argument structure: typological perspective - bma-angd-a2...
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Argument Structure: typological perspectiveBMA-ANGD-A2 Linguistic Theory
Irina Burukina
Part II
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Overview
The lectures aim to provide an overview of various syntactic phenomena re-lated to argument structure and argument structure transformations from atypological perspective.
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Today we will talk about
1. Removal of argumentsMiddleAntipassive III
2. Addition of argumentsCausativizationApplicatives
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 3 / 37
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Removal (deletion) of arguments
Middle
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 4 / 37
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Middle Voice
Middle – (1) the external argument is removed, (2) an internal argument ispromoted.
(1) a. Bad people bribe politicians.b. Politicians bribe easily.
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Middle Voice
The external argument is deleted completely!
(2) a. Politicians bribe easily (*by bad people).b. Politicians bribe easily (*to pressure the officials).c. #Politicians bribe easily drunk.← the politicians are drunk, not the one who bribes them
Compare to passive!
(3) a. The ship was sunk with a torpedo.b. The ship sank (*with a torpedo).
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 6 / 37
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Middle: (a) structural representation
VoiceP
Voice′
VP
bookread
Voice0
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Dispositional Middle
Some verbs in the middle voice denote a dispositional property of the internalargument:
(4) a. etotthis
xlebbread
*(legko)easily
rezhet-sjacut.3sg-refl
[Russian]
‘This bread cuts easily.’b. This book reads *(easily).
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 8 / 37
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Impersonal Middle
Impersonal middles are dispositional middles constructed from intransitive verbs.
(5) a. Hierhere
schläftsleeps
esit
sichREFL
angenehm.comfortable
[German]
‘It is comfortable to sleep here’ (Schäfer 2007)b. Se
REFLduermesleeps.3S
bienwell
enin
losthe
bancos.benches
[Spanish]
‘One sleeps well on benches.’
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Anticausative
(6) a. The cup broke (*by John).b. The ship sank (*by the captain).
Russian:
(7) a. rebjonokchild.m.nom
razbilbroke.m.sg
čašk-u.cup.f-acc
‘The child broke the cup.’b. čašk-a
cup.f-nomrazbila-s’.broke.f.sg-refl
‘The cup broke.’
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 10 / 37
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Reduction (deletion) of arguments
Antipassive III
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Antipassive III
Active:External argument (active) = Subject, ERGInternal argument (passive) = Object, ABSAntipassive III:External argument = Subject, ABSInternal argument = deleted.
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 12 / 37
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Antipassive III
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Antipassive III: (a) structural representation
The traditional analysis: antipassive (AP) morpheme as an incorporated object(back to Baker (1988)).
VoiceP
Voice′
VP
APV0
Voice
ExtA
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Antipassive in the world’s languages
WALS: 146 languages, + antipassive implicit (blue, 18), + antipassive oblique(ref, 30), no antipassive (white, 146).
Link: https://wals.info/feature/108A#2/23.2/148.5
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Addition of arguments
Causativization
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 16 / 37
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Causatives
Causative construction – increase of the valency of a predicate by adding aCauser or a Cause.Periphrastic causative in English:
(8) a. The baby slept.b. The mother made the baby sleep.c. His singing made the baby sleep.d. His singing caused the baby to sleep.
Not only with inherently intransitive predicates:
(9) a. The baby drank milk.b. The mother made the baby drink milk.c. Hunger made the baby drink milk.d. Hunger forced the baby to drink milk.
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Causatives
Periphrastic causative:Biclausal (note: Song 1996, biclausality as a continuum);The Causer and the predicate of cause must be “foregrounded” (moreprominent), while the Causee and the predicate of effect “backgrounded”(less prominent);The expression of the causer’s action should be without specific meaning(e.g. cause but not order).
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 18 / 37
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Causatives
Periphrastic causative:
(10) Swahili (Vitale 1981: 152)
AhmedAhmed
a-li-m-fanyahe-pst-him-make
mbwadog
a-l-ehe-eat-sbjv
samakifish
mkubwa.large
‘Ahmed made the dog eat a large fish.’
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 19 / 37
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:
(11) Japanese
KanakoKanako
ganom
ZirooZiro
oacc
ik-ase-ta.go-caus-pst
‘Kanako made Ziro go.’
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 20 / 37
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:Monoclausal;The Causer occupies a grammatically more ‘prominent’ position than theCausee;The expression of the causer’s action, be it an affix or a separate(auxiliary) verb, should be without specific meaning.
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 21 / 37
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:vP
v′
VP
V′
V0
Causee
vCAUS
Causer
Additional reference: work by Heidi Harley
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Causatives
Non-periphrastic, morphological causative:(white, 23 – no morphological causative, red/violet, 278 – morphological caus-ative)
Link: https://wals.info/feature/111A#2/16.6/148.5
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Causatives
Not considered to be non-periphrastic, morphological causative:
(12) Tuvaluan (Besnier 2000: 325)
tethe
paalakingfish
enpst
tasione
nepst
saoescape
ia Aaifooubecause.of Aifou
‘The kingfish got away because of Aifou.’
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 25 / 37
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Causatives
Inchoative-causative alternation in English*inchoative – become, change of state / cf. ’anticausative’wake up, change, finish, break, melt, turn, burn, roll, freeze, open, develop,dissolve, close, connect, begin, boil, improve, dry, gather, spread, stop, sink ...← anticausativizaton or causativization?
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Causatives
Compare English to the morphological anticausativization in Russian:katat’-sja ‘roll (intr.)’ <Theme>katat’ ‘roll (tr.)’ <Agent, Theme>
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Addition of arguments
Applicatives
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Applicatives
Applicative – the number of object arguments selected by the predicate is in-creased by one.Often: introducing a usual adjunct as an argument-like participant.Usually: a Benefactive, a Malefactive, or a Goal (Recepient).Cf. in English: She baked a cake – She baked Oscar a cake. (Benefactive)← typically, we call those constructions applicative where the addition of anobject is overtly marked on the predicate.
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Applicatives
Applicatives from a transitive base only – Japanese
(13) a. Taroo-gaTaro-NOM
Hanako-niHanako-DAT
tegami-oletter-ACC
kaita.wrote
‘Taro wrote Hanako a letter’b. *Taroo-ga
Taroo-NOMHanako-niHanako-DAT
hasitta.run-PAST
‘Taro ran for Hanako’c. *Taroo-ga
Taro-NOMHanako-niHanako-DAT
kanojo-noshe-GEN
kaban-obag-ACC
motta.held
‘Taro held Hanako her bag’
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Applicatives
Low applicative analysis(Pylkkänen 2002 for low vs. high applicatives)
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Applicatives
Aplicatives from an intransitive base
(14) Kichaga: high benefactive applicativea. Nailyi-i-a
he-eats-APPLmkawife
kelyafood
‘He is eating food for his wife’b. Naizric-i-a
he-runs-APPLmbuyafriend
‘He is running for a friend’
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Applicatives
High applicative analysis:
Irina Burukina ([email protected])Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II 33 / 37
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Applicatives
“high applicatives”can appear on intransitivesno relation between NPseither “object” can be affected by passive
“low applicatives”restricted to transitive verbsrelates ApplObj and Theme (often possessive)only the applicative object can passivize
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Applicatives
white, 100 – no applicative, others, 83 – applicative
Link: https://wals.info/feature/109A#2/21.9/147.8
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Selected references
Aldridge, Edith. 2004. Ergativity and word order in Austronesian languages.PhD diss, Cornell University.Baker, Mark C. 1988. Incorporation: A Theory of Grammatical Function Chan-ging. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Bruening, Benjamin. 2013. By phrases in passives and nominals. Syntax 16:1–41.Collins, Chris. 2018. Is the passive by-phrase an adjunct. Ms. NYU.Harley, Heidi. 2005. On the causative construction. Ms. University of Arizona.
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Selected references
Labelle, Marie. 2008. The French reflexive and reciprocal se. Natural Language& Linguistic Theory 26. 833-876.Legate, Julie Anne. 2008. Morphological and abstract case. Linguistic Inquiry39: 55–101.Polinsky, Maria. 2017. Antipassive. In Coon, Jessica, Diane Massam, and LisaDemena Travis (eds.), The Oxford handbook of ergativity, 308–331. Oxford:Oxford University Press.Pylkkänen, Liina. 2008. Introducing arguments. MIT Press.Reinhart, Tanya and Tal Siloni 2005. The lexicon–syntax parameter: reflexiv-ization and other arity operations, Linguistic Inquiry 36.3, 389–436.
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