
University 9
Where parents Coilege 4
get information School board 4
about university Don't know 3
Prom whom Friends 3
parents get the Highschool staff 8
information University staff 9
Work parents Professional 5
expect child Blue collar 5
to get Don't know 10
$10 - $20,000 1 ,
Income parents $20 - $30,000 4
e~~ect for their $30 - $40,000 7
child $40,000 + 8
Concerning the kind of work the parents expected their
child to get, fifty percent said it was up to the child to (
59
decide while the other parents' expectation varied from air
hostess and hair dresser to pilot and doctor. Most parents
expected an income of over $30,000 for their children.
Chart l. Reason for completing Highschool .
....... c •• pll'I MI,~IC"'.I , ... " .. ... .. , .... , .. .,
h' .... ", III '"
For more than half of the parents interviewed, the most
important reason for their children to complete high school
was to get to university. A small minority saw that period as
keeping their children busy and out of trouble.
The question dealing with role models indicated a split
response. Half of the sample answered posit1vely that they
knew someone they weuld like their children te be like. The
other half said they knew no one they would like their
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children to be like because they believed that their children
should just be themselves.
A list of occupations to which the parents had to respond
with satisfied or dissatisfied was proposed to the sample.
Table III. Perception of occupations
OCcupation Satisfied Dissatisfied
Lawyer 18 2
Pharmacist 16 4
Teacher 13 7
Machinist 10 10
Bank tel 1er 13 7
Doctor 20 0
Scientist 17 3
Insurance agent 5 15
Bookkeeper Il 9
Mail carrier 7 13
Store salesperson Il 9
Bus driver 10 10
Accountant 16 4
Civil servant 12 8
61
According to the list they had to indicate their satis-
faction or dissatisfaction with potential jobs for their chil-
dren. Most responded positively to doctor, lawyer, scientist,
and accountant. Most responded negatively to insurance agent,
mail carrier, bus driver, and machinist.
Table IV. Ideal time for important events.
17 - 20 years 2 parents
Ieleal time to: 24 - 30 years 17 parents
a) get married 30 years or more 1 parent
20 years or less 2 parents
b) have firet 20 years or more 2 parents
child 24 - 30 years 14 parents
30 years or more 2 parent s
c) start regular 17 - 21 years 8 parents
job 24 - 26 years 12 parents
el) finish ed. 18 - 20 years 5 parents
22 - 26 years 15 parents
For the majority of the participants, the ideal time for
their children to get married, to have their first child, to
62
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start a regular job and to finish full time education is in
their mid 20's. However, a large number of respondents felt
that the best time to start a regular job would be sorne time
in their late teens.
4.3 Discrimination
This section deals with problems faced (and expected to
be faced) in terms of discrimination. Other than one question
dealing with t.he relationship between racism at school and
jobs (N=19), aIl quest.ions were answered by aIl participants
in this section.
When asked if they felt. discriminated against, more than
half of the participants answered that they were victims of
discrimination, while the others said they were n0t. The
majority felt that their children faced racism at school while
few disagreed or did not want to answer. Sorne said that it
was possible that their children faced racism at school but
they were not sure. Regarding the relat ionship between racism
at school and the affect it would have on the type or chances
of West Indian children getting certain jobs, almost aIl
participants believed that their children would have problems
getting good jobs because of their colour. Regarding whether
their children are likely to face racism, discrimination or
63
prejudice when they will work, aIl but one parent answered
• yeso When asked , what type of profession their children
would have if discrimination did not exist, most parents
answered a "doctor M or the ·prime Minister of Canada-.
Table V. Perception of discrimination.
Number of parents
Yes No Don't know
Parents feel discri- 11 8 1
minated against
Children feel dis- 14 3 3
minated at Ichool
Racism at school
will affect type 15 4 a
of job
Child will face 19 1 a
racism at work
Doel Bill 101 affect 15 5 a
child'. education
More racism in 14 a 6
Québe.:
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The majority of the sample claimed that Bill 101 has had an
affect on their children's education. When asked their
opinion whether there was more discrimination in Quebec than
anywhere else in Canada over half of the participants said
there was,while a minority said they did not know.
4.4 Encouragement by significant others
'l'he terrn significant other refers to people in positions
which may influence a child' s motivation and self-concept.
Other than the last five questions dealing with the teachers' ,
schools' and guidance counsellors' roles in the life of their
children, aIl the questions in this section were answered by
aIl participants.
AlI but one parent said they read to their children.
The average arnount of time spent reading varied between half
to two hours a day. Almost every parent said they encouraged
their children to read books other than school books and that
they bought books and other learning materials as gi fts for
their children. The majority of the sample interviewed said
they limited their children's television watching.
65
, Table VI. Parental encouragement.
Number of parents
Yes No
Read to the chi 1d 19 1
Hour. read to child 1/2 - 2 hours per day
Bncourage child to read 19 1
Buy book., etc ... 18 2
Limit TV watching 17 3
Spend time on homework 13 7
Time spent on homework 10mins - 2 hours per day
provide atudY area 18 2
Correct language 18 2
Reward chi Id 16 4
Child knows what parents 18 2
expect
Intereated in progress 20 0
Parent/teacher meetings 18 2
Parent/teacher activity 15 5
Volunteer at school 9 11
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When asked whether they spent time with their children on
their homework, fifty percent of the parents answered affirma-
tively. The average amount of time spent on homework varied
between ten minutes to two hours per day. A few parents said
they helped their children only if they had a particular
problem. Quite a few parents said they did not spent time
with their children on their homework for a variety of reasons
including the language problem. This problem was the reason
the most often cited by these parents for not helping their
children with their studies. They said that because Lhey knew
little or no French, they could not participate .ln their
children's school life at home. Two-thirds of the children
referred to in this study were enroled in French schools in
the PSBGM and the others in the English schools.
Almost aIl parents said they provided a study area for
thei r children and that they corrected their children' s use of
language (English). Most of the given examples of language
correction referred to swearing and grammar. When asked
whether they rewarded their children with gifts, extra play
time, and so on, for doing weIl at school, the majority of the
sample answered positively.
Most of the participants said that their children knew
what their parents expected of them. AlI of the parents said
they were interested in their children' s progress. The
67
l
majority said they went to parent-teacher meetings and that
they participated in parent-teacher actlvities. A little
more than half of the parents had never volunteered to help at
their children's school. Once again the language problem was
cited as the main reason. Another reason given was that they
were unfamiliar with the school and its personnel.
AlI of the parents confirmed that the teacher is an
important role model for their children and that if the
teacher treats the children weIl, they will do weIl. In
general, the parents said that the teacher can help by being
"nice" and being "interested" in the child and "encouraging"
them. They also stressed communication between the parents
and the teacher. Regarding the responsibility the school
should have to the child's academic achievement, and ways in
which the school can help the child, the parents said that the
school shoulJ provide "a happy, fair and safe" environment for
children. It should not discriminate but welcome all chil-
dren. Communication between the school and the parents is
called for as weIl as more information concerning the educa
tion system which for many parents is foreign. Regarding the
role of the guidance counsellors and ways they can help the
child, more than half of those who answered these two ques
tions felt that guidance counsellors were useless and served
only to break up families. They felt that they should stay
out of "family business". They agreed that they could help
68
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with academic problems. Others saw a use for guidance coun-
sel lors : they advise and direct children in their career
interests. They could also be heIpful in situations where
parents cannot deal with the child alone.
69
CHAPTER 5
Conclusions and suggestions for further research
Conflict theory provides the overall frarnework for this
study. Specifically, Bordieu' s theory of culture conflict
guided this study. According to this theory, the education
system alienates those who do not have the cultural capital
required for success because of racial, ethnic, gender, and
class differences. Education is profitable for those who
posses the right culture, the culture capital (C.C.). For
those who do not, academic success is not wi thin rcach.
Culture capital is what children bring with thern to the
classroorn. It also includes the knowledge of how the educa
tion system works, parental involvement 1n school activities
and with teachers, and the aspirations and expectations of
parents for their children. The objective of this study was
to explore the aspirations of West Indian parents and see to
what extent, if any, their expectations and encouragement
influence their children's level of performance at school.
The parents who participated in this study were generally
of low socioeconornic status as indicaterd by their levels of
education and incorne. The level of education for the fathers
as weIL as the mothers was mostly secondary. Approxirnately
half of thern were married, the other half were either
separated or single parents. AIL but two were of African
70
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origin, mostly from Jamaica.
The interviewer found that several participants were very
sensitive when questioned about race. When asked what their
racial descent was, many did not know how to answer, as if
offended or just unaware. Sorne responded "Nigger M, others
said MBlack M, and others gave the name of their island of
origine There seemed to be a lack of pride in their voices
and that sorne were simply ignorant of their African origin,
indeed of their history.
The rnajority of the parents have relatively srnall
families (1-3 children). Most have been established in Canada
for an average of 20 years. wi th the except ion of two
participants, the majority were ernployed in sorne form of blue
collar work, such as in domestic or secretarial services.
Educational and Occupational Expectations:
Almost aIl the parents interviewed held great expecta-
tions for their children, that is, beyond high school, either
college or university. Although most parents planned on their
children going to post-secondary schools, they sa id that the
decision to go was ultimately up to the child. When asked
what the most important reason for their child to complete
high school was, only approximately half answered Mto get to
university· . There is a contradiction here because these
71
r parents say they want their children to go to university but
yet half of them answered that high school is for "getting a
job" and" staying out of trouble".
Obviously, these parents do not see the relationship
between high school and post-secondary studies as the route to
getting a good job eventually. They do not realize that high
school is just a step towards that goal. This illustrates a
lack of knowledge of the system but it is not surprising since
the majority of parents interviewed had not gone beyond
secondary studies. Most had no experience of education in the
Canadian system of education. Thus the C.C. their children
bring to the school system is at variance with the white
middle class culture of the school.
Furthermore, when qUf'stioned as to where and from whorn
they would get information for university, mostly vague
responses were given for exarnple, "probably from the univer
sity and probably from sorneone there ... H • Nonetheless,
despite sorne hesitation most participants answered this
question. Few admitted they did not know.
The parents were aiso questioned regarding the kind of
work they expected their children to get. Fift.:t percent
answered that they could not decide for their children because
it was up to them. The other half gave a variety of occupa-
72
tions that they expected their children to hold, ranging from
air hostess, mechanic or hair dresser to pilot or doctor.
A very di f f icul t question to answer was the level of
incorne the parent would be happy wi th for the child. Once
again many parents refused to answer frorn their perspective as
a parent. Rather, they gave the amount the child would be
happy with. 'T'hey insisted that the incorne level was up to the
child to deterrnine. When the interviewer insisted that the
question concerned the incorne the parent aspired for their
chi Id as the best poss1ble, two-thirds said that between
$30,000-40,000 or more was acceptable.
When given a list of occupations and asked if they would
be satisfied or dissatisfied if their children chose to be a
mail carrier or a doctor for example, every participant
answered "yes" to doctor and over three-quarters answered
"yes· to scientist, lawyer, pharmacist and accountant.
Interestingly, over half of the participants answered that
they would be happy if their child held any of the occupations
listed, whether blue or white collar. Consequently, whether
their child was a bus driver or a scientist, it really did not
matter for these parents. What mattered to them was -their
children' s happiness -. No connection was drawn between levels
of education and income and quality of life. Therefore if
their child were 'happy' being a bus driver, then the parents
73
would be satisfied.
With regards to whether the children had role models or
not, exactly half said "no". They said they knew no one they
would like their children to be like, insisting that they must
be themselves: • ... its a false interpretat ion of themsel ves
to be like someone else... l never try to compare rny kids ...
l like my chi Idren to be what they want ... not like anyone else
but themselves ... " These parents see the role model as
negative and thus cannot appreciate its educative value. The
other parents chose religiolls or Black political leaders as
role models. Sorne parents simply outlined certain charac
terist ics of a role model such as intelligence, respectfulness
and honesty. For other parents qualities such as "well
behaved", ·well dressed" or "stay out of trouble" described
their role models.
Keizer' s (1985) study on Caribbean students 100ked at the
influence of role models. He found that "most of the signifi
cant others who served as models for educational and occupa
tional attainment (and provided guidance in these matters to
the Caribbean studentsl were family mernbers or close kin, and
comparat1vely fewer were teachers, guidance counsellors, or
other school board personnel- (p. 166) .
For more than three-quarters of the parents, the ideal
74
{
time for their children to get rnarried is between 24-30 years
old, that is, after university. It is during this tirne also
that two-thirds of the parents would prefer their children to
start a family. Two-thirds see their children finishing full
time education between 22-26 years old whereas one third see
full time education finishing between the ages of 18-20. But
almost half of the parents wouid pre fer that their children
start a regular job between the ages of 17-21. The confusion
here lies in the aspirations that the parents have for their
chi Idren to go to a post-secondary institution, that 15
"finish education by 23", and the reality that they must work
to pay their tuition and help the family financiaIly, that is
"start regular job by 18 M• rrhese parents see work as very
important. Because of their low socioeconornic status,
children have to make money to support themselves or/and their
families. At the same tirne they must continue their educa-
tion. Another inconsistency is that rnany of these parents
wouid like their children to be doctors and yet they see the
end of their chi1d's education at the age of 23.
The next section, dealt with the parents 1 expectations
regarding thpir children's Ievei of education and the kind of
work they want for them. The findings are very interesting.
They illustrate certain discrepancies in what sorne West Indian
parents think are their aspirations for their children 1 s
education and what their aspirations really are.
75
When interviewing the parents, a very strong feeling was
evident that despite what parents wanted for the child, they
fel t they had litt le or no control over the i r ful ur e. Alrnosl
every question asked of the parent was answered with "ils up
to the child" or "don' t push children to do what you want,
they must do what they want ... Every parent wants the best for
the children, we must support them but if the child doesn't
want that, we can't do anything about it ... Its up to the
kids, parents try, teachers try but up to kids to do weIl if
they are interested ... You have to accept your children for
what theyare, its not up to you (parent) ta decide ... ". Thi s
almost fatalistic attitude shows that these parents feel that
they do not play an influential and directive role in their
children's future, despite their interest. They do not see
the relationship between their aspirations for their children,
what their children themselves want and the possibilities.
More specifically, with regard to profession and incorne,
once again the majority of the parents interviewed felt that
the child' s future was in his\her hands. Regardless of the
child' s deci sion, the parents sa id they wou Id "back them up no
matter what they want". "If the child is happy with her job
and it pays little, it doesn't matter, l will be happy for
her ... l want anything for them as long as they don' t steal or
kill ... No matter what, don't discourage thern as long as what
they do is constructive ... He can be anything he wants to
76
f
be ... even a bum as long as he' s a good worker ... It doesn' t
matter what job he gets as long as its an honest day's work
... Don't pressure kids, ev en if they mop floor l'Il be there
for them ... Parents must support their children 50 they don't
quit school and get out on the streets, once they start a job
they can do better later as Jong as they are off the streets,
drugs and so on ... the chi ldren have to earn money, we have to
give them confidence and it may elevate their wanting to
succeed ... ". Although these parents would like their children
to be professionals, they are ready to accept that they take
any of the jobs given on the list, even bus driver or mail
carrier. It appears that while these parents value education,
viewed from their socioeconomic situation, they value survival
more, that is, it is more important to get a job (whatever it
may be), and make an honest living, than to end up on the
streets.
Nonetheless, these parents would love their children to
get a good education ahead but certain inconsistencies in
their responses (perhaps due to their lack of education and/or
their ignorance of the education system) would lead one to
believe the contrary. For instance, they would be satisfied
if their children became doctors but. when asked the salary
theyexpect their child to earn, they answer $40,000. From
their experience this salary is high which indicates they were
unaware of doctors' salaries and would have answered with a
77
•
much higher amount. To be a doctor, one has to study beyond
23-24 years of age but many said that their child's full time
education would end by then. Another inconsistency was the
time indicated to start a full time job (18-21 years) and to
end full time education (23-24 years). -Kids must get a job
then they can put themselves through university ... kids should
have a job in the day and courses at night so they can pay for
school ... in the West Indies you have to work to help your-
self. .. ". Money seerns to be the means to (academic) success
as these parents see i t . In fact as sorne parents said,
referring to the ideal age to have a child, "rny kid can have
a child at any age as long as she can afford lt ... "
Racism
The West Indians are categorized as visible minorities.
The sarnple in this study are Engl ish speaking and 1 i ve in
Montréal. With regards to problems faced (and expected to be
faced) in terms of discrimination, the findings suggest that
racism, prejudice and discrimination are perceived as barriers
to academic success and therefore to economic rewards for non-
white West Indians. It is the general opinion of the West
Indians interviewed in this study that they live in a society,
and are part of a system, that favours the white middle class
majority .
When asked if they felt discriminated against, almost
78
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(
hal f of the parents sai d "yes·, but the others said "no·. The
interviewer got the impression that many of the participants
did not want to talk about this subject. Sorne were very
hesitant and seerned frustrated and defensive. Those who said
"no", later contradicted themselves. They said they were not
discriminated against, yet they provided examples of racism
against themselves, as if at first they did not want to come
right out with the problems they faced. As the interview went
along, the participants started talking more about racial
problems, opening up wi th examples cited below.
Those who did not see racism as a problem said it was
bccause Il they did not get in people 1 s way" or that they
thernselves had not had personal problems but. that their
husbands or neighbours had. They said that they were aware
that racism existed. But. one parent argued that racism should
not be used as Il an excuse". "Blacks shouldn't jump to the
conclusion that failure is due to racism. There is racisrn
among West Indians too." (The participant. went on te explain
what she meant. Between islands there is a certain nationalism
which can cause tension among West Indians. Her use of
" r acism" therefore was at variance). As she sees it, Mwe
(West Indians) should st.ick t.ogether, like a team."
The parents who agreed from the start that they were
discriminated against, had a lot te sayon this subject.
79
~-----~~ ~ -----------~---
• According to one parent, West Indians are diser iminated
against "everyday once yeu go outside and have to deal wit h
them European people". almost everyone gave examplC's of UIC
police, neighbours or bus drivers who say, "Why don't you go
back to your own country!" In these parents' opinion, "Blacks
face lots of problems here. We encounter racism when applying
for jobs or an apartment . they take Whites first!" This
attitude is women into the social fabric according to one
parent, "It' s things people say they see black as
negative, for exarnple ' Black Monday'. l take offense here and
calI that racism!"
The participants expressed a feeling of low self-esteem
when speaking about racisrn; a feeling they cannot escape from.
"There is racism here all the time. It doesn' t go away ...
police harassment and name calling ... In the stores, they watch
you and follow you around to make sure you don' t steal but if
you ask for help, they ignore you ... there is distrust by the
(white) public ... There is racism on the bus, streets, shop .. .
they look at you mean and don' t sit beside you on the bus ... Il
How often are West Indians victims of racial aggression?
"Enough! The white dtt i tude is to push their own. If There was
a strong feeling of frustration in their voices because they
believe they cannot do anything about this situation. They
"don' t know who to complain to". So they accept it because
they believe that there is nothing they can do about it.
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Others say they ·pul up with it N and console themselves with
the idea that they have the option to leave the country and go
back to the West Indies.
The majority of the West Indian parents interviewed said
that their children face problems of racisrn at school. Few
said thei r chi ldren did not face any problems or that they
simply did not know.
The same mistreatment that the parents ci ted experiencing
themselves repeats itself for their children. They said that
their children face name calling by their classmates and, in
sorne cases, by the teachers. In fact, the parents complained
greatly that a large source of racism in the classroom was the
teacher.
"Teachers discrirninate and blame the children for fights
because they' re Black ... Teachers are on the side of Whites ...
they look down on the Black chi Idren ... Teachers cause a lot of
racism and stereotypie ideas, they tell Black kids they're
useless and will be at school for a long time ... Teachers
believe that Black kids are trouble makers. They judge them by
their col our and not by their actions ... ". Sorne parents gave
examples where the teacher discriminated: "My son and a White
boy were in a fight. The teacher gave my child a detention
and the Whi te boy got nothing. Later, the other children told
81
the teacher that i t was the Whi te boy' s faul t . You see,
before asking, it's the Black boy's fault and he gets punis
hed! ... My daughter cries because she is not White and not
francophone. She' s called names and told to go back to where
she cornes from, and the teacher does nothing ... Blacks are a
rninority in the class. They get beat up and nothing happens,
in fact, the teacher told rny son she doesn' t like Black
people!-
These examples cited are definitions of the situation and
the perception of the sample in this study. What should be
noted is that West Indians see themselves as being confronted
with problems of racism, prejudice and discrimination in their
daily lives. Their low self-esteern due to racial oppression
makes them believe that they are constantly being watched and
judged negatively. Naturally, this leads them to expect that
their children face the same problems in the classroom.
Undoubtedly, the parents' perceptions have implications on
their children's attitudes and performance.
The majority of the parents interviewed asserted that the
problems West Indian children face in school, because of
racism, prejudice and discrimination, will affect their
chances of getting jobs, and the types of jobs. They belicve
that their children are often put down and therefore lack
confidence in themselves. MTeachers ignore the Black child.
82
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Their racism causes low self-esteem which affects the chil
dren's learning ability ... Black children have to work ten
times harder because they feel negative about themselves and
this influences their performance ... The Black child has to be
outstanding to get certain jobs, l see that in life ... When
you' re Black, people don' t appreciate you, especially in
Québec. Whites will always be preferred over Blacks for
jobs ... Black children are not treated well in the school
because of their col our so why would it be different in the
working world? .. The system accounts for racism in the school
and in work. If the system can use you, they will, but Blacks
have to be 100% better to compete with Whites who are less
qualified, so of course our children are limited!-
AlI but one parent believed that their children will face
problems of racisrn, discrimination and prejudice when they
join the workforce. The one parent who disagreed claimed it
was because "language is the problem", and that if her child
was bi lingual, she would face no problem of racism. The
majority believed the contrary; that is, it is difficult to
get a job when you are a visible minority and English speak
ing, even if you are bilingual. Little optimism was expressed
here concerning racism and work because, as one person pointed
out, "People (meaning the dominant group) aren' t educated
enough to overcome racism". Others agreed: "In the work
place, opportunities for promotion for us are bypassed
83
, ~,
because of our colour, despi te our quaI i fica t ions ... Society
favours Whi tes. If they don' t need Blacks, they don' t use
them so Blacks have no chance. In the West Indies l was a
nurse, here l am a house maid! ... At work l 'm the only Black,
so they tease me to see what l'm made of, so my kids will come
across it too. They can't avoid it.-
These people contend that racism is omnipresent: in
society, in the system. They claim that they put up with name
calling and aggression at work. And so will their children.
"When you 1 re Black, you 1 re checked on to make sure you' re not
slacking of f, yeu' re paid less than Whites, and you have less
chances of any kind of advancement ... You are mistreated, given
extra work, work no one else wants te do ... They make you feel
less, inferior, as if you don't deserve certain luxuries like
ni ce clothes or a good job ... Blacks have te do the dirty work.
You don't have a chance to get ahead and even if you get a
little authority, the Whites resent it anci it causes ten
sion ... You don' t see Blacks in high posit ions because they' re
not hired because this is Québec ... When you' re a visible rnino
rit y, despite your education, they'll pick White. Its not
getting better. There are more problems now because of bilin
gualism M•
But if discrimination did nct exist, if there was no
racism or prejudice in this society, what kind of profession
84
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would children of West Indian visible minorities have? This
was a very difficult question for sorne people to answer
because they could not imagine such an utopia. One person
declared "It' s impossible to answer because racism is
everywhere . only in the next world will there be no more
racism". Yet most agreed that their children could be
anything they wanted: "If there was no discrimination, my
child would have a chance like anyone else ... a jOb a White
person would get." But when the interviewer asked for an
example, i t was difficult for sorne to answer. It is possible
l hat psychological barriers due to reinforced problems of
racism, discrimination and prejudice prevented these people
from fathoming the idea that their children could hold a
position of power and wealth. Sorne imagined their children as
nurses or store owners. Sorne said they could not give an
example. When the interviewer suggested "doctor" or "Prime
Minister*', sorne laughed and sa id "why not?" On the other
hand, sorne parE:!nts answered right away that except for the
st ruggle caused by the colour of their skin, their children
could in fact be the Prime Minister of Canada one day.
The political climate in Québec, especially since the
language legislation Bill 101, has had an influence on the
education of inunigrants in this province. Tt is the opinion
of the majority of the parents interviewed that Bill 101 has
had only detrimental affects on their lives and that of their
85
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,
~ ., ) ! ,
children .. They argue that Canada is a bilingual country and
as English speaking, their children should have the right to
be educated in English. "l'm not against learning French but
against the lack of freedom." They are angry because their
children are "forced" to go to French school where they are
set back because i t is not their mother tongue. N The chi ldren
are not getting a full education because they have to struggle
more. They are dropped into a foreign system where they have
to pick up a new language. That takes time. It interferes
with the child's educational development. If there was no
Bill 101, l would send IllY daughter te an English school and
she would do better l'm sure! ... My son came from Jamaica at 16
and had to go to French school. He had to drop everything he
had learned and start aIl over like a baby. That threw him
off. He lost a lot of t ime ... Kids are frustrated because they
feel backward in school so they don' t get anywhere. They do
nothing -and are bored. Their education is being taken away
from them. No good education means no good job ... Bill 101,
l hate that law! It' 5 forcing us to leave. It messes up the
kids and drives them insane. We can't help them with their
homework. The kids are confused and cry. In the class they
don' t respond naturally because it' s a foreign language 50
they are not performing at their highest level of ability!·.
The sEmtiment here was clearly one of powerlessness and
frustration. The parents complained that the teachers do not
86
have enough time to spend with each child to help them
advance, nor can the parents help them with their homework
because they do not know the language. Il l feel isolùted from
my chi Id because of this language problem. l go ta her school
plays but l don' t understand a thing!·. The parents feel up
against a wall because they realize for their children to
succeed academically, they too must learn a foreign language,
French. For many, this is a difficult challenge. Those
parenta who answered that Bi Il 101 had no df fect on their
children's education were those whose children attended
English school. Having a choice to take French makes it
"easier to see the advantages of bilingualism because we're
not forced to educate our children in a foreign language".
The findings suggest West Indians in Montréal feel they
are in a more disadvantaged position living in Québec than any
where else in Canada. One-fourth of the participants recogni
zed that there was a lot of racism in Québec, but did not know
about the other provinces. Three-quarters of the participants
believed that there is more discrimination in this province
than in any other, because of language and colour. "Quebekers
are fighting for what they want 50 they don' t want you if
you' re anglo, and especially not if you' re Black too! . . . l
don' t feel at home here because dny day you feel you must
leave if you don' t conform with the law . . . feel like we' re
being pushed out by Quebeckers . . . no freedom to even speak
87
English, even on the street without feeling like you're
breaking the law ... You don't get service if you speak English,
even if the server speaks English. They mix racism with the
excuse that they can' t speak English ... Racism in Québec? You
Ceel it, hear it, see it ... on the news you see police preju-
dice against Blacks, they' re killing Blacks! M •
These West Indian parents claim that there exists two
barriers in Québec: the language barrier, and the colour of
skin barrier. In other provinces, language is not a barrier
for West Indians. "Black people have more opportunity in
other provinces. Even if you' re Black and you speak French,
you still have less opportuni ty in Québec. In this province
they treat youwithout respect, as if you don't exist, telling
you to go back to where you come from. In other provinces you
may face only one barrier: colour, here there are two. Il Black
Engl ish speaking do not have much chance in Québec, they
conclude. Many sa id they were ready to leave for Toronto or
Vancouver where, in their opinion, there is less discrimina-
tion against the West Indian visible minorities because at
least they are English speaking. "If you're a visible
minor i ty in Québec and you' re not a francophone, li fe is
impossible here!".
AlI the people interviewed here have been in Canada long
enough to be Canadian citizens and yet, from speaking to them,
88
"
they gave the impression of being foreigners in a foreign
land. They feel isolated and defenceless. Thei r impotence in
face of the racial discrimination seen in aIl aspects of thei r
lives, angers them. They are aware that in Québec the] r
problems are compounded due to the polities in this province.
One participant surnmed up his frustration and powerlessness
with the following: "In Québec, you're at a disadvantage if
you can't speak French, without it you're lost. In fact, it's
a good way to discriminate, that is, by language. It' 5 worsc
when you' re a visible minority and an anglo. . you don' t
get anywhere. but here we can't do anything about it 50 we
have to put up with it ... we have no choice".
Parental Encouragement:
With regards to parent,jl encouragement, the findings
overwhelmingly affirrn that in the home environment, West
Indians support the aspirations they hold for their children.
They manifest their encouragement through time spent reading
to their children, limiting their television watching, correc
ting their language, or giving thern positive reinforcements.
One-third of the parents said they did not help their children
with their hornework because it was in French. Because their
children study in a language foreign to the parents the
communication between them is severed at a very important
level. The children struggle alone to understand their
homework while the parents stand aside feeling helpless.
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Almosr all said they corrected their children's use of
language (when it was Engllsh), although some parents themsel
ves spoke poorly. Most examples given were usually correcting
broken English, patois and/or swearing. Every parent said
they were interested in their child' s progress. To ilJ.ustrate
their interest, they gave examples of things they do, such as
showing interest in their children's work, giving them home
work, placing letters and numbers on the wall, or contacting
their teachers.
Al] but two parents (because of lack of time) go to
parent-teacher meetings. Parent-teacher activities were less
popular. Only one-third said they were involved. The
majority, either because they were unaware of such programs,
or lacked tirne, did not attend. Less than half the parents
have volunteered at their child' s school. Once again, due tC'l
a lack of tirne, an ignorance of the school activities and/or
because of the language problem, more than half the parents
have never volunteered at their child's school. The language
problem serves to isolate the parents even further from a
system they are not familiar with. It accounts, to a great
extent, for the parents' lack of participation in the school
life.
Most parents who clairned not to have much time were
90
usually those who have ta raise their children alane, that i5
separated or single parents. "Single parents have it tough!
They are aU alone with aIl the responsibilities. There is no
one to share the ha.rdship with when you don' t know what to do
about a problem your child has. You have ta face the pressu
res of work and your chi Id , s school ing aU alone! N Separated
or single parents represent almost half of the part icipants in
this study. This ratio is reflective of the reality within
the West Indian community. These parents do nat have the
leisure time ta get invol ved wi th their children' s school even
if they wanted to or had the larlguage skills to, but they do
take the time to meet with their children's teacher during
parent-teacher interviews. Perhaps their lack of involvement
may be due to their being intimidated by the unknown--teacher
and the school system. Moreover, the findings canfirm that
outside the home, West Indian parents are net very involved in
their child's education. They see their children's teachers
because af their interest in their children' s progress but
they do not get involved with the school. For many West
Indians, Canadia~ scheols are fereign places.
Views on the Educational System:
The Teacher:
The teacher plays a very importdnt part in the lUe of a
child. West Indians agree that teachers are role models for
their children. They reason that if children spend a good
91
( part of their day, everyday 1 wi th this person, then there
should be a good relationship between them. Teachers have the
"parental rule" as sorne parents phrased it. That is, the
teacher has the same authority as the parent over the chil
dren. They are there to guide and encourage children. They
should show an interest in the child therefore influencing the
chi Id' s sel f -esteem. But the West Indian parents interviewed
have oHen had bad experiences with their children' s teachers.
They claim that they discriminate and are "cold and unfrien
dly" with Black chi:idrt'n. West Indians would like their
chi Idren' f, teacher cS to be anti -racist and open minded in order
to influence them and instill positive self-concept.
These parents believe that teachers have a great amount
of influence on children. "If the teacher i5 nice the child
advances, if not the child will be down and afraid to ask
questions and therefore will learn less ... if the teacher wants
the child ta learn, he will M. West Indian parents place a lot
of responsibility for their children' s education in the hands
of the teacher. MThey (teachers) have an equal part in
raising kids as parents do, especially where the parents
aren' t educated". One parent said, "The teacher has a big
part because he' s with the child a lot and makes sure the
child come out good". The participants expected teachers ta
Il inst i Il the importance of education in the child", to "take
time to make sure they are learning" 1 ta "teach them to
92
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get along with others and to succeed", and to "discover the
weak and strong points of the child". For teachers who
usually have to deal with thirty students at a time, these
expectations may seem quite demanding. But, based on West
Indian culture their expectations seem understandable. In the
West Indies, teachers are greatly respected. They are looked
up to bècause of the responsibility they have to educate the
youth. West Indian parents count on them to make sure thei r
children get ahead. This atti·cude is strongly supported by
the li terat ure (Rosenthal & Jacobsen 1968; Rist 1970) where
the performance of the student is shown to be related to
expectations the teacher holds of that student. Teacher
expectations have been shown to be negatively influenced by
race, gender and social class.
According to sorne parents, guidance counsellors should
also be involved in the educational development of children.
They can talk to children, they adcled, to help them with their
problems and gi ve them advice about their careers. But sorne
parents did not know what guidance counsellors were nor what
part they had in the school. Others found them useless
because Hthey like to take kids out of the home and put them
in fos ter homes·. These parents believed that guidance
counsellors, and social workers also, liked to "break up
families· . They felt that "i f you don' t conform to this
culture here then they say you' re not normal and the problerns
93
•
, .. start". To these parents, guidance counsellors are ·strangers
who interfere" whereas their purpose is to be open and help-
ful.
The majority of the parents interviewed expressed a real
desire to work with the teachers or even with the guidance
counsellors. They want to participate but the school and its
personnel are foreign to them and therefore difficult to
approach. Communication, they asserted, was what was lacking.
Teachers must communicate with the parents. They must infor.m
them of their children' s progress. .. Teachers and parents
should work together" in the interest of the children.
The School:
The school and the parent should also work together,
according to the tindings. West Indian parents feel isolated
from the teachers, the school and the system in general. They
would 1 ike to know more: Il teach us more about the education
system·. But these parents are discouraged. For them the
school 1S a place where their children teel • isolated and
victimi zed", where their children are discriminated against.
Instead, they declare, the school should be a "fair and safe
place" where their children teel ·welcomed and comfortable".
The school should provide a "happy environment ". Ideally 1 the
school in general should show interest in the children and
assure them a good education. .. They (the school) should be
94
aware of their abilities so they can be placed ln the right
class and do weIl". The principal should be involved and
should speak to the children about the advantages of staying
in school rather than on the streets and druQs, said one
parent.
It is the opinion of aIl the parents in this study that
the Canadian education system has failed them. They maintain
that there is a relationship between racism, the education
system and the society at large. One parent asserted Il l' m not
satisfied with the education system here because even wj lh an
education we can' t get a job. l'm frustrated with the school,
the system and society in general. l disassociate mysel f from
life outside because l can' t fight against discrimination and
racism. l might as weIl give up. You have to take what you
get or what you can get because as a visible minority you
can't win here so l don't even bother helping my daughter to
succeed in school because it' s only a dream to be anything
other thdn a low class worker! M Another parent said "the
education system needs to make a turn around, that is, take
out discrimination 50 Blacks can do better because this
envirorunent is turning them off! H Others compared the system
here to one they know much better, that is, the system of
educat ion in the West Indies: "Kids are out of hand. They
should be strapped if they' re bad but they calI that child
abuse here. Schooling in this country doesn't give discipline.
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Failjng is part of the system. There is no respect for
teach0rs. l can read and write because the education back
home is better because it permits beating and scolding. The
sysLem here is too loose because teachers don' t scold and
bccause of 911, parents can't either". "911" is a direct line
to the pol ice. The participant here meant that if she
physically corrected her children, the neighbours would
consider that child abuse and would calI the authorities to
intervene.
The Canadian education syst.em is criticized by these
parents for another reason, that is, the "aimost automatic"
placement of West Indian children in vocational/technical
schools. Il l go to the school board to get help because my
kids can't read, so what happen? They end up in vocational
school but there they're not learning to read or write but to
bake and sew! Il They are aiso angry because they believe that
their children are being set back because they are obligated
to go to a French school. The parents feel that the school
boards shouid -allow English speaking children to go to
English schools. They can learn French as a subject. It's
frustrating to know that it' 11 take a long time for thern to
catch up because of this system".
The findings show that West Indian parents are bitter
about the education system in this country. Many of them do
96
1 not know how it works and in fact are convinced lhat it does
not work at all to improve their lot because vlsible minorl.
ties, despite their education, still have to struggle in this
"racist society".
Conclusion:
This study has revealed some very interesting and impor
tant findings about the aspirations of West Indian parents
toward the education of their children. Like most parent s,
they want the best for their children. They would l ike them
to succeed at all levels: educationally, socially, and
economically. They encourage them at home to the best of
their ability, helping with their studies or reading to them.
They are interested in their progress and attempt to parlici
pate in the education system. For example, they go to parent
teacher meetings. In fact, their decision to participate in
this study and to spend up to one hour on the phone answering
questions, underlines the interest they have in their chil
dren 1 s fut ure.
Despite their high aspirations, their low socioeconomic
status reveals a harsh reality. For many of these parents,
structural assimilation of their children is a great chal
lenge. Faced with racial discrimination on a daily basis, they
believe that success is a distant dream. Sorne parents do not
97
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always recognize the conflict. One hand they aspire to great
professions for their children, and on the other hand would be
satisf]ed if they stay off the streets. Sorne feel that their
strugg] e is not too hard despite the problems of prejudice.
Yet, they try hard to encourage their children despite the
feeling that 1.t is an "Up hill climb to suc cess for Blacks·,
as if i t were useless to even try. They look around thern and
see that racial tension in society has not disappeared.
Recent incidents (between Blacks and the Police) in the news
confirm their feel ing of powerlessness: Il l' m afraid for my
boy. l keep him at home if not cops' Il shoot him, put a gun
in his hand and say it's suicide! ". (note: This reference is
to an incident where an unarmed young Black man, Anthony
Griffiths, was shot by Mc~\treal police.)
Many have concluded that it is not worth "forcing" their
children to go to university or college. They are resigned to
letting their children decide what they want to do, as if they
had no control over the situation. The only real aspiration
they feel they can have is for their children' s happiness.
They insist that parents must encourage and support their
ch i Idren, no matter what they want to be. Education is very
important ta them, but in a society where the odds are against
you, survival takes priority. These parents want ta rnake sure
that their children do not end up on the streets, stealing or
se Il ing drugs. unfortunately for many uncterprivileged
98
minorities, this way of life is a reality. Thercfore, they
would like them to work honestly.
The participants in this study seemed to have taken Lhis
occasion ta vent their frustrations, anger and feel in~s of
hopelessness regarding their position in society as visible
minorities. For many the term "visihle minorities" was very
offensive and in their opinion served only to isolated them
more. In Québec, their fight to get ahead is intensified
because they are English speaking. For most West Indians who
participa.ted in this study, their colour, the] r socioeconomic
status and their language are obstacles in Canada which is a
country founded on immigration and which boasts to be multi
cultural and democratic.
To bet ter analyze the veritable problems that exi st
concerning West Indian aspirations and education, further
research needs to be do ne on this subject. A larger 8tudy
using more participam:s and more in-depth interviews might
create a larger data base which could yield findings which
might be generalized. It i8 the writer' 8 opinion that the
interview method is best for collecting the necessary data.
It is better than using él survey because questionnaires do not
permit the interviewer ta elicit the qualitatively rich data
obtained through interviews. Moreover, interviews can be open
ended and need not shut off the response.
99
Research of this kind is very important in Canada to
help understand the various groups of Canadians. For example,
teachers of West Indian students should have a knowledge of
the social and educational conditions in the countries from
which their students come. This is just one factor which has
a strong influence on these children's school performance and
expectations of the Canadian society. Teacher training with
knowledge of different ethnie groups for multicultural
education is a beginning.
West Indians have much to offer Canadian society but if
attitudes towards them and other ethnie minorities do not
change, the Canadian soci~l fabric is in risk. West Indian
immigrants must be allowed ta participate and contribute their
full potential to the development of a truly multicultural
country .
100
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i
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Appendix A
Interview Protocol
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Interview Protocol
Demographie CharacteristicB of Parents:
11 Are you: 1. married 2] Incorne from 1. 0-20,000 2 . divorced 2 . 21-40,000 3 • separated 3 . 40,000 plus 4 . single parent
3J What is your racial descent?
1. African 2. Indian 3. Other
4] What is your level of education?
M F GM GF elementary 0 0 0 0 secondary 0 0 0 0 technical school/college 0 0 0 0 university degree 0 0 0 0 graduate degree 0 0 0 0
5] What is your line of work?
M F ... GM . • . • • GF • . • . • . •
6J How many children do you l'~l/e?
7] How many years have you been in Canada?
Expectations about children'B level of education and kind of work:
8] What grade/level of education do you want for:
son
daughter
110
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9] What is the most important reason for your child to complete highschool?
son daughter
1. to make friends 0 0 2. to get a good job? 0 0 3. to get to university? 0 0 4. to keep busy and out of trouble? 0 0 5. to learn to behave? 0 0 6. to have fun? 0 0
10] When did you/will you start thinking of sending child to university? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
For example, when child was (will he) in:
6-7th 8-9th 10th 11th
grade grade grade grade
o D D o
lIa] Where will you get the information for university? .
lIb) From whom will you get the information?
12] What kind of work do you expect your son to get?
your daughter? .
13] What level of income would you be happy with for:
your son?
your daughter?
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14] If things worked out so that your child was in the fo1lowing occupations, would you be satisfied or dissatisfied?
s d s
1. lawyer 0 0 8. insurance agent 0 2 . pharmacist 0 0 9 . bookkeeper 0 3. teacher 0 0 10. mail carrier 0 4. machinist 0 0 11 . store salesperson 0 5. bank teller 0 0 12. bus driver 0 6. doctor 0 0 13 . accountant 0 7. scientist 0 0 14. civil servant 0
15. other 0
15) Do you know someone you would like your child te be like?
Why?
16] When is the ideal time for your child to:
son daughter
1. get married
2. have first child
3. start a regular job
4. finish full time eduction
Problems faced (and expect to face) in terms of discrimination:
17) Do you feel discriminated against?
how often?
for example:
18] Do yeu think that your child faces preblems of racism at school?
how often?
for example:
112
d
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
L_
19] Will the problems of racism in school affect the type or the chances of getting certain jobs? ...... .
how?
20a] Do you think that your child will face problems of racism, discrimination and/or prejudice when they will work? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
for example:
20b] If yes, if there was no discrimination in society, what kind of profession would your son have?
21] Has the language law Bill child's education?
If yes, how?
your daughter?
101 !tad an affect on you!'
22] In your opinion 1 from what you have heard or experienced, is there more discrimination in Quebec than any where else in Canada? .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Why do you say that (give example)?
Parental encouragement:
23) Do you read to your child?
How many hours?
24] Do you encourage them to read? (other than school books)
25J Do you buy books and learning materials as gifts?
26] Do you limit their television viewing?
27J Do you spend time with them on their homework? .
How much?
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28) Do you provide a study area for yeur child?
29] Do you correct your child 1 s use of language?
Give example:
30] Do you reward your child (gifts, extra play time, favours etc.) for doing well at school? . . . . . . . . . .
31] Does your child know what you expect from him/her?
321 Are you interested in his/her progress?
What do you do?
331 Do you go to parent-teacher meetings?
34) Are you school?
active ~n the parent-teacher activities at
35) Do you, or have yeu, ever volunteered te help at your child' s school? . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .
Give example?
36a] What part sheuld the teacher play in your child' s success at school? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
36bJ In what ways can the teacher help your child?
37a] What responsibility should the scheol have child's academic achievernent? .....
37b] In what ways can the scheol help your child?
38a] What rele should guidance counsellers play child's life? .......... .
to your . . ' ..
in your
3Bb] In what ways can child? . . . .
the guidance counsellers help your
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