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Arab Christians in JerusalemAuthor(s): RAOUF ABU JABERSource: Islamic Studies, Vol. 40, No. 3/4, Special Issue: Jerusalem (Autumn-Winter 2001), pp. 587

-600Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, IslamabadStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20837144Accessed: 31-05-2015 10:30 UTC

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2/15

Islamic

Studies

40:3-4

(2001)

pp.

587-600

Arab

Christians

in

Jerusalem

raouf

abu

jaber

The FirstFourCenturies ofChristianity

The

small number

of

Christian

believers

at

the

start

of

the

first

millenium

faced

severe

mistreatment

and

persecution

by

the

Jews

and the

Romans.

According

to

tradition nd

in

keeping

with

the

Acts

of the

Apostles

(chap. 15),

the

first

hristian

bishop

in

Jerusalem

was

the

Apostle

St

James

the Less

(d.c.

62

ce).

He

chaired

the

first cclesiastical council held in

Jerusalem.

e

announced

the council decision

charging

members of the

church

to

abstain

from

meats

that

had

been offered

o

idols,

from

lood

and

things trangled

nd

from

fornication.1

he

leadership

of

St

James

continued until

about

62

ce

when

the

Jews

stoned him

to

death. St Simeon

(d.

106

ce)

was

elected

to

replace

him

as

bishop.

In

the

period

of

Jewish

revolt

against

Roman

rule

66-70

ce,

St

Simeon

probably

went

with the

Christian

community

to

Pella,

one

of

the

Decapolis

cities

on

theEastern side of

the

River

Jordan.2

he

Christians

stayed

there

for

many years

and

avoided

the

hardship brought

to

Jerusalem

nd

its

people

by

Titus

(d.

81

ce),

who

in

70

ce

allowed his

Roman

forces

to

destroy

the

city.

Persecution of

Christians

was

intermittent. he

Jews

brought complaints

against

St

Simeon

in

106

ce to

the

Roman Governor

of

Judea.

St

Simeon

was

arrested, ried,

onvicted

and

crucified.

A

second

revolt

against

the

Romans

by

the

Jews

under the

command

of

Bar

Kochba

(d.

135

ce)

lasted

for

thirty

months.3

Emperor

Hadrian

1

Edward

H.

Landon,

A

Manual

of

Councils

of

the

Holy

Catholic

Church,

2

volumes

(London:

GriffithFarran, 1845), 1: 304.

2

The

Decapolis

in

the first

entury

was

a

region

of

ten

cities

inhabited

mainly by

Greeks and

Romans.

Among

the

early

cities of

the confederation

were:

Philadelphia

(modernAmman),

Gerasa

(modern Jerash),

Pella

(modern

Tabaqat

Fahl),

Scythopolis

(modern Beisan),

Capitolias

(modern

Bayt

Ras),

Gadara

(modern

Umm

Qais),

Abila

(modern

Quwailbeh),

Dion

(location

uncertain), ippo

(modern aTat

al-Husn)

and

Canatha

(modern

anawat).

3

Yigael

Yadin,

Bar-Kokbba:

The

Rediscovery

f

the

Legendary

ero

of

the

ast

Jewish

evolt

against

Imperial

Rome

(London:

Weidenfeld

and

Nicolson,

1971),

18&

22.

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3/15

588

RAOUFABU JABER

(r.

117-138

ce)

decided

to

build

?

on

the ruins of

Jerusalem

a

Roman

city

that

he named Aelia

Capitolina

(Aelia

was a

part

of his

family

name).

Christianswere encouraged to returnto the city.They chose as theirnew

bishop

Marcus

(Mark)

in

134

ce.4

He

was

the first

non-Jewish

bishop.

The

returning

hristians

were

Gentiles

for,

s

noted

by

the fourth

entury

ishop

Eusebius

of

Caesarea

(d.

c.

340

ce),

Hadrian barred

Jews

from

living

in

or

around Aelia.

The

Orthodox

Patriarchate

in

Jerusalem

records

twenty-two

on-Jewish

bishops

in

Jerusalem

from

the

start

of

Christianity

to

the conversion

of

Constantine

the

Great

(r.

306-337

ce)

in

325

ce

during

the

episcopate

of

Macarius. Under the

reign

of

Emperor

Constantine theChristians freedfrom

persecution

could conduct their

spiritual

ife

n

the

open.

The

monk

St

Ilarion

established

a

Christian

monastery

near

Gaza,

and

drew

nearly

two

thousand

monks

mainly

from

mong

the

Arab tribes

ho converted

to

Christianity.5

Constantine

was

anxious

to

bring

all themembers of the church

to

one

faith,

nd held

a

council

at

Nicaea which

three

hundred

and

eighteen

bishops

attended. Eleven

bishops

from Palestine

accompanied

St

Macarius

of

Jerusalem.6

When the

Emperor's

mother, StHelena

(d.

c. 328

ce),

visited the

Holy

Land

soon

afterthe

council,

she

is

reported

to

have

found the

cross

of

Jesus

Christ

and

is

known

to

have

ordered the construction

of the

Church of the

Holy

Sepulchre7

nd other churches

in

Jerusalem

nd elsewhere

in

Palestine.8

This

tremendous

activity

aved

the

way

for

more

conversions

to

Christianity.

Adherence

to

the

Christian

faith

grew

among

the

Arabs in

Palestine,

Transjordan

and

Sinai in

the

early

fifth

century.

We

are

told

of

mass

conversions

among

the tribes in

the

Jordan

valley

during

the

leadership

of

Juvenal, the first atriarch of Jerusalem (422-450 ce). An Arab tribal chief

called

al-Sabibah

(rendered

n

Greek

as

Aspebetos)

converted

to

Christianity

when his

sonwas

cured of

a

serious

illness

by

St

Euthymius,

a

hermit

living

n

a

monastery

to

the

west

of theDead

Sea.

Many

tribes

followed

suit.On

baptism

al-Sabibah

adopted

the

name

Petrus

and

was

ordained

bishop

of the

Palestinian

Parambole.9 The

adoption

of

the Greek

church

names

by

the

4

Dates

for the

Bishops

of

Jerusalem

re

given

in lists

published

by

the

Orthodox

Patriarchate

of

Jerusalem

n their

yearly

Almanac,

2001.

5

Shehadeh

Khoury

and

Nicola

Khoury,

Khuldsat

Ta*rikh

ariisah

Urushalim

al-Urthudhuksiyyah

(Jerusalem:

ayt

al-Maqdis

Press,

1925),

10.

6

Edward

H.

Landon,

A

Manual

of

Councils

of

the

Holy

Catholic

Church,

1:

403.

7

Figure

1,

p.

599

below,

shows

a

view

of

theChurch of

holy

Sepulchre.

8

Figure

2,

p.

600

below,

shows

the

Russian

Church of

St

Mary Magdalene.

9

Irfan

Shahid,

Byzantium

and

the

Arabs in

theSixth

Century

(Washington,

DC:

Dumbarton

Oaks Research

Library,

c.

1995),

45-47.



4/15

ARAB

CHRISTIANS IN JERUSALEM

589

clergy

until the

present

time

has often

obscured

the

original

name,

ethnicity

and

birthplace

of

the

bishop

or

priest.

The

Centuries

of

Consolodiation

A

period

of

consolidation followed.

Mention is

due

here of

an

important

vent

in

the

Christian Church

brought

about

by

Nestorius,

the

Patiriarch of

Constantinople (428-431ce),

who

asserted

two

persons

in

Christ:

by

his

two

natures

we are

to

understand that

he

was no

more

than

a

perfect

man

connected

by

a

moral and

apparent

union

with theWord

[of

God].

This

caused

a

more

than

two

month

council

at

Ephesus

which

was

held

in

431

ce

and

was

attended

by

the

bishops

of the entire

Christian world

among

whom

was

Juvenal

of

Jerusalem

ccompanied

by

some

fifty

ishops.

These

included

severalArab

bishops

such

as

Petrus,

Sa'd

al-Wafidi,

aqlinis,

Bulus and others.

The

council

rejected

the

Nestorian

teachings.

he church

of

Jerusalem

rejected

the

Eastern

Nestorian

teachings

nd attached itself

o

Orthodoxy

and,

in

451

ce,

was

elevated

to

the rank of

Patriarchate.

Bishop

Juvenal

was

its

first

patriarch

with

a

flock

rapidly

ncreasing hrough

the

continuing

conversion of

Arabs

in

Palestine and the

Jordan alley. People

of the

Nabatean and Idumean

Kingdoms

and theArab

tribes

f

SaHh,

Lakhm,

Kindah,

Tanukh

andGhassan

followed.

Many

churches

were

built and the

countryside

adjacent

to

the

Syrian

Desert

between

Damascus

and

'Aqabah

became

deeply

Christianised.

The

development

continued with

many

Arab

bishops,

and the

Arabic

language

was

used

for

its

hristian

liturgy.

Winds

of

Change

Christian life developed furtherunder the Ghassanids who became the

dominant

group

of Foederati

or

allies of

Rome

in

the

sixth

century.

Before

them the

Salihids

occupied

that

position

in

the

fifth

century

and the

Tanukhids

in

the fourth.

alestine

and

Transjordan

under

the

Byzantine

rule

became

more

and

more

Arab.

Jerusalem

with

its

many

Arab

Christians and

Arab

patriarchs

egan

to

play

a

greater

art

inArab life.

Upheaval

broke

out

in 614

ce

when the

Persians

besieged

and

after

twenty

ays conquered

Jerusalem

ecause

the

Byzantine

army

fled

at

Jericho.

The Arab PatriarchZachariah [Zakariyya]and theChristians of thecityfaced

thewrath of the

Persian

army

and of

the

Jews

who

resented

being

barred

from

living

in

the

city.

Estimates

of

the

number

of

Jerusalem

Christians who

perished

in

the turmoil

ary

from

34,000

to

90,000.

The

Jews

bought

prisoners

from

Persian soldiers and killed

many

of

them.

The

Persian

commander

deported

Christians

and

their

atriarchZachariah

to

Persia.



5/15

590

RAOUF

ABU JABER

Historians of the

period

such

as

Michel

the

Syrian

estimated that

more

than threehundred

churches

were

destroyed

and that

every

house andmarket

in theHoly City was

plundered.10

his catastrophewas the cause of the

Byzantine

weakness

in

the defence

of

Palestine,

and

especially

of

Jerusalem

later

on

against

theMuslim

conquest

in

637

ce.

However,

the

flight

of the

Byzantine

army

in

614

ce

and the

savagery

f the

Jews

as

allies of the

Persians

must

have

antagonized

theArabs of

Jerusalem

o

that

they

came

to

welcome

the Muslim

intervention,

perceiving

it

to

be

deliverance from

foreign

occupation

and

mistreatment.

The

Byzantine Emperor

Heraclius

(r.

610-641

ce)

defeated

the

Persian

ICing

n

630

ce

and entered

Jerusalem

n

triumph

n

6

March

accompanied

by

PatriarchZachariah

and

theChristianswho had been

deported

to

Persia.

They

brought

back

with them the relicsof the

Holy

Cross

that

had

been

carried

to

Persia

with

the

deportees.

St

Sophronius,

an

Arab from

Damascus,

was

elected Patriarch

of

Jerusalem

n

634

ce

and

tried

diligently

to

reorganize

the church after ecades

of turmoil.After

a

few

years

the

trumpets

f

war

sounded

again

with

Muslim

armiesadvancingfrom the south and theeast anddemanding the surrender f

Jerusalem.

The

Emperor

Heraclius

with his

Byzantine

army

withdrew

northwards and

left he

Holy

City

to

its

fate.With

Jerusalem

nder

siege

for

the second

time in

less than

a

quarter

of

a

century

the Arab

population

was

without

political

leadership

r

army

central

authority.

et

the

people

resisted

for four

months.

Sophronius,

the

Patriarch of

Jerusalem,

s

a

religious

leader,

realized the

seriousness

f

the situation

and

decided

to

negotiate

with theMuslims. With

the assistance of Abu

Ju'aydid,

an Arab

dignitary

of the

city,

he

kept

discussions

going

on

with the

commander of the

army

outside the

walls. The

negotiations

ended

successfully. ophronius,

having

heard of

the

justice

of

the

Caliph

'Umar

Ibn

al-Khattab

(r.

13/634-23/644),

nsisted hat the

surrender f

the

city

be

made

to

the

Caliph

in

person.

'Umar

accepted

the

invitation

hich

was

significant

for the

Muslim and

the

Christian

population

of

Jerusalem

alike.

'Umar's

peaceful

acceptance

of

the

keys

of the

Holy City

is

regarded

s

a

landmark

n

the entire

history

of

mankind since

638

ce.11

The

terms

f

peace

are citedas an

example

of a fair nd

just

treaty

etween the

conquerors

and the

conquered.

10

See

Michael G.

Morony,

Syria

under thePersians

610-629

in

Muhammad

Adnan

al-Bakhit,

History

of

Bilad al-Sham

(Amman:University

of

Jordon

and

Yarmlik

University,

1987),

89-90.

11

Irfan

Shahid,

Byzantium

and the rabs

in

the

ixth

Century,

657.



6/15

ARAB

CHRISTIANS

NJERUSALEM

591

The

agreement

s

generally

known

as

theCovenant of

'Umar

(al-'Uhdah

al-'Umariyyah);

theArab

historian,

al-Tabarl,

records

its

full

text

comprising

the

following:

1.

Safety uaranteed

or he

people

of

Hya

(as

the

city

was

called

by

the

Arabs)

for

those

in

good

and

in

poor

health.

2.

No

property

or

wealth

to

be

confiscated.

3.

No

churches

or crosses to

be

occupied

or

their environment

perturbed.

4.

Freedom of

religion guaranteed

and

none

to

be

oppressed.

5.

No

Jews

o

livewith

Christians n

the

city.

6.

The

jizyah poll-tax)

o

be

paid

as

done

by

aU

other

ity-dwellers

n

the

and.

7.

Byzantines

and

robbers

to

be

driven

away

from the

city.

8.

Those

who

chose

to

leave the

city

safty

of their lives

and

property

will be assured

until their

arrival

at

destination.

9.

Safety

for

those

who

remain.12

The

Covenant

became

the

most

significant

eace

treaty

in

the Islamic

heritage

and for

the

Christians

it

was

the foundation

of

an

Arab

Christian

Islamic

way

of life

that has

prevailed

in

the

Holy

City

for

over

fourteen

hundredyears. It is still cited ingovernment nd churchcirclesas an instance

of liberal

religious

relations that should

prevail

between

followersof

different

faiths

n

the basis of

pluralism

and

moderation.

The Arab

and

Muslim Periods

The

message

of

Islam

was

spreading

rapidly

and

Jerusalem

was

gaining

importance

for

Muslims

as

the

first f the

two

qiblahs

and the

third of the

Holy

sanctuaries

after

Makkah

and

Madlnah.

Pilgrimages

to

Jerusalem's

al

Aqsa Mosque,

which

was

built

by

the

Caliph

'Umar,

and

to

the

Dome

of

the

Rock,

built

by Caliph

'Abd

al-Mahk

ibn

Marwan

(r.

65/685-86/705),

became

more

popular

with

time.

Pilgrimages

by

Christians, however,

became difficult

owing

to

the

warfare between

the Arabs and

the

Byzantines.

The

unrest

caused

hardship

to

all

of the

city's

inhabitants nd

damaged

the

economy.

This

was

sometimes

accompanied

by

the

suspicion

ofChristians.Christian

Arabs

in

Jerusalem

nd

in all the districts

f

Synz

(Bilad

al-Shdm)

between

'Aqabah

in

the

south

and

Aleppo

in

the

north

began

to

feel

the effect of

lack of

confidence

n

them.

The

loyalty

f

the

Arab Christians

in the

Holy City

became

questionable,

although

the

Umayyad

court

in

Damascus

was

noted

for

its

liberalism

and

12

Abu

Ja'far

Muhammad ibn

Jarir

al-Tabari,

Ta'rikh

al-Rusul

wa

al-Muliik,

tr.,

Yohanan

Friedmann,

The

History

of

l-Tabari

(Albany,

NY:

State

University

of

New York

Press,

1992),

2:

191-92.



7/15

592

RAOUF

ABU

JABER

during

this

timeArab

Christians

of

Damascus

played

an

important

ole

in

the

running

of the affairs

of

the

Empire.

Because

of

suspicions

about the

Christians ofJerusalem, rderswere issuedfrom amascus thattheyadopt a

special

dress

and

use no

other

language

than

Arabic.

Their

relationswith the

Byzantines

were

under

continuous

scrutiny

nd the

large

sums

of

money

that

usually

came

before

in

the

form

of

gifts

nd assistance

for

the

upkeep

of the

Holy

Shrines

dried

up.

Many

Christians

converted

to

Islam and others

must

have

migrated.

Byzantine

historians

of the time claim

that the number of

Christians

in thewhole of

Palestine,

including

Jerusalem,

t

the

start

of the

eighth

century

was no

more

than

forty

three

thousand.

The Arab

sources

stress that the decrease in numberswas due tomany

joining

the

military

expeditions

directed eastwards

to

central

Asia and

westwards

to

the Iberian

Peninsula.

Periods

of

stability

in

the different

arts

of

the

Arab

Empire

were

generally

short-lived

nd

the

situation

was

aggravated

y

continual

changes

of

government.

he Arab rule

was

maintained

in

Damascus until

750

ce.

This

was

followed

by

Baghdad

under the 'Abbasids

lasting

less

than

a

hundred

years.

The

Egyptian

rule of Ahmad

ibnTulun

(d. 270/884),

the

first uler

of

Tulunids,

the first uslim

dynasty

of

independent

ulers f

Egypt,

followed in

833

ce

and

it

was

in the tenth

entury

that the

Ikhshids

and theFatimids took

over.

Instability

as

the

order

of the

day

and

it

must

have

left

ts

adverse

effect

both

on

the

people

and

the

countryside.

his

continuous

change

of

authority

was

felt all the

more

when

the Fatimid

Caliph

al-Hakim

bi-Amr Allah

(r. 386/996-411/1021)

succeededhis

father n

996

ce.

Centuries

of

Instability

The

background

to

this

insecurity

ies

in the

years

when the 'Abbasids

were

having difficulty

n

controlling

the various

parts

of

the

Empire.

The

army

of

Ibn

Tulun,

who had become ruler of

Egypt,

entered

Jerusalem

in

833

ce.

Among

Ibn Tulun's

first

ecrees

was one

that

imposed

on

the

Christians

an

obligation

to

wear

a

special

uniform and

to

refrainfrom

riding

horses.When

the Ikhshids took

over

from

the

Tulunids

some

half

a

century

later,

the

situation

grew

worse.

Their

governor

in

the

city

mistreated

the

Patriarchwho

left or

airo

to

lodge

a

complaint

with Kafur

(d. 357/968),

a

Negro

slave

who

had

become

the

sole

ruler

of

Egypt.

When the

Patriarch

returned

o

Jerusalem

he

was

mobbed.

An

angry

crowd

set

fire

to

the Church

of

Zion

and

the

Church of the

Holy

Sepulchre.

The

Christianworld

was

shocked

by

the

news.

The

Byzantine

Emperor

John

(d.

976

ce)

attacked theMiddle

East,

occupied

Beirut in

972

ce,

then advanced

to

Jerusalem

nd

seized

it.

But

on

his sudden

death

his

army

withdrew. These

events

coincidedwith the takeover

of

Cairo



8/15

ARABCHRISTIANS

NJERUSALEM

593

by

the

Fatimids

who later

consolidated

their

position

by taking

over

greater

Syria.13

In the face of

widespread

instability

many

people

emigrated

nquest of

greater

security.

Before

the

eleventh

century,

Muslims

and Christians

had

lived

freely

in

mixed

neighbourhoods

without

any

discrimination

or

limitation

to

special

quarters

for

the

various

religious

sects.14

his continued

until

a

decision

was

taken

to

have

a

special

quarter

for theChristians

in

the

city

with defined

legal

characteristics.

arat

al-Nasara,

as

this

quarter

became

known,

formed

art

of the

Holy

City

at

the

heart

ofwhich

was

theChurch

xof

the

Holy

Sepulchre.

The historian

al-Muqqadasi,

who was himselfborn in

Jerusalem

n946CE,

supports

the

view

that

the

majority

of

Jerusalem's

population

was

Christian.

He

wrote

in

986

CE

that the

city

had

many

Christians

in

a

population

smaller

than

that of

Makkah

and

larger

than that

ofMadlnah.

The traveller

asir-i

Khusrow

(d. 453/1061),

who

was

born

in

394/1003,

reported,

after

visiting

Jerusalem

(439/1047),

that

it

was a

great

city

populated

by

some

twenty

thousand

people.

One

may

suppose

that

the

Christians

numbered

more

than

ten

thousand

and

theMuslims

and

Jews

together

ade

up

the

rest.

This all

changed

when al-Hakim in 1007 CE

accepted

the

Jewish

complaints

against

the Christians

and

ordered

the church

of

the

Holy

Sepulchre

to

be

destroyed.

He

banned

the Palm

Sunday

processions

and

ordained

that theChristians

dress

only

in

black.

These

hardships

continued

for

ten

years

until

in

1017

CE

al-Hakim

suddenly

restored

religious

freedom

to

the

Christians.

He ordered

that

they

be

given

back the churches

and

monasteries that

were

taken

from them and

that those

among

them

who

had

converted

to

Islam

under

duress should

be

permitted

to return

o

Christianity,

which many did.15 In the

reign

of

King

al-Zahir

(411/1021-427/1036),

successor

to

al-Hakim

who

disappeared

suddenly

n

1021

CE,

an

agreement

as

made

to

rebuild

the

Church

of the

Holy

Sepulchre.

A

Century

of

Hardship

The

effect

n

the

population

of

Syria

was to

weaken

the

capacity

for

defence

against

attackers.

he

Saljuq

Turks

saw an

opportunity

to

advance

southwards

13

Stanley

Lane-Poole,

The Mohammadan

Dynasties,

translated into

Arabic

by

Ahmad

Sa'id

Sulayman,

as

Ta'rikh

al-Duwal

al-Isldmiyyah

wa

Mu'jam

al-Usar

al-Hakimah

(Cairo:

Dar

al

Ma'arif,

1969),

1:132.

14

Mustafa

al-Hiyari,

l-Qudsfi

Zaman

al-Fdtimiyyin

a

al-Firanjah

(Amman:

The

Royal

Institute

for

Religious

Studies,

1994),

25.

15

Amin

Ma*luf,

al-Hurub

al-Satihiyyahi

'Ayun

l-'Arab,

trans.,

'Afif

Dimashqiyyah

(Beirut:

al

Farabi

Press,

1993),

247.



9/15

594

RAOUF

ABU JABER

and

by

1077

CE

had taken

Palestine.

The

Jerusalem

population

paid

a

heavy

price

in

more

than

three

thousand

civilian deaths.

When

the

Fatimids

sent

an

army to retake the city in 1098CE the first rusader expeditionwas already

advancing

on

the

region

and took

the

city

of

Antioch and

then

Jerusalem

n

1099

CE.

Massacres

of the

population

followed

irrespective

f

religion

or

race.

The Arab

Christians

of

Jerusalem

generally

belonged

to

the

Orthodox faith

and

theCatholic

Crusaders

were

ready

to

deal with

them

more

severely

than

with

the

Muslims.

Some survivors

eserted their

homes andmoved

eastwards

to

seek

safety

in

Transjordan.

William

of

Tyre,

a

historian

of the

Crusades,

says

that the

population

within the

city

walls under the Crusader rulewas so small that

they

were

insufficient

o

render the

required

daily

services,

et alone defend

the

city.

The

meagre

population

of

Jerusalem

id

not

give

the

new

conquerors

a

comfortable

feeling.

he

Crusader

King

Baldwin

I

(d. 1205)

felt

strongly

hat

he had

to

consolidate his

position

by inducing

people

to

come

and

reside

within the

walls. He

sent

messengers

to

the

Christians

in

the south

of

Transjordan

and invited them

to

move

westwards. He

promised

them

assistance and

houses

to

live

in.

Many

were

already living

under theCrusader rule in al-Karak area and

theyagreed

to return.

hen

they

rrived

n

the

city,

they

were

allottedhomes

in the

quarter

on

thenorthern side

of

thewalls that aterbecame

known

again

as

Harat

al-Nasara.

The

quarter

in

which the Franks lived

was

known

as

the

Patriarch's

Quarter.

Unfortunately

their

numbers

have

not

been

recorded

but

the

Latin

sources

give

the number

of

Jerusalem's

nhabitants nder

Crusader

occupation

as

ten

thousand

people.

It

is

possible

that

probably

one

quarter

of

them

were

Arab

Christians.

Life in theHoly City forthisArab communitywas neitherpleasantnor

prosperous.

Syrian

Christians,

as

theseArabs

were

called,

were

different rom

all the

other

communities in

the

Holy City.

Latin

sources

suggest

that

they

spoke

Arabic,

were

useless

in

combat and amenable

to

being

led

by

others.

They

had

low social

status

and

were

ranked below the least

important

European

community,

although

they

had

a

necessary

and

useful role

in

city

life.The

authoritiesdid

not trust

them and

so

they

were

not

entrusted

ny

duties

pertaining

to

military

operations.16

These JerusalemArabs were followers of theEastern Church. Their

religious

leadership

was

theOrthodox

Patriarchate of

Jerusalem,

ut

now

the

Latin

Patriarchate of

Jerusalem

replaced

it.

During

the Crusader

period

Orthodox Patriarchs

could

not

live

in

Jerusalem

and had

to

live in

exile

at

Constantinople.

The

Arab Christians

must

have

feltbitter

and

antagonistic

to

16

See

Mustafa

al-Hayari,

al-Quds

i

Zaman

al-Fatimiyyin

a

al-Firanjah>

7.



10/15

ARAB

CHRISTIANS N

JERUSALEM

595

the

Crusader

regimes

n

Greater

Syria.

They

expressed

their

feelings y

joining

the

war

effort

f the

Muslim

army

under Sultan

Salah

al-Dln

(d.

589/1193).

Sources attestto thevaluable

cooperation

they

gave to the

advancing

forces

by

supplying

nformation,

onveying

messages

and

providing supplies.

They

also

played

a

valuable

role

in

managing

the

army's

logistic

ffairs

nd

arranging

ts

finances.

heir

services

were

indeed

valued

by

the

Sultan and he treated

them

favourably

n

the

same

way

as

the

Copts,

were

treated n

Egypt.

The

Arab

Christians

in

the

city

chose

to

continue

living

ithin

thewalls

after ts

fall.

They

asked

the Sultan

to

consider

them

as

People

of

the

Book

side

by

side

with

the

Muslims and he

agreed.

He

did

not

allow

the churches

to

be disturbed.Later on,

however,

he allowed twoLatinmonks to administer

the

services in the

Holy

Sepulchre

Church

which

was

id the

custody

of the

Arab

Christians of

the

Orthodox

Church.

Nevertheless,

the

general

turn

of

events

was

pleasing

to

the

Arab Christians

living

in

Jerusalem

nd

put

them

on

the side of

Sultan

Salah al-Din. The

whole

scenario

was

especially

welcome

to

the

clergymen

ho had

been

ill

treated

by

the

Latin

clergy.

Sultan Salah

al-Din

is

regarded

s

a

very

special

ruler

of

open

and tolerant

mind,

one

who

treated

people

with

humanity

and

compassion.

The

kingdom

he built

during

his

lifetime, owever,

began

to

disintegrate

fterhis death in

1193

CE.

There

was

instability

gain

in

the

Ayyubid

era

which

was

followed

by

the

Mamluk

era

during

which there

was

a

return

f

the

Latin influence

n

religious

matters.

The Orthodox Patriarchatehad

to

pay

dearly

at

the

end

of

the

fifteenth

century

to

regain possession

of the

keys

of

theChurch

of the

Holy Sepulchre.

Ottoman

Rule: The

First

Three Hundred

Years

The

Mamluk

period (648-922/1250-1516)

brought

continual

change,

but

did

not

prevent

constructive

development

of the

Holy

City.

The

kings ruling

in

Cairo

sent

orders for

the

building

of

Islamic institutions and

social

organizations

to

the

governors.

On

the

Christian

side,

the relations

between

the

rulers

in

the

Arab

East

and

the

Byzantines

remained

unsettled.

The

authorities n

Cairo

and

in

Jerusalem

elieved that

the

Christians

had relations

with

Constantinople.

Steps

were

often taken

that

aggravated

matters

such

as

an

incidentwhen

the

King

of

Georgia

on a

visit

to

Jerusalem

n

1282

CE

was

arrested

and

forced

to

return

to

his

country.

Three

years

later

theMamluk

Sultan

Qalawun

(d.

689/1290)

ordained

thatChristians and

Jews

be excluded

fromall

government

ffices nd

projects.

This Sultan

signed

an

armisticewith

the

Crusaders who

were

still

n

Acre

and

North Palestine.

The

newly

elected

Patriarch

Gregorius

I

(1281-1322

Ce)

tried

to

improve

the

Orthodox

standing

ith the

authorities.

e

declared

his

strong

pposition



11/15

596

RAOUFABU

JABER

to

the

zeal

and

attempts

f

the

Greek

Orthodox Patriarch of

Constantinople,

John

Veccus,

to

bring

about

a

reunion

with

Rome.

Although

the

reunion

seems tohave been encouraged by theByzantineEmperor,Gregorius Iwas

outspoken

in

his condemnation

of

the

attempt.

e

sent

a

Patriarchal

letter

o

all

the

Eastern

churches

against

the

project

and declined

to

attend

any

of the

councils

that

were

held

in

Constantinople

to

discuss the

affair.17

By

this

means

he

seems

to

have

succeeded for

a

while

in

assuring

the Sultan of theArab

Christian

loyalty

to

Jerusalem

nd

Palestine.

In

1517,

the Ottoman

Turks

defeated theMamluks

in

Syria.

Sultan

Sallml

(r.

918-926/1512-1520),

after

conquering

Egypt,

became

the

uncontestedmonarch over theArab Middle East. Patriarch 'Ata'Allah

(1505

1537)

was

already

Patriarch

of

Jerusalem

ndwhen he and the

Sultan

met

in

Jerusalem,

he left

such

a

good impression

on

the

Sultan that the latter

appointed

the

Orthodox

Church

as

supervisor

of all the

Christian

Holy

Shrines.

The Sultan

ordained that the

Christians

were

free

to

hold

their

prayers

in

accordance

with the

provisions

of

the Covenant

of 'Umar.

'Ata

Allah,

who

seems

to

have been

a

wise,

effective

nd

resourceful

an,

played

a

successful ole

in

the

Patriarchate.

Pilgrims

started

coming

in

large

numbers.

He succeeded in

obtaining

a

firman

or

royal

decree fromthe Sultan for the

monks in

the

Monastery

of

St.

Catherine

in

Sinai.

He

invited

theOrthodox

Patriarchs of

Constantinople,

Alexandria

and

Antioch

to

meet

in the

Holy

City.

The

Orthodox

Patriarchate,

however,

soon

faced

a

new

challenge

when

the

leadership

f

the

Latin

Patriarchate

sought

concessions

fromthe

Ottomans

with

regard

to

the

Holy

Shrines

in

Jerusalem.

The

number of

European

monks

was

increasing

nd their

case

was

being supported fullyby

the

Papacy

in

Rome

and

the

monarchy

in

France. The

situation

deteriorated after

Ata'

Allah stepped down in 1534 and Greek Bishop Germanus was elected

Orthodox Patriarch

of

Jerusalem.

Germanus,

however,

was

bent

on

the

ellenization

of

the

Patriarchate

of

Jerusalem.

e

founded

the

Holy Sepulchre

Brotherhood

comprising

mainly

Greek

monks.

Their

motto

was

that

the

Patriarchate

was an

eternal

legacy

for

the

Greek

race .

This

caused

a

continuing

rift

between

the

Arabs and

Greeks

in the

Patriarchate.Of

the

twenty-four

atriarchs since

Germanus,

none

has

been

an

Arab.18

All

have been

Greeks and

this sectarian

trend

has

cost theOrthodox sectperhapshalfof its dherents.

Severe

competition

raged

between

the

Orthodox

and

Latin

churches

during

the

sixteenth

century

and

thereafter.

he French

Ambassador

in

Constantinople

in 1558

obtained

a

firman

granting

all

French citizens the

17

Khoury

and

Khoury,

Khulasat Ta'rikh

Kanlsat

Umshalim

al-Urtbuduksiyyah,

9.

Ibid.



12/15

ARAB

CHRISTIANS N

JERUSALEM

597

freedom

to

visit

Jerusalem.

his

encouraged

the

French

monks,

especially

the

Franciscans,

to

establish

their

own

order and

to

initiate

their

attempts

to

convert the followersof theOrthodox church to Catholicism.

Owing

to

dissatisfaction with the

Greek

monks,

the

Franciscans

began

with

a

community

inBethlehem

to

be

followed

by

one

in

Jerusalem

nd

other

cities.

The

fight

etween theGreek

monks

on

one

side

and

the

French,

Italian

and

Spanish

monks

on

the other

began

in

earnest.

he

fight

ad

nothing

Christian

about

it

and

continues

in

some

or

other form

p

to

the

present.

The Ottoman

administrators

in

Constantinople,

Damascus

and

Jerusalem

presumably

encouraged

the differences.

oth sides

made

bribes

and

expensive

presents

even to the

highest

ranks of the Ottoman administration.The

disputes

reached

a

serious

plane

when towards

the end

of the

seventeenth

century

the

Orthodox

PatriarchDosetheos

II

(1669-1707)

went to

Moscow

to

seek the

support

of

theRussian

Tsar Peter I

(r.

1682-1725)

against

an

Ottoman

firman

that

gave

the Franciscans

special privileges

in

the

Holy

Shrines in

Jerusalem

and

Bethlehem. The

Franciscans

reacted

immediately

by

calling

on

the

Emperor

of Austria

Leopold

I

(d.

1705)

for

assistance.

Each

European

monarch

began

offering

protection

of

a

certain

sect so

much

so

that

the

Armenians started

claiming

that the Shah of Persia

protected

them.The

political

influence that

could

not

be

maintained

by

the

Crusaders

was

now

infiltrating

he

Holy

Land

through

the

religious

missions

supported

by

the

European

powers.

The

Armenians

have been

present

throughout

the

Christian existence

in

Jerusalem.

n

Orthodox church

following

the

Christian Eastern rites

became

part

of

Jerusalem's

life.

The Armenian

Patriarchate

was

amongst

the three

churches

with

responsibility

or

the

supervision

of the

Holy

Shrines in

what

became known as the statusquo. They shared this solemn

duty

with the

Orthodox and Latin

Patriarchs.

Differences

were

apt

to

arise. The

Orthodox

formedthe

largest

ommunity,

nd

theArmenians

often

saw

no

option

but

to

join

handswith theLatins.

Sometimes

the

Armenians

acted

alone.

Historians

say

that

in 1808

they

were

behind

the

fire that

destroyed

the

Church of the

Holy Sepulchre. They

objected

to

the

rebuilding

f the

church

by

the

Orthodox.

Through

a

firman

issued

by

Sultan

Mahmud II

(r.

1223-1255/1808-1839),

the

Orthodox started

the rebuildingand completed the taskwithin one year.19 he Russians who

were

beginning

to

show

a

keen

interest

in

the

Holy

City

assisted

the

Orthodox.

The flow of Russian

pilgrims

was

increasing

every

year

and

Russian

Consular

services

were

in

place

by

1821.

This

may

have been

reassuring

to

theChristian

Arabs

who

were

again

under

suspicion

from the

19

'Arif

asha

al-'Arif,

l-Mufassalfi

a'rikh

al-Quds

(Jerusalem:

l-Andalus

Press,

1961),

120.



13/15

598

RAOUFABU JABER

Ottomans because

of the

Greek

war

of

liberation.

he Sultan and his

court

in

Istanbul

evidently

could

not

or

did

not want

to

differentiate

etween Arab

andGreek,maintaining thatthey ll belonged to theOrthodox faith.

The

Egyptian

Venture in

Syria

The

Ottoman

Empire

was

going

through period

of

reorganization

fterthe

destruction

of

the

old

Janissary

Corps by

Sultan

Mahmud

II.

The

reorganization

of the

Ottoman

army

began

in

1826

and

continued,

despite

frequent

etbacks

and

the

Egyptian

occupation

of

Syria,

until the end of the

Sultan's

reign.

His

son

and

successor

'Abd

al-Majid (1255-1277/1839-1861)

carried

on

the

project.

On

ascending

the

throne

he

issued the

great

reforming

Edict

ofGulhane

(The Imperial

or

Noble

Rescript).

It showed

thedesire

of the

Sultan and

his

advisers,

led

by

Mustafa Rashld

Pasha,

to

ensure

progress

for

the

inhabitants

of the

Empire.

The edict dealt

with

administration

of the

government,

elfare

improvements

or

the

subjects

andwith the

status

f the

non-Muslim

citizens

who

formed

good

part

of

the

population.

The

edict

was

probably

designed

to

win

the

support

of

the

European

powers

in

the ttoman

fight gainst

Muhammad

'All Pasha's

(d. 1849)

rebellion and the

occupation

of

Syria

by

the latter's

on

Ibrahim

Pasha

(d.

1848)

and his

Egyptian

army.

These

important

measures meant

for the

Christians

in

Syria

and

especially

in

Jerusalem

radical and

vigorous

legalization

f

the

state

f affairs

already brought

about

by

Muhammad

'Ali Pasha and

his

son

Ibrahim.

The

Egyptians

had

occupied

Syria

in 1831

and had

already

opened

the

Ottoman

provinces

in

Bilad al-Sham

to

reform

and

greater

freedom.Under

Ibrahim

Pasha's

rule

the

Syrian

population

for the first

ime

enjoyed

such

amenities

as

security

of

person

and

property,

access

to

justice

and

a

more

equitable

tax

system.

Economic

progress

moved hand in hand

with

these

developments.

Agriculture

became

more

rewarding.

hristians

were

admitted into

the

army

and

were no more

subject

to

oppression

or

extortion.

Europeans,

who

were

visiting

the

Holy

places

in

much

greater

numbers,

were

permitted

to

open

consulates.The

Imperial

Edict

signalled

new

era.

It

gave

a

stamp

of

legality

to

the

changing

situation in

Bilad al-Sham.

For

the

first

time in Ottoman

history equality

before

the

law

was

guaranteed

for all

the

subjects

of the

Empire, irrespective

f

religion

or

race.

It

was

a

great step

forward that

Christians,

especially

those

residing

in

the

Holy

City

of

Jerusalem,

greatly

welcomed.

ft

ft

ft



14/15

ARAB

CHRISTIANS

IN JERUSALEM

599

Figure

1:

A

Christian Celebration

in

progress

at

the Church

oi

Holy

Sepulchre.



15/15

600

RAOUF

ABU

JABER

Figure

2: A

View

of the

Russian

Church of

St

Mary

Magdalene.

arab christians in jerusalem.pdf

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