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ARC Federation FellowshipIslam, Syari’ah and Governance

BACKGROUND PAPER SERIES

Islamist Feminism? Syariah for the Empowerment of Women:

The Case of Indonesia’s Pesantren Al-Firdaus

Farha Abdul Kadir Assegaf

ARC Federation Fellowship

Islam, Syari’ah and

GovernanceBackground

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ARC Federation Fellowship“Islam and Modernity:

Syari’ah, Terrorism and Governance in South-East Asia”

Professor Tim Lindsey was appointed as an ARC Federation Fellow in 2006, a 5-year appointment funded by the Australian Research Council (ARC). Professor Lindsey will research “Islam and Modernity: Syari’ah, Terrorism and Governance in South-East Asia”. Terrorism in Southeast Asia responds to challenges that western-derived modernity poses for Islam, including market economies, democracy and nation states. Professor Lindsey will examine the different responses to these challenges through research in regional Muslim communities, institution building, mentoring young scholars and community engagement in the Southeast Asian region. The Fellowship also aims to help strengthen the University of Melbourne’s new Centre for Islamic Law and Society as a hub for research and public engagement on issues related to Islam and law in our region. He aims to achieve a better understanding in Australia of Islam and terrorism in Southeast Asia and thereby strengthen Australia’s capacity to navigate our regional relationships.

Islam, Syari’ah and Governance Background Paper Series

The Islam, Syari’ah and Governance Background Paper Series seeks to provide a considered analysis of important issues relevant to Islam, syari’ah and governance in Southeast Asia.

The Background Paper Series is distributed widely amongst government, business, academic and community organisations. Please contact the Centre for Islamic Law and Society at [email protected] if you would like to receive future editions of the Series. Copies of papers can also be downloaded from the ARC Federation Fellowship website at:

http://www.lindseyfederation.law.unimelb.edu.au

ISSN 1835-9116 2010

All information included in the Islam, Syari’ah and Governance Background Papers is subject to copyright. Please obtain permission from the original author or the ARC Federation Fellowship ([email protected]) before citing from the Background Papers. The Background Papers are provided for information purposes only. The ARC Federation Fellowship does not guarantee the accuracy of the information contained in these papers and does not endorse any views expressed or services offered therein.

This paper was presented in the ALC/CILS seminar series in the Melbourne Law School on 26 August, 2009. It is a revised version of an earlier paper titled “Syariah untuk Kekuasan Perempuan? Cerita tentang pergulatan kaum Perempuan di Pesantren al Firdaus, Siraman, Surakarta”, presented at the 4th International Symposium of the Journal Anthropology of Indonesia, University of Indonesia, 14 July, 2005.

Front Cover Image: Photos taken by Eva F. Amrullah and Mala Hayati


Islam, Syari’ah andGovernance

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Islamist Feminism? Syariah for the Empowerment of Women:

The Case of Indonesia’s Pesantren Al-Firdaus

Farha Abdul Kadir Assegaf1

This paper focuses on the notorious al-Firdaus2 Pesantren (or Islamic boarding school) community in Siraman village, Surakarta, Indonesia. The international community frequently focuses on this community in discourse on religious radicalism in Indonesia. News reports and discussion (even gossip) about this Pesantren usually focus on aspects related to the ‘world’ of men, especially political violence, and the widely-held belief that this school is an ‘incubator’ for terrorists.

As a result, despite continuous rumblings about the terrorism issue (which at one point almost resulted in the Indonesian government closing down al-Firdaus), no one has taken much notice of the women’s community buried within it. The world outside the Pesantren has, in fact, almost completely overlooked the existence of this group.

I am familiar with the Siraman community because I lived there for over a year in the early 1990s, as part of fieldwork for my Masters’ thesis. At that time, the Pesantren al-Firdaus community, like most ‘Islamist’ groups, was still politically repressed by Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime. This was a period when issues of

1 Farha Abdul Kadir Assegaf is a well-known activist, researcher and consultant on issues concerning gender and religion. She has worked with numerous institutions including RAHIMA: the Center for Education and Information on Islam and Women’s Rights; the Institute for the Study of Islam and Society (LKIS); the Institute for Women and Children’s Development (LSPPA); Semarak Cerlang Nusa: Consultancy, Research and Education for Social Transformation (SCN-CREST); and Learning Assistance for Islamic Schools (LAPIS AusAid). Farha has a Bachelors degree in Islamic Philosophy [Ushuluddin] from the Sunan Kalijaga State Institute for Islamic Studies, Yogyakarta. She also has a Masters degree in Sociology from Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta. Farha published a book entitled Overcoming Domestic Violence from Islamic Perspectives. In 2006, the Legal Aid Institute - Association of Indonesian Women for Justice (LBH APIK) published one of her research papers (a collaboration with Ratna Batara Munti and Encop Sofiah) entitled Religion and the Standardization of Women’s Roles in Indonesia. Farha has also written numerous articles on gender, sexuality, reproductive rights, and violence against women, interfaith issues, fundamentalism, and feminism relating to religious/Islamic discourses. She is currently conducting research on the lives of women in conservative (fundamentalist) groups in religious schools, as well as secular “public” schools. This paper is based on translations by Helen Pausacker (Principal Research Assistant, Asian Law Centre) and Faye Chan (Research Assistant, Asian Law Centre).2 Al-Firdaus means ‘Paradise’. Al-Firdaus is not the true name of the Pesantren (Islamic boarding school), the subject of this paper. The name was changed for the purposes of publication at the request of several informants.




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establishing an Islamic state, enforcing syariah or realising Islam Kaffah3 (‘Total Islam’), could not be discussed openly, and became ‘underground’ discourses. But although these issues were generally repressed in public politics in Indonesia, they always reverberated loudly and clearly in this Pesantren.

Islam Kaffah was not just something passive. It was not just written about in documents, it was also intensively ‘socialised’. It was expressed actively in lectures, sermons and in the media, including as magazines pasted on walls, local magazines or community radio. Islam Kaffah was also indoctrinated through Tausiyah (advice sessions), and in classroom learning and teaching, in mosques, in study groups [pengajian] and during meetings or halqoh (small groups to discuss religious issues and the personal lives of the members). Almost everything was related somehow to Islam Kaffah. There were therefore rigorous efforts to bring about a way of life for women that was based on Islam Kaffah, as one of the pillars of the ‘re-Islamisation’ of society preached by the leaders of the Pesantren.

Every activity at the al-Firdaus Siraman Boarding School is intended to enforce the conviction that religion is not just theory, but should also be practically experienced, as good works [amalan]. In daily life, however, religion was approached more legalistically. Members of the community were ‘educated’ to adhere to the law. They had to follow a large body of regulations and accept a variety of retribution and sanctions for infringements of these laws. All of this was intensively inculcated through a range of methods and facilities during both formal (school) and informal activities (Islamic boarding school activities [kepesantrenan], and extra-curricular activities).

In this community, the segregation of men and women was seen as an obligation of syariah (based on the guidance of the al-Qur’an and the conduct of the Prophet Muhammad, PBUH). Segregation was, in fact, one way the Pesantren prevented ikhtilat (mixed socialising or ‘close’ interaction between men and women). This was done because conservative Muslims at this Pesantren believe that a segregated society is an ideal Islamic one (although several senior leaders believed contact between men and women is permitted within certain limits, and has even been so regulated in syariah).

Apart from ikhtilat, another women’s issue considered a hot topic that provoked intense debates in the al-Firdaus community was the problem of safar nissa, that is,

3 Islam Kaffah (‘Complete, or Total, Islam’) as understood at al-Firdaus contains several meanings:• “Returning to the al-Qur’an and the Sunnah (traditions)”;• Islam which is not just theory, but also practical instruction;• The Islam of the Prophet Muhammad and the salafusshalihin (The Pious Ancestors: the

first generation of Muslims, who are regarded as an exemplary model of proper Islamic thinking and conduct);

• Islam which emphasises aqida (faith) and sharia (Islamic law); and• Islam as din wa daulah (religion and state); and Isy kariiman aw mut syahiidan (Live

nobly or die as a martyr).



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the rules for women’s travel. Controversy about this occurred after several hadith were debated that prohibited women from going out without a husband or mahram, that is, a close relative sanctioned by religion, such as a father, an older or younger brother, an uncle or grandfather.

Regulating WomanhoodThe formal regulations applied to women concerning their role and position applied to women at al-Firdaus are contained in a 48-page book, entitled Womanhood [Kewanitaan], which is taught to students over two semesters. This book begins with citations from two very misogynist hadith that tell the story of the origins of the first woman (Eve), who, it was claimed, was formed from a rib of Adam (the first man). The rib was fragile and bent; therefore, it is argued at al-Firdaus, women are also fundamentally fragile and bent.

The rest of the book is composed of eight chapters: Several Views of Society about Women, The Roles of Men and Women, Characteristics of Virtuous [Sholehah] Women, Women and Aurat (the parts of their bodies which must not be exposed, according to Islamic law), The Role of Women in the Life of the Community, The Duty and Roles of Women According to their Position, and Female Muslims and Clothing. The book also contains a wide range of other prohibitions applicable to female Muslims.4

This book clearly describes the characteristics of women and men. Men and women, it claims, have different natures [fitrati], biologically and psychologically, and, accordingly, different social roles as well. Men perform the role of breadwinner and head of the household in household life. Men should also be masculine (firm, determined, rational, etc.). The women’s primary role, by contrast, is to be the household manager, raising children and performing domestic tasks. To do that, women must develop the feminine ‘nature’ given to them by God, and show softness, patience, affection, etc.

Similar rigid gender categories apply to the understanding of Islam Kaffah taught at the Pesantren al-Firdaus for Girls. The following table is an extract of a diagram about Islam Kaffah from Womanhood.

Scheme of Differences Between Women and Men, based on Gender in the al-Firdaus ‘Womanhood’ textbook

Women Men

Nature Feminine Masculine

Field of Activity Domestic Public

Function Reproductive Productive

Role Wife and Housewife

Husband, Breadwinner and Head of the Household

4 In recent times, there have been plans to revise this book with additional material, to ‘make it more complete’. A (female) religious teacher at al-Firdaus, SS, tole me: “This book on womanhood definitely needs revision. It is necessary, because the latest woman’s issues, such as feminism, women’s careers and other matters haven’t been included yet.”




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This rigid construction of gender has not always satisfied the women of al-Firdaus. This was clearly because the ideas it contained based on, or in the name of, Islam Kaffah, did not accommodate their interests. Initially, only a small number of women opposed it, but gradually they formed a ‘collective movement’, as described later in this paper.

The Syariahisation Project“Let’s season the world with Sharia.Let’s cover this nation with Sharia.Let’s protect and capture the community’s heart with Sharia.Our life will be better in this world and in the afterlife with Sharia”5

A new phase in the life of women at Pesantren Al-Firdaus accompanied the spread of efforts to ‘entrench’ Islamic syariah in Indonesia. In fact, the al-Firdaus community was a leading player in these efforts. As a result, the discourse of Islam Kaffah – dominant over the previous two decades – was swept aside by clamour about syariahisasi. High hopes were held for the new Syariahisation project, which sought to impose Islamic law on the wider Indonesian community rather than just within the Pesantren (as had been the case with the Islam Kaffah movement).

Although some Indonesian women have seen the imposition of syariah as both threatening and diminishing of their rights, the women at al-Firdaus interpreted it differently. One example was female students who had previously spent most of their lives confined within the walls of the Pesantren in a closed world intended to create Islam Kaffah. Limited by routine activities and a boring environment, they saw going out of the Pesantren as something very special. They were therefore enthusiastic when encouraged to attend external events dealing with syariah ‘socialisation’ in the community outside:

“It was great, Miss. We could hang out and show off, join the rally, and look at and meet celebrities, and we could watch, meaning, check out, the guys. We want this to happen more frequently,” said Student T.

“We want to get out more often from the Pesantren to join with the ummat [Muslim community] in the struggle for Islam. This adds to our passion for the struggle. If we remain in the boarding school, we don’t feel sufficiently passionate, because we don’t experience first-hand the problems faced by the Muslim community. So, if possible, I, for one, suggest that we become more actively involved in the syariah campaign,” said Student H.

It was not only the students who were happy with the latest changes celebrating syariah. Female religious teachers also used their enthusiasm about the new project and the momentum it generated as tools to renegotiate their position and conditions, both within their family (especially as regards relations with their husbands), and in the workplace at al-Firdaus.

The implementation of Islamic syariah is widely considered by its critics in Indonesia

5 Notes on the cover of a book, written by a female al-Firdaus student.



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to be anti-empowerment or even a source of oppression for women, but, as will be seen, many of the women of al-Firdaus have used it strategically to improve both their condition and their position.

Looking for Superman As mentioned, one standard regulation in the al-Firdaus community stresses that men/husbands are the breadwinners, whereas the duties of women/wives are to raise children and manage households. But, although men are officially designated as breadwinners, the reality is – ironically – that the women usually earn more of the household income. This is because many of those who live and work at al-Firdaus come from the poorer, lower classes. For these families a double income (read: both husband and wife working) is unavoidable if they are to make ends meet. As a result, women find themselves obliged to take on double roles, whether they want to or not. They are overburdened, because every day they have to both work hard at home and earn a living, even if only to provide for the many daily expenses that their husbands are unable to cover.

In fact, men at al-Firdaus generally only earn a living that is sufficient for them alone. Their time is mostly allocated for religious duties, such as teaching, proselytising [berdakwah] or other Islamic movement [harakah/pergerakan Islam] activities. Not much time is left for housework and the family, even if some do want to ‘help’ their wives.

This excess work burden carried by the women of al-Firdaus in general (especially those who already have families) motivated them to launch ‘movements for the empowerment of women’. One of these was a ‘campaign’ for a ‘Superman husband’, a husband who is willing to multi-task and who, in addition to earning a living, will also be active in doing housework.

Many of the women of al-Firdaus therefore idolised the Ustadz (religious teacher) M, a member of this community, as an example of the ideal man. What was so special about Ust M? Within the environment of this boarding school, he was seen as a person who was ‘above average.’ Pious, a dakwah activist, qona’ah (moderate), and strongly committed to the Islamic movement, he was also known as someone who truly loved his family. He actively performed housework and looked after his children. He pampered his wife, despite being extremely busy with teaching and proselytising [berdakwah]. He, in fact, performed a large variety of roles, in both the domestic and the public spheres. Because of this, he greatly lessened his wife’s daily burdens. The figure of Ust M was so popular that when female members of al-Firdaus decided it was time to get married, they would pray for a husband just like him.

Textual Interpretation as a Strategy for WomenOther, more practical, empowerment strategies used by women in al-Firdaus involved the scriptures of Islam, the Qur’an and Hadith. These texts occupy a central position in the life of this community, but in their efforts to obtain empowerment, women did not always act in accordance with them. In fact, they often ‘transgressed’ both texts and collective norms, most often by going out for more than a syari’i (a day and a night) without a mahram. Take for example, the case of Ustadzah (Female Religious Teacher) A:




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“Well, the problem was, I had to attend a family walimatul ursy (wedding celebration). It was difficult to get a mahram for the entire journey, so I just went by myself ”.

Women also often transgressed regulations concerning family planning. Several al-Firdaus leaders have stated that family planning was forbidden because it was ‘incompatible with the Islamic rules’, a reference to a hadith in which the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) is quoted as saying that he greatly hoped the numbers of his followers would multiply. Trying to limit the numbers of followers was therefore said to be ‘un-Islamic’. Ustadzah B, who had practised family planning, saw it differently, however:

“I practise family planning quietly. My husband and I do not feel guilty because family planning controls births, it is not for reducing, let alone stopping, births, which is prohibited by religion.”

Ustadhah D was even more overt in her opposition:

“The issue of family planning is still ikhtilaf (difference of opinion, debatable) in nature. Although a number of dignitaries prohibit it, after I discussed it with my husband, we decided to follow family planning. I take the birth control pill.”

In a range of other circumstances, the al-Firdaus women choose and use interpretations that support their position, where they feel it is in their interests to do so. This is usually where at least two interpretations of an issue have been expressed publicly within the community. But even interpretations that stress the superiority of the man (for example, in relation to leadership) can, in some cases, still be used with a positive effect for women. Some women at al-Firdaus even argue, for example, that male leadership is not necessarily a problem in itself. Ustadzah B’s comment illustrates this:

“According to the teachings of Islam, because the man is the leader or head of the family, he is thus responsible for the entire management of the family, including housework. Therefore, housework is the responsibility of the husband, not the wife. The ideal woman has the duty to give birth, and then take it easy (hidup santai). The man and the state must be responsible for her life.”

Ustadzah C added:

“That is how it is done in Saudi Arabia. The women there have it easy, they are entirely pampered. That is syariah.”

These remarks reflect a common dream among al-Firdaus women: to experience the ‘pleasure’ of syariah in Saudi Arabian style, which according to them, was ‘overflowing’ with women free of various domestic burdens and liberated from miserable routines. This somewhat fantastical dream is of particular attraction for lower-class women desiring an easier life.

Polygamy is another example where interpretation can, counter-intuitively, stress women’s rights. The al-Firdaus community does not promote polygamy as a tradition,



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and because the men of the al-Firdaus Siraman community are predominantly from lower (and thus poorer) classes, most are usually unable to practise polygamy, even if they wish to, as their economic circumstances make it impossible. As a result, only a few of the community leaders have more than one wife. Even that, however, was not willingly accepted by some in their families (especially the wife and daughters). Several female members of the community emphasised, for example, the need for an economic commitment and fairness to both (or multiple) wives in polygamy, stating that this was very difficult, if not, in fact, impossible. There were also several female community members who said that polygamy is a religious teaching, but that as human beings they had difficulty in accepting it. There were, however, some other female religious teachers and students, who had no objection to polygamy, as Ustadzah H explained:

“Polygamy, why not? That is already a stipulation of Islam. If my husband wants to practise polygamy, I don’t have any objections, provided that it is for a reason clearly compatible with religion.”

As these examples suggest, senior students and junior female religious teachers at al-Firdaus are now becoming increasingly active in discussing textual commentary and debating alternative understandings of gender roles.

A Desire to be PowerfulThe ups and downs of the journey of the al-Firdaus women seems to have led them to conclude that power or authority within their community is an effective tool for realising their interests. About fifteen years ago, demands for power like this would not have arisen and al-Firdaus women were, in fact, inclined to reject power when it was available. The girls at the Pesantren were therefore generally closely guided by male religious teachers because senior female religious teachers were reluctant to be nominated to such positions. Their reasons for refusing ranged from household difficulties to a claim that women were not suitable for leadership positions while there were still men available to fill them. Al-Firdaus women have, however, since come to realise that their peripheral position was a result of their failure to realise their aims. They are therefore now demanding structural changes, so that more women will hold decision-making positions. Their conviction that they must now enter the arena of power has become very strong, and is driven by influential women in the community.

Interestingly, both the wealthiest and next wealthiest individuals in the al-Firdaus Siraman community are women, and they are successful business operators. In the case of one, this was because she initially took advantage of the network of students’ parents at the Pesantren to develop her business, a factor that strengthened both her bargaining position and that of other women in the community. There are also several ‘charismatic’ women, such as the wives of the community leaders and several female religious teachers (including the wife of the ‘superman’ ustadh mentioned above), who have used their personalities to promote their commercial activities.

As a result, women in the Pesantren discussing syariah implementation now often demand that women should be able to manage female students themselves, without interference from men. Several of the leaders of women’s groups have taken up this issue, and some have even insisted on it.




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However, the leaders of the Pesantren (all of whom are men) have proved reluctant to give complete autonomy to the women to manage the girl’s Pesantren. They claim that the women’s demands are ‘too complicated to be implemented completely.’ They point to what they say are practical problems specific to women (such as maternity leave, limitation of movement, household difficulties) that would obstruct effective management by women, as well as religious principles that restrict the space in which women may move (for example, the necessity of being escorted by a mahram when going out; and the need to prevent ikhtilat (free association between men and women who are not related)).

Conflict between genders thus became unavoidable, and eventually the new leadership of the girls’ Pesantren chose a middle path, whereby some autonomy was granted, although the new Head and Vice-head of the girls’ Pesantren were still men. Reasons given for this were that it would be ‘difficult for women to handle external affairs and technical problems’, such as electrical problems, water, leaking buildings, etc. Instead, women were again relegated to positions as ‘house-mothers’ and ‘spiritual counsellors.’

If the women of al-Firdaus had succeeded in taking power into their own hands as they had hoped, they would have implemented plans they had ready for improving the education of female students on physical, intellectual and spiritual levels. The interests of the other members, including the female religious teachers, would also have to be addressed. Among these interests are cooperative businesses. These were originally established at al-Firdaus as vehicles to raise the income of the Pesantren family. Female religious teachers and the wives of male religious teachers were given the opportunity to provide snacks (food and drink) to others in the community. This is a way of increasing the family income which was both strategic and ‘affordable’, and it was seen as very ‘exciting’ by many women at al-Firdaus. As an aspect of women’s interests, cooperatives, it was felt, should be organised by women.

Rumours have since developed, however, that some female religious teachers are not concentrating enough on their teaching, because they are focusing too much on trading. The reason for this is simple. As one woman put it:

“The problem is that profit from trading is far greater than the wages for female religious teachers”.

A number of female religious teachers and the wives of male religious teachers have now even stated that cooperatives violate syariah, and appear to have broken up a feeling of ‘sisterhood’ among the women. Ustadzah D has described this:

“The cooperative as it is now, is no longer in accordance with syariah. On the contrary it is just like using a very globalised system. In the end, it only benefits a small number of people. We, the ones who sell, are encouraged to compete. The one whose products are the most popular, is the winner. The other women whose products are not so popular, what about them? The situation cannot stay like this. This system ruins the sisterhood amongst women vendors. There’s jealousy and grumbling, the main thing is that relations are soured. So, it is



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important to fix it.”

The problem of ‘fixing’ cooperatives is therefore now on the agenda for the al-Firdaus leadership to resolve as an ‘urgent item.’ Another problem on the agenda for resolution is the TPA, Tempat Pengasuhan Anak, the Childcare Centre.6 Several female religious teachers, both those with families and children and those without, regard the TPA as important. They feel, however, that the Pesantren is, in reality, not supportive of efforts to improve this facility. Ustadzah C has described the problem:

“We have been asking for the TPA to be made more suitable for the children of the asatidzah (female teachers), who are teaching. But, unfortunately, the Pesantren has not responded well. In the end, out of solidarity with fellow female teachers, we now make contributions of 5,000 rupiahs every month to cover operational costs, to simply run the TPA. In the past, the Pesantren used to contribute 75,000 rupiahs a month, but then it stopped soon after. Hopefully, in the future, the Pesantren will show it cares. They tell us to have lots of children, so, the Pesantren should really help in this matter, so the burden on women teachers can be reduced. In the end, this also benefits the students, because the women teachers would be fresh, and be able to teach more efficiently. If the graduating students are of better quality, then the [Muslim] community benefits as well. The [Muslim] community would also receive much better guidance.”

The women of al-Firdaus have thus experienced a variety of different social and economic problems, all of which motivate them to be upwardly mobile. They have therefore struggled to obtain ‘power’ and authority. They have learnt from experience that without power, their concerns will often be blocked or ignored. Now they struggle to defeat significant cultural, normative and even structural obstacles to achieve power. These women have therefore now come to view power as a step towards a better life, and to advance their interests through a variety of methods, including even deliberately transgressing their community’s syariah, the product of the patriarchs who still control power in their community.

Islamist Feminism?Pesantren al-Firdaus, Siraman, is an institution which has been labelled ‘fundamentalist’ and officially does not accept the notion of gender equality in a conceptual sense. Despite this, women at al-Firdaus now increasingly stress the value of power. They have cleverly used the movement for the implementation of Islamic syariah to take some first steps toward power, despite syariah being widely seen as anti-empowerment and a source of oppression for women. The women of the Pesantren have, for example, pushed for female students to be managed by the women themselves. At the beginning of the 21st century, the women of al-Firdaus, Siraman village have thus said ‘no’ to a male-dominated system, despite centuries of conservative tradition opposing them.

I was interested in understanding the al-Firdaus phenomenon as part of my examination

6 The term Tempat Pengasuhan Anak (Childcare Centre) is preferred to the term Tempat Penitipan Anak (Creche, or literally ‘Child Deposit Centre’).




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of the broader Indonesian women’s movement. Indonesian women in the post-Soeharto period now not only discuss politics; they are also moving to develop politics to reflect what they see as ‘women’s style’, in an open fashion and full of self-confidence. And this is not only a story about urban, ‘modern’, elite, educated, well-off and progressive women. It is also about the experience of women who are usually regarded, often inaccurately, as ‘backward’, conservative, and opposed to gender equality, whose bodies are wrapped in long robes [jubah] and veils [cadar].

I therefore conclude this paper by quoting Gilles Keppel’s reflections in his book, Jihad and the Trail of Political Islam (2002): 372-373.

“In the ranks of veiled female militants, demanding the application of syariah, we see, in many cases, the first generation of women to speak in public outside their home and beyond their domestic role. In doing this, they have collided with male militants bent on confining these women to a subordinate role in Moslem society. Some women, most notably in Turkey and Iran, have reacted by creating a form of “Islamist Feminism” to counter the machismo that prevails in the movement. These protests may represent the first stirring of the future’s Moslem democracy.”



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Background Paper

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Paper

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ARC Federation Fellowship“Islam and Modernity:

Syari’ah, Terrorism and Governance in South-East Asia”

ARC Federation FellowshipC/- Centre for Islamic Law and Society

Melbourne Law SchoolThe University of Melbourne

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