APPENDIX I : BISHOPS CONSECRATED AND IN OFFICE

IN ENGLAND AND NORMANDY, 1066–1216

Achard (Avranches: 1161–1170?) Aethelmaer (Elmham: 1047–1070) Aethelric II (Selsey: 1058–1070) Aethelwine (Durham: 1056–1071) Aethelwulf (Carlisle: 1133–1157?) Alexander (Lincoln: 1123–1148) Alfred (Worcester: 1158–1160) Algar (Coutances: 1132–1151?) Anselm (Canterbury: 1093–1109) Arnost (Rochester: 1075?–1076?) Arnulf (Lisieux: 1141–1181) Ascelin (Rochester: 1142–1148) Audoen (Evreux: 1113–1139?)

Baldwin (Evreux: 1066?–1070?) Baldwin (Worcester: 1180–1184, Canterbury: 1184–1190) Bartholomew (Exeter: 1161–1184) Benedict of Sawston (Rochester: 1215–1226) Bernard (Carlisle: 1204–1214)

Ealdred (Worcester: 1047?–1062, Hereford: 1056–1060, York: 1061–1069) Ernulf (Rochester: 1115–1124) Eustace (Ely: 1198–1215) Everard (Norwich: 1121–1145)

Froger (S é es: 1159–1185?) Fulcher (Lisieux: 1102–1103)

Geoff rey (Hereford: 1115–1119) Geoff rey (Lincoln: 1175–1182) Geoff rey Brito (Rouen: 1111–1128) Geoff rey de Montbray (Coutances: 1049?–1093?) Geoff rey Muschamp (Coventry: 1198–1208) Geoff rey Plantagenet (York: 1191–1212) Geoff rey Ridel (Ely: 1174–1189) Geoff rey Rufus (Durham: 1133–1141)

A P P E N D I X I280

Gerard (Hereford: 1096–1100?, York: 1101–1108) Gerard I (S é es: 1082–1091) Gerard II (S é es: 1144?–1157) Gerard Pucelle (Coventry: 1183–1184) Gilbert Fitz Osbern (Evreux: 1071?–1112) Gilbert Foliot (Hereford: 1148–1163, London: 1163–1187) Gilbert Glanvil (Rochester: 1185–1214) Gilbert Maminot (Lisieux: 1077?–1101) Gilbert Universal (London: 1128–1134) Giles (Evreux: 1170–1179?) Giles de Braose (Hereford: 1200–1215) Giso (Wells: 1061–1088) Godfrey (Bath: 1123–1135) Godfrey (Chichester: 1088) Godfrey de Lucy (Winchester: 1189–1204) Guarin de Cierrey (Evreux: 1193?–1201) Gundulf (Rochester: 1077–1108)

Henry (Bayeux: 1165–1205) Henry de Sully (Worcester: 1193–1195) Henry Marshal (Exeter: 1194–1206) Henry Murdac (York: 1147–1153) Henry of Blois (Winchester: 1129–1171) Herbert (Avranches: 1154–1161?) Herbert Losinga (Thetford: 1091–1095?, Norwich: 1095?–1119) Herbert Poore (Salisbury: 1194–1217) Hereman (Ramsbury: 1045–1055, Sherborne: 1058–1078) Herfast (Elmham: 1070–1072, Thetford: 1072–1084) Hervey (Bangor: 1092–1109?, Ely: 1109–1131?) Hilary (Chichester: 1147–1169) Hubert Walter (Salisbury: 1189–1193, Canterbury: 1193–1205) Hugh de Neret/Morville (Coutances: 1208–1238) Hugh de Nonant (Coventry: 1188–1198) Hugh d’Orival (London: 1076–1085) Hugh du Puiset (Durham: 1153–1195) Hugh of Amiens (Rouen: 1130?–1164) Hugh of Avalon (Lincoln: 1186–1200) Hugh of Eu (Lisieux: 1050?–1077?) Hugh of Wells (Lincoln: 1209–1235)

Ivo of Bell ê me (S é es: 1048?–1071?)

Jocelin de Bohun (Salisbury: 1142–1184) Jocelin of Wells (Bath and Glastonbury: 1206–1242) John (Chichester: 1174–1180) John (Lisieux: 1107–1141) John (Rochester: 1125–1137) John de Bayeux (Avranches: 1060?–1067, Rouen: 1067–1079)

A P P E N D I X I 281

John de Gray (Norwich: 1200–1214) John de Villula (Bath: 1088–1122) John Fitz Harduin (S é es: 1124?–1144?) John Fitz Luke (Evreux: 1181?–1192) John of Coutances (Worcester: 1196–1198) John of Oxford (Norwich: 1175–1200) John of Pagham (Worcester: 1151–1157) John the Chanter (Exeter: 1186–1191) Jordan du Hommet (Lisieux: 1202?–1218)

Lanfranc (Canterbury: 1070–1089) Leofric (Crediton: 1046–1050, Exeter: 1050–1072) Leofwine (Lichfi eld: 1053–1067) Lisiard (S é es: 1188–1201?) Luke (Evreux: 1203–1220?)

Mauger (Rouen: 1040?–1054?) Mauger (Worcester: 1200–1212) Maurice (London: 1086–1107) Maurilius (Rouen: 1055?–1067) Michael (Avranches: 1068?–1094)

Nigel (Ely: 1133–1169)

Odo (Bayeux: 1050?–1097) Osbern Fitz Osbern (Exeter: 1072–1103) Osmund (Salisbury: 1078–1099)

Peter (Lichfi eld: 1072–1075, Chester: 1075–1085) Peter des Roches (Winchester: 1205–1238) Philip de Harcourt (Bayeux: 1142–1163?) Philip de Poitiers (Durham: 1197–1208)

Ralph (Coutances: 1093?–1110?) Ralph d’Escures (Rochester: 1108–1114, Canterbury: 1114–1122) Ralph de Warneville (Lisieux: 1182?–1191?) Ralph Luff a (Chichester: 1091–1123) Ranulf Flambard (Durham: 1099–1128) Reginald Fitz Jocelin (Bath: 1174–1191) Reinhelm (Hereford: 1107–1115) Remigius (Dorchester: 1067–1072, Lincoln: 1072–1092) Richard (Avranches: 1170?–1182) Richard de Beaufou/Bellofago (Avranches: 1135–1143?) Richard de Belmeis I (London: 1108–1127) Richard de Belmeis II (London: 1152–1162) Richard de Bohun (Coutances: 1151?–1179?) Richard de Brito (Coutances: 1124?–1130?) Richard de Capella (Hereford: 1121–1127) Richard de Subligny (Avranches: 1143?–1153) Richard Fitz Nigel (London: 1189–1198)

A P P E N D I X I282

Richard Fitz Samson (Bayeux: 1107–1133) Richard of Dover (Canterbury: 1174–1184) Richard of Gloucester (Bayeux: 1135–1142?) Richard of Ilchester (Winchester: 1174–1188) Richard Peche (Coventry: 1161–1182) Richard Poore (Chichester: 1215–1217) Robert (Bath: 1136–1166) Robert d’Abl è ges (Bayeux: 1206?–1231) Robert (Hereford: 1079–1095) Robert (Rouen: 1208–1221) Robert Bloet (Lincoln: 1094–1123) Robert de Bethune (Hereford: 1131–1148) Robert de Chesney (Lincoln: 1148–1166) Robert de Limesey (Chester: 1086–1102, Coventry: 1102–1117) Robert de Melun (Hereford: 1163–1167) Robert de Roye (Evreux: 1201?–1203?) Robert de Sigillo (London: 1141?–1150) Robert Fitz Ralph (Worcester: 1191–1193) Robert Foliot (Hereford: 1174–1186) Robert II (Exeter: 1155–1160) Robert of Ryes (S é es: 1072?–1082?) Robert Peche (Coventry: 1121–1126) Robert Warelwast (Exeter: 1138–1155) Roger (Coutances: 1114?–1123?) Roger (Salisbury: 1107–1139) Roger de Clinton (Coventry: 1129–1148) Roger de Pont l’Ev ê que (York: 1154–1181) Roger of Gloucester (Worcester: 1164–1179) Rotrou (Evreux: 1139–1165, Rouen: 1165–1183)

Samson (Worcester: 1096–1112) Savaric (Bath and Glastonbury: 1192–1205) Seff rid I (Chichester: 1125–1145) Seff rid II (Chichester: 1180–1204) Serlo (S é es: 1091–1123?) Simon (Worcester: 1125–1150) Simon of Apulia (Exeter: 1214–1223) Simon of Wells (Chichester: 1204–1207) Siward (Rochester: 1058–1075) Stephen Langton (Canterbury: 1207–1228) Stigand (Elmham: 1043, 1044–1047, Winchester: 1047–1070, Canterbury: 1052–1070) Stigand (Selsey: 1070–1075, Chichester: 1075–1087) Sylvester (S é es: 1203?–1220) Sylvester of Evesham (Worcester: 1216–1218)

A P P E N D I X I 283

Theobald (Canterbury: 1139–1161) Theulf (Worcester: 1115–1123) Thomas Becket (Canterbury: 1162–1170) Thomas II (York: 1109–1114) Thomas of Bayeux (York: 1070–1100) Thurstan (York: 1119–1140) Turgis (Avranches: 1095?–1133?) Turold (Bayeux: 1100?–1107?)

Vivian (Coutances: 1202–1208)

Wakelin (Winchester: 1070–1098) Walcher (Durham: 1071–1080) Waleran (Rochester: 1182–1184) Walter (Hereford: 1061–1079) Walter (Rochester: 1148–1182) Walter de Gray (Worcester: 1214–1215, York: 1216?–1255) Walter Durdent (Coventry: 1149–1159) Walter of Coutances (Lincoln: 1183–1184, Rouen: 1184–1207) William (London: 1051–1075) William Bona Anima (Rouen: 1079–1110) William Burel (Avranches: 1182?–1194?) William Cornhill (Coventry: 1215–1223) William de Bellofago (Elmham: 1085?–1091?) William de Rupi è re (Lisieux: 1192?–1202?) William de Sainte M è re Eglise (London: 1199–1221) William de Tolomeus (Avranches: 1200?–1210) William de Tournebu (Coutances: 1184?–1199?) William de Vere (Hereford: 1186–1198) William Fitz Herbert (York: 1143–1147, 1153–1154) William Fleitel (Evreux: 1046?–1066?) William Giff ard (Winchester: 1107–1129) William Longchamp (Ely: 1189–1197) William of Blois (Lincoln: 1203–1206) William of Corbeil (Canterbury: 1123–1136) William of Northolt (Worcester: 1186–1190) William of Sainte Barbe (Durham: 1143–1152) William of St. Calais (Durham: 1081?–1096) William Turbe (Norwich: 1146?–1174) William Warelwast (Exeter: 1107–1137) Wulfstan (Worcester: 1062–1095) Wulfwig (Dorchester: 1053–1067)

APPENDIX II : WARRIOR-BISHOPS

The literary tradition of the soldier-bishop, in fact and fiction, has long been a familiar theme in the Latin West. There are the famous names of Gregory

of Tours, Turpin in the Song of Roland, Jerome in the Poem of the Cid , and Pope Julius II in the satire by Erasmus. Its popularity and persistence can doubtless partly be explained by the early use of a military vocabulary in an upper-class society organized for war to describe the miles Christi, the figure of the ideal Christian, and, in particular, by such an author as Saint Benedict for the ideal monk who, equipped with the symbolic armor and weapons of righteousness, truth, and justice, set out to fight for the faith, to conquer the enemy, whether physical or spiritual, and, having conquered, to attain salvation. It can also be explained by the fact that bishops were great landholders, often drawn from noble families, who were under an obligation to provide a certain number of armed men when called upon by their lord. Having led them to battle, it was not difficult for the war-minded to take up arms as well. In the period before the effects of the reform movement of the mid-eleventh century began to be felt, there are not only frequent references, particularly in the German sources, to fighting-bishops, but their actions are often described as natural and com-mendable. The chief problem throughout the history is to decide, in a given instance, whether the prelate accompanied the troops and encouraged them with his prayers and sermons, or whether he actually wielded sword, lance, and shield. By the twelfth century, however, with the growth of a new religious ethic, a revised law, and a firmer distinction between secular and ecclesiastical interests, these militant figures began to lose support and it is noticeable that fewer of them find their way into the chronicles and histories. They become more the subjects of legal arguments and learned treatises dealing with such pressing issues as the just war, the secular obligations of prelates, and the right to refuse obedi-ence to a ruler. Out of these contending views there developed an impressive literature extending from the Decretum of Gratian, who took a stand against the clergy bearing arms, to the New Chivalry of Saint Bernard, in which he justified the role of the soldier-monk, to the later Book of Fayttes of Arms of Christine de Pisan, the Tractatus de Bello of Giovanni da Legnano, and the Tree of Battles of Honor é Bonet, each of whom argued that under certain circumstances church-men could fight. The license depended on the nature of the conf lict and whether or not the pope had an interest in it. Although by the early thirteenth century, papal legislation that forbade the clergy to shed blood would seem effectively

A P P E N D I X I I286

to have put an end to the legal participation of a bishop in war as a combatant, so ingrained in the social fabric was the glory of fighting in a worthy Christian cause that there were always some men who could rationalize their role even though anointed and mitred. A few representative examples are listed below. Men like Hugh du Puiset, later bishop of Durham, and Thomas Becket, later archbishop of Canterbury, who were engaged in battle before their consecration, are not included.

Aelfstan, bishop of London, with Aescwig, bishop of Dorchester, against the Danes in 992 ( ASC , s.a.)

Rorico, bishop of Laon, at the siege of the castle of la F è re; Artoldus, archbishop of Reims, AT Coucy, and Bruno, archbishop of K ö ln, in Burgundy, in 958–959 (Flodoard of Reims, Annales )

Berengar, bishop of Cambrai, “a warrior on horseback” (Heinrich Fichtenau, Living in the Tenth Century, 207)

Avergot, bishop of Le Mans, on campaign with William, lord of Bell ê me ca. 1020 (Geoffrey White, “The First House of Bell ê me,” TRHS 4th ser. 22 (1940): 67–99)

Hugh, bishop of Bayeux, in an assault on the abbey of Pr é aux in 1047 (William of Poitiers, s.a.; Le cartulaire de l’abbaye b é n é dictine de saint-Pierre de Pr é aux , Dominique Rouet, ed., 4)

Ealdred, archbishop of York, joined in an attack on the Welsh in 1049 ( ASC , s.a.) Leofgar, bishop of Hereford, killed in a battle with the Welsh in 1056 ( ASC , s.a) Guifred, bishop of Narbonne, on campaign ca. 1059 (Frederic Cheyette, Ermengard of

Narbonne, chapter 6 ) Geoffrey, bishop of Coutances, at Hastings in 1066 ( OV , II, 266; IV, 229) Odo, bishop of Bayeux, at Hastings in 1066 (ibid. II, 204; IV 229) Hoel, bishop of Le Mans, fighting in the late eleventh century ( OV , IV, 192–198) Robert Bloet, bishop of Lincoln, at the siege of Tickhill in 1102 (C. Warren Hollister,

Henry I , 161–162) Robert, bishop of Bath, with troops against Geoffrey Talbot near Bristol in 1138 ( JW ,

248–249) Nigel, bishop of Ely, in revolt against the king ca. 1140 (ibid., 157) Christian, archbishop of Mainz, at the battle of Tusculum in 1167 ( JSL II, #152) Rainald, archbishop of K ö ln, on campaign in the mid-twelfth century ( Boso’s Life of

Alexander III , Peter Munz, ed., 74) Philippe of Dreux, bishop of Beauvais, f ighting in Normandy in the 1180s, and at

Bouvines in 1214 (Roger of Howden, s.a.) Elias, archbishop of Bordeaux; Matthias, bishop of Toul; and Hugh de Noyers, bishop of

Auxerre, all said to have been active soldiers with private armies in the late twelfth century (Achille Luchaire, Social France in the Time of Philip Augustus , 175–177; John France, Western Warfare, 68)

Hubert Walter, bishop of Salisbury, led an attack on Acre in 1191 and took part in a campaign in Wales in 1211 (C.R. Cheney, Hubert Walter , 36–37; Nicholas Vincent, Peter des Roches , 62)

Bertrand, bishop of Le Puy, at the siege of Casseneuil against the Cathars in 1210 ( The Song of the Cathar Wars, Janet Shirley, ed., laisse 14)

William de Cardaillac, bishop of Cahors, at Castres against the Cathars in 1211 (ibid., laisses 93, 98)

APPENDIX III : OFFICE-HOLDERS AT BAYEUX

CATHEDRAL IN THE TIME OF BISHOP HENRY,

1165–1205

Dean William de Tournebu Dupuy, # 63, 85

Stephen Gallia XI, Instrumenta, XXVRichard Dupuy, # 162, 162 bis

Precentor (Cantor) Herbert Dupuy, # 55Henry Ibid., # 70, 77, 95, 97, 100, 103, 120,

133, 135, 160, 171, 173, 187 Stephen Ibid. # 106, 113

Succentor Henry Ibid., # 55, 73, 77, 99, 121, 173, 218Richard Ibid., # 229

Sub-dean Robert Ibid., # 55, 186Patrick Ibid., # 70, 99, 121, 173, 225Henry Ibid., # 225

Chancellor Humphrey Bove ( archicapellanus ) Ibid., # 55; Gallia XI, Inst. 81Ralph Dupuy, # 78, 97, 113Roger Bove Ibid., # 94n., 132, 160, 173, 178

Treasurer Jordan Livre Rouge I, 270–271John de Longchamp Livre Noir I, 102, 195, 221

Sacrist William Dupuy, # 55Richard Ibid., # 60Jordan Ibid., # 143

Custos Henry Livre Noir I, 111, 132, 171, 299William Ibid., 184

Chamberlain William de Tancarville Dupuy, # 73, 219Walter Ibid., 135, 174–176, 220

Steward Thomas Ibid., # 71Godfrey Ibid., # 72Ralph Ibid., 75, 208

Marshal Ralph Ibid., # 70Almoner William Ibid., # 73, 219Bursar ( dispensator ) Richard Ibid., # 118, 248Physician Henry Ibid., # 134–135, but it is uncertain

whether he was attached to Bayeux, or to another cathedral, or to a monastic house

Usher ( hostiarius ) William Blond Ibid., # 73, 219Godfrey Ibid., #72

A P P E N D I X I I I288

Archdeacons Henry Ibid., # 133, 164, 172, 223Hugh Bove Ibid., # 70, 159, 164, 168, 179Jordan Ibid., # 55, 97, 115, 212, 173, 218, 253Patrick Ibid., # 80Richard? Ibid., # 60–61, 92Robert Fitz Bernard Ibid., # 97, 177, 187Robert de Mesten Ibid., # 97–98, 122Roger Livre Noir I, 142, 156Stephen Dupuy, # 61, 73, 109, 114, 142, 232,

251Thomas Ibid., # 55, 61, 134, 224, 251Waleran Ibid., # 55, 219Walter (brother of the bishop) Ibid., # 60, 61, 73, 219William Ibid., # 133, 164, 172, 176

APPENDIX IV : AN OUTLINE ITINERARY OF HENRY,

BISHOP OF BAYEUX, 1165–1205

1165 September Woodstock Eyton, 84

1166 February 24 Bayeux LN I, 155–156

March Falaise Eyton, 92

May 10 Le Mans Gervase, RS -73, I, 298

1167 October Valognes Eyton, 110

November Argentan CDF # 482

1169 January Montmirail Materials , RS -67, IV, 175

Argentan Eyton, 118

August 31 Bayeux Materials, RS -67, IV, 217

September 3 Bur Ibid., VII, 563

September 29 Plessis-Grimoult Dupuy # 56

November 30 Bayeux Ibid., # 57

1170 June Barf leur Materials , RS -67, VII, 563

June 11–14 London Torigni, RS -83, IV, 245

June 14 Westminster abbey Gallia XI, cl. 364

(coronation of Henry,

the young king)

October 15 Chinon D&B I, 295

Christmas Bur Eyton, 150

1171 February Argentan and Falaise Eyton, 150

Spring Valognes Sauvage, Troarn , 386–387

June-July Rouen Eyton, 157

July Valognes D&B I, 457

August England Eyton, 150

1172 February Canterbury Materials , RS -67, IV, 169

1173 Christmas Caen Gallia XI, cl. 364

1174 January Caen CDF , # 432

October Falaise Eyton, 185

Christmas Caen, Argentan, Rouen Ibid., 177, 187

1175 April Bur D&B II, 38–40

A P P E N D I X I V290

May Westminster Diceto, RS -68, I, 400

October Winchester Eyton, 197

October-December Marlborough Cartae Antiquae Rolls , 1–10, # 184

1176 January Caen D&B , Introd ., 347

August-September Italy Eyton, 206

September Southampton Ibid., 206

October Marlborough Ibid., 195

Winchester Ibid., 197

1177 January Caen Ibid., 209

February Sicily (?) Ibid., 211

June France Ibid., 215–216

September 25 Ivry Gerald of Wales, RS -21, VIII, 169

September Argentan Cartae Antiquae Rolls , 11–20, # 359

September Rouen Eyton, 218

October Verneuil Ibid., 220

November Avranches Torigni, RS -82, IV, 276

1178 January Bur Eyton, 220

March Bec Le Brasseur, Evreux , 156

April Rouen Gallia XI, cl. 220

1179 January-March Rome Ibid., XI, cl. 364

October Bayeux Dupuy #76

1180 June Caen, Argentan, Bur Eyton, 235

1181 February 22 Waltham Ibid., 246

March Rouen Torigni, RS -82, IV, 289

July Cherbourg Eyton, 240

October Barbery abbey Gallia XI, Instrumenta cl.86

November Bayeux Dupuy #84

1182 March Waltham Gervase, RS -73, I, 298

September 14 Marlborough Peterborough Chron ., RS -49, I, 352

1183 January 20 Caen J. Walmsley, Caen Charters , # 1

March 8 Poitiers D&B II, 639

May 26 Caen Eyton, 251

1184 September 14 Marlborough Peterborough Chron., RS -49, I, 352

1187 November Bur H. Salter, Oxford Charters , #40

1188 January 1 Cherbourg Eyton, 282

1189 March 22 Rouen Cal. Charter Rolls 4, 272

A P P E N D I X I V 291

July 20 Rouen Gesta , RS -49, II, 73

July England Ibid., 75

August Winchester Ibid., 77

Canterbury Gervase, RS -73, I, 455

September 3 Westminster abbey

(coronation of Richard I) Diceto, RS -68, II, 167

September 7 St. Albans CDF , # 440

September 15 Pipewell abbey Landon, 6–7

September 16 Geddington Ibid., 7

December 12 Dover to Calais Ibid., 23

1190 February Rouen Fisquet, 42

March 18–20 Rouen CDF , # 57

September-October Aunay-sur-Odon Fisquet, 42

1191 August 18 Tours Diceto, RS -68, II, 96

1196 April 22 Les Andelys L é chaud é d’Anisy, II, 111–112

1197 April 17 Les Andelys CDF # 561

October 16 Rouen LIS , vol., 27, 235

1198 April 17 Ch â teau Gaillard Landon, 126

1199 February 17 Valognes Records of Merton Priory , 55

July Caen Gallia XI, cl. 365

1200 January 23 Caen MRSN , II, cclii–ccliii

May 5 Caen Rot. Chart. , 57

NOTES

Introduction

1 . Jean Gaudemet, Les é lections dans l’église latine des origines au XVIe si è cle (Paris: Fernand Lanore, 1979), pp. 60–62.

2 . Andrew Ayton and Virginia Davis, “Ecclesiastical Wealth in England in 1086,” Studies in Church History 24 (1987): 47–60. See also appendix II. For military ser-vice owed by the bishops in England “per baroniam,” except for Carlisle, see I.J. Sanders, Feudal Military Service in England, 16–19, 108–114. A Study of the Constitutional and Military Power of the Barones in Medieval England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956). In Normandy the bishop of Avranches owed 10 knights to the duke for his own barony and another 5 for the barony of St. Philibert in the diocese of Lisieux; the bishop of Bayeux 20 knights; the bishop of Coutances 5 knights; the bishop of Lisieux 20 knights; and the bishop of S é es 6 knights. See H. Navel, “L’enqu ê te de 1133 sur les fiefs de l’év ê ch é de Bayeux,” Bulletin de la Soci é t é des Antiquaires de Normandie 42 (1934): 5–80; John Horace Round, Family Origins and Other Studies , William Page, ed. (London: Constable, 1930); Charles H. Haskins, Norman Institutions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1918; Rp. New York: Frederick Ungar, 1960); The Red Book of the Exchequer , Hubert Hall, ed., 3 vols., RS -99 (London: 1896), pp. 624–625; Bouquet, 699–702. For the ques-tion of service by the Norman bishops to the king of France after 1204, see J.W. Baldwin, “Philip Augustus and the Norman Church,” French Historical Studies 6 (1969): 1–30, 281–289, 450–453.

3 . From the evaluation of the Spanish monarchy in the seventeenth century, but equally applicable to the rival powers in the twelfth. See J.H. Elliott, The Revolt of the Catalans, A Study in the Decline of Spain: 1598–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), pp. 102–103.

4 . William Langland, The Vision of Piers Plowman , A.C.V. Schmidt, ed. (London: Dent, 1987), III, lines 209–212, in this case taking Mede as earthly, rather than heavenly, reward. The sister of Lady Mede was greed (cupiditas) who was made the “Lady of the Court” of Henry II by Walter Map in his De Nugis curialium, Courtiers’ Trif les , M.R. James, C.N.L. Brooke, and R.A.B. Mynors, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 4–5. For different meanings of Mede (Meed), see J.A. Burrow, Langland’s Fictions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 34–40. For Langland’s work as a source for the historian, see F.R.H. Du Boulay, The England of Piers Plowman (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1991). Similarly in the thirteenth century: “At some points in his career Edward showed that he was well aware that men’s allegiance could be acquired by means of judicious gifts and promises.” Michael Prestwich, “Royal Patronage under Edward I,” Thirteenth-Century England I , P.R. Cross and S.D. Lloyd, eds. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1986), pp. 41–52.

N O T E S294

5 . B. Dobson, “The Authority of the Bishop in Late Medieval England. The Case of Archbishop Alexander Neville of York: 1374–1388,” in Church and Society in the Medieval North of England , pp. 185–193.

6 . Jean Gaudemet, É glise et Cit é . Histoire du droit canonique (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1994), pp. 419–420.

7 . R.N. Swanson, Church and Society in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), p. 28.

8 . M. Parisse, “La recherche fran ç aise sur les actes des é v ê ques. Les travaux d’un groupe de recherche,” in Die Diplomatik der Bischofsurkunde vor 1250 , Christof Haidacher and Werner K ö f ler, eds. (Innsbruck: Tiroler Landesarchiv, 1995), pp. 203–207.

9 . See, for example, the following related critical assessments listed in roughly chronological order of appearance: Rotuli chartarum in turri Londiensi asservati , Thomas Duffus Hardy, ed. (London: Record Commission, 1837), pp. xxvii–xxx; F.W. Maitland, “History from the Charter Roll,” English Historical Review 8 (1983): 726–733; G. Warner and H. Ellis, ed., Facsimiles of Royal and other Charters in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1903), #68–69; F.M. Stenton, Transcripts of Charters relating to Gilbertine Houses , Lincoln Record Society, vol. 18 (Horncastle:1920); Frank M. Stenton, “Acta episcoporum,” Cambridge Historical Journal 3 (1929): 7; A. de Bo ü ard, Manuel de diplomatique fran ç aise et pontificale, I (Paris: Auguste Picard, 1929 and 1948); J.C. Russell, “Social Status at the Court of King John,” Speculum 12 (1937): 319–329; J.C. Russell, “Attestation of Charters in the Reign of John,” Speculum 15 (1940): 480–498; George L. Haskins, “Charter Witness Lists in the Reign of King John,” Speculum 13 (1938): 319–325; D.M. Stenton, Pleas before King John or His Justices 1198–1202 , Selden Society, vol. 67, I (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1953), p. 87; Marie Fauroux, Recueil de actes des ducs de Normandie de 911 à 1066 , Marie Fauroux, ed. (Caen: Caron, 1961), p. 319; Acta of the Bishops of Chichester: 1075–1207 , H. Mayr-Harting, ed., Canterbury & York Society, 56 (Torquay: Devonshire Press, 1964), pp. 7–8; Pierre Chaplais, English Royal Documents. King John-Henry VI: 1199–1461 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 16; D. Greenway, “Ecclesiastical Chronology. Fasti: 1066–1300,” Studies in Church History 11 (1975): 53–60; D. Smith, English Episcopal Acta, David M. Smith, B.R. Kemp, et al., eds. (London: Oxford University Press, 1980–), 1, pp. xl–xli; C.R. Cheney, EEA 2 (1981), pp. xxix–xxxiii; F. Barlow, William Rufus (London: Methuen, 1983), pp. 211–212; Richard Heiser, “The Royal familiares of King Richard I,” Medieval Prosopography 10 (1989): 27; T. Keefe, “Counting Those Who Count. A Computer-Assisted Analysis of Charter Witness-Lists and the Itinerant Court in the First Year of the Reign of Richard I,” Haskins Society Journal 1 (1989): 135–145; O. Guyotjeannin, “Les é v ê ques dans l’entourage royal sous les premiers Cap é tiens,” in Le Roi de France et son royaume autour de l’an mil , Michel Parisse and Xavier Barral i Altet, eds. (Paris: Picard, 1992), pp. 91–98; D. Bates, “The Prosopographical Study of Anglo-Norman Royal Charters,” in Family Trees and Roots of Politics , K.S.B. Keats-Rohan, ed. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1997), pp. 89–102; R. Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings: 1075–1225 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 30; C.W. Hollister, Henry I (New Haven: Yale, 2001), pp. 499–506.

10 . Frank Barlow, The English Church: 1000–1066. A Constitutional History (London: 1963; 2d ed. 1979), p. 130. Not a few charters that end the list with the words “et alii,” or “et multis aliis,” suggest there were limits to using named witnesses.

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1 The Bishop Sets Forth

1 . The Works of the Reverend Sydney Smith (London: Longman, Green, 1865), p. 140. The Wit and Wisdom of the Reverend Sydney Smith (London: Longman, Green, 1869), pp. 143–145.

2 . Alexander Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 318. At one point in a critical study of art and aesthetic judgment, which necessarily is as much about the meaning of words as about the interpreta-tion of meaning, George Boas raised the same difficulty: “We talk glibly about ‘society’ as if we knew what is was and as if that knowledge convinced us that it was all of a piece. But society in modern times, and probably wherever one had an urban civilization, has been a collection of more or less harmonious groups, groups which have been organized for religious, economic, political, and even aesthetic aims.” Further on in the discussion he made clear: “A social group in its origin is a number of people trying to achieve a given purpose,” The Heaven of Invention (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1962), pp. 48 and 223. So, once again, to understand social movement and change we must concentrate our attention, so far as it is possible to do so, on each of the persons involved. J. Huizinga, in an essay on the idea of history, offered a warning: “As I have said, language inevitably entails such metaphysical expressions. The danger lies in the fact that a metaphor can, as it were, become the basis for further construction and that the slightly humanized figure of speech thus can turn into a phantom, allowing a mythological conception to steal into the place of a scientific one . . . An abstract concept like ‘capitalism’ is seen as a diabolical being full of cruelty and cunning. ‘Revolution’ may be seen first as an idea, but it soon becomes an almost living being,” The Varieties of History , Fritz Stern, ed. (New York: Meridian, 1956), p. 294.

3 . Gregory the Great, Exposition on the Song of Songs , c. 12. Hugh of St. Victor, De Sacramentis , CTB , #95, pp. 400–401. Stephen of Tournai, Preface to the Summa , in Prefaces to Canon Law Books in Latin Christianity , Robert Somerville and Bruce C. Basington, eds. (New Haven: Yale, 1998), p. 195. Bernard of Clairvaux, in search of a more subtle meaning, declared: “ Ecclesia nomine non una anima sed multorum unitas vel potius unanimitas designator ,” Song of Songs , 61:2. See also Gary Macy, “Was There a ‘Church’ in the Middle Ages?” Unity and Diversity in the Church , Studies in Church History 32 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), pp. 107–116; and Glenn Olsen, “The Idea of the ‘ecclesia primitiva’ in the Writings of the Twelfth-Century Canonists,” Traditio 25 (1969): 61–86.

4 . “Abstractions are useful as a sort of shorthand but they derive real meaning entirely from the context in which they are preached.” Gilbert Murray, with reference to John Buchan’s impatience with philosophical concepts, in the preface to John Buchan, The Clearing House (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1946), p. viii.

5 . The Table-Talk of John Selden , Arthur Warwick, ed. (London: Reeves & Turner, 1890), p. 75.

6 . Frederick Artz, The Mind of the Middle Ages (New York: Knopf, 1959). Henry Osborn Taylor, The Medieval Mind , 2 vols (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1949). In fairness, it should be said that while the titles of these works give the wrong idea to the apprentice historian, neither author failed to document the individual efforts that made up the collective, mythical, consciousness. Yet the idea lives on. Compare the neo-Burckhardtian view of Jacques Le Goff: “If we try to approach men in medieval Western Europe as individuals, we quickly realize not only that, as in every society, each individual belonged to several groups or communities,

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but also that in the middle ages they seemed to merge into such groups rather than to assert themselves within them,” Medieval Civilization: 400–1500 (New York: Barnes & Noble, 2000), p. 279.

7 . David Knowles, The Episcopal Colleagues of Archbishop Thomas Becket (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951), pp. 12–14.

8 . Ibid., p. 27. 9 . The Chronicle of Battle Abbey , Eleanor Searle, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 1980), pp. 172–173. 10 . Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum , Diana Greenway, ed. (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 1996), pp. 610–613. 11 . Frank Barlow, The English Church: 1066–1154 (London: Longmans. 1979),

pp. 84–89. 12 . David Bates, Normandy before 1066 (London: Longman, 1982), p. 211. 13 . Orderic Vitalis , III, pp. 18–20. 14 . William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum , R.H. Thomson, ed., 2 vols.

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 174. Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum , Diana Greenway, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 748–749. The Life of Christina of Markyate , C.H. Talbot, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959; rev. ed. 1987), pp. 66–67.

15 . For Herfast, see James W. Alexander, “Herbert Losinga, Bishop of Norwich: 1091–1119,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 6 (1969): 159; for Roger of Coventry, A. Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury (London: University of London Press, 1956), pp. 13–14; and revisions in M.J. Franklin, “The Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield c. 1072–1208,” in Coventry’s First Cathedral , George Demidowicz, ed. (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1994), pp. 124–125; for Roger of York, Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , pp. 12–14 and English Episcopal Acta , David M. Smith, B.R. Kemp, et al., eds. (London: Oxford University Press, 1980–) 20, p. xxix; for William Turbe see David Crouch, The Reign of King Stephen: 1135–1154 (Harlow: Longman, 2000), p. 303.

16 . William of Poitiers (Guillaume de Poitiers) , Histoire de Guillaume le Conqu é rant , Raymond Foreville, ed. (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1952); The Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers, R.H.C. Davis and Marjorie Chibnall, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 140–141. The Waltham Chronicle , Leslie Watkiss and Marjorie Chibnall, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 48–49. The relationship of the chronicles is discussed by D. Bates, “The Conqueror’s Earliest Historians and the Writing of Biography,” Writing Medieval Biography: 750–1250 , Essays in Honour of Professor Frank Barlow , D. Bates, J. Crick, and S. Hamilton, eds. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2006), pp. 129–141.

17 . William Stubbs, Historical Introductions to the Rolls Series, Arthur Hassall, ed. (London: Longmans, Green, 1902), p. 90. Christopher R. Cheney, English Church Government: 1170–1213 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956), pp. 26–29. “The truth is never pure and rarely simple,” from Oscar Wilde, The Importance of Being Earnest ” (New York: Norton, 2006).

18 . Bernard Jacqueline, Episcopat et papaut é chez St. Bernard de Clairvaux (Ste. Marguerite d’Elle: Henri Jacqueline, 1975), p. 159.

19 . Mary G. Cheney, Roger, Bishop of Worcester: 1164–1179 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 5.

20 . I Timothy 3: 1–7. (Douay version). Titus 1: 7–10. Acts 20:28: “bishop” from “episcopus” from “επισκοποs” (overseer).

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21 . OV, V, pp. 264–265. The Coutumes de Beauvaisis of Philippe de Beaumanoir , F.R.P. Akehurst, ed. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992), pp. 11–56.

22 . Didascalia Apostolorum , R. Hugh Connolly, ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1929), pp. 28–36.

23 . S. Leonis Magni Epistolae , Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina , J.-P. Migne, ed., 221 vols. (Paris: 1844–1864), 54: 633–634. Gr é goire le Grand, R è gle pastorale , Bruno Judic, ed., Sources Chr é tiennes, vol. 381 (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1992).

24 . MPL 54: 635. 25 . Alcuin in a letter to Archbishop Eanbald of York in 796 quoted by Bruno Judic

in Sources Chr é tiennes , no. 381, p. 93. 26 . Ibid., p. 72. Augustine, De Civitate Dei , B. Dombart, ed., vol. II (Leipzig: Teubner,

1863), XIX; 19 “ qui praeesse dilexerit non prodesse .” 27 . The myth of divine election had a long history. The canons of Lincoln cathedral,

for example, came to the regal court held at Eynsham in 1186 “to receive their bishop elected in heaven.” Magna Vita Sancti Hugonis I, p. 92.

28 . The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus , Bertram Colgrave, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1927; Rp. 1985), chapter XI , pp. 23–25. See the comments by Alain Dubreucq in Jonas d’Orl é ans, Le m é tier de roi ( De institu-tione regia ), Alain Dubreucq, ed., Sources Chr é tiennes 407 (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1995), pp. 9–145. Similar sentiments were recorded by Hervey, archbishop of Reims (900–922), in a letter to the clergy and people of Beauvais, and by Albon, abbot of Fleury (988–1004). See Robert Bautier, “La biographie de l’arch é veque de Reims, Herv é ,” in M é langes d’Histoire du Moyen Age d é di é s à la m é moire de Louis Halphen , Charles-Edmond Perrin, ed. (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1951), and M. Mostert, “L’Abb é , l’év ê que, et le pape. L’Image de l’év ê que idéal dans les oeuvres d’Albon de Fleury,” in Religion et culture autour de l’an mil, J.-C. Picard and D. Iogna-Prat, eds. (Paris: Picard, 1990).

29 . See the letter to Manasses, archbishop of Reims, in January 1080, in The Register of Pope Gregory VII: 1073–1085 , H.E.J. Cowdrey, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 337–338. Also Gregory’s desire to control the bishops commit-ted to writing in the Dictatus Papae in H.E.J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII: 1073–1085 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), with references, pp. 605–606.

30 . The encyclical letter of Henry IV to his bishops in 1076 in Imperial Lives and Letters , #13. Gregory, in fact, made much of the difference, as in his letter to Hermann, bishop of Metz, in 1076: “How great is the difference between the dignity of kings and the dignity of bishops. Certainly it is not to be imagined that kings are higher than bishops. The power of kings is based on human lust for power, that of bishops on divine grace. The goal of one is empty glory; the goal of the other is heavenly salvation” ( Register of Pope Gregory VII , 4.2).

31 . Gregory VII to Hugh, abbot of Cluny ( January 22, 1075); ibid., 2.49. 32 . See Harold J. Berman, Law and Revolution. The Formation of the Western Legal

Tradition (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1983), pp. 209–212 from which the quo-tation and the preceding passage are taken. In the thirteenth century, Robert Grosseteste, the bishop of Lincoln, entered the lists against what he considered the worldly corruption of the divine power of pope and curia, while at the same time he defended the superior authority of the bishop in his diocese: “As the sun illuminates the moon and the stars, so the bishop shines in the radiance of the holy father; but in his own church he is the sun which gives light to the lower clergy” ( Epistolae , CXXVII, RS -25, pp. 389–391). The ambiguity of his position

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is discussed in R.W. Southern, Robert Grosseteste. The Growth of an English Mind in Medieval Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 260–281.

33 . A colorful catalogue of clerical corruption was compiled by Henry Charles Lea in Vol. I of his History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages (New York: Harper, 1888), pp. 8–18.

34 . For Lanfranc, see Margaret Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 136–137. For William, see Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII , p. 466. For bishops as barons, see the The Life of Saint Hugh of Lincoln, II, p. 99: “ut bar-rones [sic] Anglie inter quos et episcopi censebantur.”

35 . The election of Gilbert Foliot to Hereford in 1148, for example, was refused by Duke Henry until he had sworn fealty to him ( John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , p. 47). At the Roman Easter council in 1099, Urban II forbade homage, a secular act and symbol, to bishops and all clergy, see Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, Martin Rule, ed., RS -81 (London: 1884), p. 114, and Eadmer, The Life of Saint Anselm, R. Southern, ed., p. 115. But before long the severity of the decree was softened so that bishops did homage when they were elected but before they were consecrated. In Glanvil we f ind that “consecrated bishops do not do homage to the lord king even for their bar-onies, but swear fealty accompanied by an oath; but bishops-elect do hom-age before their consecration,” see Tractatus de legibus et consuetudinibus regni Anglie qui Glanvilla vocatur, G.D.G. Hall, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 106. See also Robert L. Benson, The Bishop-Elect. A Study in Medieval Ecclesiastical Office (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), pp. 246–247, 367; and R.W. Southern, St. Anselm and His Biographer. A Study of Monastic Life and Thought: 1059–c.1130 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), pp. 165–180.

36 . “ Ibi rex Henricus de pace regni tractavit cum Radulfo Cantuariae archiepiscopo aliisque baronibus quos aggregaverit [at Rouen],” OV, VI, p. 202. “ Archiepiscopi, episcopi, et universae personae regni qui de rege tenent in capite, et habent possessiones suas de domino rege sicut baroniam . . . et sicut barones ceteri debent interesse judiciis curiae domini regis cum baronibus . . . ” Constitutions of Clarendon , c. xi. “ Notandum autem quod nec episcopus nec abbas, quia eorum baronie sunt de elemosina domini regis et antecessorum eius, non pos-sunt de dominicis suis aliquam partem donare ad remanenciam sine assensu et confirmatione domini regis .” Glanvil, Tractatus de legibus , p. 74. Bishops, of course, were unlike lay barons in that they were consecrated to their office and, by law, at least, they were not to have families to support and promote, nor were they to marry in order to bolster their position.

37 . Die ‘Institutes of Polity, Civil and Ecclesiastical.’ Ein Werk Erzbischof Wulfstans von York , Karl Jost, ed. pp. 59–80. Tractatus de moribus et officio episcoporum , MPL 182: 826. Peter of Blois, De Institutione episcopi , MPL 207: 1115. JSL II #316, p. 776. In the discussion of episcopal virtues, chief ly in German lands, the same list occurs: piety, humility, truth, modesty, patience, learning, high moral character, with the additional requirement of “noble appearance.” C. Stephen Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness. Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals: 939–1210 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), p. 19 et seq. and p. 184 et seq. See also John Bugge, Virginitas. An Essay in the History of a Medieval Ideal ('s Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1975), for the continued emphasis on the monastic virtues of poverty, chastity, obedience, and humility, in the twelfth century.

38 . Gratian listed the important characteristics as wise, merciful, chase, humble, pru-dent, moderate, intelligent, learned. Corpus iuris canonici, Emil Friedberg, ed.,

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2 vols. (Leipzig: Tauchnitz, 1879–1881; Rp. Graz: 1955), D. 23, C. 2; D. 24, 26, 35, 47.

39 . The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury , Anne J. Duggan, ed., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), II, #307, p. 1292. In the canons of the third Lateran council in 1179, Alexander III had listed the current qualifications for a man destined for episcopal office as at least thirty years of age, in priest’s orders, the son of a legitimate marriage, proof of an upright life, and learned in the law.

40 . Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta , Joseph Alberigo et al., eds. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose, 1973), Lateran IV, c.8: “ Et quia non possunt omnibus complacere .”

41 . See George Henderson, “ Sortes biblicae in Twelfth-Century England,” in England in the Twelfth Century. Harlaxton IV , Daniel Williams, ed. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1990), pp. 113–135.

42 . Roger Collins, Early Medieval Europe:300–1000 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999), p. 258.

43 . Friedrich Lotter, Die Vita Brunonis des Ruotger. Ihre historiographische und ideenge-schichtliche Stellung, Bonner historische Forschungen, Bd. 9 (Bonn: Ludwig R ö hrscheid, 1958), pp. 115–131, who stresses the mutual advantages of Ottonian bishops in royal service.

44 . CTB #82 (to Henry I, 1166), #256 (to Henry of Blois, 1169). From the point of view of church authorities, the important differences changed very little over the centuries. Pius X, acting on poor advice, was still framing the problem in a strictly medieval context in 1906 in “Vehementer nos.”

45 . Beryl Smalley, The Becket Conf lict and the Schools , A Study of Intellectuals in Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973) pp. 29–38. The ambiguity of the bish-op’s position is clearly revealed by John of Salisbury in several letters addressed to Henry, bishop of Bayeux, JSL , #164, 202. Anne Duggan, “John of Salisbury and Thomas Becket,” in John of Salisbury and His World , pp. 431–432. An old-fashioned view of the natural incompatibility of a dual loyalty can be found among some modern historians, as, for instance, in D. Knowles on Henry of Blois: “From the moment that he eagerly entered the arena of secular politics till the death of Stephen he was in a false position from which no amount of sagacity or moderation could extricate him. The familiar and bitter phrase of Henry of Huntingdon was at bottom true, and nothing could redeem the combination of elements essentially hostile one to another.” David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950), p. 291. In a well-known passage, Henry of Huntingdon described the bishop: “ Henricus nepos regis Henrici, qui futurus est novum quoddam monstrum ex integro et corrupto compositum scilicet monachus et miles ,” HH , pp. 608–611.

46 . “As to political prelates, they have been with us since the times of the apostles, and even more so since the Emperor Constantine made Christianity licet (313),” F.R.H. Du Boulay, The England of Piers Plowman (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1991), p. 2.

47 . The Letters of Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury , Helen Clover and Margaret Gibson, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), #2.

48 . Diceto, RS -68, I, p. 435. 49 . Nancy F. Partner, Serious Entertainments. The Writing of History in Twelfth-Century

England (Chicago: 1977), pp. 85–94. It was a point made in theoretical terms by Archbishop Theobald in a letter to Henry II ca. 1160 urging cooperation

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in view of the threat to the church by the new papal schism: “Princes should show reverence to priests and priests should render faithful service to princes,” JSL I, #116.

50 . Selected Letters of Pope Innocent III concerning England: 1198–1216 , C.R. Cheney and W.H. Semple, eds. (London: Nelson, 1953), #6, which sentiment, also shaped by political restraint, colored the letter of Alexander III to Thomas Becket in 1164: “The desires of princes should be respected and his will accommodated as far as possible,” CTB , #26.

51 . EEA 6, pp. xxxiv–xxxvi, and the acta . 52 . Christopher R. Cheney, Hubert Walter (London: Nelson, 1967), chapters 4–5. 53 . EEA 7, acta . 54 . EEA 2, #230. 55 . William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum , R.A.B. Mynors, R.M. Thomson,

and M. Winterbottom, eds., 2 vols, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998–1999), RS -90 II, p. 517. GP , RS -52, pp. 274–275.

56 . Self and Society in Medieval France , J. Benton, ed. (New York: Harper, 1970), pp. 145–151.

57 . Speculum ecclesiae , RS -21 IV, pp. 337–348; OV, V, pp. 204–205. 58 . Susan Reynolds, “Social Mentalities and the Case for Medieval Skepticism,”

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 6th ser. 1 (1991): 21–41. 59 . The learned and elegantly fashioned argument according to the American ver-

sion is by Ralph Gabriel, The Course of American Democratic Thought (New York: Ronald Press, 1940).

60 . Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, Martin Rule, ed. (London: 1884), RS -81, p. 81. CTB , #150, p. 708; #170, p. 782. Whether libertas ecclesiae meant the free-dom of the whole church or, more simply, the rights of his cathedral church, or whether Becket used the phrase sometimes with one meaning and sometimes with the other, depending on the circumstances, we shall probably never know. For the argument of the greater church, see Inos Biffi, Protagonisti del medioevo: Anselmo e Lanfranco, Urbano II, Sugero, Pietro il Venerabile, Tommaso Becket (Milano: Jaca, 1996), pp. 380–381. For a suggestion of the lesser church, see the latest account of the life and times by John Guy, Thomas Becket, Warrior, Priest, Rebel (New York: Random House, 2012), pp. 345–346.

61 . Margaret Gibson, Lanfranc , pp. 160–161. Lanfranc, Letters , #7, 47. OV, IV, pp. xxvii–xxx, 42–43. English Historical Documents , David Douglas et al., eds., vol. I: 500–1042, vol. II: 1042–1189, vol. III: 1189–1327 (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1968–1981), II, #84.

62 . Donald Matthew, King Stephen (London: Hambledon, 2002), p. 153. “Like the administration of justice, the acquisition of royal and comital rights doubtless made it more difficult for the laity to distinguish between secular and ecclesiasti-cal authority,” Mary F. Giandrea, Episcopal Culture in Late Anglo-Saxon England (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2007), p. 185.

63 . Edward Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire , J.B. Bury, ed. (London: Methuen, 1896–1898), volume II, chapter 15 , pp. 46–47.

64 . Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan , chapter 39 . Or, as Maitland put it: “When the medieval church is regarded as a political organism, as a state, it becomes very interesting. As a whole, the constitution of this state may be unique, but there is hardly a feature in it for which we may not f ind analogies else-where,” F.W. Maitland, “Canon Law in England,” English Historical Review 12 (1897): 625.

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2 Principles of Authority

1 . Dare was in general use as in matrimonium dare, in manu dare . A cluster of dedits occurs in Henry of Huntingdon’s History where he records the king’s appointments to Canterbury, Lincoln, London, Bath, Rochester, Chichester, and Worcester. Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, Diana Greenway, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 416–417, 470–473, 476–478. A note on the legal implications of the use of the word dare is in J. Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 72–84, 148–153, 211–215.

2 . On the question of the proprietary church and the greater attention given to the legal implications of patronage, see Susan Wood, The Proprietary Church in the Medieval West (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 292–311, 918 et seq.

3 . “ Ab ipso rege electus ,” Symeon of Durham, Libellus de exordio atque procursu istius hoc est Dunelmensis ecclesie , David Rollason, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 222–225.

4 . The Register of Pope Gregory VII: 1073–1085 , H.E.J. Cowdrey, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 1.21, 1.35; and later prohibitions at 3.10, 4.22, 7.14a. For comment on the practice, see H. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII : 1073–1085 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 403–410.

5 . Anselm could write to Hugh, archbishop of Lyon, that “the king gave me the archbishopric,” Richard Southern, St. Anselm, a Portrait in a Landscape (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 250. Archbishop Baldwin, according to Gervase, gave the bishopric of Rochester to his clerk, Gilbert Glanvil. Gervase of Canterbury, The Historical Works , William Stubbs, ed., 2 vols. (London: 1879–1880), RS -73, I, p. 312. “After the death of Bishop Gaudry [of Laon], the clergy began to call upon the king for the election of another. Without any election, the king gave them a certain dean of Orl é ans.” Self and Society in Medieval France , J. Benton, ed. (New York: Harper, 1970), pp. 197–198. Other terms frequently used were electus est ( The Chronicle of John of Worcester , R.R. Darlington, P. McGurk, and Jennifer Bray, eds., vols. II and III (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995–1998), pp. 52–53), suscepit ( OV , VI, pp. 428–429), “ factus est ” (ibid., pp. 392–393), “ commissus est ” (ibid., pp. 442–443), “ constituit ” ( JW III, pp. 14–15), “prefecit” (ibid., pp.118–119), “investiuit” (ibid. pp. 102–103).

6 . English Historical Documents. David Douglas et al., eds., vol. I: 500–1042, vol. II: 1042–1189, vol. III: 1189–1327 (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1968–1981) II, pp. 769–770; and Annals of Burton in Annales Monastici , H.R. Luard, ed. (London: 1864-1869), RS -36, I, p. 211.

7 . W.L. Warren, Henry II (London: Eyre Methuen, 1973), pp. 535–536. 8 . The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, dean of London , William Stubbs, ed.,

2 vols. (London: 1876), RS -68, I, pp. 367–368. Raymonde Foreville, L’église et la royaut é en Angleterre sous Henri II Plantagen ê t (Paris: 1943), p. 370.

9 . Materials, II, pp. 365–367. 10 . Rotuli chartarum in turri Londiensi asservati, Thomas Duffus Hardy, ed. (London:

Record Commission, 1837), p. 207B. 11 . H.E.J. Cowdrey, Lanfranc , Scholar, Monk, and Archbishop (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 2003), p. 37. C.R. Cheney, Pope Innocent and England , P ä pste und Papsttum, Bd. 9 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1976), p. 127.

12 . Gilbert Foliot and His Letters , Adrian Morey and C.N.L. Brooke (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), p. 109. OV, VI, pp. 535–536.

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13 . Warren, Henry II , p. 433. The Letters of John of Salisbury , W.J. MiIlor, H.E. Butler, and C.N.L. Brooke, eds., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979–1986), II, #128, p. 222.

14 . H.G. Richardson and George O. Sayles, The Governance of Medieval England from the Conquest to Magna Carta (Edinburgh: University Press, 1963), pp. 339–340.

15 . In the mid-eleventh century, Cardinal Humbert of Silva Candida laid out the proper sequence of election by clergy and people, approval by the archbishop, and consecration by the bishops of the province, but deplored the fact that in his time the order had been turned upside down so that bishops were chosen by the king, with the consent of the nobles, clergy, people, and metropolitan coming as an afterthought, Adversus Simoniacos , printed in The Crisis of Church and State: 1050–1300 , Brian Tierney, ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1964), p. 40.

16 . JSL II, # 311. Jacques Paul, L’Eglise et la Culture en Occident , Nouvelle Clio 15, 2 vols. (Paris: PUF, 1986), p. 439.

17 . Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta , Joseph Alberigo et al., eds. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose, 1973), p. 190, canon 3. For a model form of electoral procedure under papal auspices see the bull of Eugenius III to the chapter at Coutances in February 1146 in Papsturkunden in Frankreich , Bd. II, Normandie , Johannes Ramackers, ed. (G ö ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1937), #40.

18 . COD , p. 203, canon 28. The Lateran decrees that arrived in England were often imperfect texts, which left many uncertainties and ambiguities for those who applied them. See R.W. Southern, Robert Grosseteste. The Growth of an English Mind in Medieval Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 266, n. 36. The petition of the bishops is printed in Early Charters of the Cathedral Church of St. Paul, London , Marion Gibbs, ed., Camden Society, 3d series 58 (London: RHS, 1939), #181.

19 . COD , pp. 246–247, canons 24–25. For Gratian, the answer appeared to be that the clergy elected, laymen were excluded, and the people consented ( Dist . 62–63). Rufinus attempted to deal with the problem of definition about 1157, for which see Robert Benson, The Bishop-Elect , pp. 60–64. Innocent III included assensus principis among the important parts of the electoral process (ibid. p. 346, n. 13). By his time, the available methods were by ballot ( per scrutinium) , which was the most usual, or by compromise, or by inspiration. But, then, it could be argued that all results by ballot were had by compromise, and that since God was a party to the action, the choice of any successful candidate was inspired. The actual vote in the chapter brings up a host of other problems relating to the exact process by which the voting was done and the way the votes were weighed or counted. The ambiguity of “ maior et sanior pars ” is apparent in that “ maior ” might mean greater in number, greater in age, or even greater in importance; while “ sanior ” implied better judgement, or those who were more intelligent, or more prudent, or more reasonable, or also older in age or senior in appointment. Gregory VII, in a let-ter of instruction on the election of a successor to the archbishop of Reims in December 1080, urged the count of Roucy to support the candidate who was to be elected “by the wiser counsel of the better part of the clergy” with the consent of the papal legate (“illumque archiepiscopum quem saniori consilio pars cleri melior cum consensu predicti legati nostri, Hugonis videlicet episcopi Diensis, illi sedi elegerit, modis omnibus adiuvare,” Register 8.18); while in another letter of the same date to the suffragan bishops of Reims, he was ready to approve an election made by “the better and more religious part of the clergy and people”

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with the consent of his vicar (“nos enim eam electionem, quam pars cleri et populi melior et religiosior consentiente predicto nostro vicario fecerit, deo favente firmantes apostolica auctoritate roboramus,” Register 8.19). Translations by Cowdrey, Register. It was a standard phrase, in use in monastic establishments as well. Alexander III wrote to Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, and others, in the 1170s with regard to the abbot of Malmesbury who had distributed property of the abbey without the common consent of the chapter or ( vel ) the maior et sanior pars , Decretales ineditae saeculi XII, from the papers of the late Walther Holtzmann, Stanley Chodorow and Charles Duggan, eds. (Citt à del Vaticano: 1982), #50, pp. 91–92. Each of the definitions, of course, raises its own problems in meaning. See the discussion by Jean Gaudemet, “Unanimit é et majorit é . Observations sur quelques é tudes r é centes,” La soci é t é eccl é siastique dans l’occident m é di é val (London: Variorum, 1980); and Klaus Ganzer, Unanimitas, maioritas, pars sanior. Zur repr ä sen-tativen Willensbildung von Gemeinschaften in der kirchlichen Rechtsgeschichte , Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Mainz (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2000); and the comments in Andreas Thier, Hierarchie und Autonomie , Regelungstraditionen der Bischofsbestellung in der Geschichte des kirchlichen Wahlrechts bis 1140 (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 2011), pp. 164ff.

20 . The Life of Saint Hugh of Lincoln I, pp. 91–93. Many men at court who appear to have been eminently qualified were never able to succeed to a bishopric—in the time of Henry II, Richard du Hommet, a great-grandson of Odo of Bayeux, Richard de Lucy, royal judge and sheriff, William Basset, sheriff, Hugh de Cressy, are names that come to mind.

21 . “ Verbi gratia, cum factus quis fuerit in quacunque Ecclesia decanus, vel praepositus, archi-diaconus, aut aliquid hujusmodi, non contentus uno in una, plures sibi, imo quotquot valet, conquirere honores satagit, tam in una, quam in pluribus. Quibus tamen omnibus, si locus evenerit, libenter unius referet episcopi dignitatem. Sed nunquid sic satiabitur? Factus episcopus, archiepiscopus esse desiderat.” De moribus et officio episcoporum tractatus , Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, J.-P. Migne, ed., 221 vols. (Paris: 1844–1864), 182: 827.

22 . From the satirical epigrams on clerical corruption and the transient world, Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum , D. Greenway, ed., pp. 780–781.

23 . “ Res nimis iniusta, nummis fit presul et abba ,” William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum , R. Mynors, R. Thomson, and M. Winterbottom, eds., pp. 586–587 and on the nomination of a new bishop: “ Interea querebatur quis idoneus in loco defuncti substitueretur, non pro morum sed pro nummorum experimento, dabaturque tan-dem honor, ut ita dicam, nudus, magno tamen emptus ,” ibid., pp. 558–559. Gregory VII, eager to broaden the reach of the reform program, was inclined to include in the definition of simony any kind of compensation, even the service expected of a candidate in return for promotion, Cowdrey, Gregory VII , pp. 543–546.

24 . Multiplicem nobis of 1166, Letters and Charters of Gilbert Foliot , A. Morey and C. Brooke, eds., #170. Barlow, Thomas Becket , p. 43.

25 . The Letters of Arnulf of Lisieux , Frank Barlow, ed. (London: RHS, 1939), pp. xix–xx, and p. 209.

26 . Herbert paid 1,000 marks for his father to have Winchester abbey and himself the see at Thetford, Frank Barlow, The English Church: 1000–1066. A Constitutional History (London: 1963; 2d ed. 1979), p. 68. Ranulf Flambard paid £1,000 (William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum , M. Winterbottom, ed., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 134). Geoffrey: £300 ( Gallia Christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas distributa . . . tome XI: Rouen (Paris: V. Palme, 1874), Inst. cl. 219).

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27 . Walter Map, Courtiers’ Trif les , M.R. James, C.N.L. Brooke, and R.A.B. Mynors, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 68–69.

28 . Hugh of Coventry (Roger of Howden, s.a. 1195). Hugh of Lincoln (ibid.). Geoffrey of York (ibid. s.a. 1189). Walter de Gray (Roger of Wendover, Flowers of History , H.G. Hewlett, ed., 3 vols. (London: 1886–1889), RS -84, II, pp 160–161).

29 . The point is made by Jacques Paul, L’Eglise et la culture en occident , Nouvelle Clio 15, 2 vols. (Paris: PUF, 1986), I, p. 304. Gregory VII, by obstinacy, or by naivet é , or, perhaps, by supposed conditions in an ideal world, assumed that bishops by virtue of their office should pay nothing at all. Therefore, if a bishop sold a prebend, or an archdeaconry, he should be suspended. This was only just. Since he had received his see for nothing, neither should he make money on benefits granted out. Gregory VIII, Register , p. 284.

30 . The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes of the Time of King Richard the First , John T. Appleby, ed. (London: Nelson, 1963), pp. 7–9.

31 . G.V. Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , Bishop of Durham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1956), pp. 49–53.

32 . Barlow, Thomas Becket , p. 59. 33 . The Autobiography of Giraldus Cambrensis , H.E. Butler, ed. (London: Jonathan

Cape, 1937), p. 134. 34 . The legal and constitutional grounds are reviewed by K. Pennington, Popes and

Bishops. The Papal Monarchy in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), p. 4 et seq.

35 . Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum: The Acta of William I : 1066–1087 , David Bates, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), #129. David Douglas et al., eds., vol. I: 500–1042, vol. II: 1042–1189, vol. III: 1189–1327 (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1968–1981), II, p. 805. Frank Barlow, William Rufus (London: Methuen, 1983), p. 329. “ Misit ergo ad nos episcopos suos qui monerent ut peticionem nostram coram omnibus faceremus ,” The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury , Anne J. Duggan, ed., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), II, #300, p. 1270.

36 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum in Anglia , Martin Rule, ed., RS -81 (London: 1884), p. 53.

37 . GR , s.a. 1101. 38 . John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , pp. 45–46. 39 . Materials , RS -67, IV, pp. 22–23. The truth of the matter was confirmed by Gerald

of Wales in the Gemma Ecclesiastica : “ Hodie vero loco canonicae electionis in pleris-que partibus successit intrusion principis, sub voce tamen electionis vana” ( RS -21, II, p. 338).

40 . ALL , #42, 120. See J.E.A. Jolliffe, Angevin Kingship (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1963), pp. 113–118.

41 . Margaret Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 106–108. “ Preter hoc tremendum regie maiestatis titulamus imperium ,” Leges Henrici Primi , L.J. Downer, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 97 (6, 2a). “ In qua proceres Anglie, simul et Normannie, cum timore et tremore affuerunt ,” HH , pp. 454–455.

42 . OV , VI, pp. 18–19. 43 . JSL I, #19, #39. 44 . “ Pro regis timore ,” OV, VI, pp. 442–443. 45 . “ Vi ac terrore regii nominis ,” Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 110–111.

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46 . CTB , #95 and #286. See the comments in Duggan, Thomas Becket , pp. 265–266.

47 . Gibson, Letters of Lanfranc , #33. 48 . “ Et hoc est consilium regis et nostrum ,” ibid. #53. 49 . EHD II, #84 and the Latin version in Monasticon Anglicanum , I, pp. 247–250. 50 . Pierre Chaplais, “William of Saint-Calais and the Domesday Survey,” in Domesday

Studies , J.C. Holt, ed. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1987), pp. 65–77. 51 . William of St. Calais is named in the ASC s.a. 1087 (1088) with Odo of Bayeux

and Geoffrey of Coutances as a leader of the conspiracy to betray William II and to replace him by Robert, duke of Normandy.

52 . GR , p. 544. 53 . Edward A. Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry I , 2 vols.

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1882), I, p. 95. 54 . Compare the meanings in OV, I, Index verborum, p. 287. For episcopium as the

bishop’s property, see Pierre Toubert, Les Structures du Latium m é di é val , 2 vols. (Rome: Ecole fran ç aise de Rome, 1973), p. 807 et seq.

55 . The bishop no doubt felt confident in relying on the traditional protection afforded a prelate in office and on the legal principle of nemo placitet dissaisitus . It was made a part of the Pseudo-Isidore canons which William of St. Calais had at hand and it appears in the composite Leges Henrici primi : “ Quodsi episcopi vel clerici vi vel timore eiecti vel suis rebus exspoliati fuerint prius eis omnia sua legaliter reddantur ,” Downer, Leges Henrici Primi , p. 93 (5: 26), cf. p. 87 (5: 4, 5: 8, 5: 9).

56 . R.W. Southern, St. Anselm and His Biographer. A Study of Monastic Life and Thought: 1059–c.1130 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), p. 167.

57 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 242–243, and the comments in R.W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages , pp. 184–185.

58 . OV , VI, pp. 98, 178–182, 224. C.W. Hollister, “The Campaign of 1102 against Robert de Bell ê me,” Studies in Medieval History presented to R. Allen Brown, Christopher Harper-Bill, et al., eds. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1989), pp. 193–202.

59 . HH , p. 749. 60 . J.C. Holt, The Northerners. A Study in the Reign of King John (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 1961), pp. 24–25. 61 . A rough sampling of recalcitrant barons and their families in England and in

Normandy under Henry I supports this conclusion. “To describe Henry’s regime as a ‘reign of terror’ is to misunderstand it profoundly. His goal was not to destroy his nobles or take vengeance on them but to mold them into trustworthy partici-pants in his regime.” C.W. Hollister, Henry I (New Haven: Yale, 2001), p. 334.

62 . OV, IV, pp. 132–133, 298–299. 63 . As in the revolt of Conan, son of Gilbert Pilatus (ibid., pp. 220–227), and that of

William of Eu (ibid., pp. 284–285). 64 . OV, VI, pp. 282–283, 358–359. William of Malmesbury on William I: “ in subiec-

tos leniter turbide in rebelles agens feliciter omni Anglia potiebatur. ” GP , p. 476. 65 . Dialogus de Scaccario et c onstitutio domus regis , Charles Johnson, ed. (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 1950; 2d ed., Emilie Amt and S.D. Church, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 77.

66 . Pollock and Maitland, The History of English Law before the Time of Edward I , 2 vols. (Rp. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), II, pp. 513–515.

67 . Kate Norgate, England under the Angevin Kings , 2 vols. (London: 1887; Rp. Philadelphia: Burt Franklin, 1969), II, pp. 166–167. On the use of exile abroad,

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see David Bates, Normandy before 1066 (London: Longman, 1982), pp. 166–167, and the comments in S.D.B. Brown, ““Leave-Taking: Lordship, and Mobility in England and Normandy in the Twelfth Century,” History 79 (1994): 199–215. The sanction imposed, as in exile, was not simply punishment, but the means to restore the relationship that had existed previously. The honor, that is, the reputation of the injured party had to be satisfied. More recent discussions are by Leonie Hicks: “Exclusion as Exile. Spiritual Punishment and Physical Illness in Normandy c. 1050–1300,” pp. 145–158; Michael Staunton, “Exile in the Lives of Anselm and Thomas Becket,” pp. 159–180; and Lynsey Robertson, “Exile in the Life and Correspondence of John of Salisbury,” pp. 181–198, in Exile in the Middle Ages , Laura Napran and Elisabeth van Houts, eds. (Leeds: University Press, 2002). See also M. Strickland, “Reconciliation or Humiliation? La suppression de la rebellion aristocratique dans les royaumes anglo-normand et angevin,” Images de la contestation du pouvoir dans le monde normand Xe-XVIIIe si è cle (Caen: Presses Universitaires, 2007), pp. 65–67.

68 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , RS -81, pp. 53–66. For the problem of political con-trol in Normandy that was related to recognition of Urban II, see the remarks in Southern, Saint Anselm and His Biographer , pp. 154–155, and similarly in Saint Anselm , a Portrait in a Landscape , pp. 268–269.

69 . “He [Henry I] did at length give up the investitures because of the prohibition and anathema of the Roman church, a concession which cost him little or nothing, a little, perhaps, of his royal dignity, but nothing of his power to enthrone anyone he pleased.” Hugh the Chanter, The History of the Church of York: 1066–1127, Charles Johnson, C.N.L. Brooke, M. Winterbottom, and M. Brett, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 14.

70 . The pledge made in Stephen’s coronation charter in April 1136 of free elections and non-interference sede vacante was tantamount to giving up two of the basic means he had to control his bishops. It was a poor start for a new king, but it appears to have been more promise than practice. See Margaret Howell, Regalian Right in Medieval England (London: University of London, 1962), pp. 29–32.

71 . After his capture at Lincoln in 1141, he recovered his freedom but failed to win sufficient support from his nobles.

72 . OV, VI, pp. 450–457, 470–471, 492–495. 73 . Christopher Holdsworth, “The Church,” in The Anarchy of King Stephen’s Reign ,

Edmund King, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), chapter 6 , especially pp. 212–213. Stephen Marritt, “King Stephen and the Bishops,” Anglo-Norman Studies 21 (2002): 129–144, makes the case for an active episcopate, but adds little that is new.

74 . Davis, King Stephen , pp. 28–33. Jim Bradbury, Stephen and Matilda. The Civil War of 1139–1153 (Stroud: Alan Sutton, 1996), pp. 48–55. K. Yoshitake, “The Arrest of the Bishops in 1139 and Its Consequences,” Journal of Medieval History 14 (1988): 97–114. Keith J. Stringer, The Reign of Stephen (London: Routledge, 1993), pp. 62–65. Barlow, The English Church: 1066–1154 , pp. 305–307.

75 . Historia Novella , p. 46. OV, VI, pp. 530–531: “ infidus .” Gesta Stephani , pp. 47–53. 76 . Historia Novella , p. 46. 77 . Gesta Stephani , p. 53. 78 . Historia Novella , p. 58. 79 . Ibid. The charter of Henry I issued late in the reign, which confirmed the grant

of office of the chamberlain to Aubrey de Vere, was attested inter alia , by Roger of Salisbury, and Nigel of Ely, Regesta II, #1777.

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80 . Historia Novella , p. 46. 81 . Ibid., p. 58. Gesta Stephani , p. 53. 82 . HH , p. 732. 83 . Liber Eliensis , appendix E, pp. 433–436. For the chronology and Nigel’s itiner-

ary, see J.H. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville. A Study of the Anarchy (London: Longmans, Green, 1892), appendix Z, pp. 411–413; Regesta III , #267; Liber Eliensis , pp. 326–329; David Knowles, The Episcopal Colleagues of Archbishop Thomas Becket (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951), pp. 9–12.

84 . Regesta III, #171, 183, 301–302, 358, 402. 85 . Dialogus de scaccario , p. 50. 86 . John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , pp. 48–49, quoted in GFL , p. 96. 87 . Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury , pp. 25–30. 88 . HH , pp. 758–759. 89 . JSL I, #116. 90 . Ibid., #120, 121–123, 125–127, 135. See also Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of

Canterbury , pp. 45–52. 91 . Materials IV, p. 203. 92 . Ibid. 93 . Ibid., p. 36. 94 . Ibid., p. 37. 95 . Materials VII, pp. 265–269. Smalley, The Becket Conf lict and the Schools , p. 69. 96 . Materials III, p. 99. 97 . Ibid., pp. 99–100. 98 . GFLC , #166–167. 99 . Duggan, Thomas Becket , pp. 253–255, with a brief summary of current views

and a counter argument to the “dinosaur theory.” 100 . “ In primis sane rex novus studium habuit ut quoniam plures in Anglia cathedrales vacabant

ecclesiae, propriis ad ejus instantiam eaedem gauderent praesulibus ,” RS -82 I, p. 300. 101 . Cf. Christopher R. Cheney, From Becket to Langton. English Church Government:

1170–1213 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956), p. 107, and C. Harper-Bill, “John and the Church of Rome,” in Henry II. New Interpretations , Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent, eds. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2007), pp. 289–315.

102 . Becket identified his opposition to the policy of the king by the “ libertas ecclesi-astica ,” CTB , #170, p. 782.

3 Episcopal Origins

1 . See K. Pennington, Popes and Bishops. The Papal Monarchy in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), pp. 77, 86.

2 . David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950), p. 710. R. Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings: 1075–1225 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), appendix I.

3 . See, for example, the following studies: Frank Barlow, The English Church: 1000–1066. A Constitutional History (London: 1963; 2d ed. 1979), p. 63. Christopher Brooke, “I Vescovi di Inghilterra e Normandia nel secolo XI contrasti,” Le Istituzioni ecclesiastiche della societas Christiana dei secoli XI-XII, Mendola 1974 (Milano: 1978), pp. 536–545. Thomas Callahan, “The Renaissance of Monastic Bishops in England: 1135–1154,” Studia Monastica 16 (1974). Stephanie Christelow,

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“Chancellors and Curial Bishops. Ecclesiastical Promotion and Power in Anglo-Norman England,” ANS 22 (2000): 49–69. Everett U. Crosby, Bishop and Chapter in Twelfth-Century England, A Study of the “Mensa Episcopalis” (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). Guy Devailly, ‘Les grandes familles et l’épiscopat dans l’ouest de la France et les pays de la Loire,” Cahiers de Civilisation M é di é vale 27 (1984): 49–55. David Douglas, ‘Les é v ê ques de Normandie,” Annales de Normandie 3 (1958): 87–102; William the Conqueror , chapter 13 ; and “The Norman Episcopate before the Norman Conquest,” Cambridge Historical Journal 13 (1957): 101–115. Jean Gaudemet, “Recherches sur l’épiscopat m é di é val en France,” Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, series C: subsidia , Stephan Kuttner and J. Joseph Ryan, eds. (Roma: Citt à del Vaticano, 1965). Bernard Guillemain, “Les origines des é v ê ques en France aux XIe et XIIe si è cles.” Le istituzioni ecclesiastiche della ‘societas Christiana’ dei secoli XI – XII . Atti della quinta settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 1971 (Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 1974). Lucien Musset, “Une voie privil é gi é e d’acc è s à l’épiscopat dans le monde anglo-normand: la chapelle du duc-roi, v.1050-v.1150.” L’év ê que dans l’histoire de l’église (Angers: Universit é , 1984), pp. 51–62. Avrom Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury (London: University of London Press, 1956), chapter 3 . David Spear, “Membership in Norman Cathedral Chapters during the Ducal Period,” Medieval Prosopography 5 (1984): 1–18: “The Norman Empire and the Secular Clergy,” Journal of British Studies 21 (1981–1982): 1–10; “Une famille eccl é siastique anglo-nor-mande,” Etudes Normandes 3 (1986): 21–27. David Walker, “Crown and Episcopacy under the Normans and Angevins,” Anglo-Norman Studies 5 (1982): 220–233.

4 . Robert Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings: 1075–1225 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 397.

5 . Judith A. Green, The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 136–138.

6 . Orderic Vitalis who, although he deplored the practice of lay appointments, could admit that there might be useful consequences: “Very often shallow, unlearned men are chosen for high ecclesiastical office, not because of any holiness of life or knowl-edge of church doctrine or learning in the liberal arts, but by the inf luence of noble kinsfolk and the help of powerful friends. Yet after their promotion God in his mercy pities and spares them, in time filling them with the riches of divine grace, so that through them the house of God is lit with the brightness of heavenly wisdom and many find a way to salvation through useful activities,” OV, V, pp. 204–205.

7 . In his book on Roger of Salisbury (1972), Edward J. Kealey pointed out the risk of viewing bishops and lay barons, monks and canons, regular and secular clergy, as well as different groups of regulars, as wholly distinct with separate interests and agenda, see Roger of Salisbury, Viceroy of England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 125–126. Maurice Powicke also warned against classifying the English bishops in the next century: The Thirteenth Century: 1216–1307 (Oxford: 1953), p. 485. David Bates put it emphatically: “The idea of distinguishing between curiales and non- curiales is fundamentally f lawed,” “The Prosopographical study of Anglo-Norman Royal Charters,” Family Trees and Roots of Politics, K.S.B. Keats-Rohan, ed. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1997), p. 11.

8 . OV, VI, p. 252. 9 . The title “ magister ” was increasingly used in the twelfth century to identify men

who were presumed to have had more than a rudimentary education. Some of them, like Arnulf of Lisieux and Gilbert Foliot, had benefited from professional

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legal training abroad. For others, the title may have been more complimentary than an assurance of special competence. But the number of educated clergy con-tinued to grow, so that canon 10 of the fourth Lateran council could declare that want of knowledge among bishops would no longer be tolerated. For a discus-sion of the meaning of the terms, see EEA 34, pp. xliv–xlv, and n. 89; and Julia Barrow, “Education and Recruitment of Cathedral Canons,” Viator 20 (1989): 117–118. For the new importance of scholarship, see R.W. Southern, “The Schools of Paris and the School of Chartres,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century , Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable, eds. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), pp.113–137.

10 . Likewise in the papacy, monks dominated the early years of the century and a half from 1066 to 1216, but fewer were elected after 1150. Altogether there were ten monks out of twenty-one popes elected in the legitimate line. There were two Benedictines: Victor III (1086–1087) and Gelasius II (1118–1119); two Cluniacs: Gregory VII (1073–1085) and Urban II (1088–1099); two Cistercians: Eugenius III (1145–1153) and Lucius III (1181–1185); three regular canons: Lucius II (1144–1145), Hadrian IV (1154–1159), and Gregory VIII (1187); and one pope of uncertain origin, but probably a monk: Paschal II (1099–1118). Among the eleven or twelve anti-popes, only two were monks: Gregory VIII (1118–1121) and Calixtus III (1168–1178).

11 . On Hubert Walter’s appointment, Hugh Bardolph is said to have warned him: “If you value the dignity of the archiepiscopal office, you would not accept the yoke of slavery. It has never been the case that a chancellor was made from an archbishop, although an archbishop has been made from a chancellor,” Roger of Howden, RS -51 IV, pp. 90–91.

12 . With regard to the king’s interest and profit in vacant bishoprics, the basic study is Margaret Howell, Regalian Right in Medieval England (London: University of London, 1962), especially chapter II and appendix A. See also Frank Barlow, The English Church: 1066–1154 (London: Longmans, 1979), chapter II .

13 . The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury , Anne J. Duggan, ed., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), #150, pp. 706–707; #216, pp. 942–943; #217, pp. 954–955.

14 . Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta , Joseph Alberigo et al., eds. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose, 1973), Lateran II, cl. 28, p. 203. Lateran III, cl. 8, p. 215. Lateran IV, cl. 23, p. 246.

15 . Henry I (1100): “ . . . nec mortuo archiepiscopo sive episcopo sive abbate aliquid accipiam de dominio ecclesiae vel de hominibus ejus donec successor in eam ingrediatur ,” SC , p. 117. Stephen (1136): “ Dum vero sedes propriis pastoribus vacuae fuerint, ipsas et earum pos-sessiones omnes in manu et custodia clericorum vel proborum hominum ejusdem ecclesiae committam, donec pastor canonice substituatur .” Ibid., p. 144.

16 . William of Newburgh, Historia rerum anglicarum, RS -82. 17 . SC , p. 166. On the rights of the king sede vacante , see The Chronicle of Battle

Abbey , Eleanor Searle, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 330–335; Eadmer, Historia Novorum , pp. 49–50; and Robert Benson, The Bishop-Elect. A Study in Medieval Ecclesiastical Office (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), appendix 2, pp. 391–396.

18 . Ius regale referred to the right to the income from a vacant bishopric, and thereby to a jurisdictional competence; ius spolii referred to the right of the king, as the heir of the deceased bishop, to a portion of his assets. On the antiquity of the custom,

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see Barlow, English Church: 1066–1154 , pp. 115–121. A distinction between the two sources of wealth is marked in the will of the bishop of Chichester in the next century (1253), English Historical Documents , David Douglas et al., eds., vol. I: 500–1042, vol. II: 1042–1189, vol. III: 1189–1327 (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1968–1981), III, #173. Cf. Benson, The Bishop-Elect , pp. 53–55, 228ff.

19 . See Frank Barlow, William Rufus (London: Methuen, 1983), pp. 180–182. 20 . At Hereford, for example, when Gerard was translated to York in April 1100. But

Reinhelm, named in September 1102, was not consecrated until August 1107. In the same group were Roger of Salisbury named in September 1102 after the death of Osmund in December 1099, but also consecrated in 1107, and William Giffard at Winchester. York was vacant after the death of Roger de Pont l’Ev ê que in November 1181 until the election of Geoffrey in August 1189 and his conse-cration in August 1191.

21 . The Letters of John of Salisbury , W.J. MiIlor, H.E. Butler, and C.N.L. Brooke, eds., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979–1986), II, #140; The Book of St. Gilbert , Raymonde Foreville and Gillian Keir, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 28–29; Giraldus Cambrensis, Gemma ecclesiastica , RS -21, II, p. 325; Thomas Becket called Geoffrey Ridel, the archdeacon, “ archidiabolus nos-ter ” ( Materials for the History of Thomas Becket , James C. Robertson et al., eds., 7 vols., RS -67 (London: 1875–1885), III, p. 44); M. Arnoux, Des Clercs au service de la r é forme. Etudes et documents sur les chanoines r é guliers de la province de Rouen (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), pp. 57–58.

4 A Network of Nephews

1 . Selected Writings of Sydney Smith , W.H. Auden, ed. ,(New York: Farrar, Straus & Co., 1956), p. 132, from the first letter to Archdeacon Singleton in 1837.

2 . Peter Virgin, Sydney Smith (London: Harper, 1994), p. 259. 3 . An earlier example of episcopal dynasty-building as normal practice is sketched

out at Narbonne by Frederic Cheyette, Ermengard of Narbonne and the World of the Troubadours (Ithaca: Cornell, 2001), chapter 6 .

4 . For a survey of the historical development, see James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), pp. 214–225, 314–319, 401–405, 536–539, 554–555; and for some useful comments, see Medieval Purity and Piety . Essays on Medieval Clerical Celibacy and Religious Reform , Michael Frassetto, ed. (New York: Garland, 1998).

5 . Peter Damian, De celibatu sacerdotium in Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, J.-P. Migne, ed., 221 vols. (Paris: 1844–1864), 145: 159–190. The argument ran that Christ was the son of a virgin, Christ was a virgin himself, Christ was present in the Eucharist, therefore the Eucharist could only be administered by a virgin priest. See Georg Denzler, Das Papsttum und der Amtsz ö libat , Bd. 5/1 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersmann, 1973), pp. 56–62. Gregory VII complained to William I in 1076 about the sad state of the church of Dol caused by Bishop Joel who not only was said to have bought his way into the see, but once installed, entered into a marriage and then endowed his children with property of the church. The Epistolae Vagantes of Pope Gregory VII , H.E.J. Cowdrey, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), #16; and H.E.J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII: 1073–1085 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 550–553; The Register of Pope Gregory VII: 1073–1085 , H.E.J. Cowdrey, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), #2.66–2.68, 4.20. For a general commentary, see James Brundage, Law,

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Sex, and Christian Society , pp. 214–223. In the later Middle Ages, Guicciardini makes clear the widespread and persistent nature of the problem: “primo di tutti i pontefici, che per velare in qualche parte la infamia loro solevano chiamargli nipoti, gli chiamava e mostrava a tutto il mondo come figliuoli,” Storia d’Italia in Francesco Guicciardini, Opere , Vittorio de Caprariis, ed. (Milano: Riccardo Ricciardi, 1953), p. 386.

6 . The Letters of Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury , Helen Clover and Margaret Gibson, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), #41. OV, III, pp. 25–37, 120–121.

7 . Robert Somerville, The Councils of Urban II (Amsterdam: A.M. Hakkert, 1972).

8 . Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, Martin Rule, ed. (London: 1884), RS -81, pp. 172–174, 193–195. Councils and Synods with other Documents Relating to the English Church, vol. I, i-ii, D. Whitelock, C.N.L. Brooke, and M. Brett, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981); vol. II, i-ii, F.M. Powicke and C.R. Cheney, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964), I, ii, pp. 674–681, 699–703.

9 . Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum , Diana Greenway, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 484–485. For Stephen: Diceto , RS -68, I, p. 249. For John: Christopher R. Cheney, “King John and the Papal Interdict,“ Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 31 (1948): 306.

10 . The catalogue of clerical vices is printed in The Historians of the Church of York and Its Archbishops , James Raine, ed., 3 vols., RS -71 (London: 1879–1894), III, p. 115. “Au XIe si è cle, canonistes et pr é dicateurs appellent au c é libat, mais reconnaissent qu’ils ne peuvent y contraindre. Malgr é les peines dont il est menac é , le mariage des pr ê tres et des é v ê ques, avant ou apr è s ordination, est partout répandu.” Jean Gaudemet, “Le c é libat eccl é siastique. Le droit et la pratique du XIe au XIIIe s.,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung f ü r Rechtsgeschichte-KA 68 (1982): 1–31. Cullagium was a payment by priests made to the bishop for a license to allow them to keep women, or made by a peasant to his lord to allow him to marry his daughter outside the village. See Henry C. Lea, History of Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian Church (Philadelphia: 1867; 4th ed. New Hyde Park, N.Y. 1966), p. 212; DuCange, Glossarium (1883), III, p. 647; Jan F. Niermeyer, Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Minus (Leiden: Brill, 1954–1976), I, p. 374, as culagium .

11 . Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, Joseph Alberigo et al., eds. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose, 1973):

Lateran I (1123), c. 7, p. 191; Lateran II (1139), c. 6, p 198; Lateran III (1179), c. 11, p. 217; Lateran IV (1215), c. 14, p. 242.

For the questionable impact of the legislation on the practice of celibacy, see Paul Beaudette, “In the World but Not of It. Clerical Celibacy as a Symbol of the Medieval Church,” in Medieval Purity and Piety , Michael Frassetto, ed., pp. 23–24 and n. 4; and C.N.L. Brooke, “Married Men among the English Higher Clergy: 1066–1200,” Cambridge Historical Journal 12 (1956): 187–188.

12 . Mary Cheney, Roger, Bishop of Worcester: 1164–1179 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 69–70, 348. A summary of the uneven application of the law from Alexander III to Innocent III is in Lea, History of Sacerdotal Celibacy , pp. 269–278. Although Alexander III ordered the sons of priests in their fathers’ churches to be dismissed, with some exceptions, little was done in any effective way until the next century. See C.R. Cheney, From Becket to Langton. English

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Church Government: 1170–1213 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956), pp. 128–129, and Charles Duggan, “Decretals of Alexander III to England,” in Miscellanea Rolando Bandinelli, Papa Alessandro (Siena: 1986), III, pp. 87–151, especially pp. 101, 112, and 129 (#510). The problem of enforcement can be seen in a letter of Paschal II of April 1102 in which he adheres to the canons of the council of Rome held by Urban II in 1099, compared to another of May 1107 in which he allows the competent sons of priests to be promoted to ecclesiasti-cal off ice, The Letters of Saint Anselm of Canterbury , Walter Fr ö hlich, ed., 3 vols. (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1990–1994), #223 and 422.

13 . For a survey, see Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society , pp. 251–253, 314–319; and for the period to 1125, Augustin Fliche, La r é forme gr é gorienne et la reconqu ê te chr é tienne: 1057–1125. Histoire de l’église 8 (Paris: Bloud & Gay, 1946), pp. 413–418. A useful catalogue given by Denzler, Das Papsttum und der Amtsz ö libat , pp. 64–101, provides a systematic chronological analysis of papal legislation.

14 . Die Texte des normannischen Anonymous , Karl Pellens, ed., pp. 116–125, 204- 212. OV , VI, pp. 204–205. Theobaldi Stampensis epistola ad Roscelinum, Heinrich B ö hmer, ed. MGH, Libelli de Lite, III, pp. 603–607: “ Deus enim vitam hominis, non nativitatem attendit. Si enim filius sacerdotis honeste vivit, ordinandus est. Si vero militis filius inhoneste vivit, repudiandus est, quia magis placet deus vitae perfectio et contra peccatum aff lictio quam superba de legitimis parentibus gloriatio .”

15 . Ibid., pp. 580–583. 16 . Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, J.-P. Migne, ed. 160: 57. See also Ian S.

Robinson, Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest. The Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978), pp. 162–189.

17 . CIC (Gratian, Decretum , D. 56, c. 219–223). 18 . OV , II, pp. 200–201; VI, pp. 290–294. 19 . Bernhard Schimmelpfennig, “Ex fornicatione nati. Studies on the Position of

Priests’ Sons from the Twelfth to the Fourteenth Century ,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History n.s. 2 (1979): 21–22. Charles Duggan, “Equity and Compassion in Papal Marriage Decretals in England,” in Love and Marriage in the Twelfth Century , Willy van Hoecke and Andries Welkenhuysen, eds. (Louvain: University Press, 1981), p. 67. The canonical prohibition on inheritance was laid out by Innocent III in a letter to Peter, bishop of Winchester, in 1205, ( Selected Letters , #26.) In the case of the disputed election over Mauger at Worcester in 1200, Innocent III accepted a postulatio , that is, a request from the chapter to have the pope recognize a case as exceptional, but nonetheless valid (ibid., #6.) There was a similar ruling in the election of a bastard to Lincoln in 1206 (ibid., p. 21, n. 17).

20 . Schimmelpfennig, “Ex fornicatione nati,” pp. 27–28. 21 . Gerald of Wales, Gemma ecclesiastica , RS -21, II, p. 304. Gerald’s father was

William de Barri who had married the sister of David, bishop of St. Davids (1148–1176). Gerald himself was, therefore the nephew of a bishop and he, in turn, promoted his own nephew, also named Gerald, the son of his brother, Philip, to the archdeaconry of Brecon. In the course of the long and bitter quar-rel that arose between the two Geralds, the uncle referred to the word nepos that he said “rightly comes from nepa meaning scorpion,” see Giraldus Cambrensis, Speculum Duorum, or a Mirror of Two Men, Yves Lef è vre, R.B.C. Huygens, and Brian Dawson, eds. (Cardiff: University of Wales, 1974), p. 2. See also Fasti IX, p. 55. Nepos as “nephew” is usual, but other translations in context are “grandson,” “cousin,” or simply “relative.” For “grandson,” see The Domesdsay Monachorum of

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Christ Church, Canterbury , David Douglas, ed. (London: RHS, 1944), pp. 44–47, 109–110, and English Lawsuits from William I to Richard I , R.C. van Caenegem, ed., 2 vols. Selden Society 106–107 (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1990–1991), #552. For specifically “sister’s son,” JSL , I, p. 222. See also Emile Beneveniste, Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-europ é ennes , 2 vols. (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1969), I, pp. 208, 231–232; Wolfgang Reinhard, “Nepotismus. Der Funktionswandel einer papstgeschichtlichen Konstanten,” Zeitschrift f ü r Kirchengeschichte 86 (1975): 145–185; G é rard Louise, “N é potisme é piscopal et politique cap é tienne dans la cit é de Mans, Xe-XIe si è cles,” in Les Pr é lats, l’église, et la soci é t é , XI e-XVe si è -cles , Hommage à Bernard Guillemain, Fran ç oise B é riac, ed. (Bordeaux: Universit é Michel de Montaigne, 1994), pp. 29–40; Frank Barlow, Edward the Confessor (London: 1970), pp. 301–302.

22 . The Red Book of the Exchequer , Hubert Hall, ed., 3 vols., RS -99 (London: 1896), I, p. 413.

23 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , RS -81, p. 83. Anselm periodically expressed his out-rage at priests who kept women in spite of the prohibitions. See, for example, his letters to Gundulf of Rochester, Anselm Letters , #374 (and #365).

24 . “Il nepotismo non è mai stato, nel medioevo e nell’et à moderna un’esclusiva dei papi. Lo hanno practicato cardinali, vescovi, abati, spesso anche arcipreti, canonici et altri chierici di pi ù modesta condizione in ogni angolo della cris-tianit à ,” Sandro Carocci, Il nepotismo nel medioevo. Papi, cardinali e famiglie nobili (Roma: Viella, 1999), p. 63. For Alexander III, see Papal Decretals Relating to the Diocese of Lincoln in the Twelfth Century , Walther Holtzmann and E. Kemp, eds. (Hereford: LRS, 1954), #xx, pp. 50–51, and Fasti III, p. 64. Innocent’s uncle was Clement III (1187–1191); one nephew was Gregory IX (1227–1241) and another, Leonard, was settled with a prebend at York. A great-nephew was promoted to the papacy as Alexander IV (1254–1261). Other nephews, the sons of his brother, Richard, were Paul, lord of Valmentone; John, lord of Poli and cardinal of Sta. Maria; and Stephen, cardinal of St. Adriano. Another relative, a nephew or cousin, was Lando da Montelungo, who also provided for his sister’s husband, Peter Annibaldi. For the network, see Constance Rousseau, “Pope Innocent III and Familial Relationships of Clergy and Religious,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History n.s. 14 (1993): 107–148, and Daniel Waley, The Papal State in the Thirteenth Century (London: Macmillan, 1961), pp. 50–51. Innocent III was well aware of the strength of these bonds. In a letter chastising King John for refusing help to the Emperor Otto in order to placate Philip of France, he warned him that “reason prescribes and nature demands that an uncle should assist his nephew,” Selected Letters of Innocent III , #8.

25 . The kinship ties as a basis for political promotion among the barons is discussed by S. Church, The Household Knights of King John (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 28, and Sidney Painter, The Reign of King John (Baltimore: JHU, 1949, Pb.1966), pp. 291–292. Kinship as an obstacle in military campaigns in which men of the same family were pitted against each other can be seen in the Gesta Stephani , K.R. Potter, ed. (London: Nelson, 1955; 2d ed. K.R. Potter and R.H.C. Davis, eds., 1976), p. 27.

26 . HH , p. 723. 27 . Graeme J. White, Restoration and Reform: 1153–1165. Recovery from Civil War in

England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 99. 28 . Heinrich Fichtenau, Living in the Tenth Century. Mentalities and Social Orders

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), p. 186; with several examples

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of cases in which promotion to a bishopric was made possible through a man’s relatives.

29 . Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum , VI, 46, p. 380. The Letters of Peter the Venerable , II, pp. 233–246. Bruno Galland, Deux arch é v ê ch é s entre la France et l’empire. Les archev ê ques de Lyon et les archev ê ques de Vienne du milieu du XIIe si è cle au milieu du XIVe si è cle (Roma: Ecole fran ç aise de Rome, 1994), pp. 34–37.

30 . Frank Barlow, “John of Salisbury and His Brothers,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46 (1955): 95–109. For the Lucy family, see the Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 142–143.

31 . William Stubbs, Historical Introductions to the Rolls Series , Arthur Hassall, ed. (London: Longmans, Green, 1902), p. 45 et seq.

32 . Marcel Pacaut, Louis VII et les é lections é piscopales dans le royaume de France (Paris: J. Vrin, 1957), pp. 121–146.

33 . Gerd Althoff, Family, Friends, and Followers. Political and Social Bonds in Medieval Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 61. For later medi-eval practice, see John A.F. Thomson, Early Tudor Church and Society: 1485–1529 (London: Longman, 1993), p. 53; and in the nineteenth century, Richard Altick, Victorian People and Ideas (New York: Norton, 1973), p. 204.

34 . Chronica Jocelini de Brakelonda de rebus gestis Samsonis abbatis monasterii Sancti Edmundi, H.E. Butler, ed. (London: Nelson, 1949; D. Greenway and J. Sayres, eds. (Oxford: 1989), pp. 24 and 43.

35 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , RS -81, p. 83. 36 . They were also much the same 700 years later when leadership in the Anglican

church was caricatured by Anthony Trollope in The American Senator : “But the bishop, of course, gives the bigger plums to the best men. How is it then that the big plums find their way so often to the sons and sons-in-law and nephews of the bishop?” “Because the bishop has looked after their education and prin-ciples,” said the rector. “And taught them how to choose their wives,” said the Senator, with imperturbable gravity. “I am not the son of a bishop, sir,” exclaimed the rector. “I wish you had been, sir, if it would have done you any good.” The American Senator , Oxford World’s Classics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 288–289.

5 Structures of Power in England

1 . Elmham was later moved to Thetford (1072) and finally to Norwich (ca. 1095). 2 . Domesday Book, seu liber censualis Willelmi primi regis Angliae, Abraham Farley and

Henry Ellis, eds., Record Commission (London: 1783, 1816), II, fo. 116. For the abbeys accumulated by Stigand, including Winchester, Glastonbury, St. Alban’s, and St. Augustine’s, see Liber Eliensis , E.O. Blake, ed. (London: RHS, 1962), # 98, p. 168.

3 . A generally positive appreciation of Stigand was given by H.R. Loyn, The English Church: 940–1154 (Harlow: Pearson, 2000), pp. 60–61, and a less enthusiastic one by Frank Barlow, English Church: 1000–1066. A Constitutional History (London: 1963; 2d ed. 1979), p. 80. A mixed opinion of Henry of Blois is in D. Knowles, The Episcopal Colleagues of Archbishop Thomas Becket (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951), pp. 36–37.

4 . William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, R.A.B. Mynors, R.M. Thomson, M. Winterbottom, eds., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998–1999),

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pp. 362–363. The Chronicle of John of Worcester, R.R. Darlington, P. McGurk, and Jennifer Bray, eds., vols. II & III (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995–1998)., pp. 10–15. Barlow, English Church , pp. 302–308, judges the arguments for the deposition and gives a useful summary.

5 . The Letters of Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury , Helen Clover and Margaret Gibson, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), #1; OV, IV, pp. 252–253; Margaret Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 115.

6 . Richard W. Southern, Saint Anselm and His Biographer . A Study of Monastic Life and Thought: 1059–c.1130 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), pp. 246–248. Gibson, Lanfranc and Bec, pp. 4, 156, 166, 171. Councils and Synods with other Documents Relating to the English Church , vol. I, i-ii, D. Whitelock, C.N.L. Brooke, M. Brett, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981); vol. II, i-ii, F.M. Powicke and C.R. Cheney, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964); vol. I, ii, p. 830.

7 . Gesta Abbatum Monasterii Sancti Albani, RS-28, pp. 52–53. 8 . Lanfranc the younger was evidently intruded into office at St. Wandville by

force, or at least by some irregularity in electoral procedure, against the wishes of Anselm, his patron at Bec. The Letters of Saint Anselm of Canterbury , Walter Fr ö hlich, ed., 3 vols. (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1990–1994), #130, 137–138

9 . Ibid., #22, 54–56. Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, Martin Rule, ed. (London: 1884), RS -81, p. 32. JW , pp. 64–65. William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum, RS -52, pp. 79–81.

10 . Eadmer, Historia novorum , p. 32. The bishop was married to his church and when he died, he left the church a widow, often a wealthy, powerful, and important widow in whom the king was interested and for whom he reserved the right to approve a new husband. For details, see Frank Barlow, William Rufus (London: Methuen, 1983), pp. 300–308.

11 . GP , RS -52, p. 80. 12 . JW , pp. 64–65. 13 . Quoted in C. Stephen Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness , Civilizing Trends and the

Formation of Courtly Ideals: 939–1210 (Philadelphia: University Press Philadelphia, 1985), p. 56. See also Southern, Saint Anselm and His Biographer , pp. 151–152, 364, and St. Anselm: A Portrait in a Landscape (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 234–238, 265–268.

14 . There is a brief summary in Sally N. Vaughan, The Abbey of Bec and the Anglo-Norman State: 1034–1136 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1981), pp. 44–48.

15 . Southern, Saint Anselm and His Biographer, pp. 8–10, and Saint Anselm. A Portrait in a Landscape, pp. 155–156. Letters of Saint Anselm , #22n., and #120, 211, 258, 264, 289–292, 309. OV, VI, pp. 316–317, 478–479.

16 . Lewis C. Loyd, The Origins of Some Anglo-Norman Families , Charles T. Clay and David C. Douglas, eds. (Leeds: Harleian Society, 1951), p. 79. He was a man, according to Orderic Vitalis, who came from a distinguished family; OV, IV, pp. 168–171, and VI, pp. 46–47). An attempt to link him to Seffrid, the illegiti-mate son of William of Bell ê me, rests on very slight evidence. See G é rard Louise, La Seigneurie de Bell ê me, Xe-XIIe si è cles , 2 vols. Le Pays Bas-Normand 84 (Flers: 1992), II, p. 136.

17 . OV, IV, pp. 168–171. Eadmer, Historia novorum , p. 196. 18 . GP , pp. 200–203; JW III, pp. 307–308. D. Bethell, “English Black Monks and

Episcopal Elections in the 1120s,” English Historical Review 84 (1969): 675–676.

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Historia Ecclesie Abbendonensis , John Hudson, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. xlix, 70–75.

19 . Historia Ecclesie Abbendonensis , pp. 70–71, 214–219, 338–339. GP , I, p. 300 et seq. Edward J. Kealey, Medieval Medicus A Social History of Anglo-Norman Medicine (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1981), pp. 65–70.

20 . The bishops called him “a Lombard,” the general name for men from northern Italy, but which also suggests the unsavory business of the money-changer and usurer; GP I, pp. 200–203. “ Propter ignorantiam linguae ,” ibid., pp. 498–501, which probably meant Norman French, or English.

21 . “Eo tempore obiit Anselmus archiepiscopus, tunc electus est Faricius ad archi-episcopatum, sed episcopus Lincolniensis et episcopus Salesburiensis obstiterunt, dicentes non debere archiepiscopum urinas mulierum inspicere”; De Abbatibus Abbendoniae , RS -2 II, p. 287

22 . “The English have always honored monks, because they were converted by them . . . Now, however, customs and laws are changed and the clergy advance secular clerks in order to humble and crush the monks,” OV, VI, pp. 320–321.

23 . Acta of the Bishops of Chichester: 1075–1207, H. Mayr-Harting, ed., Canterbury & York Society, 56 (Torquay: Devonshire Press, 1964), p. 5.

24 . Hugh the Chanter, The History of the Church of York: 1066–1127, Charles Johnson, C.N.L. Brooke, M. Winterbottom, and M. Brett, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 184–185. JW , pp. 152–155. Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, s.a. 1123. C&S I, ii, pp. 726–727.

25 . For a recent assessment, see English Episcopal Acta, vol. 28, M. Brett and Joseph A. Gribbun, eds. (London: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. xlviii–lii. For Laon as a feeder-school, see Judith A. Green, The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 160.

26 . Doris M. Stenton, English Justice between the Norman Conquest and the Great Charter, 1066–1215 (Philadelphia: 1964), p. 121. EEA, 28, #64, 65, 80, and note, pp. 75–76.

27 . An analysis of the events is given by Avrom Saltman in Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury (London: University of London Press, 1956), pp. 7–13, and more recently by Donald Matthew, King Stephen (London: Hambledon, 2002), pp. 86–87. The pertinent sources for comparative purposes are Gervase of Canterbury, Ralph Diceto, Robert of Torigny, Richard of Hexham, John of Hexham, John of Worcester, and Orderic Vitalis.

28 . OV, VI, pp. 478–479, quoted by Lena Voss, Heinrich von Blois, Bischof von Winchester: 1129–1171 , Historische Studien, Heft 210 (Berlin: 1932), pp. 16–17.

29 . C&S I, ii, pp. 766–779. 30 . “ . . . adnitente rege Stephano ,” Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum , Diana

Greenway, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 718. 31 . William Stubbs, Seventeen Lectures on the Study of Medieval and Modern History

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1889, 3d ed. 1900), p. 150. The names are listed in Avrom Saltman, Theobald , Archbishop of Canterbury (London: University of London Press, 1956), p. 165.

32 . Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae II: Dioc è se de Rouen , Vincent Tabbagh, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), p. 13. Frank Barlow, Thomas Becket (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986; 3d ed. 1997), p. 33.

33 . Saltman, Theobald , #255, p. 482. Frank M. Stenton, The First Century of English Feudalism: 1066–1166 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1932; 2d ed. 1950), #16, p. 266.

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34 . English Historical Documents , David Douglas et al., eds. (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1968–1981), II, p. 801. Gervase of Canterbury, The Historical Works, William Stubbs, ed., 2 vols., RS -73 (London: 1879–1880), I, p. 197.

35 . EEA 11, pp. lxvi–lxvii. 36 . William Fitz Stephen reports two brothers from Boulogne who knew Theobald,

whereas the account derived from the narrative of Edward Grimm by “Roger of Pontigny” refers only to a clerk from the Canterbury household. EHD II, #119, p. 751. Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, James C. Robertson et al., eds., 7 vols., RS -67 (London: 1875–1885), IV, pp 3–12.

37 . The discrepancy is discussed by Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 29–30. 38 . See the account by Edward Grimm, Materials II, pp. 356–360. 39 . Beryl Smalley, The Becket Conf lict and the Schools. A Study of Intellectuals in Politics

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 98–100. But also in Edward Grimm in Materials III, p. 180, II, p. 365 and Herbert of Bosham in Materials III, pp. 180–181, written twenty years later.

40 . To put it simply, Henry wished Becket to be archbishop, and so he was. So close was he to the king that in the words of William of Newburgh, “he appeared to share the throne.” RS -82, pp. 139–143, 160–165. See Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 53–73, and Adrian Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter, Bishop and Canonist. A Study in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1937), p. 13. The prevailing rule against holding a secular office by a cleric was easily disre-garded. The contemporary case of Hugh de Champf leury who was both bishop of Soissons and chancellor to Louis VII was probably known to Henry II. Such an arrangement was allowed by Alexander III when it was politically convenient to do so, but later forbidden when the pope found himself in a stronger posi-tion: Smalley, The Becket Conf lict , pp. 145–146. In England it was not a common practice before Henry II, although Gerard of Hereford and York, and Roger of Salisbury came close in the exercise of power. The irony was that under Richard I and John, when reformist measures were advanced in a more stringent way, both William Longchamp of Ely and Hubert Walter of Canterbury served church and state in this capacity in the same person at the same time.

41 . Materials II, pp. 365–366. Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 64–73. 42 . The Letters and Charters of Gilbert Foliot , Adrian Morey and C.N.L. Brooke, eds.

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), #167 (and see note on author-ship under #165–166).

43 . William Urry, Canterbury under the Angevin Kings (London: Athlone, 1967), p. 182. Westminster Abbey Charters:1066–c.1214, Emma Mason, ed. London Record Society 25 (London: 1988), #365.

44 . A brief genealogical tree is given by Barlow, Thomas Becket , p. 14, and notes on the fate of the relatives on p. 262.

45 . For Ralph, see Urry, Canterbury under the Angevin Kings , p. 182. For Gilbert and Geoffrey, see Barlow, Thomas Becket , p. 30. Another relative, Stephen, appears in the Westminster Abbey Charters , #365.

46 . Materials III, pp. 75–76. William returned to England with Becket and was a wit-ness to his murder. He afterward made peace with the king.

47 . Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 126–127. The Letters of John of Salisbury , W.J. MiIlor, H.E. Butler, and C.N.L. Brooke, eds., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979–1986), II, #184, in a letter to Gerard Pucelle in 1166.

48 . The Becket Leaves , Janet Backhouse and Christopher de Hamel, eds. (London: British Library, 1988), p. 23. A reference to relatives with the king after the

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peace at Fr é teval in July 1170 is in the letter of Henry to Bartholomew of Exeter, JSL II, #302.

49 . For the trace of the cult in Normandy, see Raymonde Foreville, “ Le culte de St. Thomas Becket en Normandie ,” in Thomas Becket , Actes du colloque interna-tional de S é di è res, 1973 (Paris: Beauchesne, 1975), pp. 135–152.

50 . The disputes with the bishops go back to the vacancy after the death of Anselm in 1109, and they arose again in 1122 when Ralph d’Escures died. See Bethell, “English Black Monks,” n. 162.

51 . GFLC , #220. 52 . Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73 I, p. 240. 53 . JSL II, #311, p. 762. 54 . Ibid. For a general account, see Raymonde Foreville, L’Eglise et la royaut é

en Angleterre sous Henri II Plantagen ê t (Paris: 1943), pp. 373–384, and GFLC , pp. 293–293.

55 . The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, dean of London, William Stubbs, ed., 2 vols. RS-68 (London: 1876), I, pp. 369–370. Gervase of Canterbury, RS-73 I, p. 247. Marcel Pacaut, Alexandre III. Etude sur la conception du pouvoir pontifical dans sa pens é e et dans son oeuvre (Paris: J. Vrin, 1956), p. 285.

56 . Ibid., p. 309. 57 . Christopher R. Cheney, Hubert Walter (London: Nelson, 1967), p. 20. 58 . Papsturkunden in England, Walther Holtzmann, ed., 3 vols. (G ö ttingen: Akademie

der Wissenschaften in G ö ttingen, 1930–1952), #288. 59 . Diceto, RS -68 II, pp. 22–24; Roger of Howden, Chronica, William Stubbs, ed.,

4 vols., RS-51 (London: 1868–1871), II, p. 287. Roger of Howden, RS -51. C&S I, ii, pp. 1015–1022. Foreville, L’Eglise et la royaut é , pp. 476–481.

60 . Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73 I, pp. 538–542, II, p. 402. S. Kuttner and E. Rathbone, “Anglo-Norman Canonists of the Twelfth Century,” Traditio 7 (1951): 279–358. For Hackington, see Everett U. Crosby, Bishop and Chapter in Twelfth-Century England, A Study of the “Mensa Episcopalis” (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 97–98, and EEA 2, #242.

61 . Ralph Diceto, RS -68 II, p. 103. Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73 I, pp. 490–495, 508–512. Epistolae Cantuarienses, RS -38 II, p. 346.

62 . John Gillingham, Richard I (New Haven: Yale, 1999), pp. 288–289. 63 . EEA 2, p. 276. D. Knowles, The Episcopal Colleagues of Archbishop Thomas Becket

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951), pp. 18–22. 64 . The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, Anne J. Duggan,

ed., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), II, pp. 1385–1386. The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes of the Time of King Richard the First, John T. Appleby, ed. (London: Nelson, 1963), pp. 55–56.

65 . Fasti II, p. 5. Reginald died on December 26, 1191. Epistolae Cantuarienses , RS -38 II, pp. 348, 352–353. C&S I, ii, pp. 1035–1037. To the monks of Christ Church, Reginald wrote a farewell note: “Michi non videtur quod velit deus quod vester sim archiepiscopus. Vester autem volo et desidero esse monachus.” And he urged them to come to him with cowl and robe. Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , p. 56 and see EEA 2, p. 276. Peter of Blois and Alexander III both had good things to say about the bishop’s character, Materials VII, pp. 195–198, and Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina , J.-P. Migne, ed. 221 vols. (Paris: 1844–1864), 200: 299, #257.

66 . Richard Mortimer, “The family of Rannulf de Glanville,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 54 (1981): 1–16.

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67 . In a charter for the Premonstratensian church at Dereham (West Dereham) in Norfolk, Hubert Walter dedicated the foundation to the souls of R. Glanvil and his wife, Bertha, “ qui nos educarunt ” ( EEA 18, #179), or, alternatively, “ qui nos nutrierunt ”: Cheney, Hubert Walter , p. 27. Richard I chose him to fill the vacancy at Canterbury because of his “discretion, loyalty, constancy, and love of the king”; ibid ., p. 39.

68 . William of Newburgh, RS -82 I, pp. 391–392. 69 . Christopher R. Cheney, From Becket to Langton. English Church Government: 1170–

1213 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956), p. 41. 70 . Christopher R. Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , P ä pste und Papsttum, Bd.

9 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1976), pp. 19–20. 71 . For a summary and commentary, see D. Knowles, “The Canterbury Election of

1205–1206,” English Historical Review 53 (1938): 211–220; Sidney Painter, The Reign of King John (Baltimore: JHU, 1949; Pb. 1966), pp. 164–202; Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , pp. 147–154.

72 . The bishops met in London to assert their right, by long custom, to vote with the monks. Early Charters of the Cathedral Church of St. Paul, London , Marion Gibbs, ed., Camden Society, 3d series 58 (London: RHS,1939), #181. EEA 26, #91. Robert L. Benson, The Bishop-Elect. A Study in Medieval Ecclesiastical Office (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), p. 167 et seq.

73 . Rotuli litterarum patentium, 1201–1216, p. 56B. 74 . The Letters of Pope Innocent III: 1198–1216 , C.R. Cheney and Mary G. Cheney,

eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), #699–702. Innocent’s choice of Langton was based on the rule he announced which specif ied that elections held in the papal presence did not require the royal consent. He also reminded the king that as pope he had direct authority over the archiepiscopal see: “ nos quoque qui super Canturariensem ecclesiam plenitudinem potestatis habemus ,” Selected Letters of Pope Innocent III concerning England: 1198–1216 , C.R. Cheney and W.H. Semple, eds. (London: Nelson, 1953), #29. For John’s refusal, see Rot. Chart. p. 207.

75 . Cheney and Cheney, Letters of Innocent III , #793–795. 76 . Cheney and Semple, Selected Letters of Innocent III, #62. 77 . Painter, The Reign of King John, p. 117. 78 . Cheney and Semple, Selected Letters of Innocent III, #29. Fritz Kern, Kingship and

Law in the Middle Ages (New York: Harper, 1970), p. 107. 79 . Painter, The Reign of King John, pp. 173–182. Cheney and Semple, Selected Letters

of Innocent III, #36. 80 . Ibid., #81. For the London prebend, see Fasti I, p. 50; and for the one at York, see

Fasti II, p. 14. 81 . EEA 10, p. xxi. Simon Keynes, “Giso, Bishop of Wells: 1061–1088,” Anglo-

Norman Studies 19 (1997): 203–271. 82 . On Lotharingia, see Barlow, English Church: 1000–1066 , p. 83, n. 6; Christopher

N.L. Brooke, “The Bishops of England and Normandy in the Eleventh Century. A Contrast,” in Churches and Churchmen in Medieval Europe (London: Hambledon, 1999), pp. 107–116; Veronica Ortenberg, The English Church and the Continent in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries: Cultural, Spiritual, and Artistic Exchange (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992). William of Malmesbury referred to the Lotharingians as a people, like the Frisians and Saxons, rather than as a place or region. GP , pp. 498–499, 608–609. In general, the accepted geography put Lotharingia in the Rhein valley between K ö ln and Basel.

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83 . Anglo-Saxon Writs , Florence E. Harmer, ed. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1952; 2d ed. Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1989), #64–65, 69–72. EHD II, #76, for the papal bull. See also Charters of Bath and Wells, Susan E. Kelly, ed., Anglo-Saxon Charters XIII (London: British Academy, 2007), #33–42.

84 . Regesta I, #314–315, 326. GP , RS -52, pp. 194–195. John also paid £60 for the inheritance of Hugh the Bearded, Historiola de Primordiis Episcopatus Somersetensis in Ecclesiastical Documents , Joseph Hunter, ed. (London: Camden Society, 1840), p. 21. Quoted figures are always suspect, however, as to the amount paid, and even if it were paid at all.

85 . EEA 10, p. x1 and p. 35. 86 . Historiola , p. 23. John of Worcester records that Robert of Lewes “was made

bishop by Henry of Winchester,” JW , pp. 212–213. According to the same account he was born in England of Flemish origin. He was, perhaps, prior of Winchester under Henry of Blois ( EEA 8, #24, 42, 125), and the Historiola says he was given a position at Glastonbury when Henry was abbot (p. 23). In Fasti II (1971), p. 88, Robert the prior is distinguished from Robert of Lewes; in Fasti VII (2021), p. 2, Robert of Lewes was “possibly prior of Winchester.”

87 . Historiola , p. 40, n. 35; p. 41, n. 44. Reginald may also have had sons since a William and Robert appear as “sons of Reginald” in witness lists to the charters of Robert of Lewes ( EEA 10, #35, 45). They do not seem to have been parties to the law suit.

88 . EEA 10, pp. xxxi–xxxiv. C.M. Church, Chapters in the Early History of the Church of Wells: 1136–1333 (London: Stock, 1894).

89 . C.M. Church, “Roger of Salisbury, first bishop of Bath and Wells: 1244–1247,” Archaeologia 52 (1890): 89–112. A summary of the chronology is as follows: Giso (1061–1088) elected by the canons of Wells; John (1088–1122) elected by the can-ons of Wells; Godfrey (1123–1135) elected by the monks of Bath; Robert of Lewes (1136–1166) elected by the monks of Bath; Reginald de Bohun (1174–1191) elected by the canons of Wells; Savaric (1192–1205) elected by the monks of Bath; Jocelin of Wells (1206–1242) elected by the monks of Bath and the canons of Wells.

90 . EEA 10, #10–11. 91 . Ibid., #30. 92 . Ibid., p. xlvi. 93 . Regesta I, #121, 125, 133. 94 . A tentative table drawn up by David Knowles shows a supposed connection

with Emperor Henry VI, The Episcopal Colleagues of Archbishop Thomas Becket (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951), pp. 158–159. See also Sir Christopher Hatton’s Book of Seals , Lewis C. Loyd and Doris M. Stenton, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1950), p. 304; EEA 10, pp. xxi–xxii; and EEA 18, pp. xlii–xlvii. Humphrey de Bohun and Miles of Gloucester attested together for a charter of Henry I in favor of Salisbury cathedral in September 1131: Charters and Documents of Salisbury , RS -97, p. 7.

95 . Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , p. 19. A note cited from Diceto, however, suggests the opposite, that his father had not taken orders at the time of his birth. On this point, see the letter of Arnulf of Lisieux in Reginald’s defense, The Letters of Arnulf of Lisieux , Frank Barlow, ed. (London: RHS, 1939), #98.

96 . Fasti IV, pp. 34–35, 74. There is a biographical notice in CTB II, pp. 1385–1386.

97 . JSL II, #216–218. Materials II, pp. 524–525. 98 . Anne Duggan, Thomas Becket, A Textual History of His Letters (Oxford: Clarendon

Press, 1980), p. 28.

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99 . CTB , #110, 129. JSL II, #272. 100 . JSL II, #289, 298. 101 . CTB , #230. 102 . Ibid. 103 . Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium , Courtiers’ Trif les , M.R. James, C.N.L. Brooke,

R.A.B. Mynors, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 68–69. 104 . CTB II, pp. 1385–1386. 105 . EEA 10, pp. xlvii–xlviii, #91 and 95 and pp. 218–222. Fasti VII, pp. 32,

75–76. 106 . EEA 10, #78, 151, 192. 107 . For Roger de Bohun, see Fasti III, p. 94, Fasti VII, p. 101, EEA 4, #141; EEA

10, #98; Registrum Antiquissimum of the Cathedral Church of Lincoln, C.W. Foster and Kathleen Major, eds. 10 vols. (Hereford: LRS, 1931–1973), II, p. 43. For Richard, the archdeacon, see EEA 10, p. 200. For Frank, see EEA 10, #73, 114–115. For Savaric’s brother named Frank, see Fasti VII, p. 3. For John, see EEA 10, #223.

108 . Fasti IV, pp. 32, 48, 74. PR 30 Henry II, pp. 73, 94. 109 . For the election, see Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , pp. 29, 56–57, and EEA

10, pp. xxxiv–xxxv, and Ralph Diceto, RS -68 II, p. 105. For Savaric’s rela-tion to Henry VI, see Austin Lane Poole, “England and Burgundy in the Last Decade of the Twelfth Century,” Essays in Honour of Reginald Lane Poole , H.W.C. Davis, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1927), p. 268; William Stubbs, Historical Introductions to the Rolls Series , Arthur Hassall, ed. (London: Longmans, Green, 1902), pp. 415–416; and Frances Ramsey in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography , vol. 49, pp. 92–93.

110 . He was, according to Hubert Walter, “a bishop who never slept”: Cheney, Pope Innocent and England , p. 221.

111 . Edward A. Freeman, The History of the Cathedral Church of Wells as Illustrating the History of the Cathedral Churches of the Old Foundation (London: Macmillan, 1870), chapter III. J. Armitage Robinson, Somerset Historical Essays (London: BA, 1921). David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950), pp. 329–330. Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England, pp. 154–155.

112 . Knowles, Monastic Order , pp. 313–330. 113 . Historiola , p. 21. Regesta I, #314–315. 114 . Rot.Lit.Pat. , p. 63B. Hugh of Wells, acta , #8–11. Fasti VII, p. 3. Robert W.

Dunning in ODNB , vol. 58. 115 . His name appears in the letters of Stephen Langton, printed in James Holt,

Magna Carta , 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 491–492, 498–499.

116 . Robinson, Somerset Historical Essays , p. 157. Fasti VII, p. 93. 117 . PR , 31 Henry I, pp. 140–141. 118 . Crosby, Bishop and Chapter , pp. 105–113. Henry Summerson, Medieval Carlisle ,

The City and the Borders from the Late Eleventh to the Mid-Sixteenth Century , 2 vols. (Kendal: Cumberland & Westmorland Antiquarian & Archaeological Society, 1993), chapters 1–2. Fasti II, p. 19. EEA 30, pp. xxxv–xxxviii. J.C. Dickinson, The Origins of the Austin Canons and Their Introduction into England (London: SPCK, 1959). Nostell priory was a house much favored by Henry I, Archbishop Thurstan, and by Alexander III. Adelulf ’s predecessor had been appointed to the see of St. Andrew’s by 1127. After he became bishop, Adelulf held onto the

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priory until very near the end of his life. It is possible that this arrangement was tolerated as an inducement to make the move to Carlisle by providing some supplementary income. See EEA 5, #97.

119 . EEA 30, pp. 207–208. 120 . The Letters of Osbert of Clare , Prior of Westminster , E.W. Williamson, ed. (Oxford:

Oxford University Press, 1929), pp. 203–207. 121 . “Videns debilitatem corporis mei et periculum anime mee timui diutius preesse

et non prodesse,” EEA 30, #5. 122 . Godfrey’s profession to Lanfranc is in Canterbury Professions , Michael Richter,

ed., Canterbury & York Society, 67 (Torquay: Devonshire Press, 1973), p. 32. William of Malmesbury lists a William as bishop after Stigand, but nothing is known of him, ( GP , p. 137).

123 . Regesta I, #424. Henry Mayr-Harting, The Bishops of Chichester, 1075–1207. Biographical Notes and Problems (Chichester: 1963), pp. 1–2.

124 . The Chronicle of Battle Abbey , Eleanor Searle, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 126–127. GP , pp. 265–267.

125 . Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus, I, p. 353. 126 . The family name probably was derived from Ecure in the Calvados. See the sec-

tion on Canterbury, chapter 5 , note 16.For his parents, see The Letters of Osbert of Clare, Prior of Westminster , E.W. Williamson, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1929), p. 203.

127 . On the sobriquet “Pelochin” translated as “parasite,” or “f latterer,” see Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, Diana Greenway, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 612–613, and Fasti V, p. 2. Herbert Losinga, bishop of Norwich, was said to have been so named because he, too, was a f latterer, EEA 6, p. xxviii, note 27. But the origins of the names remain in doubt.

128 . Searle, The Chronicle of Battle Abbey, pp. 134–135. 129 . Fasti V, p. 2. 130 . Mayr-Harting, The Bishops of Chichester , pp. 6–7. Regesta II, #1425–1427, 1474,

1507–1508, 1710, 1715, 1728, 1764, 1769, 1896, 1900–1901. 131 . Mayr-Harting, Acta of the Bishops of Chichester , pp. 8–9. Fasti V, p. 20. 132 . For different views, see Saltman, Theobald , p. 101; Mayr-Harting, The Bishops

of Chichester, pp. 6–7, and Acta of the Bishops of Chichester , p. 5; Barlow, English Church: 1066–1154 , p. 89; CTB , #42, p. 174, n. 15.

133 . JSL II, #144. In 1144 Theobald was also involved in a dispute between the bishop and monks of Rochester over property rights in Lambeth and Haddenham: Saltman, Theobald , #223.

134 . John of Hexham, RS -75, pp. 306–325. Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73, I, p. 123. Saltman, Theobald , pp. 100–102. Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , p. 24. A History of York Minster, G.E. Aylmer and Reginald Cant, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), pp. 35–37. Henry Mayr-Harting, “Hilary, Bishop of Chichester (1147–1169) and Henry II,” English Historical Review 78 (1963): 209–224.

135 . Compare, for instance, the arguments presented to the court by Hilary in the Battle abbey dispute ( Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 84–104), but with the neces-sary caution with regard to the skewed account; and in the notice of his career as judge by John of Salisbury ( JSL II, #307, and JSL I, p. xxxvi); and in Acta of the Bishops of Chichester , #36–37, 43–44.

136 . Saltman, Theobald , #186, 207. 137 . JSL I, #16. 138 . Ibid., #80, 84. 139 . John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , M. Chibnall, ed., pp. 47–49.

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140 . The Cartulary of the High Church of Chichester , Walter D. Peckham, ed., Sussex Record Society 46 (Lewes: 1946), p. 101.

141 . Acta of the Bishops of Chichester , pp. 212–213. EEA 18, #184–185, and #31. Cheney, English Bishops’ Chanceries , pp. 28–43, although the position at Chichester is not listed.

142 . Acta of the Bishops of Chichester , pp. 49–50. JSL II, #236. Fasti VI, p. 123, for a canonry at Salisbury.

143 . Acta of the Bishops of Chichester, p. 50. 144 . Ibid., #28. 145 . He was elected in May 1173, which may have been the time he surrendered the

deanship, and consecrated in October 1174: Fasti I, p. 57; Gilbert Foliot and His Letters , A. Morey and C. Brooke, eds., p. 282.

146 . Acta of the Bishops of Chichester, #86. 147 . Ibid., #68. 148 . Ibid., #58–59, 64–65. Philip was given slightly more standing than Roger since

his name occurs third and sixth from the last in the charters, whereas Roger’s name is at the very end.

149 . Fasti V, p. 21. 150 . Ibid., pp. 8, 18, 44, 54. 151 . For the chancery post, see Rot.Chart. , pp. 86–89, 127, 133, 134B, 135. As pro-

vost of Beverley, see ibid., pp. 131B and 133B. Painter, The Reign of King John , p. 79. Ancient Charters, Royal and Private, prior to 1200, John Horace Round, ed. (London: PRS, 1888), p. 109. Calendar of Documents Preserved in France, John Horace Round, ed. (London: HMSO, 1899), p. 498.

152 . Mayr-Harting in ODNB , vol. 58. 153 . Diana Greenway, “The Succession to Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Paul’s,”

Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 39 (1966): 86–95. 154 . Acta of Bishops of Chichester , pp. 21–25 for his clerks. He was consecrated July 11,

1204. 155 . Between Simon and Richard there came Nicholas de l’Aigle, the dean of

Chichester, who was elected but never consecrated. The election was annulled by Innocent III (Cheney, Pope Innocent and England , p. 156). Painter, The Reign of King John , called him Gilbert de l’Aigle, while Cheney opted for Nicholas. For the placename, see Fasti V, p. 4, n. 9.

156 . Cheney and Cheney, Letters of Innocent III , #652, 688. Charles Duggan, “Richard of Ilchester,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th ser. 16 (1966): 1–21.

157 . Nicholas Vincent, Peter des Roches , an Alien in English Politics: 1205–1238 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 47–55.

158 . GP , pp. 466–467: “ [the] district . . . rich in fish and cattle . . . and trade from Chester to Ireland,” DB , fo. 262 et seq.

159 . Crosby, Bishop and Chapter , pp. 113–117. EEA 14, pp. xxx–xxxv, xlvii. EEA 16, pp. xxiii–xxiv. M.J. Franklin, “The Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield: c. 1072–1208,” in Coventry’s First Cathedral , G. Demidowicz, ed. (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1994), pp. 118–138. The use of the title can be set out in the following table:

Lichfield: 1053–1075 Chester: 1075–1102 Coventry: 1102–1228 Coventry and Lichfield: 1228–1836 Chester: 1541– Lichfield: 1836–

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160 . The Letters of Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, Helen Clover and Margaret Gibson, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), #2. EEA 14, pp. xxv–xxix.

161 . For example, at Lisieux in 1064 and Winchester in 1070 and 1076, and Lillebonne in 1080.

162 . Barlow, English Church: 1000–1066 , pp. 117–118, 121. At first hesitant (p. 118) he says “possibly,” but later more assured (p. 132) “he obtained [a bishopric],” and (p. 132) “on promotion to Lichfield.” Cowdrey, Lanfranc (p.149), accepts the suggestion of a royal clerk promoted to bishop. Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (p. 147), “Bishop Peter, a man of whom personally little is known.” See also Franklin, “The Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield: 1072–1208,” pp. 118–138, and in EEA 14, pp. xxix–xxxii.

163 . Berkshire: DB I, fo. 56v–57. Somerset: ibid., fo. 91v. 164 . Gibson, Letters of Lanfranc , #27. How early in his episcopate he seized the abbey

at Coventry cannot be determined. Peter was well known to Lanfranc because he had been named, with Bishop Wulfstan of Worcester, to assist in the conse-cration of Ralph, the elect of the Orkney islands about 1072x1073 (ibid., #13), and he was present at the council of London held by the archbishop in the spring of 1075 (ibid., #11).

165 . On one occasion, at least, Robert used the Coventry title: “ Robertus dei gratia Coventrensis episcopus ,” EEA 14, #4. His last instructions were that he was to be buried, not in the cathedral church at Chester, but at Coventry, in order to establish a legal right to the place for his successors, GP , pp. 590–591.

166 . Regesta I, #72, and defective: #90, 144, 205, 286. Regesta (Bates), #181, 305, 306, 110, 115. On Robert as a royal clerk, see J.C. Lancaster, “The Coventry Forged Charters,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 27 (1954): 113–140 and especially p. 138, and EEA 14, pp. xxxii and xxxiv.

167 . The other envoys were Gerard of York and Herbert of Thetford, Letters of St. Anselm , #217, 280–281, 283, 397.

168 . EEA 14, pp. xxxiv–xxxv, 84–85. 169 . The Red Book of the Exchequer , Hubert Hall, ed., 3 vols., RS -99 (London: 1896),

p. 263. EEA 14, p. 83. 170 . Ibid., #18, 63. 171 . Ibid., #18, and p. 83, note 45. Sir Christopher Hatton’s Book of Seals, #43 and

note. 172 . EEA 14, pp. 83–85. If it is true that the grant of Grandborough to Robert, son

of Noel, and the founder of Ronton priory, was confirmed by a charter of the prior, it may have been church property that the bishop alienated and not his own.

173 . “Deinde alium Robertum qui cognominatus est Peccatum,” HH , pp. 610–611. See also William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum , R.M. Thomson, ed., vol. II, p.222. “Defuncto Roberto de Limesia Merciorum episcopo Rodbertus cogno-mento Peccatum successit” OV, VI, pp 316–317. For a discussion of the meaning of the name “Peccatum/Pecce (“sinner”), the likely shift from nickname to sur-name, and the evidence for Robert Peche as a brother of John of Salisbury, see Frank Barlow, “John of Salisbury and His Brothers,” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46 (1995): 95–109.

174 . Hervey de Bourges was Domesday lord of Great Bealings in Suffolk. His daugh-ter, Ailsa, married William Peche, and their son, Hamo I, was the husband of Alice Peverel. Hamo, a knight, held Great Thurlow in Suffolk and inherited the Peverel estate in Cambridgeshire. Later, in the reign of Henry II, he and

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his son, Geoffrey, were involved in a suit with Battle abbey over the patronage of Thurlow church. Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 230–235; I.J. Sanders, English Baronies. A Study of Their Origin and Descent (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), pp. 19 and 48; EEA 16, pp. xvi-xvii. In the 1120s William Peverel II, with Bishop Robert Peche, was appointed by Henry I to judge a dispute involv-ing Burton abbey, EEA 14, p. xxxvii.

175 . Regesta II, #544, 548, 684, 800, 1015, 1183, 1204, 1225. For his itinerary, see EEA 14, pp. xxxvi–xxxviii, and p. 133.

176 . C.H. Haskins, Norman Institutions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1918; Rp. New York: Frederick Ungar, 1960), p. 114–115. The wages for that position were 5s per diem: Dialogus de scaccario et c onstitutio domus regis , Charles Johnson, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1950; 2d ed., Emilie Amt & S.D. Church, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 130.

177 . EEA 14, #2–3. Regesta II, #1629. Green, The Aristocracy of Norman England, p. 97.

178 . EEA 14, #22. EEA 16, #5. 179 . Regesta II, #1776, where the charter is noted as f lawed, but not impossible. For

the dangeld pardon, see PR 31, Henry I , pp. 46 and 60. 180 . EEA 16, p. xxvi. 181 . Perhaps the bishop’s nephew, EEA 16, pp. xxvi and xxxiv. As witness, ibid.,

#5–6, 14, 23, 65, 69–71, 73, 86, 96, 102, 105. 182 . EEA 16, #65. RBE , pp. 263–264. 183 . EEA 14, #65. 184 . Richard: EEA 16, p. 116, and EEA 17, #28. Gilbert: ibid., #70. Alan: Ibid.,

#65. Walter: ibid., #46. Hugh: EEA 17, #28. 185 . Richard: Barlow, “John of Salisbury and His Brothers,” Journal of Ecclesiastical

History 46 (1995): 95–109. Simon: PR 31 Henry I , pp. 56, 95. Hamo: ibid., p. 99. 186 . OV, VI, p. 317. Richard W. Southern, Medieval Humanism and other Studies (New

York: Harper, 1970), pp. 214–217. 187 . “ De pulvere ut ita dicam extulit ” ( OV, VI, pp 16–17), which is more sensibly

taken as a metaphor, since few of the king’s men were drawn from poverty and obscurity.

188 . M.J. Franklin remains skeptical of the story on the grounds that Geoffrey would not have wished to risk a bribe when in the spring of 1130 he was accused of treason and his career was in jeopardy. But Roger had been elected and conse-crated before the end of December 1129, so that Geoffrey, in 1130, as Southern put it, “was at the height of his greatness.” Why not pay for a bishopric? Bribes, moreover, were often payments made free of moral censure: M.J. Franklin, EEA 14, pp. xxxviii–xxxiv; Southern, Medieval Humanism , pp. 214–218; Barlow, English Church: 1066–1154 , p. 87; M. Chibnall, Anglo-Norman England , p. 80; Crosby, Bishop and Chapter , pp. 120–121.

189 . Regesta III, #694. 190 . Gesta Stephani , K.R. Potter, ed. (London: Nelson, 1955; 2d ed. K.R. Potter &

R.H.C. Davis, ed. 1976), p. 104. Saltman, Theobald , p. 13. 191 . “Gwalterius durus dens vir eximiae religionis et sacris litteris apprime eruditus,”

(Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73, I, p. 141. 192 . John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , pp. 88–89. 193 . EEA 14, #66, and p. 127. 194 . Ibid., #63, 66–67. 195 . Franklin, “The Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield,” p. 130.

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196 . EEA 16, #63, EEA 2, #154. 197 . EEA 16, #84a; EEA 17, p. lviii. He was, perhaps, the same William who attested

another charter of Richard Peche as “Willelmo Duredent” in favor of Burton abbey ( EEA 16, #10).

198 . EEA 17, #28, 42, 61, 63, and #6–8, 23, 32–33, 39, 44, 108, 127. 199 . The reference by Franklin implies that he was first a canon and then a master

( EEA 17, p. lviii). 200 . VCH Staffordshire, III, pp. 8–12. 201 . Diceto, RS -68, I, p. 385. 202 . Doubt was raised in connection with Richard, the son, but based on an argu-

ment from silence ( EEA 16, pp. xxvi–xxvii). A Richard Peche magister was appointed as treasurer ca. 1192, which is about the time that the archdeacon ceased to appear in the witness lists. But he might well have been another rela-tive ( EEA 16, p. xxvii, and n. 35, and EEA 3, #536). Philip filius episcopi is cited in EEA 16, p. xxvii, and EEA 17, p. xlv, n. 153.

203 . S. Kuttner and E. Rathbone, “Anglo-Norman Canonists of the Twelfth Century,” pp. 279–358; CTB II, appendix I, pp. 1371–1372. ODNB , vol. 45, pp. 501–502. Johannes Fried, “Gerard Pucelle und K ö ln,” ZRG, Kan. Abt , 68 (1982): 125–135. EEA 17, pp. xxiii–xxv. Franklin, “The Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield,” pp. 118–132. The sobriquet may have derived from pucella mean-ing virgo . See DuCange, Glossarium , vol. 6, p. 557. A letter of Alexander III in 1178 was addressed to magistro Girardo puellae , see Epistolae Hugonis Rothomagensis archiepiscopi (Bouquet XV, p. 960).

204 . “ Vir eruditissimus et litteratissimus ” ( Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 322– 323). “ Qui clavem habetis scientiae ” ( JSL II, #297, but in a letter that scolds him for alleged disloyalty to Thomas Becket).

205 . JSL II, #184–186, 226. 206 . The imperial anti-pope Paschal III had been elected in 1164 through the efforts

of Rainald, archbishop of K ö ln, and former chancellor to Frederick I. The schism lasted from the election of Victor IV, in 1159, to 1180 when the anti-pope, Innocent III, was bought out by Alexander III ( CTB I, #107).

207 . CTB I, #168a and 168b. 208 . Ibid., #175; and II, #176. 209 . JSL II, #297, in February 1170. 210 . EEA 2, #65. As witness, see EEA 3, index p. 334. For Teynham, see F.R.H.

DuBoulay, The Lordship of Canterbury , An Essay on Medieval Society (London: Thomas Nelson, 1966), p. 18.

211 . Chronicle of Battle Abbey, pp. 322–323. 212 . Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina , J.-P. Migne, ed. 221 vols. (Paris: 1844–

1864), 200: 1370–1371. M. Pacaut, Alexandre III , pp. 272–273. 213 . EEA 2, #156. Theobald had ordered the monks of Coventry to meet to elect a

new bishop in April 1148. Richard wrote to Lichfield. In both cases, friends of the archbishop succeeded to office.

214 . So Hugh went to Lincoln; Roger, Baldwin, and William to Worcester; Waleran to Rochester; and Gerard to Coventry.

215 . EEA 17, #23, and p. xliii. D.A. Carpenter, “Abbot Ralph of Coggeshall’s Account of the Last Years of King Richard and the First Years of King John,” English Historical Review 113 (1998): 1210–1230, calls Robert Brito a brother of Hugh de Nonant. Hugh, however, did carry over some personnel from the

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previous pontificate, including Richard Peche, archdeacon of Shropshire, and William Durdent, canon of Lichfield, as members of his household.

216 . ALL , #138, and the genealogical table, p. xi. Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , pp. 86–87. Epistolae Cantuarienses , RS-38, II, p. xlv.

217 . ALL , #133 and 138. 218 . EEA 17, p. xxvii. 219 . PR 2 Richard I , p. 45 for the bribe; EEA 2, #266 for Baldwin’s censure; and

EEA 17, #48–49. The prohibition was included in the canons of Lateran III based on 2 Timothy : “ nemo militans deo implicat se negotiis saecularibus ,” Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta , Joseph Alberigo, ed. et al. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose, 1973), p. 218.

220 . PR 2 Richard I , p. 45. EEA 17; # 48–49. The king’s goodwill was worth 5,000 marks according to Roger of Howden in Chronica , William Stubbs, ed., 4 vols., RS -51 (London: 1868–1871) III, p. 287. This f igure was pared to 2,000 marks by Franklin according to PR 17 Richard I , p. 191 and PR 10 Richard I , pp. 119–123. It remained unpaid. For Hugh’s relationship with Prince John and Longchamp, see Stubbs, Historical Introductions , p. 225, and Gillingham, Richard I , p. 270, n. 7.

221 . Fasti VI, p. 38. EEA 17, pp. xlvii et seq. For his election, see Cheney, Pope Innocent and England , pp. 129–130.

222 . A summary is given by Lovatt in EEA 27, #83. See also EEA 17, pp. xlvii–xlviii. For attestations to charters of Archbishop Geoffrey from 1189 to 1194, see ibid., #7, 9, 24, 44, 58, 76–77, 93–94.

223 . EEA 27, #9. 224 . EEA 16, p. 117; EEA 17 #82, 117, 129, and 103–104 as magister . 225 . Registrum Antiquissimum of the Cathedral Church of Lincoln, C.W. Foster and

Kathleen Major, eds. 10 vols. (Hereford: LRS, 1931–1973), III, #675 and 684. 226 . William Cornhill: “vir simplex et liberalis f idelis regi et utilis regno”; VCH

Staffordshire III, p. 11, taken from Monasticon Anglicanum, William Dugdale, ed.; rev.ed., John Caley, Henry Ellis, Bulke1ey Bandinel, eds., 6 vols. in 8 (London: James Bohn, 1817–1830). The outline is in Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , pp. 129–132, and one version of the contrary views is in Dugdale, Monasticon , VIII, pp. 1242–1244.

227 . There is an extensive literature on the bishop: Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus , I, p. 329 ff, II, p. 270 ff. H.S. Off ler, “Ranulf Flambard as Bishop of Durham,” Durham University Journal 64 (1971): 14–25. H.E. Craster, “A Contemporary Record of the Pontificate of Ranulf Flambard,” Archaeologia Aeliana , 4th ser. 7 (1930): 33–56. Southern, Medieval Humanism, pp. 183–205. J.O. Prestwich, “The Career of Ranulf Flambard,” in Anglo-Norman Durham: 1093–1193, David Rollason, Margaret Harvey, Michael Prestwich, eds. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1994), pp. 299–310. C. Warren Hollister, Henry I (New Haven: Yale, 2001), pp. 116–117, 373–374. Barlow, William Rufus, p. 193 ff., and The English Church: 1066–1154, pp. 72–73.

228 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus de exordio atque procursu istius hoc est Dunelmensis eccle-sie, David Rollason, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 162–163, 170–171. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs , p. 556.

229 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 192–195. 230 . Ibid., pp. 194–195. Durham was a key defensive position in the north with a

heavy burden of responsibility laid on the bishop. In 1075 Archbishop Anselm

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warned him to be wary: “The Danes are coming, just as the king told us. Fortify your castle with men, weapons, and stores. Be prepared”; Gibson, Letters of Lanfranc , #36.

231 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 212–217. The problem of the two women named Aelfgith is outlined by Off ler in Durham Episcopal Charters , Surtees Society 179 (Gateshead: 1968), p. 2.

232 . The Chronicle of John of Worcester , R.R. Darlington, P. McGurk, and Jennifer Bray, eds., vols. II and III (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995–1998), pp. 34–35.

233 . Different versions of the story are in JW , pp. 32–37, Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 212–217, GR , pp. 498–501. A summary is given by David Douglas, William the Conqueror. The Norman Impact upon England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), pp. 240–241, who changed the name from Liulf to Ligulf. But there is confusion over the persons involved, particularly “Leofwinus, dean of Durham,” and “ Leobwinus capellanus .” JW distinguished the two as different men, a view followed by Off ler in Durham Episcopal Charters , p. 42, and “The Early Archdeacons in the Diocese of Durham” ( Transactions of the Architectual and Archaeological Society of Durham and Northumberland 2 (1962): 192), as against Frank Barlow in Durham Jurisdictional Peculiars (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1950), p. 15. The purported charter of Waltheof that records Leobwin as dean of Durham was dismissed by Off ler as spurious in Durham Episcopal Charters , #5a, and “Early Archdeacons,” p. 192, n. 11. The editors of the new edition of the GR , however, print “ Leobwinus clericus ” in the text, but translate the name as “Leofwine” as “dean of Durham” in GP , pp. 498–501, and index, p. 863). Leobwine, “perhaps the archdeacon,” is combined with Leobwine, the chaplain, in Fasti II, p. 37.

234 . Durham Episcopal Charters, #5a. 235 . Gilbert may have been sheriff of Northumberland at the time. See Judith A.

Green, English Sheriffs to 1154 (London: HMSO, 1990), p. 65. An ambiguous passage in JW suggests Liulf as a relative of Bishop Walcher, but the identifica-tion remains uncertain.

236 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 194–197. 237 . William Kapelle, The Norman Conquest of the North. The Region and Its

Transformation: 1000–1135 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), pp. 137–140.

238 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 222–223. The phrase teste me ipso , found in royal charters, likely refers to a document read in the king’s presence, which benefited from his authority and approval. See, for example, those of Stephen ( Regesta III, #487, 537–538, 660) and those of John ( Rot.Chart ., passim ). “Elected by the king himself” seems to carry the same meaning, although strictly speak-ing, it may refer to nomination rather than formal election. For remarks on teste me ipso , see P. Chaplais, English Royal Documents. King John-Henry VI: 1199–1461 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 16.

239 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 238–239. 240 . He came to the bishopric, observed Orderic Vitalis, “ non merito religionis, sed

potentia secularis ” ( OV, V, p. 310). For the name, “Flambard,” as “bishop” or “priest,” see Barlow, William Rufus , p. 197, n. 155. In a passage, which may have been written for stylistic variation, Orderic referred to Hugh, bishop of Lisieux, as episcopus , praesul , pontifex , antistes , pater , and f lamen , all within a few pages ( OV, III, pp. 14–19), and in another instance to Ranulf as corpulentus f lamen ( OV, V, p. 312).

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241 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 266–278. 242 . Magnanimitas was the word used by Symeon to describe him: “ Tunc ille, sicut

magnanimus semper erat in periculis ,” and “ ceterum inerat ei episcopo magnanimitas ” (ibid., pp. 270, 274). Therefore, a man “of great spirit,” which, depending on the interested party, might mean “generosity, compassion, goodwill,” or, con-versely, “ambition, arrogance, and self-interest.”

243 . Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York , pp. 6, 26. OV, IV, p. 170. Flambard appears in the London catalogue as a prebendary in Tatenhall, prob-ably soon after Maurice became bishop ( Fasti I, p. 79). He was also busy acquir-ing an array of properties, which show up in DB and later documents: Stepney (Middlesex) ( DB I, fo. 127); Godalming (Surrey), ( DB I, fo. 30v); Great Funtley (Hants), ( DB I, fo. 49); Woodwick (Somerset), ( DB I, fo. 89v); lands in Yorkshire ( Regesta I, #427), churches in Lincolnshire and Hampshire ( Regesta III, #789); a canonry at Salisbury ( Regesta II, #753); the church at Twynham (Hampshire) ( Regesta I, #361); and at St. Martin, Dover ( Regesta II, #562) and St. Martin-le-Grand in London ( Regesta III, #529).

244 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , p. 42. 245 . OV, IV, p. 174. Symeon of Durham, Libellus , p. 266. 246 . Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus , II, p. 397. OV, V, pp. 310–311. ASC , s.a.

1101. HH , p. 450. JW , pp. 94–101. 247 . Regesta II, #595–596, with Flambard as witness. For his return to grace: ibid.,

#539–541, 545–546, 560–562, 575, 589–590, 642–643, 709, 918. 248 . Southern, Medieval Humanism , pp. 197–199. 249 . Regesta II, #544, 559, 595, 683, 699–701, 790. 250 . OV, V, pp. 311–323. Regesta II, #540–541, 545. Letters of Saint Anselm , #225. 251 . OV, VI, pp. 140–143. 252 . The Life of Christina of Markyate , C.H. Talbot, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 1959; rev. ed. 1987), pp. 40–45. 253 . OV, IV, p. 172. 254 . Fasti I, pp. 43, 79. 255 . OV, V, p. 202. Fasti I, p. 47. Regesta I, #464, 480. 256 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 266–267. Liber Eliensis, E.O. Blake, ed.

(London: RHS, 1962), pp. 219–220. Regesta I, #385–387, 419, 422. Historia Ecclesie Abbendonensis, John Hudson, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 30–31, 60–61.

257 . OV, IV, pp. 170–175. OV, V, pp. 320–323. 258 . “Non multo post Gislebertus senex cognomento Maminotus Luxoviensis epis-

copus mense augusto mortuus est,” OV, V, p. 320. 259 . Orderic says only that he “procured” ( suscepit ) the see, OV, V, p. 322. 260 . Ibid. 261 . Feodarium Prioratus Dunelmensis, William Greenwell, ed., Surtees Society, 58

(Durham: Andrews, 1872), pp. 144–146. Durham Episcopal Charters , #23. Regesta I, #1603 (but of uncertain date).

262 . Regesta II, #1604. 263 . Feodarium , pp. 145–146. Durham Episcopal Charters , #23. Richard’s son was

Geoffrey II, and his grandson was Geoffrey III. The latter was presumably the holder of 1½ knight’s fees of the bishopric in 1166 (RBE, p. 417). Other proper-ties had different histories. Staindrop had been taken by Flambard, then restored to the monks, and later to be rented out by them. Silksworth, which had also been given to Richard, descended in his family so that a portion of it was lost

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to the convent ( Feodarium , pp. 56–57, 123). Likewise, Hawthorn, Houghall, Hanaton, and Herrington, granted to William Fitz-Rannulf, another nephew, were still in the hands of his relatives in the late twelfth century ( Feodarium , p. 122; Durham Episcopal Charters , #11). To decide which lands were episcopal and which capitular was still a problem, but the bishop should not bear all the blame for disputed property. In many cases, there was doubtless genuine uncer-tainty as to the rights of claimants, of which Flambard was quick to take advan-tage. The permanent division of the mensae was still in the future. See Crosby, Bishop and Chapter , p. 132 ff.

264 . PR 31 Henry I, p. 79. 265 . Symeon of Durham, Libellus , pp. 278–279. 266 . OV, V, pp. 322–323, nn, 3–4. Ivo of Chartres, in a letter to Paschal II, has a

critical appraisal of Flambard’s sons in Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, J.-P. Migne, ed. 221 vols. (Paris: 1844–1864), 162: #157, and also #149, 153–154.

267 . Fasti II, p. 77. Durham Episcopal Charters , #35, 35a, 35b, and p. 76. 268 . Ibid., #35b. 269 . In the ornate prose of Lawrence of Durham, Flambard was “the architect of the

golden age,” in Southern, Medieval Humanism , p. 204. 270 . Saltman, Theobald , p. 165, n. 3. EEA 33, #108. 271 . Ibid., pp. 262, 286, 368, 404, 474, 546. 272 . LRS -RA I, #33. Regesta II, #1104. 273 . Ibid. 274 . Both King’s Sutton and Horley appear in a confirmation to the chapter at Lincoln

by Eugenius III in 1146 ( LRA-RA I, pp. 197–202). 275 . Regesta II, #1564. 276 . Durham Episcopal Charters, p. 74. 277 . Southern, Medieval Humanism , p. 201. 278 . In charters of 1121x1128, he is once fourth in line, twice fifth, once seventh, and

once eighth. In a charter of Henry I (ca. 1123), he is seventh; in one of Algar, prior of Durham (ca. 1130), he is eleventh; and in one of Bishop Geoffrey Rufus (1133x1141), he is f ifth ( Durham Episcopal Charters , #17, 22–25, 29; Regesta II, #1389; Feodarium , pp. 56–57, 40).

279 . Durham Episcopal Charters, #25. 280 . Ibid., #11–13; Feodarium , pp. 199–200; Regesta II, #1564;, RBE I, p. 417. A

William Fitz-Rannulf held half a knight’s fee from the bishop of Lincoln in 1166 ( RBE I, p. 375). He may be the William Fitz-Rannulf who accounted for 113s 4d and a warhorse for the land of his father in the PR 31 Henry I for Warwickshire. His entry is followed by one for Robert Fitz-Rannulf who also accounts for the land of his father. If they were brothers, there is still no positive identification that they were the bishop’s sons. Presumably, it was this William Fitz-Rannulf who was favored by a pardon for pleas in several of the northern counties ( PR 31 Henry I , pp. 28, 48, 106). In addition to Thomas, William Fitz-Rannulf was said to have had another son named Ralph who was attached to the household of Bishop William Ste. Barbe ( Durham Episcopal Charters , #39).

281 . See note 261. 282 . RBE I, p. 417. 283 . EEA 24, #3, 5, 14, 20, 23, 39, 42 ff. 284 . Ibid., #72, 91, 116, 152. A Geoffrey, son of Geoffrey, perhaps the man in ques-

tion, appeared in the time of Bishop Philip of Poitiers at the turn of the century, EEA 25, #179, 198, 208.

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285 . Durham Episcopal Charters , #15, 17, 20, 23–25, and for Middleham: #26b, 35, 35a.

286 . Ibid., #17, 20, 35, 38–40, 42, 45. That Osbert, the nephew, was the same man as Osbert, the sheriff, is confirmed by the charters of restitution, Durham Episcopal Charters , #35, 35a, 35b. In at least two citations, “ Osbertus ” is given as “ Osbernus ,” but also as “ Osbernus nepos episcopi .” No nephew named Osbernus can be found, so the assumption is that he was the same person. Osbern, the brother of Flambard, can be excluded on the grounds that he is never mentioned as sheriff. Whether Osbert continued in office under Bishop Geoffrey Rufus is uncertain since he is cited but lacks the title ( Durham Episcopal Charters , p. 85; Green, English Sheriffs , p. 38).

287 . RBE I, p. 417. 288 . Durham Episcopal Charters , #17, 23, 25, 29, 30–31. Feodarium , pp. 140, 205. This

Robert, the brother, was not Robert the archdeacon, since they appear together in the same charter, Durham Episcopal Charters , #25, 26e, 29.

289 . Rannulf: Fasti II, pp. 39–40; Durham Episcopal Charters , #34–36a, 43. Ralph: ibid., #20. Pain: ibid., #23, called “ Paganus nepos Rannulfi ,” which might refer to the bishop, whose charter it is, or to Rannulf, the archdeacon, who stands first in the witness list. Scammell calls him “Payne son of Rannulf,” and suggests a relationship to the bishop: G.V. Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , Bishop of Durham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1956), p. 219.

290 . LRS -RA I, p. 38. 291 . Durham Episcopal Charters, #23. 292 . The suggestion was made by Off ler, Durham Episcopal Charters , p. 105. 293 . For the Amundeville family line, see ibid., p. 77. Symeon of Durham, Libellus ,

pp. 312–317, and p. 283, n. 33. 294 . In the charters, Roger is listed as number ten out of fourteen (#38), sixteen out

of eighteen (#39), eighteen out of twenty-one (#40), and eleven out of fourteen (#42). Except for a shared place-name, Off ler saw no relation between the two men, Durham Episcopal Charters , p. 158.

295 . Cumin was a clerk of Henry I, and of Henry, as count of Anjou ( Regesta II, #1365, 1675, 1851; Regesta III, #115, 128, 309–310, 321, 459, 837, 840, 999; D&B I, p. 242). From about 1120 he held the archdeaconry of Worcester and was attached to the household of Archbishop Theobald.

296 . Cumin’s nephew, William, was succeeded at Northallerton after his death by a nephew named Richard. John Cumin, another relative, was archdeacon of Bath, canon of St. Paul’s, London, custodian of Hereford, a clerk and envoy of Henry II to Rome, who was consecrated as archbishop of Dublin in 1182. The chief references are: Symeon of Durham, Libellus ; Lawrence of Durham; Alan Young, “The Bishopric of Durham in Stephen’s Reign,” in Anglo-Norman Durham , pp. 353–368, and William Cumin, Border Politics and the Bishopric of Durham : 1141–1144 , Borthwick Papers, 54 (York: University of York, 1978); Saltman, Theobald , pp. 144–146; GFL , p. 281; GFLC , pp. 539–540; Robinson, Somerset Historical Essays , pp. 90–99; William M. Aird, St. Cuthbert and the Normans , The Church of Durham: 1071–1153 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1998), pp. 178–180, 261–265.

297 . Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , chapter 1 , and pp. 308–313. Fasti VI, pp. 22, 41. Symeon of Durham, Libellus , p. 351. Stubbs, Historical Introductions , pp. 211–214. There was a close connection between York and Durham, which was the only other important diocese in the northern province. The archbishop and the bishop each held lands in the other’s diocese, Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , pp. 96,

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167–169, 183–184. William of Ste. Barbe, it will be recalled, had been dean of York before he was elected to the see of Durham.

298 . Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , pp. 223, 311–313. There is always a margin of uncer-tainty in the identification of nepos as son, or as grandson. In the case of Hugh du Puiset, for instance, the chancellor to the French king, the assumption is that he was a son of the bishop. But it is just possible that he was a son of Evrard IV, the bishop’s brother, who died in 1190, and was, therefore, a legitimate nephew rather than an illegitimate son.

299 . Hollister, Henry I , p. 308. For Jocelin, brother of Adeliza, see Regesta III, #568. 300 . Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , p. 311, nn. 15–16. 301 . Ibid., pp. 223–224. 302 . EEA 24, #4, 14, 20, 23, 43, 45, 70, 72, 91, 99, 101, 116, 122, 131, 133–134, 142,

148, 152, 163. 303 . Ibid., #211, 245. Rot.Chart ., pp. 89B, 126B, 171B. 304 . Fasti VI, p. 41. 305 . Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , pp. 312–313. Charles T. Clay, York Minster Fasti ,

Yorkshire Archaeological Society, record series, 123–124, 2 vols. (York: 1958–1959), p. 22.

306 . EEA 24, #2, 3, 5, 17, 40, 42–48, 55–56, 76, 93, 121–124, 137–139, 152, 160, 172–173. As treasurer at York: #46, 93, 139, 152. Fasti II, p. 38.

307 . EEA 24, #2, 5–5a, 17, 39, 40–48, 55, 70, 76, 93, 100, 105, 116, 121–122, 137–139, 152, 170, 172–173. Fasti II, p. 40.

308 . Ibid., p. 71. Marcel Pacaut, Louis VII et son royaume (Paris: SEVPEN, 1964), p. 173.

309 . Roger of Howden, RS -51. 310 . Fasti II, pp 14, 30. EEA 25, #25, 176, 231. J.C. Holt, “ Ricardus rex Anglorum

et dux Normannorum ,” in Riccardo Cuor di Leone nella storia e nella leggenda , Colloquio, Roma, 11 aprile 1980 (Roma: Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, 1981), pp. 17–33.

311 . Diceto, RS -68 II, pp. 128–129. 312 . EEA 25, #179–184, 189–192, 194, 196–198, 202–203, 205–206, 208, 210–211,

216, 218–219, 221–222, 226–231, 235–236, 238, 241–245, and p. 223. Fasti II, p. 23.

313 . EEA 24, p. xxxiii. 314 . EEA 25, p. xxxviii. 315 . Rot.Chart. , p. 119B. Fasti II, p. 38, where Peter is listed as his brother. 316 . EEA 25, #198, 206, 211, 216, 222, 231, 241, 245. 317 . Bernard: EEA 24, p. xlv, and EEA 25, #211. William: EEA 25, #211. Jolland:

EEA , #200. 318 . Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , p. 167. Cheney and Cheney, Letters of

Innocent III , #949–951. Beverley Minster Fasti , Richard T.W. McDermid, ed. Yorkshire Archaeological Society, record series 149 (1993), p. 5

319 . Orderic Vitalis referred to him as “the Breton” (“ iussu Hervei Britonis ”) in OV, VI, pp. 186–187, which may mean he was from Brittany, as in “ contra Cenomannos et Britones ” ( OV, I, pp. 122–123) or from Wales, as in “ Britonibus qui nunc Guali vocantur ” ( OV, I, pp. 276–277).

320 . GP , pp. 492–493. The latest appraisal is by Nicholas Karn in EEA 31, pp. lxviii–xc.

321 . Monmouth: 1102? (William Farrer, “An Outline Itinerary of King Henry the First,” English Historical Review 34 (1919): 315). Evreux:? 1101x1106 ( Regesta II,

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#675). Romsey: 1104x1105 ( Regesta II, #683). London: 1107? ( Regesta II, #828), and at the Westminster council in 1102, the council at London in June 1109, and at the consecration of Thomas archbishop of York in the same year (Eadmer, Historia Novorum , pp. 141–142, 210).

322 . Letters of Saint Anselm, #404. 323 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , pp. 210–211: “Quod quidem ut adipisci mereretur

multa prece, multis multarum rerum promissionibus, multorum quoque officio-rum exhibitionibus, vix post obitum strenuissimi patris Anselmi obtinere potis fuit.” Patronage had its price!

324 . LE III, pp. 246–247. 325 . Ibid., p. 248. 326 . “Frater vester, iste Hereveus, quem vita et scientia commendat” (ibid., p. 247);

“[Herveus] qui vite celestis documenta in scientia et moribus portat” (ibid.). 327 . Ibid., p. 249. 328 . Ibid., pp. 245, 276. 329 . Regesta II, #1502. The grant of Pampisford for the service of one knight was

confirmed by Henry I at Ealing in 1127, then lost and recovered in 1135, but lost again by 1166. Regesta III, #269. Edward Miller, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951), pp. 168–169, 280.

330 . LE , Appendix C, pp. 405–407. Miller, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely , pp. 168–175. EEA 31, p. lxxvii, n. 203, and p. xcix.

331 . PR 31 Henry I , pp. 44–45. 332 . LE III, p. 279. 333 . The uncertainty of his parents is noted by Karn, but the fact that Roger named

his son Roger, rather than Nigel, is not proof that he was not his father ( EEA 31, p. lxxiii). There is also an ambiguity in Roger of Howden: “idem rex Stephanus post natale fugavit Nigellum episcopum Eliensem de episcopatu suo quia nepos praedicti episcopi Salesberiensis erat a quo odii incendium in progeniem ejus traxerat” ( RS -51, I, p. 198).

334 . “Tandem illis petentibus concessit rex, sic tamen ut non alium sed quendam clericum Nigellum, suum thesaurarium, eligerent et assumerent” ( LE , p. 283). The legal form compromised by the will of the sovereign is a familiar expression of autocratic power.

335 . “Post pentecostem dedit rex episcopatum Eliensem Nigello” ( HH , p. 488). 336 . PR 31 Henry I , pp. 54, 63. There are also pardons for Nigel recorded in Essex

(ibid., p. 56), Wiltshire, (p. 23), Hampshire (p. 41), Huntingdonshire (p. 49), Berkshire (p. 126), and Middlesex (p. 152). Regesta II, #1691. Dialogus de Scaccario , p. 50.

337 . Edward J. Kealey, Roger of Salisbury, Viceroy of England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 272–275.

338 . For the circumstances of the arrest of the bishops, see K. Yoshitake, “The Arrest of the Bishops in 1139 and Its Consequences,” Journal of Medieval History 14 (1988): 97–114; Jim Bradbury, Stephen and Matilda: The Civil War of 1139–1153 (Stroud: Alan Sutton, 1996), pp. 48–55; LE , pp. 314–321.

339 . LE , p. 372. 340 . Dialogus de Scaccario, p. 42. 341 . Fasti I, p. 41. Fasti II, p. 50. LRS -RA IV, pp. 10, 18. 342 . Fasti I, p. 2. EEA 26, pp. xxxvii–xxxviii. 343 . Fasti I, p. 35. EEA 26, pp. 1–1iii; and #74 where William of Ely is called “ con-

sanguineus noster .” LRS -RA I, p. 128. Rot.Chart ., p. 183B. H.G. Richardson,

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“William of Ely, the King’s Treasurer,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4th ser. 15 (1932): 45–90.

344 . Fasti I, pp. 16, 19, 41. 345 . EEA 26, pp. l–li. 346 . Fasti I, p. 19. 347 . See EEA 31, pp. lxxii–lxxviii. 348 . Diceto, RS -68, I, p. 308; II, pp. 278–279. William of Canterbury, Materials I,

p. 106. William Fitz Stephen, Materials III, p. 120. JSL , #189, 200, 298. Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 82–83. Duggan, Thomas Becket , p. 34. CTB II, p. 1370 ff. EEA 31, pp. lxxii–lxxviii. H.G. Richardson and George O. Sayles, Governance of Medieval England from the Conquest to Magna Carta (Edinburgh: University Press, 1963), pp. 212, 317. W.L. Warren, Henry II (London: Eyre Methuen, 1973), p. 457.

349 . Geoffrey acted for Becket when the archbishop was drawn away to London on business in April 1163, CTB , #8.

350 . By the late 1160s, Geoffrey, the “ archidiaconus ,” had become the “ archidiabolus ,” a forerunner of anti-Christ who sowed discord among the brothers ( CTB , #229, 248–250).

351 . OV, VI, pp. 304–305. Geoffrey Ridel (d. 1120) married Geva, and their daugh-ter, Maud, was the wife of Richard Basset, justiciar of Henry I. The son of Richard and Maud was another Geoffrey Ridel (d. 1180) whose son was Richard Basset II. Geoffrey Ridel I also had a son named Robert Ridel (Sanders, English Baronies , pp. 49–50; Regesta II, #1389). A Richard Basset was a witness to char-ters of Bishop Nigel ( EEA 31, #75, 91). Gilbert Basset and Thomas Basset were named in the unsuccessful excommunication urged by William Longchamp, bishop of Ely, in 1192 (ibid., #168).

352 . EEA 31, p. lxxix. 353 . Ibid., #118. Fasti II, p. 51. 354 . Ibid. Fasti III, p. 145. Fasti IV, p. 134. For Robert, see Fasti II, p. 13. Stephen was

employed at Rome on the king’s business with the emperor, Otto of Brunswick (Painter, The Reign of King John , p. 154).

355 . Warren, Henry II , p. 535. 356 . Geoffrey resigned the chancellorship when he became bishop. See Charles H.

McIlwain, The Growth of Political Thought in the West (New York: Macmillan, 1932) p. 173.

357 . Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73 I, p. 457. Margaret Howell, Regalian Right in Medieval England (London: University of London, 1962), pp. 48–49.

358 . William was elected to Ely at the king’s command late in September 1189 and consecrated on December 31, Fasti II, p. 45.

359 . The letter of Hugh de Nonant, bishop of Coventry, copied into Roger of Howden’s history, is a good example of criticism on the theme of “the great man fallen” (Howden, RS -51, III, pp. 141–145). See also John T. Appleby, England without Richard: 1189–1199 (Ithaca: Cornell, 1965), p. 35 ff.; EEA 31, pp. lxxxii–xc.

360 . EEA 31, pp. 227 ff. Gillingham, Richard I , p. 239. James Bentham sought to correct Longchamp’s dark reputation by calling to mind that the public oppro-brium that he incurred was “the effect of envy and popular misconstruction,” The History and Antiquities of the Conventual and Cathedral Church of Ely , 2 vols. (Norwich: Stevenson, Matchett, 1812–1817), p. 144.

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361 . Regesta III, #128, 193. For the Longchamp history, see Stubbs, Historical Introductions , pp. 214–259, 412–413.

362 . Magni rotuli scaccarii normanniae sub regibus angliae, Thomas Stapleton, ed., 2 vols. (London: 1840–1844), I, p. 74 and p. cxiii. That Hugh was not out of favor until 1178 or 1180 is shown by a charter of Henry II that he attested, Acta of Henry II and Richard I , vol. I, J.C. Holt and R. Mortimer, eds., List & Index Society (Kew: 1986); vol. II, N. Vincent, ed., List & Index Society (Kew: 1996), vol.27, #29, 128.

363 . ODNB vol. 34. 364 . Landon, Itinerary , #162. Cartae Antiquae Rolls , 1–10, Lionel Landon, ed. (London:

1939); rolls 11–20, J. Conway Davies, ed. (London: 1960), #511. PR 2 Richard I, p. 156.

365 . PR 9 Richard I, p. 167. PR 1 John, p. 129. PR 2 John, p. 149. PR 3 John, p. 258. PR 8 John, p. 49.

366 . Roger of Howden, RS -51, III, p. 34. PR 2 Richard I , pp. 2–3, 8, 45, 59, 75. 367 . Gillingham, Richard I , pp. 227–228. 368 . Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , p. 52. 369 . PR 4 Richard I, p. 224. 370 . Dover castle was one of three fortresses that Longchamp, in his disgrace, was

allowed to keep, Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , p. 51. 371 . PR 4 Richard I, p. 224. PR 10 Richard I, pp. 210, 215. Chancellor’s Roll 8 Richard

I, pp. 1, 12. Memoranda Roll 1 John, p. 33. 372 . Ralph de Grafton was given Worcestershire, and Robert Fitz-Roger and

Richard Garfield Norfolk and Suffolk, PR 10 Richard I , pp. 73, 77. 373 . Landon, Itinerary , p. 86. William Longchamp had paid ten marks plus an annual

premium of fifty marks for Cambridge earlier in the reign, PR 6 Richard I , pp. 29–30, 102–103.

374 . Landon, Itinerary , #124, 130–132, 136, 153, 181a-182, 202, 405. 375 . Rotuli de dominabus et pueris et puellis de XII comitatibus , John Horace Round,

ed. (London: PRS, 1913); Widows, Heirs, Heiresses in the Late Twelfth Century. The Rotuli de Dominabus et Pueris et Puellis , John Walmsley, ed. (Tempe, Ariz.: ACMRS, 2006), p. 72, n. 1. Stubbs, Historical Introductions, p. 258, n. 2.

376 . PR 10 John , p. 190. 377 . Stubbs, Historical Introductions , p. 257, but the date of death is given as 1212 on

p. 258. S.D. Church, The Household Knights of King John (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 25.

378 . DB I, fo. 367–368. Sir Christopher Hatton’s Book of Seals , #324. EEA 31, #142–143.

379 . PR 9 Richard I, p. 114. 380 . PR 10, Richard I, p. 62. 381 . “Henricus de Mara tenet vii virgatas per servicium esse hostiarius domini regis

et servandi meretrices” ( Book of Fees I, p. 103). 382 . Rot.Chart. , p. 146B. Wilton was held for the service of one knight. It had been

granted to Hugh, Henry’s brother, by Hugh I Longchamp (d. 1187). 383 . PR 8 John , p. 68. PR 9 John , p. 159. 384 . Stubbs, Historical Introductions , pp. 257–258, where he is called “ Hugh ,” but

“ Henry ” by Church, The Household Knights of King John , p. 25. 385 . LRS -RA VII, pp. 103–106. 386 . EEA 7, #307n.

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387 . PR 9 Richard I, p. 125. Stubbs, Historical Introductions, p. 258. 388 . Magni rotuli scaccarii normanniae sub regibus angliae , Thomas Stapleton, ed., 2 vols.

(London: 1840–1844), II, pp. lv, cxi–cxvii. An abbreviated family tree is given by F.M. Powicke, Loss of Normandy: 1189–1204 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1913; 2d ed. 1961), pp. 334–335.

389 . Landon, Itinerary , #76, 85, 96, 126, 145, 157, 159–160, 163, 167, 181a–183, 195, 206, 229, 262.

390 . Ibid., pp. 65, 79. 391 . Gillingham, Richard I , p. 297, n. 55. 392 . Book of Fees (London: PRO, 1920–1931), I, pp. 392, 403. Stephen’s portion of

the estate at Mutford in Suffolk, which had been released to him by the king in September 1204, was taken back and turned over to Peter de Stoke, the other royal steward, in October and finally restored to Stephen in November.

393 . MRSN , II, cxvi–cxvii. 394 . Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , pp. 39, 54–55. No name is mentioned, but Stubbs

assumed the man was Robert ( Historical Introductions , p. 258). Emma Mason called him “Henry” in Westminster Abbey Charters:1066–c.1214 , London Record Society 25 (London: 1988), #181, but “Robert” in Westminster Abbey and Its People, c.1050–c.1216 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1996), pp. 66–67. Fasti II, p. 48 opted for Robert, but EEA 31, p. lxxxiv says “Henry.”

395 . A similar incident occurred at the small Benedictine house at Muchelney in Somerset when the monks rose against their abbot who had been forced upon them by William de Longchamp (Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , pp. 54–55).

396 . Fasti II, p. 48. 397 . Feet of Fines of the Reign of Henry II and of the First Seven Years of the Reign of Richard

I (London: PRS, 1894; Rp. Nendeln: Kraus, 1966), 9 Richard I, p. 132. Stubbs, Historical Introductions, p. 258.

398 . The Heads of Religious Houses in England and Wales , D. Knowles, C.N.L. Brooke, V. London, and D. Smith, eds., 3 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972–2008), p. 42. The Later Letters of Peter of Blois , Elizabeth Revell, ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 102; #18, n. 2. That Henry, the abbot, who died in February 1236 was not Henry, the sheriff, who was married and died in March 1204, seems clear. In the narrative of the Croyland abbey suit, Henry is identified as “ frater carnalis ” of William Longchamp in Stenton, English Justice between the Norman Conquest and the Great Charter , pp. 148–211.

399 . See also English Lawsuits from William I to Richard I , R.C. van Caenegem, ed., 2 vols. Selden Society 106–107 (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1990–1991), II, #641.

400 . Knowles, Medieval Religious Houses , p. 77. See also Dorothy Owen, Church and Society in Medieval Lincolnshire , History of Lincolnshire 5 (Lincoln: 1971), p. 47, for the date of the foundation of Spalding.

401 . Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , pp. 41–42. Giraldus Cambrensis, Opera, RS -21: Vita Galfridi , IV, pp. 387–390. EEA 31, p. lxxxix. R.C. van Caenegem, English Lawsuits II, #656. Appleby, England without Richard , pp. 71–72.

402 . PR 3 Richard I, p. 58. 403 . PR 2 Richard I, p. 132. 404 . Roger of Howden, Chronica, William Stubbs, ed., 4 vols., RS -51 (London:

1868–1871), IV, pp. 16–17. 405 . Fasti IV, p. 10. Fasti VI, pp. 23–24.

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406 . Landon, Itinerary , pp. 121–125. Diceto, RS -68, II, p. 159. A Eustace, magister , appears in the witness list to a charter of Bishop William de Longchamp (1190 x 1191), who may be the man in question who was already in the episcopal entou-rage in EEA 31, #126.

407 . Diceto RS -68, II, p. 159. Landon, Itinerary , pp. 128, 130, 133–135. 408 . Ibid., p. 143. 409 . The Life of Saint Hugh of Lincoln II, pp. 101–106. Although the story was told to

enhance the reputation of the bishop of Lincoln, there is no reason to discard it as suspect. It underscores the personal nature of government at the time and shows how much advantage might be gained, or lost, in a momentary exchange. Hugh had previously refused to send his knights abroad to support Richard I in his struggle with Philip of France on the grounds that such a demand was contrary to the laws of England and, furthermore, such an expense would impoverish his church. In this act of provocation he was joined by the bishop of Salisbury. The king’s response was to seize the Salisbury estates, but not, imme-diately, the Lincoln property. It was this crisis that brought Hugh to Richard’s court in Normandy in August 1198. He asked for the kiss of peace, that public act which in particular circumstances sealed the promise of pardon, or recon-ciliation, or, as the case might be, of friendship, or goodwill, or peace. The king refused, and then, we are told, impressed by such courage and persistence, relented and gave it. Bishop Hugh, it may be said, was given to exploiting the kiss as a potent weapon in defense of his episcopal rights. A year later he used it to secure an advantage over the barons of the Exchequer in another successful effort to protect the church of Lincoln (ibid., pp. 129–130). Thomas Becket, it may be recalled, was not so lucky when, at Montmartre in 1169 Henry II f latly denied him the sign that he so earnestly sought in order to end the strife between them. The medieval history of the kiss is given in Kiril Petkov, The Kiss of Peace (Leiden: Brill, 2003), in Yannick Carr é , Le Baiser sur la bouche au moyen â ge (Paris: Le Leopard d’Or, 1992), and with some references to the early period in The Kiss in History , Karen Harvey, ed. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005).

410 . Eustace attested John’s charters up to October 1207. There is then a gap until July 1213 ( Rot.Chart. , pp.171, 194 and 194B).

411 . Annales monastici, Henry R. Luard, ed., 5 vo1s. RS -36 (London: 1864–1869), II, p. 210.

412 . Rot.Chart. , p. 204. Fasti II, p. 48. 413 . Selected Letters of Pope Innocent III, #17. 414 . Ibid., #76, and in SC , pp. 283–284. 415 . Fasti I, p. 40. 416 . Letters of Pope Innocent III, #1175. 417 . Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , pp. 174–175, 388. The Letters and Charters

of Cardinal Guala Bicchieri, Papal Legate in England: 1216–1218 , Nicholas Vincent, ed., Canterbury & York Society, 83 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1996), #25n.

418 . Leofric’s brother, Odmer, left a son, Osbert II, who was connected with the Sor family, and a grandson, John Sor, all of whom were dependent in one way or another on the church throughout the twelfth century ( EEA 11, #1; EEA 12, #170, 187). Leofric, “the Lotharingian,” appears to have been English, per-haps from Cornwall where he had some property, but educated abroad. Barlow, “Leofric and His Times,” in Leofric of Exeter. Essays in Commemoration of the Foundation of Exeter Cathedral Library in A.D. 1072 (Exeter: 1972), pp. 1–16.

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419 . Recueil de actes des ducs de Normandie de 911 à 1066 , Marie Fauroux, ed. (Caen: Caron, 1961), #69 (as early as 1033), 82, 93, 96.

420 . “Osbernus filius Herfasti,” ibid., #49, 65. See Douglas, William the Conqueror , where the relationship is correctly presented in the genealogical chart (table 8), but incorrectly described in the text (p. 34).

421 . RADN , #118–119, 193. 422 . Among them were William, a royal clerk, preferred to London in 1051; Peter, a

chaplain of the king, elected to Lichfield in 1072; and Robert Losinga, another chaplain, elected to Hereford in 1079: John Horace Round, Feudal England. Historical Studies of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (London: 1895), p. 249, n. 7; Frank Barlow, Edward the Confessor (London: 1970), p. 164. For the relation-ship to the king, see GP , RS -52, p. 201. Osbern attests as “ Ego Hesbernus regis consanguineus ” in the alleged charter of the Confessor, which confirmed Harold’s grant to Waltham abbey (Dugdale, Monasticon , VI, pp. 61–62). The authenticity of the charter has been disputed, but the witness list has been considered gen-erally correct: Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs , pp. 59–60; Frank M. Stenton, The Latin Charters of the Anglo-Saxon Period (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1955), pp. 86–87; Barlow, Edward the Confessor , p. 164.

423 . DB I, fo. 17. Also attached to Bosham was Elsted (£15), Preston (£4), and Lavington (£10). Farringdon in Hampshire had been held for the king by Godwin, the priest, but it was in the possession of Osbern in 1086, ibid., fo. 43.

424 . Barlow put the loss down to waste or faulty figures, probably the latter, English Church: 1000–1066 , pp. 190–191.

425 . It was later alienated to Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux, and then restored to Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, in Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter , p. 42.

426 . “Warelwast” was, perhaps, from a corruption of “Ver à Val” near Yvetot, EEA 11, p. xxxiii.

427 . D. Blake, “Bishop William Warelwast,” Transactions of the Devonshire Association 104 (1972): 15–33; and “The development of the chapter of the diocese of Exeter: 1050–1161,” Journal of Medieval History 8 (1982): 8. Southern called him “the first clear example of a professional civil servant in English history” ( St. Anselm and His Biographer , p. 172), an appraisal quoted with approval by Hollister in Henry I , p. 167. Eadmer admitted his respect for William’s diplomatic gifts ( Historia Novorum , RS -81, p. 111); Hugh the Chanter found him to be an able negotiator in the Canterbury–York dispute ( History of the Church of York , p. 87); and William of Malmesbury, a relentless apologist for Canterbury and the monastic order, remarked on his eloquence ( GR , pp. 754–755).

428 . Regesta I, #305, 423. Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York , p. 69. Regesta III, #284.

429 . EEA 11, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv. For Williams’s itinerary, see EEA 12, pp. 292–293. 430 . Ibid., #42n. Bartholomew appears among the names of the guild of the Brethren

of Exeter in a list drawn up in the early fourteenth century, see Nicholas Orme, “The Calendar Brethren of the City of Exeter,” Transactions of the Devonshire Association 109 (1977): 153–169.

431 . JSL I, p. 9n. 432 . EEA 11, #110. 433 . Blake, “The Development of the Chapter of the Diocese of Exeter,” pp. 7–8. 434 . William de Auco, archdeacon of Cornwall, and his brother, Hugh, archdeacon

of Totnes; the brothers Walter, Roger, and Nicholas, and Ralph, Walter’s uncle. Ivo and Osbert were military tenants. A Cartulary of Buckland Priory , Frederic W.

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Weaver, ed. (London: Harrison, 1909), #223. EEA 11: William, #15, 17a-18, 40, 42; Hugh, #23, 33, 49, 53, 64, and p. 77n.; Ralph, #58; Walter, #58, 65; Nicholas, #58, 65; Roger; #65.

435 . Anger, Payn; Peter, Philip, Ralph, Richard, and Thomas, EEA 11, #29, 49–50, 82, 87, 122).

436 . Fasti I, p. 57. Fasti IV, p. 9. EEA 11, pp. xxxvii–xxxix. 437 . The brothers were Peter, Philip, and Thomas. The nephews were Bartholomew,

John, Nicholas, and Roger. Barlow implied that they were nephews of the brother, but without explanation ( EEA 11, p. xxxviii). George Oliver assumed that they were nephews of the bishop, see Lives of the Bishops of Exeter and a History of the Cathedral (Exeter: William Roberts, 1861–1887), pp. 21, 411. The references in EEA 11 are as follows: Peter, #64, 68, 73, 75; Philip, #68; Thomas, #68; Roger, #60, 68; Nicholas, #68; John, #60, 64–65, 68.

438 . Blake, “Development of the Chapter of the Diocese of Exeter,” p. 8. Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter , p. 121. EEA 11, p. xxxviii. EEA 12, p. 310, n. 53.

439 . The most recent discussion is in EEA 11, pp. xli–xliv. 440 . EEA 11, p. xl, n. 35. 441 . Sanders, English Baronies , p. 13. Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter , pp. 119–120.

Robert Patterson, “Robert Fitz Harding of Bristol,” Haskins Society Journal 1 (1989): 109–122. JSL I, #117, for a letter of Theobald to the chapter at Exeter urging them to elect a bishop as quickly as possible by sending a delegation to the king.

442 . Regesta III, #998. D&B I, #49, p. 56. 443 . JSL I, #128, 133. 444 . Ibid., #133. Barlow, “John of Salisbury and His brothers,” Journal of Ecclesiastical

History 46 (1995): 95–109. 445 . Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter , pp. 118–120. EEA 12, p. 307. 446 . JSL I, #129. 447 . EEA 11, p. xxxix. 448 . As “episcopal vicar,” EEA 11, p. xli. 449 . The Peterborough Chronicle , Cecily Clark, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

1958), RS -49, I, p. 346. 450 . The value of a see calculated in gross revenues was frequently taken into account

by the king who gave it and by the bishop who received it. 451 . Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter , pp. 119–120. 452 . EEA 11, pp. xlii–xliv. 453 . Ibid. 454 . CTB , #123, n. 1. 455 . Cited by Barlow in EEA 11, p. xlii after Birch, Catalogue of Seals in the British

Museum , I, p. 224, who, he says, “calls him . . . inexplicably, ‘John Fitz Luke.’” The explanation seems to be that Birch confused Exeter ( Exonia ) with Evreux ( Ebroicum ) and, consequently, John the Chanter, bishop of Exeter, with John Fitz Luce, bishop of Evreux. The same error was made by Henry Riley, who may have been the source for Birch, in his translation of Roger of Howden (London: Bohn, 1853, II, p. 8) where he has “the king of England gave to John Fitz Luke, his clerk, the bishopric of Exeter,” whereas the Latin text in the edition by Stubbs ( RS -51, II, p. 260) states, correctly, “ Deinde rex Angliae dedit Johanni filio Lucae clerico suo episcopatum Ebroicensum .”

456 . EEA 11, #144, 149, 158–160, 164, 166–168, 178, and p. xlii, n. 49. There is also a reference to one Hugh and his brother in Fasti IV, p. 38.

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457 . By this time it was not unusual for the title of the office to become the surname. See Crouch, William Marshal , p. 205.

458 . The basic account is Sidney Painter, William Marshal, Knight-Errant, Baron, and Regent of England (Baltimore: JHU, 1933). Some revisions and additions are in Crouch, William Marshal.

459 . PR 2 Richard I, p. 58. 460 . Landon, Itinerary , p. 7. Fasti VI, pp. 9, 112. 461 . EEA 27, pp. xxxvii–xxxix. Peterborough Chronicle , RS -36, II, pp. 247–249 462 . Crouch, William Marshal , pp. 143, 160, n. 3. 463 . PR 2 John , p. 234. 464 . Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , pp. 133, 157. EEA 11, p. xlvi. 465 . GFL , chapter III and appendix III , IV , and charts, pp. 50–51. Z. Brooke and C.

Brooke, “Hereford Cathedral Dignitaries in the Twelfth Century,” Cambridge Historical Journal 8 (1944): 1–21.

466 . EEA 7, pp. xxxii–xxxiv. Fasti VIII, pp. 1–2. Barrow in ODNB , vol. 47. 467 . J. Barrow, “Aethelstan to Aigueblanche: 1056–1268,” in Hereford Cathedral.

A History, Gerald Aylmer and John Tiller, eds. (London: Hambledon, 2000), pp. 21–47. EEA 7, #2n. Fasti VIII, pp. 2, 8.

468 . Ibid., p. 2. Fasti VI, pp. 1–2. See the reference to Gerard in the section on York at note 1160.

469 . V.H. Galbraith, “Girard the Chancellor,” English Historical Review 46 (1931): 77–79.

470 . Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York, p. 12. 471 . From Hugh of Flavigny cited in Barlow, William Rufus , p. 409. Peter, the brother,

cannot be identified with Peter, the archdeacon, in the time of Bishop Richard (1121–1127). See GFL , p. 268.

472 . The reference is in JW III, pp. 102–103; Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum , RS - 75, II, p. 235; and GP , RS -52, p. 303.

473 . Constitutio Domus Regis , pp. 131–132. John Horace Round, The King’s Serjeants and Officers of State (London: James Nisbet, 1911), p. 234.

474 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , RS -81, pp. 290–291. 475 . EEA 7, pp. xxxv–xxxvii. 476 . Letters of Saint Anselm, #280–281. 477 . See Southern, St. Anselm and His Biographer , pp. 170–176. 478 . For Robert, see Barrow in ODNB , vol. 5. 479 . EEA 7, #28. GFL , p. 199. 480 . Crosby, Bishop and Chapter , p. 287. Parkinson, The Life of Robert Bethune by

William of Wycombe , B.Litt. Thesis, Oxford University, 1950. 481 . GFL , p. 199. EEA 7, #35–44. 482 . GFL , chapter III and appendix II and IV . GFLC , pp. 530–541. Brooke and

Brooke, “Hereford Cathedral Dignitaries in the Twelfth Century,” pp. 1–21. Barrow, “Hereford Bishops and Married Clergy,” pp. 1–8. Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , pp. 37–49. Brooke in ODNB , vol. 20.

483 . There is disagreement among modern historians over the view that Gilbert had his eye on Canterbury. Morey and Brooke entertain the possibility, but discount the probability. Smalley thought it unlikely, see GFL , pp. 149–162 and The Becket Conf lict and the Schools , p. 180; Knowles found merit in it, see Episcopal Colleagues , pp. 44–47; and Barlow was persuaded to believe it, see English Church: 1066–1154 , p. 100. So was Foreville, see L’Eglise et la royaut é , pp. 285–288, and see Cheney, From Becket to Langton , p. 11, or at least that Gilbert wanted to make

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London the metropolitan see. The evidence rests largely on letters of John of Salisbury, a hostile critic, to Bartholomew of Exeter, to Thomas Becket, and to the monks of Christ Church, see JSL II, #174–175, 292. Whether he wished to be archbishop in Canterbury or in London, the desire was the same.

484 . “[Gilbert Foliot] took the conventional view that it was a bishop’s duty to pro-vide for clerical relations, so long as he did so without proceeding to absurd lengths”: GFL , p. 47. The other conventional view was that the practice taken to any length was not only absurd but illegal.

485 . EEA 7, p. xl. GFL , p. 37. 486 . Walker, “Earldom of Hereford charters,” #11, 15, 25. For Reginald as avunculus ,

see GFL , p. 36. 487 . GFLC , #80–81. Eynsham Cartulary , H.E. Salter, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 1907), appendix I. 488 . GFLC , #4. 489 . John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , pp. 47–49. Canterbury Professions , M.

Richter, ed., #91. GFL , pp. 96–97. Saltman, Theobald , pp. 107–110. 490 . “Cognatum nostrum et amicum,” GFLC, #105, 107. 491 . Ibid., #28. 492 . Ibid., #29–30. 493 . Ibid., #4, 99. 494 . Ibid., #188. GFL , pp. 48–49. 495 . GFLC , #173: “Pater itaque pro filio, ego pro nepote, ambo pro vestro vobis

abnepote suplicamus.” 496 . “Viri bellaces nulliusque militari industria vel quavis probitate secundi,” Gesta

Stephani , K. Potter, ed., p. 86. 497 . “Memento quod vita tua fumus exiguus est et tota tua gloria pulvis et vermis.

Hodie es et cras non eris, vel si cras eris, nescis si eris post cras, et si exieris de corpore de gloria tua nichil tecum portabis,” GFLC , #20. That William was frequently a problem can be inferred from a letter from Gilbert to Henry of Blois on behalf of one Roger Foliot in whose case William had an interest (ibid., #29).

498 . GFLC , #139–140. CTB , I, #4. 499 . The history is given in GFL , pp. 151 ff. 500 . Richard de Belmeis: “pro cognato nostro et amico karissimo,” GFLC, #4;

Richard of Ilchester: “ cognato et amico suo karissimo ,” ibid., #197. 501 . In a letter to Richard, Gilbert asked his help in returning two clerks who had

been arrested by royal officers ( GFLC , #197). At another time, Gilbert heard a case involving Richard’s prebend in Lincoln cathedral (ibid., #396). For Richard as witness to the bishop’s charters, see ibid., #359, 391.

502 . EEA 7, #116. GFLC , #312, 331, 334–336. GFL , pp. 34–36, 45, note 1, and p. 269.

503 . GFL , chapter III . 504 . GFLC , #381–382, 401, 410, 427, 453–454, 456–458, 461. GFL , pp. 273–274,

287. Fasti I, pp. 16, 19, 43, 86. 505 . Fasti I, p. 64. EEA 7, #171, and see #163, and p. 307. GFLC , #404, 410. 506 . GFLC , #376, 405, 420a, 451. 507 . GFLC , #408. Roger of Darnford claimed property by inheritance which was

held by the abbot of Westminster, see GFLC , #230; Emma Mason, Westminster Abbey and Its People, c.1050-c.1216 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1996), pp. 136–137.

508 . GFL , p. 275. Fasti I, p.21.

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509 . Fasti I, pp. 13, 21; 43, 57–58. GFLC , #360, 395, 404, 407, 409, 420a, 451, 462, 464. GFL , pp. 272, 275–282.

510 . GFLC , #389, 395, 398, 404, 432, 468. EEA 7, #203. 511 . Fasti I, pp. 26, 32. GFLC , #427, 457, 461, 465. GFL , pp. 44–45, n. 4. Other rela-

tions including Ralph Fitz Erchemer, magister , can be cited: GFLC , #254, 311; EEA 7, #123, 168, 199. See Barrow in ODNB , vol. 20. See also Gunnar Stollberg, Die soziale Stellung der intellektuellen Oberschicht im England des 12. Jahrhunderts [Historische Studien, Heft 427] (L ü beck: 1973), pp. 53–70, 166–167.

512 . In the same year, or shortly afterward, Richard was appointed to Canterbury, Reginald to Bath, John to Chichester, Geoffrey to Ely, John to Norwich, Richard to Winchester, and Geoffrey to Lincoln as electus .

513 . GFL , p. 44. 514 . Perhaps as early as 1142. As a canon at Lincoln, see LRS -RA , III, no. 921, and

EEA 1, #59, 170, 192. 515 . Fasti III, pp. 35, 74. LRS -RA , I, #302. EEA 1, #35, 83–84, 115, 123, 133, 141,

175. 516 . JSL II, #321. GFL , p. 44. As a testimony to his learning, he was appointed a

papal judge-delegate and attended the third Lateran council in 1179. 517 . EEA 7, #125, 142, 147, 149–151, 163, 172–173. 518 . Barrow, “Hereford Bishops and Married Clergy,” pp. 7–8. Brian R. Kemp,

“Hereditary Benefices in the Medieval English Church. A Herefordshire Example,” Cambridge Historical Journal 43 (1970): 1–15. EEA 7, #288.

519 . EEA 7, #260, 288, and note. 520 . For a sketch of his career and a note on the identification of multiple “Williams

de Vere,” see Julia Barrow, “A Twelfth-Century Bishop and Literary Patron: William de Vere,” Viator 18 (1987): 175–189. For an earlier attempt at identi-fication, see Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville , pp. 388–391. See also Loyd, Anglo-Norman Families , p. 110. DB II, fo. 76–78. Sanders, English Baronies , p. 52.

521 . DB II, fo. 77. A suggested Breton origin was made in Domesday People , pp. 131–132.

522 . Robert: Regesta II, #1688, 1777–1778. Roger: Saltman, Theobald , #77. Aubrey II: Sanders, English Baronies , p. 52.

523 . PR 31 Henry I , pp. 43, 52, 81, 90, 100, in the counties of Essex, Surrey, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Hertford, Northampton, Leicester, Norfolk, Suffolk, Buckingham, and Bedford.

524 . Regesta II, #1777–1778. 525 . Regesta III, #634–635. William, himself, appeared to be in line for the chancel-

lorship under Matilda. 526 . The Complete Peerage of England , Scotland, Great Britain, and the United Kingdom,

George E. Cokayne, ed., 12 vols. in 13 (London: St. Catherine, 1910–1959), X , appendix J, pp. 110–116.

527 . Fasti I, p. 64. It is generally said that William had been a regular canon at St. Osyth where he wrote a life of the saint, and a secular canon at St. Paul’s. The double life puzzled J.H. Round who suggested that there were two Williams, one the London canon and bishop, and the other the St. Osyth canon and author. The editor of the Complete Peerage found a solution by making the author of the Life the London canon and bishop, but not a canon of St. Osyth.

528 . D. Walker, “Some charters relating to St. Peter’s abbey, Gloucester,” in A Medieval Miscellany for Doris Mary Stenton , Patricia M. Barnes and C.F. Slade, eds. (London: PRS, 1962), pp. 257–258.

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529 . EEA 7, #204, 209, 226, 228. 530 . Ibid., #195–196, 203, 237, 260, 288, 305, and 216, which lists the patrons to

whom he was indebted. 531 . Painter, The Reign of King John , pp. 44, 155, 175. EEA 7, xlvi. 532 . F.M. Powicke, Stephen Langton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1928), p. 78. 533 . Ibid., p. 244. As in the indictments by William I against the bishop of Durham

and by Stephen against the bishop of Salisbury and his relatives, castles were fundamental to episcopal as well as royal power.

534 . Ibid., p. 127. EEA 7, p. xlvi; and the bishop’s itinerary, pp. 317–319. An analysis of the sequence of punishment and reconciliation is in W. Warren, “Painter’s King John Forty Years On,” HSJ 1 (1989): 1–9.

535 . Powicke, Stephen Langton , p. 127. 536 . Holt, Magna Carta , pp. 363–364. 537 . EEA 7, Hugh: #244, 258, 261, 276, 289. Walter and John: #280. 538 . Painter, The Reign of King John, p. 155. 539 . EEA 7, #243–291, and for the chapter at Hereford: #254–259. For his diocesan

work, see C. Harper-Bill, “John and the Church of Rome,” in King John, New Interpretations , S.D. Church, ed. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1999), pp. 293–294.

540 . The Life of Saint Hugh of Lincoln, I, p. 115. 541 . Ibid., pp. 92–93. 542 . Ibid., p. 111: “advena quidem homo sum.” 543 . Ibid., p. 110. 544 . Ibid., II, pp. 154–156. For Raymond, the bishop’s clerk and cathedral canon,

see EEA 4, #14, 104–105, 115, 117, 123–124, 132, 159, 204, 207, 210; and as archdeacon: #17, 62, 122, 134, 148, 166, 206.

545 . The Life of Saint Hugh of Lincoln, II, pp. 154–156. 546 . Fasti III, p. 33. 547 . Ibid., pp. 89–90. The Life of Saint Hugh of Lincoln , I, p. 13; II, p. 164. 548 . Ibid., I, p. 131; II, pp. 17, 164, 171 (William). II, p. 171 (Peter). II, p. 164

( John). 549 . Ibid., II, p. 171. 550 . Letters of Lanfranc , #37 and Eadmer, Historia Novorum , RS -81, p. 11. For the

investiture of the manor of Wooburn, see LRS -RA I, pp.2–4, and Regesta (Bates), #177. Gerald of Wales, Vita Remigii , RS -21, VII, excused Remigius on the grounds that he was only fulfilling the conditions of the contract of service.

551 . EEA 1, pp. xxxi–xxxii. David Bates, Bishop Remigius of Lincoln: 1067–1092 (Lincoln: Honywood, 1992).

552 . LRS -RA , I, #4. 553 . OV, V, p. 202. Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York , p. 9. Freeman,

The Reign of William Rufus , II, pp. 584–588. 554 . Regesta I, #350. Hollister, Henry I , pp. 161–162. 555 . LRS -RA I, #4. Regesta I, #341. 556 . Henry of Huntingdon drew a glowing portrait of him in his memorial: “Roberto

quoque cognomento Bolet, cancellario suo, dedit episcopatum Lincolie. Que non erat alter forma venustior, mente serenior, affatu dulcior,” HH , pp. 416–417.

557 . He paid £3,000 according to Hugh the Chanter, but Henry of Huntingdon, who was trying to make Rufus look bad, reported £5,000. (Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York , p. 9; HH , p. 216.)

558 . Barlow, William Rufus , p. 53. Regesta II, #1041. English Law Suits I, p. 139.

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559 . Douglas, William the Conqueror , pp. 119, 145. Bates, Normandy before 1066 , p. 99. 560 . HH , pp. 596–597. 561 . LRS -RA I, #41. 562 . He was appointed dean in about 1093 and dismissed about 1134, Fasti III, p. 7. 563 . HH , pp. 596–597. 564 . Regesta (Bates), #175A to Lessay ca. 1080; #279, a charter of William of La

Fert é -Mac é to St. Julien of Tours confirmed by William I, ca. 1083. 565 . ASC , s.a. 1123, printed in EHD II, p. 198. 566 . See chapter 5 , note 24. 567 . ASC , s.a. 1123. 568 . Ibid. On the career of the legate, see Cecily Clark, “The Ecclesiastical Adventurer,

Henry of Saint-Jean d’Ang é ly,” English Historical Review 84 (1969): 548–560. 569 . ASC , s.a. 1123. HH , pp. 470–471. 570 . Alexander set out his obligations in a charter for the priory of Haverholme ca.

1139: “et pro anima regis Henrici et avunculi mei Rogeri qui fuit episcopus Saresbi et pro animabus patris et matris mee at amicorum meorum defuncto-rum” ( EEA 1, #37). Alexander was the son of Roger’s brother ( Historia Novella , pp. 43–44); Fasti IV, pp. 24–25.

571 . For favors conferred by Henry I: Regesta II, #1660–1661, 1707, 1746, 1770–1773, 1784, 1791, 1842, 1899 1911. By Stephen: Regesta III, #463–465, 468–470, 475–476, 478, 482. For his building at Lincoln, see HH , pp. 748–749.

572 . “Ad pascha vero apud Wincestre dedit episcopatum Lincolie Alexandro venera-bili viro qui nepos est Rogeri Salesbiriensis episcopi. Rogerus autem iusticiarius est tocius Anglie et secundus a rege,” HH , p. 470. For the verses in praise of Alexander, see HH , pp. 6–7, 474–475.

573 . HH , pp. 750–751. 574 . Fasti III, pp. 39–40; Fasti IV, p. 25. 575 . Kealey, Roger of Salisbury , pp. 272–276. 576 . Fasti III, pp. 8–9, 30; Fasti IV, p. 25. LRS -RA IX, p. 257. 577 . Historia Novella , pp. 54–55. Count Alan had extensive real estate in the diocese

of Lincoln. 578 . LRS -RA II, #314. 579 . Ibid., #553; III, #921. Fasti III, p. 58. 580 . LRS -RA III, pp. 263–264. Robert attested on several other occasions: LRS -RA

IV, #1247, and IX, #2474. 581 . LRS -RA II, #324; III, #921. 582 . For William, Osbert, Hugh, and Philip, see Fasti III, pp. 44, 103. For Jordan, see

LRS -RA II, #553. The identification is uncertain because Jordan d’Amundeville, who was treasurer of Lincoln a little later, would be expected to carry the family name. See Fasti III, p. 18.

583 . Fasti III, pp. 12, 18–19, 44–45, 103. LRS -RA III, #921; IX, #2474. EEA 1, #112, 159, 177, 281. Francis Hill, Medieval Lincoln (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), pp. 45, 54, 57, 78, 155–159, 222.

584 . Voss, Heinrich von Blois , p. 43, nn. 9–11. R.H.C. Davis, King Stephen: 1135–1154 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 97. Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , pp. 15–16. EEA 1, p. xxxv. GFLC , #75, and p. 109, n. 2. Mason, Westminster Abbey and Its People , p. 37 et seq. For Theobald as custos , see GFLC , #75, and Saltman, Theobald , pp. 106–107.

585 . Saltman, Theobald , pp. 106–107. 586 . GFLC , #80–81.

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587 . Canterbury Professions, #92. 588 . Like his successors, Walter of Coutances and Hugh of Wells, he was a canon of

Lincoln and so was an exception to the rule that bishops were not usually drawn from their own diocese.

589 . Eynsham Cartulary , H.E. Salter, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1907), appendix I.

590 . Gesta Stephani, p. 86. 591 . RBE , p. 376. Salter made clear that William de Chesney, sheriff of Norfolk and

Suffolk 1146 x 1153, was not the brother of the bishop. The sheriff ’s brother was John de Chesney who preceded him in the same office. Cf. Green, English Sheriffs , pp. 61 and 77, and “Financing Stephen’s war,” ANS 14 (1991): 99–100.

592 . Regesta III, #463–492. LRS -RA I, pp. 60–119. 593 . Eynsham Cartulary , p. 419. But for different dating see Fasti III, p. 19, and EEA

1, #277. 594 . EEA 1, #77, 79–80, 89, 99, 101, 112, 119, 123, 139, 157, 161, 166, 175, 211, 232,

281. Fasti III, p. 19. 595 . EEA 1, #79, 89, 112, 119, 161. LRS -RA I, #287. Fasti III, p. 122. 596 . Fasti III, p. 124. EEA 1, #112, 113, 160, 219, 269, 287. Gerald of Wales referred to

Robert as “vir generosus natione quidem Anglicus sed cognatione Normannus. Hic terras quasdam alienavit quasdam neptibus suis nuptui dandis cum scan-dali nota donavit” ( RS -21, VII, pp. 34–35). Gervase of Canterbury called him “simplex quidem homo et minus discretus” ( RS -73, I, p. 84). But Gervase was pro-Becket and Robert was not.

597 . Fasti III, pp. 12–13, 45. PR- 13 Henry II , pp. 40, 57; PR- 14, pp. 61, 76; PR -15, p. 9; PR -16, pp. 140, 151; PR -17, p. 100; PR -18, pp. 89, 95; PR -19, p. 134; PR -20, p. 97.

598 . Gerald of Wales, RS -21, IV, p. 410. This Geoffrey is to be distinguished from Geoffrey, the son of Eleanor of Aquitaine, who married Constance of Brittany and died in 1186.

599 . Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, Courtiers’ Trif les, M.R. James, C.N.L. Brooke, and R.A.B. Mynors, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 478–479, 494–495.

600 . Fasti I, p. 60. Fasti III, p. 2, 25. PR -27, Henry II , p.64. 601 . Gillingham, Richard I , p. 109. 602 . EEA 1, pp. xxxvi–xxxviii. 603 . EEA 20, p. xxxvii. 604 . LRS -RA VII, pp. 205–208. Peter is identified as the son of Geoffrey’s mother,

“the wanton woman,” but not as a child by Henry II. Fasti III, p. 25. 605 . EEA 1, #228. LRS -RA VII, p. 208. 606 . EEA 1, p. xxxvii, note 3. PR -6 Richard I , p. 165. 607 . EEA 1, p. xxxviii–xxxix. 608 . D&B, Introduction , pp. 100–101, n. 7, and p. 107. EEA 17, p. xxvi. Fasti III,

pp. 2–3, 36. For John of Coutances, see EEA 1, #317, 320–321. 609 . As chancellor: Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 310–311. As envoy: Roger of

Howden, RS -51, II, p. 281. As justice: F. West, Justiciarship in England: 1066–1232 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), pp. 74–78. As crusader: Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , pp. 22 and 27.

610 . Barlow, Letters of Arnulf of Lisieux, #119, 125–126. 611 . Gillingham, Richard I , pp. 228 et seq. 612 . Powicke, Loss of Normandy , pp. 261–264.

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613 . Tout, Chapters in the Administrative History of Medieval England (Manchester: University Press, 1920), vol. I, pp. 116–117.

614 . Fasti II, p. 106. Fasti III, p. 130. EEA 1, pp. xlvi–xlvii, and #313, 319, 323. 615 . Facsimiles of Royal and Other Charters in the British Museum, G. Warner and H.

Ellis, eds., #54. 616 . Warren, Henry II , p. 559. 617 . Landon, Itinerary , pp. 199, 203, 214, 223, 228, 237, 265, 281, 291. Fasti III,

p. 148; Fasti VI, p. 131. 618 . Supra note 544 et seq. 619 . LRS -RA II, #338; III, #990, 1094. Fasti III, pp. 13, 22. For William’s relation-

ship to Hugh du Puiset, see Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , p. 235. 620 . EEA 4, #289. The significance of the bail is explained in Francis Hill, Medieval

Lincoln (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), p. 57, and in Kathleen Major, Minster Yard (Lincoln: Friends of Lincoln Cathedral, 1974), p. 8.

621 . EEA 4, #13–14, and p. xxiii, n. 6, where he is called a nephew. The William de Marin who attested a charter of William of Blois as a canon of Lincoln might be the same man based on a misreading of the name (ibid., #282), but the connec-tion is too uncertain. See Fasti III, p. 149.

622 . Fasti III, pp. 40, 101. He was elected bishop of Worcester in 1218. Vincent, Peter des Roches , p. 324.

623 . See the discussions in the previous sections of this chapter for the elections to Chichester, Coventry, Durham, and Exeter.

624 . Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England, pp. 157–158. Letters of Innocent III, #829, 851, 853. Fasti I, p. 48; Fasti III, pp. 3, 88; IV, pp. 107–108; VII, pp. 29, 33, 85. Rot.Chart ., p. 129. Rot.Lit.Pat. , p. 57B, 63B. Hugh became archdeacon of Wells when Simon went to Chichester in 1204. The most recent notice for Hugh is by David Smith in ODNB , vol. 58.

625 . Part of the letter is printed by Cheney in Pope Innocent III and England , pp. 157–158. Innocent was ready to approve Hugh as bishop providing he was “elected freely at the king’s request,” a phrase in which the form is retained at the expense of the idea. But at that moment the pope was not prepared to make an issue of it. Stephen Langton was ordered to examine at least three of the canons of Lincoln who took part in the election; Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers: Papal Letters, 14 vols., W.H. Bliss and J.A.Tremlow, eds. (London: HMSO, 1893–1960), I, p. 34.

626 . Walter: LRS -RA X, pp. 11–12; Acta of Hugh of Wells , #15, 17, 22, 186; Fasti III, p. 61. Hugh, brother of Osbert: Acta of Hugh of Wells , #151; Fasti III, p. 88; IV, pp. 107–108; VII, p. 29. Osbert of Wells: Fasti III, p.129. Hugh, son of Osbert: Fasti III, p. 129; LRS -RA IX, pp. 142–143. Roger: Acta of Hugh of Wells , #42, 148; Fasti III, pp. 143–144. Richard: Fasti VII, p. 98.

627 . Simon is called “ Simon filius Roberti ,” and “Simon of Wells” after he became archdeacon of Wells ( Rot.Chart. , pp. 86, 88). For Hugh of Wells as datary under King John, v. ibid., pp. 74B, 135, 135B, et seq., and for Simon, ibid., pp. 86–89, 127, 133–135, et seq. In 1200 Hugh of Wells attested a charter issued by Simon of Wells (ibid., pp. 39B and 74B).

628 . “ . . . pauperibus parentibus,” LRS -RA II, p. 72. 629 . Richard de Belmeis (1108–1127), Richard II de Belmeis (1152–1162), Gilbert

Foliot (1163–1187). 630 . See the references in three books by Frank Barlow: English Church: 1000–1066 ,

pp. 49–50, 81–82; The Godwins , pp. 46–47; Edward the Confessor , pp. 115, 125. Anglo-Saxon Writs , F. Harmer, ed., p. 577.

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631 . Barlow, English Church: 1000–1066, p. 216. 632 . Early Charters of St. Paul’s, #5. Regesta (Bates), #189–190. 633 . EEA 15, pp. xlii–xliii. 634 . Fasti I, p. 30. Regesta II, #572, 1431. Early Yorkshire Charters, William Farrer and

Charles T. Clay, eds., I, #457. 635 . Regesta (Bates), #57. Regesta II, #1441–1442. 636 . The notice in the ASC says that at the Christmas council held at Gloucester in

1085, Maurice “was chosen (or elected)” for London, William for Norwich, and Robert for Chester, and that they were all three the king’s clerks ( C&S I, ii, p. 633). For “William of London,” the father of Maurice, see Edward J. Kealey, Roger of Salisbury , Viceroy of England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), p. 233. The name “Maurice” according to Mason, Westminster Abbey and Its People , p. 96, “probably disguises an Englishman.”

637 . For Maurice as chancellor and seal-keeper: Regesta (Bates), #39, 101, 150, 161, 220, 240, 253, 260, 269, 290, 305–306, 318–319.

638 . Loyd, Anglo-Norman Families , pp. 13–14, placed him in Beaumais in the Calvados just east of Falaise, while J.F.A. Mason in ODNB , vol. 5, identified him as from the Beaumais in the Hi é mois further to the south toward Exmes where Roger of Montgomery had been vicecomte. Cf. Douglas, William the Conqueror , p. 94.

639 . Stubbs, Historical Introductions , p. 43. Christopher N.L. Brooke, “The Composition of the Chapter of St. Paul’s: 1066–1163,” Cambridge Historical Journal 10 (1951): 111–132; “The Deans of St. Paul’s: 1090–1499,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 29 (1956): 231–244; and The Medieval Idea of Marriage (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 85–89. GFL , pp. 43–47, 204–206. EEA 15, pp. xlviii–li, lvii–lx. J.F.A. Mason in ODNB , vol 5.

640 . DB II, fo. 258v. 641 . OV, VI, pp. 20–22. 642 . Regesta II, #614, 810, 1297, 1299. Orderic called him “ vicecomes Scorobesburiae ,”

which M. Chibnall translated as “vice-roy” ( OV, VI, pp. 144–145, n. 4). William A. Morris referred to him rather grandly as “the administrator of the Shropshire palatinate” in The Medieval English Sheriff to 1300 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1927), p. 77. See also Green, English Sheriffs , pp. 71–72, and The Government of England under Henry I , pp. 206–213.

643 . Lodsworth in Sussex was held as a fief from the king ( EEA 15, #27). Chich, Clacton, and Southminster, all in Essex, were episcopal estates in 1086, but their value was increased by further purchases. At Chich, Richard founded the priory of St. Osyth; at Clacton he made a deer-park; and he enlarged the estate at Southminster.

644 . Maurice presumably died in September 1107 and Richard was named to the see within the next eight months. He was elected May 24, 1108, and consecrated on July 26 ( Fasti I, p. 1). For his duties at court, see Regesta II, #614, 765, 810, 823.

645 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , RS -81, pp. 197–198. 646 . EEA 15, pp. xlviii–li. For the chapter and diocese, ibid., #10, 12, 16, 19, 22–23,

and for the schools, #24–25. 647 . Fasti I, pp. 65–66. Walter had an interest in the church at Ealing for which

he accounted for ten marks of silver to have his right ( PR- 31 Henry I , p. 146, and Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #218). The two brothers, William and Walter, attested a charter together ca. 1142, which was printed in J.H. Round, Commune of London , p. 118, and cited in EEA 15, p. lvii, n. 117).

648 . For Walter: Stubbs, Historical Introductions , p. 44; EEA 15, p. 1 (i.e. p. 50 of Introduction ); C. Brooke and G. Keir, London: 800–1216: The Shaping of a City

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(Berkeley: University of California, 1975), p. 346. For Robert: GFL , p. 272; Fasti I, pp. 13, 15, 69. C. Brooke printed an abbreviated family tree, but which raises more questions than it answers; The Medieval Idea of Marriage (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), p. 86.

649 . For Walter de Belmeis: Regesta II, #1012, and p. 326. For Robert: Early Charters of St. Paul’s , p. 69: “Willelmus de Belmeis canonicus Sancti Pauli Lund ‘ . . . pro salute animarum Ricardi patrui mei bone memorie quondam Lundon’ episcopi et Roberti de Belmeis patris mei et pro salute anime mee.”

650 . Richard de Belmeis II: Fasti I, p. 15. Richard Rufus I: ibid., pp. 13, 15, 69. Ralph: ibid., pp. 30, 79. Robert and William II: Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #69, 72; Fasti I, p. 69; GFL , p. 286; GFLC , 383–384, 392.

651 . Richard Rufus II: Fasti I, p.81. Richard junior: Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #69. The Holborn inheritance was cited by C. Brooke as “the last recorded case of a prebend passing directly from father to son,” to suggest the greater effect of the reform movements in the late twelfth century ( London: 800–1216 , p. 346).

652 . Fasti I, pp. 79, 93. 653 . Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #66, 78, 134, 159–160, 169, 192–193, 245. Hugh

“nephew of the dean” is mentioned 1138 x 1150 ( Fasti I, p. 93). 654 . John de Mareni: Fasti I, p. 93; EEA 15, #202; Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #115. Roger:

RBE , p. 186. Humphrey: Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #276. Hugh: ibid., #80. 655 . EEA 16, p. xxvi. 656 . EEA 14, #11. 657 . EEA 15, appendix 2, #1, p. 142. 658 . Ibid. Philip’s son, Ranulf, evidently kept the estate until he was brought to court

by the monks, recognized their claim, and surrendered the property in the 1150s ( English Law Suits , #273, 387).

659 . Regesta III, #312, 966. Philip attested a charter of Stephen ca. 1137 by which he confirmed land to Roger, son of Miles of Gloucester, and to his wife, Cecilia, a daughter of Payn Fitz-John. It was Payn Fitz-John who succeeded Richard I de Belmeis in the administration of Shropshire toward the end of the 1120s. Philip’s daughter and heir was Alice, the wife of Alan la Zouche. Their sons were William de Belmeis, who kept his mother’s name, and Roger de la Zouche, his heir ( Christopher Hatton’s Book of Seals , #180; PR 3 Richard I , p. 130; PR 1 John , p. 197). Philip also shared in the foundation of Lilleshall abbey with his brother, Richard II de Belmeis, the future bishop of London ( EEA 15, pp. lix–lx).

660 . EEA 15, pp. li–liv. B. Smalley, “Gilbertus Universalis, bishop of London: 1128–1134, and the problem of the Glossa Ordinaria ,” Recherches de th é ologie ancienne et m é di é vale 7 (1935): 235–262; 8 (1936): 24–50. For the sobriquet: “nec quisquam ad hoc consilium videbatur ei [Hervey, bishop of Ely] magis idoneus quam ille gloriosus Gilebertus quem fama patrie universaliter in omni scientia efferebat” ( LE , p. 279). For the relationship: “eratque illi sanguinis communione propinquus” (ibid.).

661 . Allowing for a degree of political partisanship, Walter Map praised Henry I for making his court a school of wisdom ( De Nugis , pp. 438–439), Orderic Vitalis gave the king a long and erudite speech at the meeting with Louis VI near Gisors in November 1119 ( OV, VI, pp. 282–291), and Calixtus II, although a suspect witness, was said to have been struck by his “great good sense and abundant eloquence” ( GR , 734–737). For the view that Henry I had benefited from some rudimentary schooling see: Charles W. David, “The Claim of Henry I to Be Called Learned,” in Anniversary Essays in Mediaeval History by Students of Charles Homer Haskins, C. Taylor, ed. (Boston: Houghton Miff lin, 1929), pp. 45–56; V.H. Galbraith, “The Literacy of Medieval English Kings,” in Kings and

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Chronicles (London: Hambledon, 1982), pp. 78–111. James W. Thompson, The Literacy of the Laity in Norman and Angevin England (Rp. New York: B. Franklin, 1960); Michael Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), pp. 234–235.

662 . EEA 15, p. lii. 663 . Kathleen Edwards, English Secular Cathedrals (Manchester: Manchester University

Press, 1967), p. 190. 664 . HH , pp. 600–601. Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York , p. 127. 665 . Bernard of Clairvaux, Letters , #25. See the remarks by E. Gordon Whatley in

The Saint of London. The Life and Miracles of St. Erkenwald (Binghamton, N.Y.: MRTS, 1989), pp. 30–31.

666 . Donald Nicholl, Thurstan, Archbishop of York, 1114–1140 (York: Stonegate, 1964), pp. 95–96. Barlow, English Church: 1066–1154 , pp. 86–87. EEA 15, pp. lii–liii.

667 . Regesta II, #1711, 1713, 1715–1716, 1728, 1736. 668 . Fasti I, pp. 27, 57. 669 . LE , pp. 278–279. James Bentham, The History and Antiquities of the Conventual

and Cathedral Church of Ely , 2 vols. (Norwich: Stevenson, Matchett, 1812–1817), I, p. 130. Hervey was given the care of the vacant abbey of Ely doubtless with the intention of making him bishop.

670 . EEA 15, #40. LE , pp. 278–279. 671 . The chief source for the quarrel is Diceto, RS -68 I, p. 248 et seq. upon whom

the later accounts rely: Stubbs, Historical Introductions , p. 45. Brooke, London 800–1216 , pp. 356–357. Nicholl, Thurstan , pp. 232–233. Heinrich B ö hmer, Kirche und Staat in England und in der Normandie im XI. und XII. Jahrhundert. Eine historische Studie (Leipzig: 1899; Rp. Aalen: 1968), p. 373. EEA 15, pp. liv–lvii. Brooke, History of St. Paul’s Cathedral , pp. 26–29.

672 . Diceto, RS -68, I, pp. 248–252. Letters of Gilbert of Clare , pp. 191–200. John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , pp. 46–48. Anselm, through family and papal inf lu-ence, had been abbot of St. Saba in Rome and legate to England in 1115–1116.

673 . EEA 15, #41. Even St. Bernard complained to Innocent II that when Anselm was in charge of the see he succeeded in wasting most of its assets (Bernard of Clairvaux, Letters , #281). He was also accused of trying to remake the abbey of Bury St. Edmunds into a bishopric, and of having fathered a child while in holy orders (Osbert of Clare, Letters ; E. Whatley, The Saint of London , n. 65).

674 . Historia Novella , pp. 88–91. Marjorie Chibnall, The Empress Matilda (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 114–115, 137–138. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville , pp. 67–70. As seal-keeper, see Regesta II, #1363–1365, 1711, 1713, 1715. The name identified the office but by mid-century it may have migrated to a surname. In the time of Bishop Robert de Chesney there was a Nicolas de Sigillo, archdeacon of Huntingdon, and a Baldric de Sigillo, archdeacon of Leicester. For Nicolas: EEA 4, appendix I, #17, 20; LRS -RA II, #322, and III, #814; JSL , #140; For Baldric: EEA 4, appendix I, #4, LRS -RA II, #319, 614, and III, #884. See also T.A.M. Bishop, Scriptores Regis , pp. 25–26.

675 . JW III, pp. 296–297. H.W.C. Davis, “Henry of Blois and Brian Fitz Count,” English Historical Review 25 (1910): 297–303.

676 . John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , p. 46. Gesta Stephani , p. 83. The charters that Robert attested for Matilda at Oxford in 1141 are in Regesta III, #328, 377, 393, 400, 630, 646–648, 791, 899.

677 . Regesta III, #377. 678 . EEA 15, #54. 679 . Bernard of Clairvaux, Letters , #281.

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680 . Diceto, RS -68, I, p. 250, quoted in Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville , p. 174. 681 . Regesta III, #275. 682 . Regesta III, #183, 300, 402, 511–513, 541, 555, 760. A papal directive in June

1147 from Eugenius III urged a reconciliation of the legitimate bishop with the legitimate king (Donald Matthew, King Stephen (London: Hambledon, 2002), pp. 124, 258, n. 26).

683 . John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , p. 47. 684 . Ibid., p. 88. 685 . Fasti I, p. 62. GFL , p. 283. Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #245. Robert’s wife was

Alice de Montfort ( PR 31 Henry I , p. 64). 686 . EEA 15, #48. 687 . Ibid., appendix 2, #3, pp. 143–144. But Walter must have been the son of

Richard I de Belmeis and the brother of William I de Belmeis, archdeacon of London.

688 . Mason, Westminster Abbey and Its People, pp. 37–59. 689 . Stubbs, Historical Introductions , following Diceto, gave the date of Robert’s death

as 1151. So did Saltman, Theobald , p. 117, following Holtzmann. But E. Searle argued for 1150 ( Chronicle of Battle Abbey , p. 191, n. 2), as did Fasti III, p. 2, and EEA 15, p. lvii.

690 . Fasti I, p. 15. 691 . AA , #207. 692 . Saltman, Theobald , #258. 693 . Regesta II, #1492. 694 . DB I, fo. 253. 695 . EEA 14, #30. Regesta III, #173. 696 . Saltman, Theobald , #156. Regesta III, #460–462. 697 . John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , p. 88. 698 . Chronicle of Battle Abbey, pp. 190–193. 699 . GFLC , #99–103, for a summary of events. 700 . Fasti I, p. 69. 701 . GFLC , #102–103,109. 702 . Fasti I, p.69. Fasti VI, p. 22. 703 . Fasti I, p. 81. Rotuli de Dominabus , #106. 115. See now EEA 26, pp. xlvi–xlviii. 704 . Rotuli de Dominabus, #106, 115. 705 . In Huntingdonshire, Richard had the wardship for more than seven years and

apparently left the estates in better condition than when he took them over. In Norfolk, on the other hand, where he also farmed the property for seven years, the balance sheet showed a decrease in value. Two other nephews of Richard II de Belmeis were William and Richard Albus ( EEA 15, p. 144. #4).

706 . Dialogus de Scaccario , Introduction. H. Richardson, ““Richard Fitz-Neal and the Dialogus de Scaccario ,” English Historical Review 43 (1928): 161–167, 321–340. EEA 26, pp. xxxvii–xxxviii, xliv–lv.

707 . See the section on Ely, chapter 5 , at note 333. 708 . LE , p. 333. 709 . Gesta Stephani , pp. 51–67. Historia Novella , pp. 46–49, 88–89. LE , #79, 81, 83,

87. Regesta II, #263, 266–267. 710 . Dialogus de Scaccario, p. xiv. 711 . Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , appendix B, p. 86, where the sum mentioned is

100 marks, but in Appleby, England without Richard , p. 15, it is given as £400, based on LE , p. 372.

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712 . LE , pp. 321–326, 334–335, 371–373. 713 . The sums raised for the campaign were seen as exorbitant. Gilbert Foliot, who

had an axe to grind, thought Thomas Becket chief ly at fault. It was he, he said, “who plunged the same [secular] sword into the body of the church, our holy mother, by robbing her of thousands of marks for the campaign in Toulouse” ( GFLC #170: Multiplicem nobis ).

714 . PR 16 Henry II, p. 95. PR 17 Henry II, pp. 115–117. PR 18 Henry II, pp. 115–117.

715 . “Tu, vero, fili archidiacone tibi diligentius in hac parte provideas,” CTB II, #198.

716 . Peterborough Chronicle, RS-49 I, pp. 345–346. 717 . Stubbs, Historical Introductions, p. 80. 718 . English Law Suits II, #569B, pp. 616–617. 719 . H. Richardson, “William of Ely, the King’s Treasurer,” Transactions of the

Royal Historical Society 4th ser. 15 (1932): pp. 45–90. Fasti I, p. 35. EEA 26, pp. l–liii, #74.

720 . H. Richardson, “William of Ely, the King’s Treasurer,” p. 49. 721 . EEA 26, pp. li–liii. 722 . LRS -RA III, #990. 723 . Rot.Chart ., p. 183B. 724 . EEA 4, #290. LRS -RA III, #768, p. 148. PR 23 Henry II , p. 144. PR 6 Richard

I , p. 36. 725 . EEA 12, p. 321, for Exeter. Fasti III, p. 81, for York. 726 . EEA 26, #74. Rot.Chart ., p. 49A. Mason, Westminster Abbey and Its People ,

pp. 137–138, 173. 727 . Perhaps the same Ralph who was archdeacon of Middlesex in 1198 and preben-

dary of Chiswick ( Fasti I, pp. 16, 41). Some of the lands of the monks were given to Hubert de Burgh, the justiciar, for an annual rent payable to Westminster abbey. William of Ely may also have had a daughter, named Agnes, to whom he gave a stone house ( Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #212). But she was identified in the charter as “Agnes of Ely, daughter of William,” not of the grantor, William of Ely. See the remarks in EEA 26, p. liii, n. 82. Another relative may have been Richard of Ely, archdeacon of Colchester and prebendary of St. Paul’s ( Fasti I, pp. 16, 19, 37, 41; Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #213).

728 . EEA 26, #8. 729 . Ibid., #74. 730 . Fasti I, p. 2. D&B, Introduction, pp. 496–500. 731 . Landon, Itinerary , p. 138, #537. Diceto, RS -68 I, p. 165 732 . Fasti III, p. 72. 733 . Richard I died on April 6, 1199, and William’s profession to Canterbury was

endorsed with the date May 23, 1199, Canterbury Professions , #139. 734 . Fasti I, p. 2. 735 . D&B II, #635. Landon, Itinerary , pp. 74–76, 98. 736 . Painter, The Reign of King John , pp. 140–141. Landon, Itinerary , pp. 85–87,

104–105. 737 . Fasti I, p. 48 for London; Fasti III, p. 72 for Lincoln; Fasti VI, p. 132 for York. 738 . St. Martin: Landon, Itinerary , p. 22. Mortain: ibid., pp. 26, 29–30, 33, 35–36.

Wiltshire: Fasti IV, p. 35. See D&B, Introduction , pp. 498–499; II, #765–767, pp. 417–421, and #635, pp. 245–246. MRSN I, p. clxxvi, and p. 276. Rot.Chart. , p. 64. Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #49, 51, 55, 58.

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739 . Allowing for cases of imprecise dating, a rough itinerary under Richard I can be worked out from the entries in Landon:

September 1189: Westminster, p. 5 September 1189: Geddington, p. 6 November 1189: Westminster, p. 14 July 1190: V é zelay, p. 36 November 1193: Speyer, p. 80 February 1194: K ö ln, p. 84 February 1194: Louvain, p. 84 March 1194: Nottingham, p. 86 April 1194: Northampton, p. 87 April 1194: Winchester, p. 90 April 1194: Portsmouth, p. 91 March 1196: Les Andelys, p. 111 July 1197: Les Andelys, p. 119 September 1197: Rouen, p. 121. For his movements under John, see EEA 26, pp. 233–238.

740 . EEA 26, pp. xxxviii–xxxix. For William’s stand against John, see Letters of Innocent III , #834.

741 . Early Charters of St. Paul’s , #139, 254–255, 263. EEA 26, #90, 166, 171, 177, 189, 197, 200, 206, 228, 231; appendix I, p. 221. Fasti I, pp. 21, 37, 58, 62.

742 . Ibid., pp. 32–33, 71. 743 . Ibid., p. 114 in the index and an attempt to sort the men by number: William I,

pp. 11, 52; William II, pp. 16, 88; William III, pp. 6–7, 35, 91. 744 . Ibid., pp. 11, 52. 745 . Ibid., pp. 16, 88. That they were two different men is proved by their appearance

together as witnesses to the same charter, EEA 26, #111–112, 166, 181, 219A, 231–232.

746 . EEA 9, pp. 165–166. Fasti I, pp. 6, 35, 91. 747 . EEA 26, #205. 748 . JW II, pp. 572–573. For Stigand to Elmham (ibid., pp. 540–541) and to

Winchester (ibid., pp. 544–545). “Stigand does not seem to have surrendered Elmham before he became archbishop of Canterbury in 1052,” Barlow, Edward the Confessor , p. 87.

749 . DB II, fo. 194v–195. In 1086 the land was held by William de Bellofago, bishop of Thetford.

750 . Ibid., fo. 117, 159, 175v, 191–201, 273, 379–381. For East Anglia as a fertile crescent, see An Historical Geography of England before 1800 , H.C. Darby, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1936), pp. 209–212.

751 . Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills , pp. 3–5. 752 . Regesta I, #22, 28–29. Fauroux, Recueil , #144. Crosby, Bishop and Chapter ,

pp. 175–176. 753 . EEA 6, #21. 754 . DB II, fo.118. 755 . DB I, fo. 200v. 756 . Register of Gregory VII , H. Cowdrey, ed., #1.31. 757 . Gibson, Letters of Lanfranc, #47. 758 . Feudal Documents from the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds, David Douglas, ed. (London:

BA, 1932), #8. 759 . “ Post Arfastum rex episcopatum optulit Baldwino abbati multis suasionibus et con-

siliis ,” cited by V. Galbraith, “The East Anglian See and the Abbey of Bury

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St. Edmunds,” English Historical Review 40 (1925): 222–228. For a review of the importance of papal support, see Matthew, The Norman Conquest , pp. 187–189.

760 . Canterbury Professions , #43. He took the oath as bishop-elect of Elmham, not of Thetford. For questions, and some answers, with regard to the transfer of bish-oprics, see EEA 6, pp. 1–2.

761 . The Charters of Norwich Cathedral Priory, Barbara Dodwell, ed. (London: PRS, 1974), index, p. 247. K.S.B. Keats-Rohan, Domesday Descendants. A Prosopography of Persons Occurring in English Documents: 1066–1166. II. Pipe Rolls to Cartae Baronum (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2002), p. 316. Another, or comple-mentary, derivation is from “bellafagus”: “beech-tree,” in J. Fourn é e, “Notes sur un é v ê que d’Avranches en XIIe si è cle,” Revue de l’Avranchin 62 (1946): 359–364.

762 . RADN , ed., #185. Cowdrey in ODNB , vol. 59. 763 . Regesta (Bates), #161 and 164. 764 . RADN , ed., #122, 141, 183, 231. 765 . See chapter 6 and the section on Avranches, note 98, and the section on Bayeux,

note 128. 766 . RADN , M. Fauroux, ed., #229. C. Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 8, 18–19. 767 . DB II, fo. 226–230, 354v. Regesta I, #276. 768 . EEA 6, p. xxviii. 769 . Miller, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely, pp. 65–70. 770 . For Ralph as sheriff, see Green, English Sheriffs , pp. 61 and 77. There are difficul-

ties, however, in drawing the family tree. Sanders, English Baronies , p. 53, gives the descent as:

Ralph de Belfou Agnes = Hubert I de Ria (d. ca. 1127) Henry de Ria (d. ca. 1162) Hubert II de Ria (d. ca. 1170) Hubert III de Ria (d. ca. 1188)

Isabel Aline An older view was that William, the bishop, was the first husband of Agnes

de Tosny, later the wife of Hubert de Ria, but sound evidence is lacking. See Cowdrey in ODNB , vol. 59, p. 33. The editors of Regesta I, p. xxiii, and Regesta II, p. xi, made Hubert de Ria the father of Eudo, dapifer , and found that another Hubert de Ria, “a namesake,” had crept into the picture to attest a charter 1091 x 1092. In EEA 6, #437, Hubert II de Ria was the grandson of Ralph de Bellefago. Barlow, William Rufus , p. 279, assumed that Hubert I de Ria and Eudo were brothers and that Eudo’s sister married Peter of Valognes, sheriff of Essex (ibid., p. 188), while Eudo himself married Rohese, the daughter of Richard Fitz-Gilbert (ibid., p. 140). It is quite possible that there was an earlier Hubert de Ria who was the father of Hubert who died ca. 1127. A Hubert de Ria attested a charter of Duke William some time in the period 1046 x 1160, and again in 1066

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at Caen ( RADN , ed., #145, 147, 231). A Hubert, dapifer , moreover, is mentioned in the ducal entourage 1051 x 1066 (ibid., #204). It is this Hubert, a vassal of the duke, who was celebrated by Wace in the Roman de Rou (III, ll. 3641–3737) for the courageous defense of his land during the rebellion of 1047. If this is the case, the current Hubert I would become Hubert II, and so on down the line. It was probably Hubert I whose son, Robert de Ria, was appointed bishop of S é es in 1070 by King William.

771 . RBE , p. 401. His son and heir was Thomas, PR 22 Henry II , p. 70. 772 . Regesta II, #1219, 1783, 1855, 1909, 1913. Regesta III, #617. Fasti II, p. 67. EEA 6,

#45. Dodwell, Norwich Cathedral Charters , #98–105, 259 (3 and 4). AA , #221. 773 . Chronicle of Battle Abbey, p. 236 et seq. 774 . Fasti IV, p. 27. EEA 18, #124. 775 . Dodsworth, Historical Account of Salisbury Cathedral, p. 104. Regesta III, #795.

Fasti IV, pp. 88–89. 776 . EEA 18, #150, 179, 184–185. Gilbert had interests in other Bellofago lands, see

EEA 6, #7, and Saltman, Theobald , #64. 777 . EEA 6, #437. 778 . AA , #238. 779 . Philip: Regesta II, #1042. Robert: ibid., #1020 and p. 327. 780 . Primum Registrum, pp. 50–51. 781 . EEA 6, pp. xxviii–xxxi. Fasti II, p. 55. Letters of Herbert Losinga , I, pp. 65–66.

Herbert was probably from Normandy, but the name “Losinga,” which was shared by his father, and by Robert, bishop of Hereford (1079–1095), would indicate an origin in Lotharingia. William of Malmesbury explained the mean-ing as “ losinga ,” or “skilled in f lattery,” but then added that it was the sur-name (“ cognomen ”) of his father ( GP , pp. 240–241). See the comments in GR II, p. 295; in B. Dodwell, “The Foundation of Norwich Cathedral,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th ser. 7 (1957): 1–18; and in EEA 7, p. xxxiii.

782 . OV, V, pp. 202–205. 783 . EEA 6, p. xxix. 784 . Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus , II, pp. 568–570, who was followed by

Poole, Domesday Book to Magna Carta , pp. 169–170, Barlow, English Church: 1066–1154 , p. 68, and J. Alexander, “Herbert Losinga,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 6 (1969): 115–232. See also Barlow, William Rufus , pp. 206–207, and the accounts in JW , pp. 68–69, GP , pp. 98–99, and GR , pp. 586–587.

785 . EEA 6, p. xxix, based on the passage cited in the Worcester chronicle. See C&S I, ii, p. 642, n. 3.

786 . There is always the question as to the actual presence of the witness to a char-ter when it was issued, which has to be taken into account. See Introduction , pp. 6–7.

787 . Regesta I, #385. EEA 6, pp. 368–370. 788 . JW , p. 70, n. 1. 789 . Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus, II, p. 570. Primum Registrum, pp. 23–25. 790 . JW , p. 314. 791 . A. Gransden, “Baldwin, Abbot of Bury St. Edmunds: 1065–1097,” Anglo-

Norman Studies 4 (1981): 65–76. 792 . DB II, fo. 117. 793 . EEA 6, p. xxviii. 794 . Ibid., #9, 38, 43. Letters of Herbert Losinga , I, p. 7.

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795 . “Everard’s identity is never likely to be certainly known.” See Lionel Landon, Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and Natural History 20 (1930): 196. EEA 6, pp. xxxi–xxxiii. C. Harper-Bill in ODNB , vol. 18. Property holdings were in Wiltshire, ( DB fo. 64), Gloucestershire (fo. 162v), Hampshire (fo. 49), Herefordshire (fo. 183), Shropshire (fo. 260v), Somerset (fo. 91), and Worcestershire (fo. 176). The proposed relationship can be set out as follows:

Nigel medicus

796 . Fasti I, p. 61; Fasti IV, p. 24. 797 . Another possibility is that Everard and Nigel, the chaplain, were the nephews

of Nigel medicus , but that the latter’s sibling remains undiscovered. See Martin Brett, English Church under Henry I (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), p. 110, and n. 4. For Nigel, the chaplain, see Regesta II, #1204.

798 . Regesta II, #1164. 799 . Ibid., #497, 548, 1015, 1120, 1222. 800 . PR 31 Henry I, p. 91. 801 . Landon, “Everard, Bishop of Norwich,” p. 194. 802 . William, “nephew of Nigel of Calne,” shows up in PR 31 Henry I , p. 18.

According to the table above (in note 795), he may have been the bishop’s son, or the son of his brother, Arthur. For Arthur, see EEA 6, #40; for Everard’s sons, ibid., p. xxxii There is always the question of which “ nepotes episcopi ” were, in fact, “ filii episcopi. ”

803 . Adam: EEA 6, #41, 43. Alexander: ibid., #49. Everard: ibid., #36–37, 50. Herbert: ibid., #36, 50. John: ibid., #49. Nigel: ibid., #36. Peter: ibid., #37. Richard: ibid., #36. Roger: ibid., #41 (cited as Reginald in the Primum Registrum , pp. 58–59, but as Roger in Norwich Charters , B. Dodwell, ed., #116). Walter: ibid., #43. William: Fasti I, p. 61.

804 . EEA 6, #49; cf. #40, 50. 805 . Adam: EEA 6, #36, 49, 50–52. Walter: ibid., #36, 50, 157. Richard: PR 31

Henry II , pp. 23, 102, 126; Fasti IV, p. 57. Everard: Regesta III, #111. If Everard was the brother of Walter, he cannot have been the nephew of the bishop, since both Everards attested together in the same charter ( EEA 6, #50).

806 . EEA 6, #61, 92–93, 95. Cited as magister : #75?, 106?, 108, 111, 118, 121, 127, 129, 141, 159–160.

807 . Ibid., p. 389, under “Calne, Walter of”. 808 . Fasti IV, p. 57. PR 31 Henry I , pp. 23, 102, 126.

Nigel of Calne chaplain to Henry I

prebendary of Salisbury ( Fasti IV, p. 57)

Arthur Everard archdeacon of Salisbury

bishop of Norwich

Nigel “nepos episcopi” ( EEA 6, #36)

William of Calne? “nephew of Everard”

( Fasti I, p. 61)

William “nephew of Nigel of Calne”

(PR 31 Henry I, p. 18)

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809 . Fasti I, p. 61. Probably the William of Calne who attested a pair of royal charters ( Regesta II, #1612, 1625). In PR 31 Henry I , p. 18, Nigel accounts for, and pays in, one mark of silver for his nephew, William, not eighteen marks, as stated in Brett, The English Church under Henry I , p. 110, where the page number in the printed roll is confused with the amount of the payment.

810 . Fasti II, pp. 62–63. 811 . EEA 6, p. xlix. 812 . Ibid., #5, 15–16, 19, 43, 50, 94, 109, 168. 813 . Primum Registrum , pp. 70–71. EEA 6, p. xxxiii. HH , pp. 610–611. At the council

of London in August 1129, Everard was among the bishops who were much praised (ibid., pp. 484–485). Barlow cites HH with approval ( English Church: 1066–1154 , pp. 84, 89, 111). C. Holdsworth assumed that Everard was deposed by a papal legate in 1145, but provides no reference (“The Church,” in The Anarchy of King Stephen’s Reign , Edmund King, ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), p. 213).

814 . C. Harper-Bill, “Bishop William Turbe and the Diocese of Norwich: 1146–1174,” Anglo-Norman Studies 7 (1985): 142–160. EEA 6, pp. xxxiii–xxxiv.

815 . Saltman, Theobald , p. 103. 816 . By 1145 Stephen was dominant in the eastern sector. Miles of Gloucester had

died late in 1143 and Geoffrey de Mandeville in 1144. 817 . Barlow, English Church: 1066–1154, p. 98. 818 . Crouch, King Stephen , p. 303. C. Holdsworth is tempted to read present-day

ideas into the past when he described the election by saying that “we see a por-tentous twist in the terrible history of anti-semitism, providing us with a final glimpse of a troubled society,” in The Anarchy of King Stephen’s Reign , p. 229.

819 . Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich , A. Jessopp and M.R. James, eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1896), pp. xxiii and p. 29.

820 . Saltman, Theobald , p. 107. 821 . EEA 6, #30, 49–52. 822 . Ibid., #79–80. 823 . Ibid., #17, and appendix I, #12. 824 . There can be distinguished Geoffrey, son of Peter the dapifer ( EEA 6, #127);

Jocelin, brother of William the archdeacon (ibid., #80); Robert pincerna and his brother Godfrey (ibid., #80); Osbert nephew of (Walkelin?) the archdeacon (ibid., #92–93); Warin ostiarius and his son, Roger (ibid., #109); Ralph, the cook, and his son, Gilbert (ibid., #109); Eilman, the dean, and his son, Robert (ibid., #121). There also appear Geoffrey, son of Peter the constable (ibid., #129); and Adrian and Benevento, children of Walkelin, archdeacon of Suffolk ( JSL , #14).

825 . EEA 6, p. xxxvi. 826 . Ibid., pp. xxxiv–xxxvi. Paschal III was the second in a group of imperial popes

supported by Frederick I during his contest with Alexander III (1159–1181). They included Victor IV (1159–1164), Paschal III (1164–1168), Callistus III (1168–1178), and Innocent III (1179–1180). In a significant intrusion of conti-nental politics into English affairs, Henry made use of the schism to blunt the support of Alexander III for Thomas Becket by threatening to recognize Paschal III. The pope, in turn, found his power limited by the pressure from his rival in office.

827 . Fasti IV, p. 10. John was appointed by Bishop Jocelin at the king’s command, in spite of the wish of a faction of the canons to elect their own candidate. It was

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reported in an anecdotal reference at the time, admittedly hostile, that so great was the king’s confidence in John that “he should be trusted in every way as if he were the king himself” ( JSL II, #214, p. 355, and #174, pp. 148–149).

828 . JSL II, #168, p. 113; and #213, p. 349. 829 . Barlow, Thomas Becket , p. 219. 830 . Primum Registrum, pp. 82–89. 831 . Letters of Innocent III, #205. 832 . Fasti II, p. 56. EEA 6, pp. xxxvii–xxxix. 833 . Painter, The Reign of King John , pp. 79, 84. Warren, King John , p. 154. In con-

trast to his predecessor, John of Oxford, the summary in the Primum Registrum is to the effect that “he did many good things for his monks at Norwich” (pp. 88–89). In the record of the legal case over grazing rights between the abbot of Croyland and the prior of Spalding, John was described as a “powerful man of the court . . . very friendly with the king” (Stenton, English Justice between the Norman Conquest and the Great Charter , pp. 192–193).

834 . He was elected to Durham in February 1214 under pressure from the papal legate, Nicholas of Tusculum and, therefore, promoted over Richard le Poer, the dean of Salisbury, who had been chosen by the monks in October 1213 (Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , pp. 147, 165–167; Warren, King John , pp. 160–163).

835 . Keats-Rohan, Domesday People , p. 151. 836 . Painter, The Reign of King John , p. 64. Hawise named John, bishop of Norwich,

as her brother in a charter in favor of Oseney abbey ( Cartulary of Oseney Abbey, H.E. Salter, ed., 6 vols. Oxford Historical Society, 89–91, 97–98, 101 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1929–1936), IV, #287, p. 332).

837 . EEA 17, #56, 113. 838 . Painter, The Reign of King John , pp. 200–201. 839 . Rot.Chart ., p. 55. 840 . Alan: EEA 16, #321, 328, 337, 342, 353, 358, 375–379, 381, 388–389, 412, 420.

Robert: ibid., #371. Philip: Rot.Chart. , p. 55. Henry: ibid., pp. 6, 97, and D&B II, pp. 408–410. On the border problem, see A. Descourtieux, “Les pouvoirs sur la fronti è re de l’Avre (XIe–XIIIe si è cle)” in Les Lieux de pouvoir au moyen â ge en Normandie et sur ses marges , Anne-Marie Flambard H é richer, ed. (Caen: CRAHM, 2006), pp. 101–118.

841 . N. Vincent, “The Election of Pandulph Verracclo as Bishop of Norwich (1215),” Historical Research 68 (1995): 143–163.

842 . Vita Gundulfi , R. Thomson, ed. R.A.L. Smith, “The Place of Gundulf in the Anglo-Norman Church,” English Historical Review 58 (1943): 257–272. Reprinted in Collected Papers (London: Longmans, Green, 1947), pp. 83–102. Colin Flight, The Bishops and Monks of Rochester: 1076–1214 (Maidstone: Kent Archaeological Society, 1997), pp. 38–42.

843 . H. Colvin, “The Archbishop of Canterbury and His Tenants,” Kent Records 18 (1964): 5, 25. DM , p. 50. Du Boulay, The Lordship of Canterbury , pp. 84, 95–96, 357–358.

844 . EEA 28, #16. The Early Charters of Essex , Cyril Hart, ed. (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1957), pp. 27–28.

845 . Unless he was the Ralph who probably was a monk at Rochester and who, like Gundulf, had been at Caen, and who was appointed prior of his church before being promoted to be abbot of Battle in 1107 (Southern, St. Anselm and His Biographer , pp. 206–207).

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846 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , RS -81, pp. 9–10, 15–16. 847 . Fasti V, p. 2. 848 . Saltman, Theobald , #223. 849 . Saltman, “John II, Bishop of Rochester,” English Historical Review 66 (1951):

71–75. 850 . Ibid. Colin Flight, “John II, Bishop of Rochester, Did Not Exist.” English

Historical Review 106 (1991): 921–931, and The Bishops and Monks of Rochester , pp. 18–19, 73, 204–205. Fasti II, p. 76. Barlow, English Church: 1066–1154 , p. 95. Crouch, King Stephen , p. 309.

851 . JW III, pp. 192–193. Regesta III, #944. HH , pp. 610–611. 852 . Flight, The Bishops and Monks of Rochester , p. 204. M. Brett, “Forgery at Rochester,”

in F ä lschungen im Mittelalter , MGH (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1988), IV, pp. 397–412.

853 . “ Ex dono archiepiscopi ,” Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73 I, p. 133. Fasti II, pp. 13, 76. Saltman, Theobald , pp. 103–105. Crosby, ODNB , vol. 57.

854 . Walter’s death on that date was recorded by Diceto ( RS -68 II, p. 13), by Gervase ( RS -73 I, p. 302), and in the Gesta ( RS -49 I, p. 291). But contrary to an assertion by D. Knowles, it was not the case that Walter was in off ice longer than any other bishop ( Episcopal Colleagues , p. 17). Henry of Blois at Winchester (43 years), Hugh du Puiset at Durham (43 years), Walter de Gray at York (40 years), Jocelin at Bath-Wells (37 years), and Nigel at Ely (37 years), all served for longer terms.

855 . For almost the whole of his pontificate, he officiated at an extraordinary num-ber of consecrations and ordinations: Robert to Lincoln in December 1148 ( Canterbury Professions , #92); Walter to Coventry in October 1149 (ibid., #94); John to Worcester in March 1151 (ibid., #96); Geoffrey to St. Asaph in February 1151 (ibid., #95); Richard II to London in September 1152 (ibid., #97); Roger to York in October 1154 (Saltman, Theobald , p. 123); Robert II to Exeter in June 1155 ( Canterbury Professions , #99); Richard to Coventry in April 1161 ( Gervase I , p. 168); Bartholomew to Exeter in April? 1161 (Morey, Bartholomew , p. 13); Thomas Becket ordained priest June 1162 (Barlow, Becket , p. 72); Gilbert to London in April 1163 (Eyton, Itinerary , p. 63); Peter to St. Davids in November 1176 (Diceto, RS -68 II, p. 415). His other judicial and administrative activities at home and abroad are documented in JSL I, #45; Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 59, 192, 251; Regesta III, #272; C&S I, ii, p. 846; Gesta , RS -49 I, pp. 84, 145, 154; Cartae Antiquae Rolls 11–20, #357.

856 . John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis , p. 49. 857 . Materials , RS -67, I, p. 57. 858 . JSL II, #257. 859 . GFLC , #170. CTB , #95 and 109. Gilbert Foliot listed the bishops who “stood

firm,” but William of Norwich and Walter of Rochester were not included. 860 . Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 206–207. 861 . CTB , #307. 862 . Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues, p. 139; Thomas Becket, p. 66. 863 . Peter of Blois, Letters , #56. 864 . Eyton, Itinerary , p. 249. 865 . EEA 2, #56–58, 68, 75, 82. Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 328–331. 866 . Diceto, RS -68, II, p. 10. Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73 I, p. 306. EEA 2,

pp. 279–280. 867 . Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73 I, pp. 306–307.

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868 . EEA 2, #306. 869 . Glanville is a village northwest of Lisieux between Pont l’Ev ê que and the

Channel. For Gilbert as Becket’s envoy in 1165, see CTB , #62; for his time at Lisieux, see ALL , #86–87, and EEA 3, #270–271.

870 . ALL , #128; Chaplais, English Royal Documents , pp. 7–8; Flight, The Bishops and Monks of Rochester , pp. 215–216, and p. 290.

871 . Richard Mortimer, “The Family of Rannulf de Glanville,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 54 (1981): 1–16.

872 . Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England, pp. 170–171. 873 . Selected Letters of Pope Innocent III , #71 (September 1214). In October 1213,

Nicholas had been charged to name men to vacancies pending the consent of the king ( Letters of Pope Innocent III , #938–939, 978).

874 . The vacancy at Rochester was to be filled with the king’s approval ( Selected Letters , #71).

875 . The precentorship for Benedict was apparently only a step to higher office. See Letters of Pope Innocent III , #797A and 840.

876 . In a letter of January 20, 1215, Stephen Langton had confirmed the right of the king to approve the election to Rochester ( Acta of Stephen Langton , #11, and appendix II, pp. 19–22, 158–159). Fasti I, pp. 10, 23.

877 . Selected Letters of Pope Innocent III, #76. 878 . Rot.Chart. , p. 202B (November 22, 1214). 879 . Fasti IV, p. 2. His origin may have been Lotharingia. See P. Grierson, “England

and Flanders before the Norman Conquest,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 4v ser. 23 (1941): 71–112; and Barlow, The Life of King Edward , pp. 52–53, n. 130, and appendix C.

880 . GP , pp. 182–183. Malmesbury was later annexed by Roger, bishop of Salisbury ( Regesta II, #1715).

881 . Letters of Lanfranc, #2. 882 . Barlow, English Church: 1000–1066 , pp. 220–224. Fasti Ecclesiae Sarisberiensis ,

William Henry Jones, ed. (Salisbury: Brown & Co., 1879), pp. 36–40. 883 . GP , pp. 182–183. 884 . Goscelin of St. Bertin, The Book of Encouragement and Consolation , M. Otter, ed.

(Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2004), pp. 127–128. Marvin L. Colker, “Texts of Jocelin of Canterbury which relate to the History of Barking Abbey,” Studia Monastica 7 (1965): 383–460.

885 . DB I, fo. 66. 886 . For Osmund as chancellor, see Regesta (Bates), #141, 169, 173, 185, 244, 303. 887 . The church was dedicated in April 1092. For the intellectual link, see T.

Webber, Scribes and Scholars at Salisbury Cathedral : c . 1075 – c . 1125 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).

888 . Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus II , p. 363. Hollister, Henry I , pp. 57 and 83. Green, The Government of England under Henry I , p. 28. Kealey, Roger of Salisbury . EEA 18, pp. xxxviii–xlii. Fasti IV, p. 2. For Roger as chaplain, see Regesta II, #507, 521, 622, and as chancellor, #547, 548, 550, 567.

889 . Southern, St. Anselm and His Biographer, pp. 289–307. 890 . OV , IV, pp. 120–121, and note 2. GR , pp. 712–713. Hollister, Henry I ,

pp. 39–41. 891 . Canterbury Professions, p. 115. William of Newburgh called him a simple priest

from Caen, but the account is imprecise: “Idem sub regno Guillelmi junioris sacerdos admodum tenuis in quodam ut dicitur suburbano Cadomensi de officio

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vivebat” (RS-82 I, pp. 36–37). For the text of the decree of the London council, see C&S I, ii, p. 1060.

892 . “ Rogerus autem iusticiarius est tocius Anglie et secundus a rege ” ( HH , p. 470; and Historia Novella , p. 37; and OV, VI, p. 530). But it was a phrase applied to other officials, as in the case of Odo of Bayeux and Ralph Basset ( HH , p. 615, n. 92; Green, The Government of England under Henry I , p. 48; and EEA 18, p. xl). The relevant passage in the Dialogue of the Exchequer describes the traditional com-position of the electorate and implies that Roger was destined to be bishop long before his election: “Hic igitur succrescente in eum principis ac cleri populique favore, Saresberiensis episcopus factus” (p. 42).

893 . Kealey, Roger of Salisbury , chapters 3–4. 894 . GR , pp. 738–739. For the text of the documents, see LRS -RA VII, pp. 85–86,

with a commentary by Kathleen Major, and EEA 18, #28. 895 . Kealey, Roger of Salisbury , appendix 3. 896 . Fasti IV, p. 24. Fasti III, pp. 1–2. 897 . Fasti III, pp. 1–2, 30, 39–40. 898 . Fasti IV, p. 25. Regesta II, #1691. PR 31 Henry I , pp. 54, 63. 899 . See the section on Ely in chapter 5 at note 333. 900 . Regesta III, p. x, #99, 335, 716, 919. The ambiguity of “Poer” has led to unre-

solved problems. It can be taken to mean “poor” in the sense of having lit-tle wealth. For this view, see Heinrich Fichtenau, Living in the Tenth Century. Mentalities and Social Orders (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), p. 183, who thought it also meant non-noble, since to be noble was to be wealthy. Stubbs considered that “le Poor” as applied to Roger and his family referred to poverty ( Historical Introductions, p. 145). On the other hand, he was described in the Dialogue of the Exchequer , p. 42, with a slight shift of emphasis, as poor but not without talent, “unknown yet not unnoble.” Another meaning is “younger,” as in “younger son.” DuCange, Glossarium , p. 558, gave “ poer ,” “ puer ,” and “ pueri ” as clerks in minor orders or younger sons. Hugh le Poer, for example, was the youngest of the brothers of Waleran of Meulan and Robert of Leicester; see David Crouch, The Beaumont Twins. The Roots and Branches of Power in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 9, n. 26; OV, VI, pp. 510–511; EEA 14, p. 85n. This is the interpretation offered by Kealey, Roger of Salisbury , p. 24, but G.H. White in “The Career of Waleran, Count of Meulan and Earl of Worcester: 1104–1166,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 4th ser. 17 (1934), pp. 19–48, thought it still meant poor in wealth.

901 . “ Pellex episcopi ,” OV, VI, pp. 530–535. 902 . “Salesbiriensis episcopi filius” (Gesta Stephani, p. 52). “Nepos vel plusquam

nepos” (Historia Novella, p. 48). 903 . Kealey, Roger of Salisbury , p. 272. 904 . Fasti IV, p. 25. 905 . Either late in the reign of Henry I or early in Stephen’s reign ( Historia Novella ,

p. 68). 906 . Fasti III, p. 8. EEA 18, #139. 907 . Ibid., #18. Regesta II, #1715. 908 . Fasti IV, p. 34. For the link with Azo, the dean, see EEA 18, p. lxiv, n. 13. 909 . Ibid. 910 . DB II, fo 262v. Regesta I, #121, 125, 133. 911 . “The problem of his [ Jocelin’s] parentage has taxed the ingenuity and learning

of a succession of antiquaries and scholars, including Stubbs, Round, R.L. Poole,

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the late L.C. Loyd, and the present president of St. John’s College, Oxford, and it still remains obscure,” Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , pp. 17–19. The references are Stubbs, Epistolae Cantuarienses , RS -85; Round, CDF , pp. xliv–xlviii; Poole, Essays to R.L. Poole ; Loyd, Anglo-Norman Families , p. 16; the “present president” in 1951 was Austin Lane Poole). To these authorities can be added the follow-ing: Thomas Stapleton, ed., Magni rotuli scaccarii normanniae sub regibus angliae , 2 vols. (London: 1840–1844), II, pp. xxiii–xxxvi; W.H. Rich Jones, Register of St. Osmund , RS -78 II, p. lv; D&B, Introduction , p. 385; Sir Christopher Hatton’s Book of Seals , pp. 303–304; Charles H. Haskins, Norman Institutions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1918; Rp. New York: Frederick Ungar, 1960), pp. 136–138; Jean le Melletrier, De la Manche vers l’Angleterre au temps de la conqu ê te (St. L ô : 1989), pp. 82–85, 97–98; Sanders, English Baronies , p. 91; Chibnall, The Empress Matilda , pp. 71, 74; Hollister, Henry I , p. 362; Green, The Aristocracy of Norman England , pp. 306, 309, 334; Keats-Rohan, Domesday Descendants , pp. 331–332; B.R. Kemp in ODNB , vol. 6; EEA 18, pp. xlii–xliii; JSL , #84, p. 132, n. 2. GFLC , p. 538.

912 . RS -78 II, p. lv. 913 . Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , pp. 158–159. 914 . GFLC , p. 538. JSL I, #84, p. 132, n. 2.9 915 . Charters of the Earldom of Hereford: 1095–1201 , David Walker, ed., Camden

Society, 4th ser. I (London: RHS, 1964), #91. CDF , #1219. 916 . Keats-Rohan, Domesday Descendants , pp. 331–332. 917 . Crouch, The Beaumont Twins , pp. 43–45. Although less a major crisis than once

thought, the arrest of the bishops was a political move by the king that, in effect, undid his own acts of patronage.

918 . Philip attested as chancellor by Christmas 1139 ( Regesta III, #189, 787–789, and p. x). He had been dean of Waleran’s church at Beaumont-le-Roger in the Eure, and then dean of Lincoln cathedral ( Cartulaire de Beaumont-le-Roger , p. xi; Crouch, The Beaumont Twins , p. 45).

919 . Henry of Blois apparently had the custody of the vacant see at Salisbury ( Sarum Charters, RS -97, #19).

920 . OV, VI, pp. 536–537, who died in 1188. This Henry de Sully is to be distin-guished from Henry de Sully (Solacio), abbot of Glastonbury and bishop of Worcester, who died in 1195. Henry, the abbot of F é camp, was the grandson of Ad è le, daughter of King William I, and the nephew of King Stephen and Henry of Blois, and cousin to Henry II. A charter of Henry II to F é camp referred to the abbot as “ cognatus ” (D&B I, pp. 360–361). His tenure as abbot is given vari-ously in the F é camp anniversary album as “1139 or 1140–1188” (vol. II, p. 334); “1140–1183” (vol. II, p. 154); “1140–1188” (vol. III, p. 22); “1139–1188” (vol. I, p. 361; vol. II, pp. 195 and 258). Nevertheless, a family relationship by dual descent from Ad è le has been suggested for the two men ( EEA 34, p. xxx).

921 . Voss, Heinrich von Blois , pp. 42–43, nn. 9–10. Philip later obtained the bishopric of Bayeux.

922 . Historia Novella , pp. 86–89. Saltman, Theobald , p. 98. 923 . Fasti II, pp. 90–92. EEA 8, #58. 924 . Fasti I, p. 57. 925 . There is no firm date, nor is there a profession of obedience to the archbishop. A

point of interest is that Alexander, another of the sons of Richard III de Meri and, therefore, an uncle, or even the father, of Jocelin, can be found as a witness to a string of charters of the Angevin rulers, Matilda empress, Geoffrey, and Henry,

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from about 1141 to the end of Stephen’s reign. Like his cousin, Humphrey III de Bohun, who served as a steward to Stephen until he defected to Matilda in 1144, Alexander seems to also have filled that office. Unlike Humphrey, however, he remained a supporter of the Angevins. See Regesta III, p. xxxi, and #71, 88, 167, 245, 295, 299, 306A, 328, 393, 443, 567, 595–596, 599–601, 629, 706, 729, 747, 780, 807–809, 836.

926 . There is a suggestion that opposition to Jocelin came from a faction in the chap-ter led by Azo, the dean. The text cited, however, is inconclusive, see Saltman, Theobald , p. 98; GFLC , #31.

927 . Chibnall, The Empress Matilda , pp. 137–139. 928 . For Robert of London: EEA 15, p. lvi, n. 12. For Jocelin of Salisbury: Regesta

III, #183, 206, 272. 929 . Under Henry I, Robert attested continuously from about 1121 to the end of

the reign. His absence, therefore, once he became bishop, is striking ( Regesta II, p. x, and index, p. 435). Jocelin, on the other hand, was already engaged by Archbishop Theobald to hear legal cases on his behalf in the mid-1140s. He can also be found as petitioner to Matilda and the pope to help him to recover land lost to the see ( Regesta III, #794–796).

930 . See the section on Bath, chapter 5 , at note 93. 931 . See the section on Coutances, chapter 6 , at note 229. 932 . See the section on Exeter, chapter 5 , at note 449. 933 . Cheney, Hubert Walter , pp. 31–44, and Charles R. Young, Hubert Walter, Lord of

Canterbury and Lord of England (Durham, N.C., Duke University Press, 1968). 934 . EEA 18, p. lxxi. 935 . Some thirty acta have been collected in EEA 18. 936 . Mortimer, “The Family of Ranulf Glanville,” p. 9, gives the descent as follows:

?

Hervey Walter = Matilda de Valeines

Bertha = Ranulf de Glanville

Theobald Hubert Roger Hamo Osbert Bartholomew

Young, Hubert Walter , (p. 5), proposed only five sons, Theobald, Hubert, Walter, Roger, and Hamo, deleting Osbert and Bartholomew and adding Walter. Theobald de Valeines and Theobald Walter were two different men ( EEA 18, #170), as were Osbert, son of Hervey Walter and Osbert de Glanvil (ibid.) Bartholomew, brother of Theobald, was also a different man from Bartholomew de Glanvil ( EEA 18, #179 and 188). It is possible that Hamo, the vice-archdea-con of Dorset, was Hubert’s other brother ( EEA 19, p. 391).

937 . Lancashire Pipe Rolls and Early Charters, W. Farrer, ed., pp. 28, 75. Rot.Chart., p. 21B.

938 . Ibid., p. 96. 939 . Landon, Itinerary , p. 98. The fees for entrance were twenty silver marks for an

earl, ten for a baron, four for a knight with property, and two for a knight with-out property.

940 . Painter, William Marshal, p. 151; The Reign of King John, p. 80. L’Histoire de Guillaume le Mar é chal, P. Meyer, ed., ll. 9582–10340.

941 . Painter, The Reign of King John, p. 52.

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942 . Mortimer, “The Family of Ranulf Glanville,” p. 9. 943 . He also held a canonry at Wells, Fasti VII, p. 112. Fasti III, p. 127. EEA 1, pp.

xxxvi–xxxvii. Duggan, “ Richard of Ilchester ,” who cites PR 13 Henry II , p. 58, and PR 14 Henry II , p. 77. Richard of Ilchester had taken advantage of his position to convey property in London to his son, Herbert, see Charters and Documents of Salisbury , RS -97, pp. 71–72.

944 . The Life of Saint Hugh of Lincoln , I, p. 92, n. 4. Fasti II, p. 3. Fasti III, pp. 9, 126. 945 . JSL II, #324, nn. 1–2. 946 . Papal Decretals Relating to the Diocese of Lincoln in the Twelfth Century, Walther

Holtzmann and E. Kemp, eds., (Hereford: LRS, 1954), pp. 18–19. Cheney, Roger of Worcester , p. 350, #64.

947 . Fasti III, pp. 30–31. Benson, The Bishop-Elect , chapter IV . 948 . Fasti III, p. 122. Papal Decretals for Lincoln, pp. 50–51. 949 . Ibid., p. 51. 950 . Savaric, who was archdeacon of Canterbury, may have exchanged his position

for that of Herbert, so that Herbert came to Canterbury, Fasti II, pp. 13–14. 951 . PR 31 Henry II , p. 204. PR 32 Henry II , p. 160. PR 33 Henry II , p. 187. PR 34

Henry II , p. 184. EEA 18, #74n. The administration sede vacante was in the hands of Herbert, assisted by Roger Fitz Everard and Jocelin, the dean. Therein lies a revealing story. Everard of Herston held land at Ramsbury, Canning (Bishop Canning), and Lavington (West Lavington), a portion of which had been lost at the time of the death of Roger, bishop of Salisbury. It was restored to Bishop Jocelin by Matilda, the empress, under papal order in June 1148 ( Regesta III, #794–795). Everard’s nephew, Alexander, had also acquired some of the estates and they were returned to Jocelin as well about the same time. All of the prop-erty was later confirmed to Everard’s son, Roger, the co-custodian as part of his inheritance ( EEA 18, #73–74, 99). Roger Fitz-Everard, therefore, was an inter-ested party in the custody of the vacant see. Two years into the tenure of Bishop Herbert there was the settlement of a law suit between Herbert and Roger, his tenant, over land at Ramsbury, Canning, and Lavington. Roger had claimed his share of the inheritance which the bishop had apparently assumed belonged to the episcopal mensa ( Sarum Charters , p. lxix, and p. 57).

952 . “ Et sic impeditum est ” ( RS -49, I, p. 352). 953 . Fasti IV, pp. 4, 10–11. 954 . See the section on Canterbury, chapter 5 , at note 1. 955 . EEA 8, pp. xxx–xxxii. Barlow, William Rufus , pp. 192–193. 956 . Galbraith, “Girard the chancellor.” 957 . Fasti II, p. 88. 958 . LE , pp. 200–201. 959 . A History of Ely Cathedral , pp. 49–50. Regesta I, #156. Regesta (Bates), #121. Not

the better-known Frodo, brother of Baldwin, abbot of Bury St. Edmunds, who had sequestered land that belonged to Ely abbey, see Regesta (Bates), p. 412.

960 . EEA 8, pp. xxxii–xxxv. 961 . OV, II, pp. 174–175; 264–265, n. 1. Complete Peerage XII, appendix L,

pp. 47–48. 962 . GND , pp. 268–271. OV, II, pp. 38, 78, 254–255. 963 . RADN , ed., #220. Regesta (Bates), #39, 45, 50, 53–54, 82, 163, 176, 198,

211–212, 220, 235, 286. Regesta I, #325, 474. Hollister, Henry I , p. 175. Barlow, William Rufus , pp. 192, 360, 372.

964 . Regesta I, #348, 364–365, 386, 389, 396–398, 400, 405, 415, 427.

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965 . LE , p. 226. 966 . The names of the witnesses vary among the copies of the charter, but the Giffards

are consistently cited, see Regesta II, #488. 967 . For Walter Giffard as earl see Regesta II, #488b, d. For William, see Southern,

St. Anselm and His Biographer , p. 168, n. 2. 968 . OV, VI, pp. 36–39. Walter II had married Agnes de Ribemont. After her hus-

band’s death, she became the mistress of Robert, duke of Normandy. Walter III fought in the vanguard for the king at Br é mule, August 20, 1119 ( HH , p. 462; OV, VI, pp. 234–242). The Giffardi and Ricardi were brought together once again when Rohais, the sister of Richard, abbot of Ely, married Eudo, dapifer , a household vassal loyal to Henry I (ibid.)

969 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , pp. 142–146. For Anselm’s relations with William Giffard, see Letters of Saint Anselm , #212, 229, 274.

970 . Regesta II lists over fifty attestations, as well as writs addressed to William in a legal capacity (p. 438 under “Winchester”).

971 . EEA 8, pp. xxxiv–xxxv, #16, 21. It was usual practice for bishops to pay their household out of cathedral revenues. This was a way of doing business which was for a long time uncomplicated by a divided mensa . A late twelfth-century example at Canterbury shows the archbishop using funds “ ad victus pauperum et infirmorum ” to reimburse his own staff, DM , pp. 108–110.

972 . Farrer, Itinerary , pp. 548–551. 973 . Henry was nominated to Winchester at the London council held at Michaelmas

and consecrated on November 17, 1129, EEA 8, pp. xxxv–xlix. 974 . A summary of appointments intended and made is given by B ö hmer, Kirche und

Staat , pp. 371–397, by Voss, Heinrich von Blois , pp. 41–45, and by Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , p. 6.

975 . Historia Novella, pp. 28–29. 976 . OV, VI, pp. 478–479. Saltman, Theobald , pp. 7–8. 977 . Ibid. 978 . See section on Salisbury in chapter 5 at note 919. OV, VI, p. 537. 979 . Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , pp. 7–8, 34–37. 980 . EEA 18, pp. xlii–xlvii. 981 . Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , p. 6, n. 2. 982 . Mason, Westminster Abbey and Its People, pp. 37–51. 983 . Ibid. H. Richardson and G. Sayles, The Governance of Medieval England from

the Conquest to Magna Carta (Edinburgh: University Press, 1963), pp. 413–421. Mason, Westminster Abbey Charters , #262.

984 . The other two nephews were Henry de Sully and Hugh of Blois, GFLC , #80. 985 . GFLC , #75, 80. HH , p. 759. Saltman, Theobald , pp. 36–38. 986 . Westminster Abbey Charters, #122. 987 . Ibid., #258, 263, 269. 988 . J. Williams, “William of the White Hands and Men of Letters,” Anniversary

Essays in Mediaeval History , pp. 365–387. 989 . EEA 8, p. xlviii, #67–78, and the catalogue of prebends, #76. Davis, From Alfred

the Great to Stephen , pp. 237–254. Dugdale, Monasticon VIII, pp. 1323–1325. 990 . JSL II, p. 747, n. 14. 991 . Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , chapter 1 , and pp. 308–313. Fasti II, p. 92. 992 . Cartulary of Cirencester Abbey , I, #28. Brigstock church and its property, as well

as two chapels at Slipton and Oakley, all with tithes and customs, composed the grant (ibid., #459, 723). For the Domesday holding, see DB , fo. 219v.

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993 . Round, Feudal England , pp. 323–329. Barlow, Edward the Confessor , pp. 150, 245. Anglo-Saxon Writs , F. Harmer, ed., #44, and p. 570. Regesta (Bates), #223–224.

994 . Cartulary of Cirencester Abbey , #28. The important group of witnesses included the two archbishops, Roger of Salisbury and his nephews, Alexander of Lincoln and Nigel of Ely, as well as Henry of Winchester, Geoffrey of Durham, Robert of Hereford, and John of Rochester. The charter was later confirmed by Stephen in 1139, and by Innocent II and Eugenius III (ibid., #29, 145, 147–148; and Regesta III, #189).

995 . EEA 8, #53. 996 . Hudson, ODNB , vol. 29, pp. 195–198. GFL , chapter III . GFLC , p. 539.

Duggan, “Richard of Ilchester,” pp. 1–21. D&B, Introduction , pp. 431–434. EEA 8, pp. xlix–li. Warren, Henry II , pp. 312–314.

997 . GFL , pp. 37–38. 998 . Earldom of Gloucester Charters, R. Patterson, ed., p. 13. 999 . The suggestion was made by Brooke and Morey in GFL , p. 38, n. 3.

1000 . Gilbert to Richard (1168 x 1169): “cognato et amico suo karissimo Ricardo Pictavensi archidiacono” ( GFLC , #197). Gilbert urged Richard’s consecration to Winchester (ibid., #226).

1001 . PR 2 Henry II , pp. 30–31, 47, 121–122. Materials , RS -67, III, p. 120. 1002 . Gervase of Canterbury, RS-73, I, p. 190. 1003 . Dialogus de Scaccario , pp. 17, 26–27. GFLC , #197. Fasti III, pp. 137–138. For

Lincoln: PR 13 Henry II , pp. 57–58; PR 19 Henry II , p. 140. For Winchester: PR 18 Henry II , p. 85; PR 19 Henry II , p. 57. For Glastonbury: PR 18 Henry II , p. 75; PR 19 Henry II , p. 197. For Normandy: Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 174–178.

1004 . Barlow, Thomas Becket , p. 184. 1005 . JSL II, #149. 1006 . Ibid., #316–317. 1007 . Ibid., #149, 278. 1008 . Ibid., #319–320. 1009 . Ibid., #301. On John’s relationship to Becket, see Smalley, The Becket Conf lict

and the Schools , pp. 118–120; and A. Duggan, “John of Salisbury and Thomas Becket,” in The World of John of Salisbury , pp. 427–438.

1010 . See the section on Salisbury, chapter 5 , at note 943. 1011 . Westminster Abbey Charters, #457. 1012 . Mason, Westminster Abbey and Its People, p. 341. 1013 . See note 936. 1014 . Fasti IV, pp. 10–11; EEA 8, p. xlix. 1015 . Ibid., p. 4. When Herbert died in January or February 1217, Richard acted as

custodian for the vacant see. On Richard (Poer), see Vincent, Peter des Roches , pp. 50–51.

1016 . Barentin lies between Rouen and Yvetot in what is now the department of the Seine-Maritime.

1017 . D&B II, #479, pp. 175–176. Westminster Abbey Charters , #134–135. PR 21 Henry II , p. 187. PR 22 Henry II , p. 200. Andr é L. Simon, The History of the Wine Trade in England , Rp. ( London: Holland Press, 1964) I, p. 50.

1018 . D&B II, #479. 1019 . PR 3 Richard I, p. 305. PR 5 Richard I, p. 161. PR 6 Richard I, pp. 20,

182.

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1020 . Westminster Abbey Charters , #437, as well as #387, 413–414, 416, 422, 440, 443–444, 446–448, 451.

1021 . EEA 8, #182. 1022 . Howden, RS -51, 3, pp. 8–12. English Coronation Records , Leopold G.W. Legg,

ed. (London: Archibald Constable, 1901), p. 48. 1023 . The four kings, Henry II, Richard I, John, and Henry III, make five if one

counts Henry, the young king, to whom William was companion and tutor in the 1170s. For Godfrey de Lucy, see Emilie Amt, “Richard de Lucy, Henry II’s Justiciar,” Medieval Prosopography 9 (1988): 61–87 and J.H. Round, “The Honour of Ongar,” Transactions of the Essex Archaeological Society , n.s. 7 (1898): 142–152. Gervase of Canterbury on Richard de Lucy: “Erat enim praedictus Ricardus in regno otentissimus utpote praefectus Angliae, qui sub rege regni negotia disponebat” ( RS -73, I, p. 241).

1024 . Loyd, Anglo-Norman Families, p. 55. 1025 . Heads of Religious Houses, p. 67. 1026 . Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 152, 214. Richard retired to the abbey of Lesnes in

Kent, which he had founded and where he died in 1179. 1027 . Fasti I, p. 47; III, p. 126; IV, pp. 48, 62. LRS -RA III, p. 265. EEA 16, p. 116.

AA , #275. 1028 . D&B II, #402, 420, 424–425, 437, 443, 549, 551, and 507, p. 412. 1029 . Knights’ fees, which Richard de Lucy had held were taken by Godfrey into his

own hands; RBE I, pp. 261, 351–352; PR 3 John , p. 191; Rot.Chart. , p. 137. 1030 . Although centered in Hampshire, the see of Winchester possessed extensive

manors, boroughs, markets, villages, and assorted feudal holdings in half a dozen other counties, which produced as much as £4,000 a year by the late twelfth century, see Howell, Regalian Right , appendix A.

1031 . Regesta (Bates), #19–20. 1032 . Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 266–269, 321–335. 1033 . EEA 2, #52–54. 1034 . “Nemo enim omnium timore domini regis et archiepiscopi et Ricardi de Luci,

secum stare presumpsit, cognito quod eos causa contingeret” ( Chronicle of Battle Abbey , pp. 328–329).

1035 . Painter, The Reign of King John , p. 269, who suggested a link between the estranged Robert Fitz-Walter and the rebel Bishop Giles through their likely relative, William, the archdeacon.

1036 . PR 25 Henry II, p. 128. 1037 . PR 28 Henry II , pp. 64, 98. PR 2 Richard I , pp. 91, 104; PR 6 Richard I , pp. 24,

28, 45. 1038 . Ibid. PR 1 John , p. 62. Painter, The Reign of King John , pp. 74–77. 1039 . Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , pp. 8–9. EEA 8, #131. PR 2 Richard I , pp. 136,

151. 1040 . PR 10 Richard I , p. 26. Round, “Richard I’s Change of Seal,” in Feudal England ,

pp. 406–415. 1041 . Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , pp. 8–9. 1042 . Mary Cheney, “Master Geoffrey de Lucy, an Early Chancellor of the University

of Oxford,” English Historical Review 82 (1967): 750–765. EHR 82 (1967): 750–763. EEA 8, pp. liii–liv.

1043 . Ibid., #213n. 1044 . Rot.Chart. , p. 137.

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1045 . EEA 8, #205, 217. Cheney, “Master Geoffrey de Lucy.” pp. 750–763. A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, 3 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957–1959; 2d ed. 1989), II, p. 1171.

1046 . Painter, The Reign of King John , p. 222. EEA 9, pp. 198–200. 1047 . Fasti III, pp. 19, 57–58. 1048 . Fasti II, p. 89. Fasti III, p. 19. Stephen was proposed by King John as a preben-

dary at Lincoln in 1206. EEA 9, p. 198. 1049 . LRS -RA , III, p. 265, but evidently not the prebend that Godfrey himself

held. 1050 . EEA I, p. liv, n. 212, but the evidence is insufficient. 1051 . Amt, “Richard de Lucy,” p. 87, based on Madox, Formulare , p. 178, where the

witness list includes “William [sic] abbot of Battle, Robert de Lucy, his brother, Robert de Lucy, their nephew, and Herbert de Lucy.”

1052 . PR 14 Henry II , p. 97; 19 Henry II , pp. 96–97, 175, 177; 20 Henry II , p. 29; 21 Henry II , p. 127.

1053 . Rosa had married John, nephew of Fulbert I of Dover. Hugh, Fulbert’s son, was the husband of Maud, daughter of Robert Peverel ( Regesta II, #1609; Sanders, English Baronies , pp. 19, 111; Farrer, Honours and Knights’ Fees , I).

1054 . Hugh: PR 14 Henry II , p. 164. Alexander: Fasti II, p. 23. Margaret: LRS -RA III, pp. 239–240. Isabel: Cheney, “Master Geoffrey de Lucy,” p. 763.

1055 . Vincent, Peter des Roches , is the most recent appraisal. Peter, in fact, came not from Poitou, but from Touraine. For the foreign inf luence, see M. Clanchy, England and Its Rulers (2006), chapters 10–11.

1056 . Howell, Regalian Right , p. 58. 1057 . Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , pp. 144–147, and a documentary history

of the case in Letters of Innocent III , #608, 631, 674. Innocent found Richard Poore unacceptable because he was illegitimate, and Peter unacceptable because he had been intruded by the king. But there were legal objections that, once raised, gave the pope some room to maneuver. Yet, as he himself said, he was obliged to take the king’s views into account. Peter was promoted to bishop and Richard was made legitimate in 1206 ( MPL 215: 759). For Innocent’s con-firmation of free election at Winchester, see Regesta Pontificum Romanorum inde ab anno post christum natum MCXCVIII ad annum MCCCIV, August Potthast, ed. vol. I: 1198–1243 (Berlin: 1874; Rp. Graz: 1957), #2427. For the pope’s order to restrain interference by the king, ibid., #2439. For Innocent III’s reply to the monks of Winchester, ibid., #2549; and for Richard made legitimate, ibid., #2659.

1058 . Letters of Innocent III, #652, 680. 1059 . Vincent, Peter des Roches , pp. 19–21, 67. Fasti III, p. 114. 1060 . Ibid., pp. 13, 107. Fasti I, p. 59. EEA 9, pp. 208–211. Vincent, Peter des Roches ,

pp. 300–303, 356–357. 1061 . EEA 9, pp. 169–171. Fasti I, p. 48. Fasti IV, p. 79. 1062 . Fasti I, p. 86. Fasti II, p. 94. Fasti IV, p. 79. EEA 9, pp. 175–177. 1063 . Vincent, Peter des Roches , pp. 25, 34, 163, 195. EEA 9, pp. 171–173, 211–214. 1064 . Vincent, Peter des Roches , pp. 22–26, 38, 175, 204, 325. EEA 9, p. 215. 1065 . The Vita Wulfstani of William of Malmesbury , R.R. Darlington, ed. (London:

RHS, 1928). See also, William of Malmesbury, Saints’ Lives , pp. 8–155. 1066 . Vita Wulfstani , R. Darlington, ed. See also, GP , pp. 427, 438; JW , III, pp. 24–25,

52–57.

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1067 . GP , pp. 422–423. 1068 . Ibid., pp. 426–427. 1069 . Anglo-Saxon Writs , F. Harmer, ed., #116. Vita Wulfstani , R. Darlington, ed., p.

xxxviii. Fasti II, p. 102. 1070 . Ealdred, as bishop, had kept the abbey of Winchcomb in his hands until he

appointed the king’s chaplain as abbot in 1053. He also acted as custodian of Hereford on the death of Leofgar in 1056 ( JW II, pp. 574–575).

1071 . The Life of King Edward , F. Barlow, ed., pp. 52–55, where it is said of Ealdred that he was deposed: “ ab episcopatus gradu deiectus ” (p. 54). The Vita Wulfstani , however, reports that he only agreed to give up Worcester later (p. 42).

1072 . Ealdred had also appointed Wulfstan to be abbot of St. Peter’s, Gloucester, in 1058 ( JW II, pp. 584–585).

1073 . GP pp. 382–383, and 426–427. 1074 . JW II, pp 590–591. 1075 . Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York , pp. 2–3. The manors may have

come from the mensa episcopalis . 1076 . JW II, pp. 590–591. 1077 . Ibid., pp. 556–557. 1078 . Anglo-Saxon Writs , M. Harmer, ed., #115. C&S I, i, pp. 560–561. 1079 . The Vita Wulfstani is clear on the appointment: “Rex ergo Edwardus Wlstanum

Wigornensi episcopatu ex solido investiuit” (William of Malmesbury, Saints’Lives, p. 46). For a summary, see Mason, St. Wulfstan of Worcester: c. 1008–1095, pp. 72–87.

1080 . His place of origin was Douvres-la-D é livrande near Caen. At least one of his colleagues from Bayeux, Gotselin, the archdeacon, came with Samson to Worcester ( EEA 33, #22).

1081 . OV, IV, pp. 118–119. 1082 . Regesta (Bates), #175, 201, 253. Livre Noir , #23, 265, 269. 1083 . OV, II, pp. 300–301. 1084 . Douglas, “Les é v ê ques de Normandie: 1035–1060,” Annales de Normandie 2

(1958): 91–92. 1085 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , p. 208. Bateson (revised) in ODNB , vol. 48. 1086 . Gleason, An Ecclesiastical Barony , p. 25. Musset, “Une voie privilegi é e,”

pp. 59–60. 1087 . OV, VI, pp. 514–517. 1088 . GP , p. 196. Regesta II, #970. For the relatives, see EEA 33, #35 and 40. 1089 . Reading Abbey Cartularies, B.R. Kemp, ed., 2 vols. (London: RHS, 1986–1987),

I, #370. 1090 . Saltman, Theobald , pp. 170, 538; and charters #42, 147. 1091 . Ibid., #153. JSL II, #307. 1092 . Saltman, Theobald , #59. 1093 . Ibid., pp. 128, 151–152, 177, and charter #303. D&B, Introduction , p. 354; vol.

I, pp. 145, 173, 190, 199. 1094 . Cheney, Roger of Worcester , pp. 13, 22, 27. Roger was elected in March 1163,

consecrated in August 1164, and enthroned at Worcester in February 1165. 1095 . Fasti VII, p. 49. 1096 . “Vulgo dici solet et acceptum fideliter verum est quia summi pontificis voluntas

decretum est,” JSL I, #98. See Christopher R. Cheney, From Becket to Langton. English Church Government: 1170–1213 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956), pp. 78–79, for the reference, and GFLC , pp. 539–540.

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1097 . Cheney, Roger of Worcester , especially chapter 1 . 1098 . Robert, earl of Gloucester, had married Mabel, daughter of Robert Fitz Hamon,

husband of Sibyl, the daughter and heiress of Roger II of Montgomery. 1099 . Cheney, Roger of Worcester , pp. 14–16, 45–48. In a letter of May 1170 in which

he renewed his faith in Roger to act on his behalf, Becket rang the praises of his father: “ Vir illustris Robertus comes Gloucestrie pater vester ” ( CTB , #286).

1100 . Cheney, Roger of Worcester , pp. 47–49, p. 47. 1101 . The reported conversation comes from William Fitz-Stephen and is printed in

Warren, Henry II , pp. 215–216, and in Cheney, Roger of Worcester , p. 48. 1102 . Warren, Henry II , p. 520. 1103 . Earldom of Gloucester Charters , R. Patterson, ed., p. 9. Earl Robert’s daughter,

Matilda, was the wife of Ranulf, earl of Chester. William married Hawisa, daughter of Robert de Beaumont, earl of Leicester.

1104 . Cheney, Roger of Worcester , pp. 69–78. 1105 . Christopher N.L. Brooke, “Gregorian Reform in Action: Clerical Marriage in

England, 1050–1200,” CHJ 12 (1956), 1–21. 1106 . EEA 11, #42; Holdsworth in ODNB , vol. 3. 1107 . EEA 11, #29, 49, 58, 60, 64–66, 68, 73, 95. 1108 . EEA 11, #87n., and p. lxv. 1109 . Holdsworth, “John of Ford and English Cistercian Writing: 1167–1214,”

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th ser. 11 (1961): 117–136. 1110 . Crosby, Bishop and Chapter , pp. 98–105. 1111 . EEA 11, p. lxiii. Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter , p. 107. 1112 . See the section on Salisbury in chapter 5 at note 920. The name is derived

from Sully-sur-Loire ( Soliacum ). The Glastonbury Chronicle described him as: “ rex praefecit in abbatem Henricus de Soliaco . . . virum de regia stirpe progenitum ” (pp. 180–181).

1113 . For Henry as prior of Bermondsey, see AA , #205. La Charit é -sur-Loire was a Cluniac house. The earlier Cluniac appointments were: Robert to Winchcombe in 1138, Gilbert Foliot to Gloucester in 1139, and Adam, prior of Bermondsey, to Evesham in 1160.

1114 . See the section on Bath-Wells in chapter 5 at note 108. 1115 . EEA 34, pp. xxx–xxxi. Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , pp. 220–225. 1116 . Landon, Itinerary , pp. 84, 86, 89. 1117 . Glastonbury Chronicle, pp. 182–185. 1118 . Canterbury Professions, #131. 1119 . For Theobald: Saltman, Theobald , charters #77–78, 83, 84, 125, 263. For

Richard of Dover: EEA 2, #56, 58, 68, 83, 88, 111, 120, 131–132, 136, 168, 171A, 174, 198–199, 202, 228. For Richard as archdeacon: ibid., #49, 54, 62–63, 65–66, 69–70, 80–81, 84–86, 89–90, 95–96, 98, 102, 112, 114, 116–117, 121, 125, 133, 138, 144–145, 147, 154, 158, 160, 162, 167, 170–171, 173, 175, 184, 206, 213, 222, 227, 231–232, 248–249, 270–271, 273, 297A, 311, 320, 323.

1120 . A list is given by Saltman, Theobald , p. 165, n. 3. For his friendship with John of Salisbury, see JSL , #255.

1121 . Saltman, Theobald , #48. Fasti I, p. 64. 1122 . EEA 15, #119, 158, 170. GFLC , #382, 403, 420. 1123 . Ibid., #238. 1124 . EEA 15, #86, 242. GFLC , #464. 1125 . Westminster Abbey Charters, #47, 453. AA, #255.

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1126 . Ibid., #454–455. Another relative named Richer, a clerk in the household of the bishop, was settled with a stipend of forty shillings yearly from the church of Haresfield in Gloucestershire, EEA 34, #16.

1127 . Fasti III, pp. 139, 164. Fasti VI, pp. 45, 116. Histoire de Guillaume de Mar é chal , ll. 9710–9714.

1128 . He was elected July 1, 1190, when the king was abroad with the archbishop of Canterbury, and consecrated May 5, 1191, by the papal legate. His outline itin-erary puts him with the king on numerous occasions, as does his attestations of royal charters and his work as a royal justice. (Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 234–235, 240, 253, 282, 290, 295–296; Landon, Itinerary , pp. 100, 102, 106, 111, 113, 118, 121–123, 129–133, 135–136, 142, 145. See also Fasti II, p. 100, and Fasti VI, p. 45; CDF , #438).

1129 . Selected Letters of Innocent III, #6. Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England, pp. 142–143. Knowles, Monastic Order, p. 335, n. 1.

1130 . Painter, The Reign of King John , pp. 172–177. 1131 . Fasti II, p. 108. 1132 . See the section on Norwich in chapter 5 at note 832. 1133 . Painter, The Reign of King John , pp. 64–65. John de Gray and Walter de Gray

were among the few officials of King John “who seem never to have incurred his serious displeasure” (ibid., pp. 228–229). Painter cites the purchase of the chancellorship simply as an investment in the market.

1134 . Supra , p. 189. PR 12 John , p. 177, for Walter-electus at Coventry. 1135 . Ranulf was placated by making him abbot of Evesham. 1136 . Walter was elected in January 1214, but not consecrated until 5 October. At that

point, he resigned the chancellorship ( A History of York Minster , pp. 46–48). 1137 . For a list of the relatives of Walter de Gray, see the next section on York. 1138 . EEA 34, p. xxxi. Fasti III, pp. 36, 69, 75. D&B, Introduction , p. 394. 1139 . Landon, Itinerary , pp. 17, 27, 30. 1140 . Canterbury Professions , #135. Diceto , RS -68, II, p. 146. Gervase of Canterbury,

RS -73, I, p. 543. 1141 . Diceto II, pp. 153–154. 1142 . Rot. Lit. Pat. , p. 175. EEA 34, pp. xxxix–xl. Annales Montastici , RS -36, II,

p. 79; IV, p. 405. Walter of Coventry, RS -58, II, p. 232. J. Greatrex, Biographical Register , p. 805.

1143 . EEA 34, #179, 183. 1144 . Ibid., #186, 199. 1145 . JW II, pp. 600–601, 606–607. Barlow, English Church: 1000–1066 , pp. 86–90. 1146 . To the court of Henry III at K ö ln, GP , pp. 542, 552–555, 574–575, 634–635. 1147 . According to William of Malmesbury, King Edward in his innocence was

talked into approval of the plurality by a well-placed bribe, GP , pp. 382–383. 1148 . See the section on Worcester in chapter 5 at note 1071. 1149 . Decrees against multiple off ices based on the idea of “one bishop, one church”

can be found in the Roman council of 1059 (canon 8), Lateran III in 1179 (canons 3 and 17), and Lateran IV in 1215 (canon 29). The bishop, in fact, was married to his church in a sacred union and, therefore, like the Christian lay husband, could have only one spouse. Hans Erich Feine, Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte. Die katholische Kirche, 4th ed. (K ö ln: B ö hlau, 1964), pp. 395–397; Jean Gaudemet, Le Gouvernement de l’église à l’époque classique. Histoire du droit et des institutions de l’église en occident, VIII, 2 (Paris: Editions Cujas, 1979), pp. 105–114.

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1150 . Clement II (1046–1047), bishop of Bamberg; Damasus II (1048), bishop of Brixen; Leo IX (1049–1054), bishop of Toul; Victor II (1055–1057), bishop of Eichst ä tt; Nicholas II (1058–1061), bishop of Florence; Benedict X (1058–1059), bishop of Velletri; Alexander II (1061–1073), bishop of Lucca; Honorius II (1061–1064), bishop of Parma; Clement III (1084–1100), archbishop of Ravenna.

1151 . William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi , pp. 150–151, and pp. xxxv–xxxix, n. 97. Vita Wulfstani , pp. 12–13.

1152 . Ealdred attested the Conqueror’s charter for St. Martin-le-Grand in London, May 11, 1068, Regesta (Bates), #181.

1153 . Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York , p. 2. OV, IV, p. 118. 1154 . Fasti VI, p. 1. 1155 . Richard Fitz-Robert, therefore, was a half-brother of Roger, bishop of

Worcester. 1156 . EEA 5, pp. xxi–xxvi. Brooke, “Gregorian Reform in Action,” pp. 12–13. 1157 . JW III, pp. 12–15. Gibson, Lanfranc , pp. 117–121. Thomas made a profession

to Canterbury, but he took no oath to the archbishop. Did William I forbid oaths between tenants-in-chief in order to preserve his own authority? On this point, see Cowdrey, Lanfranco di Pavia , p. 471.

1158 . Eadmer, Historia Novorum , RS -81, pp. 10–11. 1159 . Or the account by Eadmer may have been embroidered to put Lanfranc in a

good light, Gibson, Lanfranc , pp. 219–220. 1160 . See the section on Hereford in chapter 5 at note 468. 1161 . Galbraith, “Girard, the Chancellor,” pp. 77–79. EEA 5, pp. xxiv–xxv. 1162 . Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York, p. 15. 1163 . Nicholl, Thurstan , pp. 57–66. EEA 5, pp. xxvi–xxx. 1164 . Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York , pp. 41–42. 1165 . Fasti I, p. 36. Brooke, “The Composition of the Chapter of St. Paul’s,”

pp. 111–132. 1166 . Nicholl, Thurstan , p. 235. 1167 . EEA 5, #81, and pp. 126–127. Nicholl, Thurstan , pp. 243–245. Denis Bethell,

“English Black Monks and Episcopal Elections in the 1120s,” English Historical Review 84 (1969): 675, n. 6. Charles T. Clay, “Notes on the Early Archdeacons in the Church of York,” Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 36 (1944–1947): 277–279; York Minster Fasti I, pp. 33, 46. JSL I, #16, 18, 25–26, and pp. 262–262.

1168 . David Knowles, “The Case of St. William of York,” Cambridge Historical Journal 5 (1936): 175–177, 213–214.

1169 . Hugh the Chanter, History of the Church of York, p. 34. 1170 . Richard of Hexham, RS -82, III, p. 151 et seq. 1171 . Derek Baker, “ Viri religiosi and the York Election Dispute,” Studies in Church

History 7 (1971): 87–100. 1172 . Davis, King Stephen , chapter 9 . Knowles, “The Case of St. William of York.”

Dalton, Conquest, Anarchy, and Lordship , pp. 169–178. 1173 . Ibid. 1174 . See the section on Winchester in chapter 5 at note 978. 1175 . Regesta II, p. xiii. EEA 5, pp. xxx–xxxii. John of Hexham, RS -75, II, p. 3131.

The family history is set out by Norton, St. William of York (2006). 1176 . Eugenius III to the bishops of Durham and Carlisle. The text, incomplete

because of the damaged parchment, suggests that the pope was not entirely clear on the facts of the case. Papsturkunden in England, Walther Holtzmann, ed., 3 vols. (G ö ttingen: Akademie der Wissenschaften in G ö ttingen, 1930–1952),

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#62. The pallium was the sign of the full power of the archiepiscopal office as reported by Hugh the Chanter in History of the Church of York , pp. 76, 118. But it appears that the incumbent could hold office by papal consent even if the pallium had not been conferred (ibid., p. 112).

1177 . History of York Minister , pp. 35–37. Bernard’s view was that King Stephen had suffered so much in his political life because God wished to punish him for intruding into episcopal elections, especially those in which Bernard had an interest, Bernard of Clairvaux, Letters , #197.

1178 . J. Burton in ODNB , vol. 59. Adrian Morey, “Canonist Evidence in the Case of St. William of York,” Cambridge Historical Journal 10, no. 3 (1952): 352–353. C.H. Talbot, “New Documents in the Case of Saint William of York,” Cambridge Historical Journal 10, no. 1 (1950): 1–15.

1179 . “Ex sacro calice . . . potum mortiferum . . . cum potu vitae hausisse,” RS -82 I, p. 80–82. JSL I, #16, pp. 261–262. GFLC , #127. English Law Suits , II, #520. Richardson and Sayles, The Governance of Medieval England , pp. 288–292. Saltman, Theobald , pp. 124–125. EEA 5, p. xxxi.

1180 . GFLC , #127. 1181 . Contrary to this assertion, John of Salisbury remarked that Osbert had, in fact,

failed in the proof ( JSL , I, #116). 1182 . Osbert was known to have had two sons: William of Bayeux and Thurstan.

Clay, “Notes on the Archdeacons of the Church of York,” pp. 277–279; PR 3 Richard I , pp. 23, 222.

1183 . John of Hexham, RS -82, II, p. 317. EEA 5, p. xxx, but compare the revised genealogy, also by Burton, in ODNB , vol. 59.

1184 . J.H. Round, “The Weigher of the Exchequer,” English Historical Review 26 (1911): 724–727.

1185 . PR 31 Henry I, p. 37. 1186 . Ibid. 1187 . There is no record of Herbert’s duties as a royal official after 1112 or so. It was

Herbert, the chamberlain, who has been identified with the household servant charged with an attempt to assassinate Henry I. The link is tenuous and the body of evidence too slight on which to build a case ( PR 31 Henry I , p. 105; Regesta II, p. xiii; and a summary in Hollister, Henry I , pp. 256–257).

1188 . Complete Peerage , vol. 11, appendix D, p. 108. 1189 . PR 11 Henry II, p. 42. 1190 . PR 5 John , p. 211. Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , p. 44. Dalton, Conquest, Anarchy,

and Lordship , pp. 183, 250. Clay, York Minster Fasti , II, pp. 80–81. 1191 . Robert was favored with danegeld exemptions, but lost a claim to the mar-

shalship against Gilbert and his son, John ( PR 31 Henry I , p. 22; Rot.Chart. , pp. 46–47; Regesta II, p. xvii). For members of the Croc family in the shires, see PR 31 Henry I , pp. 17, 22, 39 (Wiltshire); pp. 72, 76, 106, 108 (Staffordshire and Warwickshire); p. 38 (Hampshire), and Green, The Government of England under Henry I , pp. 243–244.

1192 . EEA 5, #31, 63. 1193 . Clay, York Minster Fasti , I, pp. x, 39, 86. 1194 . Ibid., #40. Fasti VI, p. 38. 1195 . EEA 5, #114, 121, 125–126, 129, 131–132. 1196 . Burton in ODNB , vol. 39; Clay, Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 36,

pp. 429–430. 1197 . EEA 20, #70.

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1198 . York Minster Fasti II, #75, 100. EEA 27, pp. xxviii–lxxix. 1199 . Fasti VI, p. 4. Saltman, Theobald , pp. 122–125. EEA 20, pp. xxiii–xxix. 1200 . In 1152, Roger, as archdeacon, had been sent to Rome as the king’s envoy to

arrange approval for the succession to pass to Stephen’s son, Eustace. It is pos-sible that Roger may have been related to the Beaumont family, EEA 20, pp. xxv–xxviii.

1201 . EEA 20, pp. 178–182. Roger played the game with more success than Becket, yet his aggressive defence of his rights as archbishop of York had much in com-mon with the stand taken by his Canterbury colleague.

1202 . EEA 20, p. xlvii. LRS -RA I, #106, 192; IX, p. 81. Beverley Minster Fasti , R. McDermid, ed., pp. 4–5. GFL , p. 154.

1203 . EEA 20, p. xlvii. 1204 . Fasti VI, p. 4. Scammell, Hugh du Puiset , p. 237, who suggested Archbishop

William Fitz-Herbert as the father. 1205 . JSL II, #306–307. 1206 . For a range of comments on the incident, see: F. Barlow, English Church: 1066–

1154 , p. 94 and note n. 175, and Thomas Becket , pp. 33–34. D. Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , pp. 13–14. EEA 20, pp. xxix-–xxx. A History of York Minster , p. 38. There probably was some residual hostility at the time. The Life of Becket by Guernes de Pont Ste. Maxence, for instance, has Roger heavily implicated in the murder of the archbishop of Canterbury in 1170 ( La Vie de Thomas Becket , ll. 5127–5130).

1207 . EEA 27, pp. xxix–lviii. Further accounts are in A. Tindal Hart, Ebor: A History of the Archbishops of York from Paulinus to Maclagan, 627–1908 (York: Ebor Press, 1986), pp. 41–47; and Decima Douie, Archbishop Geoffrey Plantagenet and the Chapter of York, Borthwick Papers 18 (York: St. Anthony’s Press, 1960); and pertinent comments by Gerald of Wales in the Vita Galfridi, RS-21, IV, pp. 357–431.

1208 . “Alii f ilii mei se revera bastardos, iste vero solus se legitimum et verum esse probabit,” Gerald of Wales, Vita Galfridi .

1209 . According to G. Scammell, ( Hugh du Puiset , pp. 312–313), he was his son, but perhaps his nephew. The chapter at York was ordered to elect Geoffrey by Richard I. Some of the canons complied, but they were opposed by Hubert, the dean, and Hugh du Puiset ( Peterborough Chronicle , RS -49, II, pp. 77–78).

1210 . Roger of Howden has a complicated version of the story, to wit that Geoffrey gave the deanship to Peter but that Richard I proposed another candidate. To gain time, Geoffrey countered by advancing his clerk, Simon of Apulia. This strategy backfired when Simon was elected by the chapter. The archbishop then tried to replace him by Philip of Poitiers, a royal clerk, to gain the king’s favor ( RS -51, III, pp. 221–223).

1211 . Fasti VI, p. 67. Peter, for unknown reasons, persisted in antagonizing the can-ons and in 1217 they petitioned the pope for his removal.

1212 . EEA 27, p. lxxxiii and #60. 1213 . J.E.A. Jolliffe, Angevin Kingship (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1963),

pp. 110–118. 1214 . So at York there were instituted Peter of Corbeil, papal mentor; the pope’s

nephews, Leonard Odelini; John, cardinal of Sta. Maria in Cosmedin; and, later, Stephen, cardinal of St. Adriano; Stephen de Fossanuova and his nephew, Peter de Ferentino; Ruffinus, nephew of Guala; Aldebrand Caetani; and Lawrence of St. Nicolas ( Fasti VI, pp. 82, 85–86, 94, 99, 101). Cf. Cheney, Pope

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Innocent III and England , pp. 162–165; Cheney and Cheney, Letters of Innocent III , #67–68, 301, 512, 527–528, 920–921; Cheney and Semple, Selected Letters of Innocent III , #52.

1215 . Ibid., #81. For Walter de Gray, see ODNB , vol. 23, pp. 466–468. Register of Walter Gray , J. Raine, ed. J.L. Grassi, “Royal Clerks from the Archdiocese of York in the Fourteenth Century,” Northern History 5 (1970): 12–33.

1216 . “Ut qui ab utero matris virgo permanserat usque in praesentem diem. Ad hoc [papa] dicitur respondisse: ‘per sanctum Petrum virginitas magna virtus est, et nos eum damus vobis.’ Itaque accepto pallio, episcopus memoratus rediit in Angliam, obligatus in curia Romana de decem milibus libris legalium ester-lingorum,” see Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora , Henry R. Luard, ed., 7 vo1s., RS -57 (London: 1872–1883), RS -57, II, pp. 634–635.

1217 . Fasti VII, pp. xxviii–xxix, p. 5. 1218 . CPL I, p. 162. Fasti VI, pp. 87–88, 122. 1219 . Ibid., pp. 6, 11–12, 34. York Minister Fasti , I, pp. 7–8, 35–36. 1220 . Fasti VI, pp. 35, 39, 98. York Minister Fasti , I, pp. 35–36. 1221 . Fasti VI, p. 130. 1222 . Ibid., p. 75. 1223 . Ibid., pp. 24, 49, 118. York Minister Fasti , pp. 23–24.

6 Structures of Power in Normandy

1 . The composite nature of the “Norman” invasion has long been recognized to have included Bretons, Flemings, Lotharingians, Picards, and Lombards, among others. The label “Normans,” however, remains a useful collective term of reference. For a recent appraisal of the problem of racial identity and the nature of the process of establishing an “English” consciousness, rather than a “Norman” one, see Hugh Thomas, The English and the Normans. Ethnic Hostility, Assimilation, and Identity: 1066–c.1220 (Oxford University Press: 2003).

2 . The exceptions were Robert of Lewes to Bath, Walter of Coutances to Lincoln, and Aethelwold to Carlisle.

3 . Chronicle of John of Worcester, The , R.R. Darlington, P. McGurk, and Jennifer Bray, eds., vols. II and III (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995–1998), III, pp. 12–13. William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, R.A.B. Mynors, R.M. Thomson, and M. Winterbottom, eds., 2 vols., (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998–1999), pp. 470–471.

4 . The outstanding Norman episcopal landholders in DB were, in order of esti-mated wealth: (1) Odo of Bayeux, who held many estates as earl of Kent; (2) Geoffrey de Mowbray of Coutances; (3) Gilbert Maminot of Lisieux, and (4) Gilbert Fitz-Osbern of Evreux.

5 . Relatively few of the bishops appointed to office in England had served in the cathedral churches in Normandy. A tentative list is as follows: 1. Stigand, bishop of Winchester, a canon at Rouen 2. Walkelin, bishop of Winchester, a canon and chancellor at Rouen 3. William Giffard, bishop of Winchester, a canon at Rouen 4. John of Coutances, bishop of Worcester, dean at Rouen and treasurer

at Lisieux 5. Gerard, bishop of Hereford, precentor at Rouen 6. Gundulf, bishop of Rochester, perhaps a canon at Rouen 7. Walter of Coutances, bishop of Lincoln, treasurer at Rouen 8. Waleran, bishop of Rochester, archdeacon of Bayeux

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9. Theulf, bishop of Worcester, a canon at Bayeux 10. Samson, bishop of Worcester, treasurer at Bayeux 11. William of St. Calais, bishop of Durham, a priest at Bayeux 12. Thomas I, archbishop of York, a canon and treasurer at Bayeux 13. Eustace, bishop of Ely, archdeacon of Evreux 14. Mauger, bishop of Worcester, archdeacon of Evreux 15. Philip de Harcourt, bishop of Salisbury, archdeacon of Evreux 16. Hugh de Nonant, bishop of Coventry, archdeacon of Lisieux 17. Gilbert Glanvil, bishop of Rochester, archdeacon of Lisieux.

6 . C.W. Hollister, “Normandy, France, and the Anglo-Norman regnum,” Speculum 51 (1976): 209), but the author makes some important qualifications to the state-ment. On the problem of unity, see: John le Patourel, The Norman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976). Judith Green, “Unity and Disunity in the Anglo-Norman State,” Historical Research 63 (1989): 115–134. David Bates, “Normandy and England after 1060,” English Historical Review 104 (1989): 851–880. Martin Aurell, The Plantagenet Empire: 1154 – 1224 (Harlow: Pearson, 2007), pp. 207–218. La Normandie et l ’ Angleterre au Moyen Age , Pierre Bouet and Véronique Gazeau, eds. (Caen: CRAHM, 2003), pp. 9–178.

7 . “ Henricus rex Anglorum et dux Normannorum et Aquitanorum et comes Andegavo-rum . . . .,” as in 1175, Facsimiles of Royal and other Charters in the British Museum , G. Warner and H. Ellis, eds., #54.

8 . F.M. Powicke, The Loss of Normandy : 1189–1204 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1913; 2d ed. 1961), p. 82. Recueil des actes de Philippe Auguste roi de France , H.-François Delaborde et al., eds., 6 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1916-), I, #376, 623.

9 . For the argument: S. Packard, “King John and the Norman Church,” Harvard Theological Review 15 (1922): 15–31; J.W. Baldwin, “Philip Augustus and the Norman Church,” French Historical Studies 6 (1969): 1–30, and The Government of Philip Augustus. Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), pp. 65–68, 176–177, 307–308; Jim Bradbury, Philip Augustus, King of France (London: Longman, 1998), pp. 160–161, 188, 203–205; François Neveux, “Les évêques normands et la conquête française de 1204,” in 1204 , La Normandie entre Platagen ê ts et Cap é tiens , Anne-Marie Héricher and Véronique Gazeau, eds. (Caen: CRAHM, 2007), pp. 371–373, 385–386. Against the argument: John Gillingham, Richard I (New Haven: Yale, 1999), pp. 344–346. D. Power, “The Norman Church and the Angevin and Capetian Kings,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56 (2005): 205–234.

10 . “Nos vero tam canonicos quam monachos monemus ut talem pastorem eligant qui deo placeat et utilis sit regno ,” Recueil des actes de Philippe Auguste roi de France, H.-François Delaborde et al., eds., 6 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1916–), #345. The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, dean of London, William Stubbs, ed., 2 vols., RS -68 (London: 1876), II, pp. 86–88.

11 . Recueil des Actes de Philippe Auguste , #637. This was done after an inquiry was made into the practice under Henry II and Richard I (but not under John), and it was found that those kings were not against free elections! In the case of Evreux, this was an act with an eye to the future since the see was not vacant at the time.

12 . The king still reserved to himself the right to appropriate spiritualia and temporalia when the bishopric was vacant, as well as the right to approve candidates to lower church offices.

13 . The Etablissements de Rouen were confirmed by Philip II in 1207, and charters were issued for Caen, Falaise, Pont-Audemer, and other towns. Capitular rights

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and revenues were confirmed to Bayeux, Coutances, Evreux, and probably to Lisieux, Recueil des Actes de Philippe Auguste , #846, 942, 1049, 1098.

14 . L'Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal , Paul Meyer, ed., 3 vols. (Paris: Renouard, 1891–1901), ll, 12824–12828.

15 . Château Gaillard was besieged and taken in March 1204, and Argentan, Falaise, Caen, and Bayeux in May. Rouen, the ecclesiastical and mercantile jewel in the crown, surrendered on June 29.

16 . Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, J.-P. Migne, ed., 221 vols. (Paris: 1844–1864), 215: cl. 564. The bishops were bound to John who, in turn, was supported by Innocent III. They needed a legal ruling which put the pope in an awkward position. His decision not to intervene was based on politi-cal considerations, but it was of minor importance in the conquest of the duchy.

17 . A. Luchaire, “Le roi et le clergé,” in Histoire de France , Ernest Lavisse, ed. (Paris: Hachette, 1911), vol. III, part 1, pp. 211–218.

18 . It is easy to assume a unity that was then destroyed. See, for example, D. Power, “King John and the Norman Aristocracy,” in King John , New Interpretations , S.D. Church, ed. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1999), p. 127: “The unity of the Norman church had been one of the main foundations of ducal power and authority; its erosion had serious consequences for the stability and integrity of the duchy.”

19 . For the suggestion of a ruling party of four bishops in Normandy in mid-century composed of Hugh of Rouen (1130–1164), Rotrou of Evreux (1139–1165), Arnulf of Lisieux (1142–1184), and Philip of Bayeux (1142–1163), see M. and R. Rouse, “Potens in opere et sermone. Philip, Bishop of Bayeux and His Books,” in Authentic Witnesses. Approaches to Medieval Texts and Manuscripts (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame, 1991), p. 42.

20 . D. Douglas, “The Earliest Norman Counts,” EHR 61 (1946): 129–156; “The Norman Episcopate before the Norman Conquest,” Cambridge Historical Journal 13 (1957): 101–115; “Les évêques de Normandie: 1035–1066,” Annales de Normandie 8 (1958): 88–102. D. Bates, Normandy before 1066 (London: Longman, 1982), chapter 5 .

21 . The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis, and Robert of Torigni, Elisabeth M.C. van Houts, ed., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992–1995), pp. 98–99, n. 2–4; pp. 232–233. At one point in Orderic Vitalis , Robert was called the brother of Duke Richard, but elsewhere, and by other authorities, he was identified as the son, Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis , M. Chibnall, ed., VI, pp. 166–167 and OV, III, p. 84.

22 . OV, III, pp. 84–85. To cite another example, Richard, count of Evreux, the archbishop’s son, for instance, made the gift of a mill at Evreux to the monks of St. Pierre de Jumièges, Recueil de actes des ducs de Normandie de 911 à 1066, Marie Fauroux, ed. (Caen: Caron, 1961), #92.

23 . “ Contra morem ecclesiasticum uxoratus quasi quilibet laicus ,” GND , p. 232. 24 . Richard II married Godechild, the widow of Roger de Tosny. Their children

were Agnes, wife of Simon de Montfort, and William, count of Evreux (d. 1118). William married Hawisa of the Giroie family, widow of Robert de Grandmesnil. Their daughter, Judith, was the wife of Roger I of Sicily. For Ralph, see RADN , ed., #155. In the Gesta edition, there is a mix-up between Richard and Ralph de Gacé as the eldest son, GND , pp. 98–99, nn. 2 and 4.

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25 . Malger was the son of Duke Richard I by his second wife, Papia. He was, there-fore, a half-brother to Duke Richard III and Duke Robert I. See D. Douglas, “Some Problems of Early Norman Chronology,” EHR 65 (1950): 289–303.

26 . D. Douglas, William the Conqueror. The Norman Impact upon England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), pp. 38–40.

27 . William of Poitiers (Guillaume de Poitiers) , Histoire de Guillaume le Conquérant, Raymond Foreville, ed. (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1952); The Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers, R.H.C. Davis and Marjorie Chibnall, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 86–89.

28 . GR , pp.494–495. 29 . Bates, Normandy before 1066 , pp. 75–77, 176. Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (Oxford:

Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 106–108, for Malger seen in a positive light. 30 . Acta Rotomagensis , MPL 147: cl. 278. OV, III, pp. 86–87. GND , p. 131, n. 2. 31 . “ Hunc Remis genuit ,” according to his epitaph in OV, II, pp. 198–199. The author

also cites Mainz, not Reims, but this reference may be to his parents and not to him, or perhaps to an early stage in his education at the cathedral school, OV, III, pp. 88–89.

32 . M. de Boüard, “Notes et hypothèses sur Maurille moine de Fécamp et son élec-tion au siège métropolitain de Rouen,” L ’ Abbaye B é n é dictine de F é camp 4 vols. (Fécamp: 1959–1963), I, pp. 81–92.

33 . William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi , pp. 90–91. 34 . John’s ducal connection was through his father’s mother, Sprota, the mother also

of Duke Richard I. In an attempt to sort out the relationships, R. Foreville called Sprota the mistress of William Longsword and by him the mother of Richard I. But after William’s death she became the wife of Eperling and by him the mother of Rodulf of Ivry. Rodulf, in turn, was the father of Hugh, bishop of Bayeux (1015–1049) and John, bishop of Avranches (1060–1067) and archbishop of Rouen (1067–1079) (Guillaume de Poitiers, Histoire , pp. 136–137). E. van Houts thought Sprota the wife of William Longsword and then the mistress of Eperling. She points out that Hugh of Bayeux and John of Avranches were probably the sons of different mothers, Hugh by Eremberg, the first wife of Rodulf of Ivry, and John by his second wife, Albereda ( GND , pp. 173–177). On the grounds of the differ-ence in their ages, this seems reasonable. Hugh was bishop of Bayeux from ca. 1015 and died in 1049, whereas John was bishop of Avranches in 1060 and died as archbishop of Rouen in ca. 1079. But in an earlier reference, Sprota was made the mistress of William Longsword and mother of Richard I, and later the wife, or mistress, of Eperling, and by him, the mother of Rodulf of Ivry. In fact, Sprota might well have been the wife of both men, first of William Longsword and then of Eperling, after the former’s death. See E. van Houts, “Robert of Torigni as Genealogist,” Studies in Medieval History Presented to R. Allen Brown , C. Harper-Bill, ed. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1989), pp. 215–233. There is also an impor-tant discussion of the family of Rodulf of Ivry by Pierre Bauduin; La Premi è re Normandie: Xe-XIe si è cles. Sur les frontières de la haute Normandie: identité et construction d’une principauté (Caen: Presses Universitaires, 2004), pp. 191–216. See also OV, II, pp. 200–201, on Lanfranc’s nomination to Rouen; and the Acta Rotomagensis in Vetera Analecta , Jean Mabillon, ed. (Paris: Montalant, 1723), p. 224.

35 . “ Vir ingenuitate plurimum conspicuus sapientia spirituali felicissime imbutus , prudentia seculari summe preditus ” ( GND , pp. 172–173). By all accounts, he was learned in the law. To John is attributed the tract De Officiis ecclesiasticis , an early attempt at liturgical reform in the Norman province and, therefore, to be taken as a sign of

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the amelioration and consolidation of the Norman clergy. See R. Delamare, Le ‘ De Officiis ecclesiasticis ’ de Jean d ’ Avranches (Paris: 1923).

36 . OV, II, pp. 200–201. The reference is to Numbers 25 where it is said that the Jews had forsaken the god of Abraham by visiting the brothels of the Midianites. The priest, Phineas, murdered one of them, as well as his scortum , by plunging a dagger into their genitals. He was rewarded by the ending of the plague while his succes-sors were endowed with a perpetual priesthood.

37 . The Letters of Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, Helen Clover and Margaret Gibson, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), #14–17, in which Lanfranc asks for advice (#14), complains about his troubles (#15), and commiserates with his friend over his own difficulties (#16–17). See also Margaret Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 108–109.

38 . RADN , #140. OV, II, pp. 200–201, 286–287, 292–293; III, pp. 18–19. 39 . GND , pp. 172–177. The difficulties in working out the descent of the fami-

lies, particularly the Crepon, are discussed in van Houts, “Robert de Torigni as Genealogist,” p. 231. RADN , #229.

40 . Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum , vol. I:1066–1100, H.W.C. Davis, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1913); vol. II:1100–1135, Charles Johnson and H.A. Cronne, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956); vols.III–IV, H.A. Cronne and R.H.C. Davis, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), I, #56. C. Haskins, Norman Institutions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1918; Rp. New York: Frederick Ungar, 1960), p. 93, n. 31. Pierre Bauduin, La Premi è re Normandie : Xe–XIe siècles. Sur les frontières de la haute Normandie: identité et construction d’une principauté (Caen: Presses Universitaires, 2004), pp. 205–206.

41 . Gallia Christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas distributa . . . tome XI: Rouen (Paris: V. Palme, 1874), cl. 37–41. For his early career, see David S. Spear, “William Bona Anima, Abbot of St. Stephen’s, Caen: 1070–1079,” Haskins Society Journal 1 (1989): 51–60.

42 . OV, II, pp. 254–255. OV, III, pp. 22–25. 43 . OV, II, pp. 68–74, but see Colin Flight, The Bishops and Monks of Rochester: 1076–

1214 (Maidstone: Kent Archaeological Society, 1997), pp. 50–51, for a contrary view.

44 . Gallia XI, cl. 37. OV, III, p. 93. 45 . The Register of Pope Gregory VII: 1073–1085 , H.E.J. Cowdrey, ed. (Oxford:

Oxford University Press, 2002), 5.19. 46 . OV, II, pp. 278–279. Gibson, Lanfranc , pp. 34–36. 47 . OV, II, p. 272, n. 1. Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis , pp. 184–185, 196–200. 48 . Guitmund took service in the court of Gregory VII and shortly thereafter he was

consecrated bishop of Avena in southern Italy. 49 . Cowdrey, Register of Gregory VII , 7.1, 9.1. Sally N. Vaughn, “St. Anselm of

Canterbury, The Philosopher-Saint as Politician,” Journal of Medieval History 1 (1975): 279–306.

50 . OV, II, pp. 254–255. RADN , #108. 51 . OV, II, pp. 68–70, 254–255; III, pp. 22–25; IV, pp. 186–187; VI, pp. 190–195.

GND , pp. 80–81, 116–117, 214–215, 268–269. 52 . OV, V, pp. 234–237, nn. 1–3. OV, VI, p. 172. David S. Spear, “Geoffrey Brito,

Archbishop of Rouen (1111–1128),” HSJ 2 (1990): 123–137. 53 . He was shouted down by the “French” who were opposed to the “Normans”

and the “English,” OV, VI, pp. 258–259. For the participants at the council, see Councils and Synods with other Documents Relating to the English Church, vol. I, i-ii, D. Whitelock, C.N.L. Brooke, and M. Brett, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University

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Press, 1981); vol. II, i-ii, F.M. Powicke and C.R. Cheney, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964), I, ii, pp. 718–721.

54 . OV, VI, pp. 290–295. 55 . Gallia IX, cl. 116. 56 . OV , VI, pp. 546–547. 57 . P. Hébert, “Un archévêque de Rouen au XII e siècle, Hugues III d’Amiens (1130–

1164),” Revue de Questions Historiques n.s. 64 (1898): 325–371. L. Spätling, “Die Legation des Erzbischofs Hugo von Rouen: 1134–1135,” Antonianum fasc. 2–3 (Roma: 1968), 193–216. Letters of Peter the Venerable , G. Constable, ed., 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1967), I, #178, II, pp. 99–100. Hébert, relying on the Tréport cartulary, gave the date when Hugh succeeded Geoffrey as November 11, 1129, “Un archévêque de Rouen au XIIe siècle,” p. 330, n. 1. The editors of Regesta II argued for 1129, but before 15 July (#1575). Orderic put it down to 1130, possibly in September, OV , VI, p. 392. If, as he said, Honorius II died in Rome in 1131, rather than in the traditional year of February 13–14, 1130, this suggestion would carry some weight. Hugh was witness to another charter at Rouen possibly as late as September 1130, Regesta II, #1585. But none of the accounts distinguishes between date of nomination, election, or consecration. Robert de Torigni referred to Hugh as “ episcopus electus ” with Henry I at Bec early in September 1130, and gave the consecration at Rouen as September 14, RS -82, IV, p. 117, and JW , pp. 192–193.

58 . C&S I, ii, pp. 754–757. For the politics of the dispute, see F-J. Schmale, Studien zum Schisma des Jahres 1130 , Forschungen zur kirchlichen Rechtsgeschichte und zum Kirchenrecht 3 (Köln: Böhlau, 1961), pp. 139–153.

59 . OV, VI, pp. 442–443. Letters of Peter the Venerable , II, pp. 99–100. 60 . William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella, K.R. Potter, ed. (London: Nelson, 1955);

William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella, The Contemporary History, K. R. Potter and Edmund King, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 24–25. Henry I wrote to Honorius II to prevent Hugh’s absence from Reading abbey to obey a papal summons by threatening to confiscate the abbey property, Regesta II, #1549.

61 . Regesta III, #46. See Thomas Waldman, “Hugh of Amiens, Archbishop of Rouen, the Norman Abbots, and the papacy,” HSJ 2 (1990): 147.

62 . Historia Novella , pp. 49, 56–59. R.W.C. Davis, King Stephen: 1135–1154 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 35.

63 . OV, VI, pp. 548–549. 64 . “ Deo et vobis agimus gratias pro vestra fidelitate stabili et certa domino nostro regi Stephano

jugiter impensa ,” quoted in John Horace Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville. A Study of the Anarchy (London: Longmans, Green, 1892), p. 116.

65 . Arnulf to Lisieux (1141), Philip to Bayeux (1142), Richard to Avranches (1142). 66 . He was involved in the irregular election of Gerard to Sées, he engaged in a dis-

pute with Louis VI over property in the Vexin, and he acted in several ecclesiasti-cal cases of interest to the papacy.

67 . P. Hébert, “Un archévêque de Rouen au XIIe siècle,” p. 325. Jean Gaudemet, “Recherches sur l’épiscopat médiéval en France,” Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Series C: subsidia , Stephan Kuttner and J. Joseph Ryan, eds. (Roma: Città del Vaticano, 1965), p. 143. GFLC , p. 533. David S. Spear, “Les archidiacres de Rouen au cours de la période ducale,” Annales de Normandie 34 (1984): 24. Hugh confirmed a charter to St. Wandville ca. 1152, “ Annuente donno Hugone archiepiscopo in presencia Gironis archidiaconi eius nepotis,” F. Lot, Etudes critiques sur l ’ abbaye de Saint Wandville , Bibliothèque de l’école des

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hautes études, 204 (Paris: 1913), #83. Giles was used by Hugh to encourage rec-ognition of Alexander III among the Norman bishops. But this was done without the consent of Henry II who, therefore, threatened to destroy the archdeacon’s property, Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, James C. Robertson et al., eds., 7 vols., RS -67 (London: 1875–1885), III, pp. 27–28.

68 . Marcel Pacaut, Louis VII et les é lections é piscopales dans le royaume de France , pp. 123–124. The Letters and Charters of Gilbert Foliot , Adrian Morey and C.N.L. Brooke, eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), p. 538.

69 . David Crouch, The Beaumont Twins. The Roots and Branches of Power in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 10, 16.

70 . Ibid., pp. 55–56. 71 . Haskins, Norman Institutions , p. 147, n. 87; p. 162, n. 30; pp. 165–166. 72 . David S. Spear, “Membership in the Norman Cathedral Chapters during the

Ducal Period,” Medieval Prosopography 5 (1984): 1–18. Recueil des actes de Henri II roi d’Angleterre et duc de Normandie, Elie Berger and Léopold Delisle, eds., 4 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1909–1927), IV, p. 447. Fasti IV, p. 131.

73 . For Amicus, see Recueil de fac-similés de chartes normandes , Jules J. Vernier, ed. (Rouen: A. Lestringant, 1919), planches VI, pp. 11–12.

74 . W.L. Warren, Henry II (London: Eyre Methuen, 1973), p. 619. 75 . On Becket’s criticism of Rotrou for having absolved Gilbert Foliot, see The

Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury , Anne J. Duggan, ed., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), #275–277, and on the excom-munication, ibid., #231–232.

76 . D&B, Introduction , pp. 106–113, 467. P. Poggioli, From Politician to Prelate. The Career of Walter of Coutances, Archbishop of Rouen ( Johns Hopkins Ph.D. disserta-tion, 1984). Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae. Répertoire prosopographique des évêques, digni-taires, et chanoines de France de 1200 à 1500. II: Diocèse de Rouen , Vincent Tabbagh, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), pp. 77–79.

77 . The Letters of Arnulf of Lisieux , Frank Barlow, ed. (London: RHS, 1939), pp. l–lix. 78 . “ Profecto quia Walterus apud regem magnus est , Paulo minus ipsius me ledit adversatio

quam regis ,” ALL , #126. 79 . Fasti III, pp. 2–3. D&B, Introduction , p. 112, n. 4. 80 . Gallia IX, Instrumenta , pp. 26–27. Registres de Philippe II , #18. David S. Spear,

“Power, Patronage, and Personality in the Norman Cathedral Chapters: 911–1204,” Anglo-Norman Studies 20 (1998): 205–221. John Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus. Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), pp. 309–310.

81 . Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta , Joseph Alberigo et al., eds. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose, 1973), Lateran IV, c. 25. Regesta Pontificum Romanorum ab condita ecclesiae ad annum post christum natum MCXCVIII , Philipp Jaffé et al., eds., 2 vols. (Berlin: 1851; 1885–1888), II, p. 470, #15117.

82 . 1. D&B II, pp. 165–166. 2. Ibid. Acta of Henry II and Richard I , vol. I, J.C. Holt and R. Mortimer, eds., List & Index Society (Kew: 1986), #21, 31, 35; vol. II, N. Vincent, ed., List & Index Society (Kew: 1996), 21. 3. Ibid. 4. Dugdale, Monasticon II, p. 499. 5. D&B II, pp. 11–12. 6. Fasti III, p. 74. 7. Ibid., p. 35.

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8. D&B II, pp. 142–143, 159–161, 237–238. Warren, Henry II , p. 308. 9. Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 215, 231, 274, 289. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 12. D&B II, pp. 219–221. 13. Fasti III, pp. 2–3. 14. Ibid. 15. Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , pp. 27–28. Stubbs, Introductions , p. 229 et seq. 16. Brian R. Kemp, “Exchequer and Bench in the Later Twelfth Century,” EHR

88 (1973): 559–573. 17. Kate Norgate, England under the Angevin Kings , 2 vols. (London: 1887; Rp.

Philadelphia: Burt Franklin, 1969), II, pp. 325–326. 18. Diceto , RS -68, pp. 148–150. 19. John Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus. Foundations of French Royal

Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), p. 176 et seq.

83 . Bouquet XXIII, pp. 359–362. D.W. Blake, “The Development of the Chapter of the Diocese of Exeter: 1050–1161,” JMH 8 (1982): 7–8. JSL I, #118. EEA 12, p. 314, n. 67. Adrian Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter, Bishop and Canonist. A Study in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1937), p. 82. D&B, Introduction , p. 107.

84 . Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 130, 199, 220, 244, 248–249, 265, 272, 277, 281, 291, 298. John T. Appleby, England without Richard: 1189–1199 (Ithaca: Cornell, 1965), p. 20.

85 . Eyton, Itinerary , p. 237, n. 5. Warren, Henry II , p. 559, n. 4. E. Amt, “Richard de Lucy, Henry II’s Justiciar,” Medieval Prosopography 9 (1988): 82.

86 . Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 271–272. Fasti III, pp. 148, 164. Fasti VI, pp. 13, 131. 87 . Spear, “ Les archidiacres de Rouen au cours de la p é riode ducale ,” p. 30. Fasti III, pp. 36,

60. EEA 4, #59, 69. 88 . EEA 1, #317, 321. EEA 4, #69. Fasti II, p. 100. Fasti III, pp. 36, 75. Fasti IV, p. 71.

D&B, Introduction , p. 394. Christopher R. Cheney, From Becket to Langton. English Church Government: 1170–1213 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956), pp. 76–77. Facsimiles of Royal and other Charters in the British Museum , G. Warren and H. Ellis, eds., #66.

89 . Fasti III, pp. 134, 164. LRS-RA III, p. 323. 90 . The source used in the Gallia , cl. 59, suggests kinship with Robert Balbus, a canon

of Bayeux and Rouen and later archdeacon of Rouen, ca. 1200 x 1205. Rather than a family name, “Poulain” may at first have been a sobriquet for “younger” and “balbus” for “stutterer.” There were canons at Evreux called William Pullo and John Pullo. “ Simplicitas ” was a monastic virtue that incorporated a sense of meekness, humility, and unworldliness.

91 . Gibson, Lanfranc , pp. 107–110. 92 . See, for example, notices of the career of William of Volpiano, abbot of Saint

Bénigne in Dijon ca. 990, and then abbot of Fécamp in 1001, a house founded by Duke Richard I, in Ralph Glaber, Opera , J. France, ed., pp. 272–273 and in R. Herval, “Un moine de l’an mille: Guillaume de Volpiano 1er abbé de Fécamp,” in L ’ Abbaye B é n é dictine de F é camp. Ouvrage scientifique du XIIIe centenaire: 658–1958 , 4 vols. (Fécamp: 1959–1963), I, pp. 27–44.

93 . OV, II, pp. 200–201. 94 . Regesta (Bates), #30, 53–54, 57, 59, 64, 82, 175, 181, 199–201, 205, 212, 215, 217,

230, 237, 252, 261, 281, 284.

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95 . Regesta I, #22, and Regesta (Bates), #181. 96 . For Turgis as chaplain, see Regesta I, #315 and 397. Turgis, bishop of Avranches,

is to be distinguished from Turgis of Avranches, a member of the royal entou-rage in the time of Stephen who was castellan of Saffron Walden in Essex: Gesta Stephani , pp. 162, 176, and Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville , p. 207, n. 2. The councils at Rouen were in February 1096, OV , V, pp. 18–25; October 1118, OV, VI, pp. 202–213 and Regesta II, #1182); in 1128, OV, VI, pp. 388–391, the latter two called by Henry I and held by the papal legate. For the charter attestations, see Regesta II, #792, 819, 1015, 1233, 1422, 1427, 1588, 1702.

97 . “ Turgisus senex Abricarum presul ,” OV, VI, pp. 390–391. 98 . See the section on Norwich in chapter 5 at note 761. 99 . OV, VI, pp. 428–429, and n. 5. EEA 6, p. xxviii, and #45. Fasti II, p. 67. Regesta

II, #1219, 1783, 1855, 1909, 1913. Haskins, Norman Institutions , p. 120. Jean Fournée, “Notes sur un évêque d’Avranches au XII e siècle: Richard de Beaufou,” Revue de l ’ Avranchin 62 (1946): 359–364.

100 . The suggestion made for a Breton ancestry lacks conclusive references, K.S.B. Keats-Rohan, Domesday Descendants. A Prosopography of Persons Occurring in English Documents: 1066–1166. II. Pipe Rolls to Cartae Baronum (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2002), p. 726. The important lands in the twelfth century lay between Avranches and La Haye Pesnel and included Subligny, Grippon, La Mouche, and Marcey, some of which were used to endow the nearby abbey of Lucerne, Gallia XI, Instrumenta , pp. 112–113. See CDF #915.

101 . Oter de Suligny attested a charter of William de Tracy in 1110, which con-firmed a grant to the abbey of Mt. St. Michel where William was to become a monk as penance for his sins, CDF , #719, 724. For later relatives, see D. Power, “ Terra regis Anglie et terra normannorum sibi invicem adversantur: les heritages anglo-normands entre 1204 et 1244,” in La Normandie and l ’ Angleterre au Moyen  ge , P. Bouet and V. Gazeau, eds. (Caen: CRAHM, 2003), pp. 202–206.

102 . Gallia XI, cl. 535–536. D&B I, pp. 27, 38. CDF , #785. 103 . Gallia XI, Instrumenta , pp. 112–113. D&B I, pp. 258–259. CDF #775, 784–785.

A damaged effigy of either Richard or Achard remains as a tomb monument in the abbey of La Lucerne. An illustration is in L. Grant, Architecture and Society in Normandy: 1120 – 1270 (New Haven: Yale, 2005), p. 150.

104 . Gallia XI, cl. 480, 518–519. Geoffrey came from Sées and served in the house-hold of Henry II as a chaplain, Joseph Avril, Le Gouvernement des é v ê ques et la vie religieuse dans le dioc è se d ’ Angers: 1148–1240 , 2 vols. (Lille: Université, 1984), I, pp. 243–250.

105 . Papsturkunden in Frankreich , Bd. II, Normandie, Johannes Ramackers, ed. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1937) #60.

106 . “ In itinere Romae ,” Robert de Torigni, RS -84, IV, p. 176. 107 . See the section on York in chapter 5 at note 1174. 108 . Regesta III, p. xxx. 109 . Eyton, Itinerary , p. 2. 110 . Ibid., pp. 6, 14, 18, 50. David S. Spear, The Personnel of the Norman Cathedrals

during the Ducal Period: 911–1204 (London: IHR, 2006), lists a nephew named Alan, a tenant of Holy Trinity Aldgate (p. 5).

111 . Gallia XI, Instrumenta , cl. 160–161. ALL , pp. xviii-xix, and #34. It was a part of the general reform movement to rely on the alleged piety and discipline of the regular orders. Abbot Suger of St. Denis, under royal and papal constraint,

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had placed canons from St. Victor in Sainte Geneviève in Paris in 1148 but with disastrous results, Gallia VII, cl. 709–711. See also Des clercs au service de la réforme. Etudes et documents sur les chanoines réguliers de la province de Rouen , Mathieu Arnoux, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), p. 39 et seq.

112 . Gallia XI, cl. 481. Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 54–55. ALL , p. xxxiv. Warren, Henry II , p. 433. Foreville, “L’église anglo-normande au temps du bienheureux Achard de Saint-Victor,” Revue de l ’ Avranchin 229 (1961): 153–174.

113 . CTB , #170. Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 52–53. 114 . Pacaut, Louis VII et son royaume , pp. 103–104. 115 . In 1194, for instance, Philip II had the town of Evreux destroyed because the

citizens were accused of having taken an oath to Richard I while, at the same time, Count John burned down the town of Neubourg, Howden, RS -51, III, p. 255.

116 . Gallia XI, Instrumenta , cl. 115 (xvi). JSL II, #201. 117 . Ibid., #201. ALL , #88, 91, 113, 137; and see also #64, 77. C. Jacquemard, “Maître

Richard l’Evêque, archidiacre à Coutances,” in M é langes Pierre Bouet , F. Neveux and C. Bougy, eds. (Caen: Annales de Normandie, 2002), pp. 107–121.

118 . Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 110, 186, 189, 222, 240, 243, 246. D&B I, pp. 458, 577. D&B II, pp. 22, 33, 39–40, 109, 206. He had several nephews, William, Richard, and George, two of whom he may have placed in his church with canonries, D. Spear, “Membership in the Norman Cathedral Chapters during the Ducal Period,” p. 13, n. 17; Personnel , p. 5.

119 . Gallia XI, cl. 482. 120 . English Episcopal Acta , David M. Smith, B.R. Kemp, et al., eds. (London: Oxford

University Press, 1980–), 27, pp. lx-lxi. Fasti VI, p. 48. Howden, RS -51, III, p.17. 121 . The intervention of Innocent III, who made the transfer of the bishop a point

of law subject to papal approval, is given a brief summary in R. Foreville, Le Pape Innocent III et la France , Päpste und Papsttum, Bd. 26 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1992), pp. 145–147. Magni rotuli scaccarii normanniae sub regibus angliae, Thomas Stapleton, ed., 2 vols. (London: 1840–1844), II, pp. lxiii–lxv. Avril, Le Gouvernement stet, I, p. 483, n. 61, and II, p. 841, where he is listed as bishop from 1197 to 1202. Gallia XI, cl. 483, gives his election as in 1196.

122 . Gallia XI, cl. 482–483. Avril, Le Gouvernement , I, p. 483, n. 61. 123 . For the dates of his election, see MRSN II, p. ix, and Regesta Pontificum

Romanorum , Potthast, ed., #454. Landon, Itinerary , p. 141. 124 . Thomas I to York (1070–1100).

William of St. Calais to Durham (1081–1096). Samson to Worcester (1096–1112). Ranulf to Durham (1099–1128). Thomas II to York (1109–1114). Audoen to Evreux (1113–1139). Theulf to Worcester (1115–1123). Thurstan to York (1119–1140). Richard de Bohun to Coutances (1152–1179). Waleran to Rochester (1182–1184). Jordan, dean of Salisbury. Osbert, archdeacon of York. Hugh Bovet, canon of Salisbury. Matthew, archdeacon of Worcester.

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125 . Richard II built a palace at Bayeux and granted the town a mint, Haskins, Norman Institutions , p. 283. On the improved standing of Caen, see Douglas, William the Conqueror , p. 56.

126 . OV, VI, pp. 56–60. Antiquus cartularius ecclesiae Baiocensis ,V. Bourrienne, ed., 2 vols. (Rouen: A. Lestringant, 1902–1903), I, p. 58. Baylé, “La cathédrale à l’époque de Guillaume le Conquerant et ses fils,” in Centenaire de la cath é drale de Bayeux. Art de Basse-Normandie 76 (1978–1979): 34–41.

127 . Livre Noir , #14, 16–17, 19, 24–25, 39, 43–44, 89–90, 159, 186, 190–192, 198–199. PUF (Ramackers), #14, 19, 22–24, 30–33, 36–37, 41–42, 46, 50, 64, 67–68, 71. Sarell E. Gleason, An Ecclesiastical Barony of the Middle Ages. The Bishopric of Bayeux: 1066–1204 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1936), chapter II .

128 . Pierre Bauduin, La Premi è re Normandie: Xe–XIe siècles. Sur les frontières de la haute Normandie: identité et construction d’une principauté (Caen: Presses Universitaires, 2004), p. 199 et seq. and pp. 210–211. D. Bates, “Notes sur l’aristocratie nor-mande. Hugues évêque de Bayeux (1011-env.-1049),” Annales de Normandie 23 (1973), pp. 7–38.

129 . GND , II, pp. 52–53. OV, IV, pp. 290–291. E. van Houts, “Robert de Torigni as Genealogist,” pp. 231–232.

130 . RADN : #13 (1011) #15 (1014) #17 (1015) #24 (1017) #30–31 (1017 x 1025) #33 (ca. 1025) #35–36 (1025) #43 (1015 x 1026) #47 (1017 x 1026) #49 (1022 x 1026) #55 (1025 x 1026) #64 (1032) #65 (1027–1033) #69 (1033) #71 (ca. 1034) #116 (1042x1049)

and possibly #67–70. With regard to these two charters, there is the problem of too many bishops named Hugh serving about the same time so that “ Hugues episcopus ,” in some cases remains an uncertain person: Hugh, bishop of Evreux (1015–1046) Hugh, bishop of Avranches (1028–ca. 1060) Hugh, bishop of Bayeux (1015–1049) Hugh, bishop of Coutances (989–1025) Hugh, bishop of Lisieux (1049–1077) Hugh, bishop of Sées (f l. 1015).

131 . RADN , p. 31, and #6, 64, 116, 182. Livre Noir I, #xxi

N O T E S 385

132 . For Hugh’s rebellion, see GND , pp. 42–43, 52–53. For his decline, see V. Gazeau, “La patrimonie d’Hughes de Bayeux,” in Les Ev ê ques Normands du XIe siècle (Caen: Université, 1995), p. 147; and Gilduin Davy, Le Duc et la loi (Paris: De Boccard, 2004), pp. 312–313.

133 . GND , pp. 120–121. William of Poitiers, Gesta , pp. 8–11. The History of the Norman People. Wace’s Roman de Rou , Glyn S. Burgess and Elisabeth van Houts, eds. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2004), ll. 3550 et seq.

134 . Bates, Normandy before 1066 , chapter 5 . The basic account is Douglas, William the Conqueror , pp. 105–137; “The Norman Episcopate before the Norman Conquest,” CHJ 13 (1957): 101–115; and “Les évêques de Normandie: 1035–1066,” Annales de Normandie 2 (1958): 87–102.

135 . “ In adolescentia pro germanitate ducis datus est ei Baiocensis presulatus ,” OV, VI, pp. 116–117.

136 . V. Bourrienne, “Odon de Conteville, évêque de Bayeux. Son rôle au début de la première croisade,” Revue catholique de Normandie 18 (1900): 389–405. Bates, “The Character and Career of Odo, Bishop of Bayeux,” Speculum 50 (1975): 1–20; and “Le Patronage clérical et intellectual de l’évêque Odon de Bayeux, 1049/50–1097,” Chapitres et cathédrales en Normandie , Sylvette Lemagnen and Philippe Manneville, eds. (Caen: Musée de Normandie, 1997), pp. 105–114. Neveux, “Les évêques et les villes de Normandie,” in Les Ev ê ques Normands du XIe si è cle , pp. 205–220.

137 . Among the company over the years were Thomas, archbishop of York; his brother, Samson, bishop of Worcester, Thurstan, archbishop of York; and William, abbot of Fécamp.

138 . I.J. Sanders, English Baronies. A Study of their Origin and Descent (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), pp. 12, 46–47. Keats-Rohan, Domesday People , pp. 396–398.

139 . GR , pp. 506–507. The alleged scheme of Odo to buy his way into the papacy was discussed by Bates but abandoned for lack of evidence, Bates, “The Character and Career of Odo, Bishop of Bayeux.”

140 . Duke Robert II, who was not a bishop, was defeated at Tinchebrai in 1106 and imprisoned for thirty years. Roger of Salisbury, who was a bishop, but not a relative, was arrested by King Stephen and held captive temporarily while his episcopal nephews were also arrested but considered too valuable to alienate.

141 . OV, IV, pp. 124–135. 142 . Ibid. 143 . Ibid., pp. 116–117. MRSN , II, pp. clxxxii–clxxxv. J.H. Round, “Bernard, the

King’s Scribe,” EHR 14 (1899): 428. Calendar of Documents Preserved in France , John Horace Round, ed. (London: HMSO, 1899), #287, 792–793, 795. C. Haskins listed him as the son of the bishop although the pertinent reference was to a charter of Henry I, ca. 1118, to which he attested as “Johannem Baiocensis episcopi f ilium,” Norman Institutions , p. 294, n. 2 and the index, p. 359. On the basis of this ambiguity, the editors of Regesta II suggested that John might have been the son of Bishop Richard II of Bayeux, Regesta II, p. x and #1183. M. Chibnall, however, supported Round by making John the son of Odo, OV, IV, pp. 116–117, as did F. Neveux in La Normandie des ducs aux rois , p. 278.

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144 . For John of Bayeux as chaplain, see Regesta II, #675, 684, 762, 853, 941, 981–983, 988, 1015, 1017, 1032, 1091, 1204, 1212, 1247–1248, 1259, 1261, 1271, 1353, 1364, 1369, 1433, 1588, 1620, 1700, 1875.

145 . OV, VI, pp. 378–379. 146 . “ Robertus nepos episcopi ,” appears in the accounts for Sussex and for

Northamptonshire in PR 31 Henry I , pp. 70 and 82. For the Inquest of 1133, see Bouquet XXIII, p. 702. As grandson of Odo, see MRSN II, pp. clxxxii–clxxxii. See also D. Power, “Henry, Duke of the Normans,” in Henry II , New Interpretations , Christopher Harper-Bill and Nicholas Vincent, eds. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2007), pp. 85–128, and especially pp. 109–113.

147 . Lewis C. Loyd, The Origins of Some Anglo-Norman Families , Charles T. Clay and David C. Douglas, eds. (Leeds: Harleian Society, 1951), p. 39. The bishop was cited as Turold de Brémoy by Bourrienne in “Un grand bâtisseur, Philippe de Harcourt,” p. 302; and in the Livre Noir I, xxi, cliv, clv, where Brémoy is listed with the properties that had belonged to the see. CDF , #392. Regesta I, #413. Regesta II, #621, 790, 792. OV, V, pp. 210–211. The complex pattern of holdings in the period can be seen in the history of the Doddington estate in Lincolnshire, which had been given to Westminster abbey by William I. In the time of William II, Hugh d’Envermeu had taken possession of it in exchange for the manor of Duxford in Cambridgeshire. Duxford had at one time belonged to Eustace, count of Boulogne, so that when Henry I restored it to him, Hugh gave Doddington back to the abbey and was compensated with another property, Westminster Abbey Charters:1066–c.1214 , Emma Mason, ed., London Record Society 25 (London: 1988), #31, 61, 475.

148 . Regesta II, #601, 727, 794–795. 149 . Registrum Antiquissimum of the Cathedral Church of Lincoln, C.W. Foster and

Kathleen Major, eds., 10 vols. (Hereford: Lincoln Record Society, 1931–1973), I, #25. Regesta I, #354, 400. Regesta II, 818, 973. The Red Book of the Exchequer , Hubert Hall, ed., 3 vols., RS -99 (London: 1896), I, pp. 374–376. LRS -RA IV, #1293; VII, p. 46, n. 3, #2005, 2066.

150 . Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, and Lincolnshire in PR 31 Henry I , pp. 6, 102, 121.

151 . CDF , #392, 395. Regesta II, #375, 794, 1085, 1577, 1696. 152 . PUF II, #5. Gleason, An Ecclesiastical Barony , provides a summary. Orderic

Vitalis merely reports that he resigned the bishopric for unknown reasons, OV, V, pp. 210–211.

153 . For Turold as witness “after his resignation,” see Regesta II, #936. 154 . Letters of Saint Anselm , #418. 155 . GR , pp. 722–723. OV, VI, pp. 78–79. 156 . Judith A. Green, English Sheriffs to 1154 (London: HMSO, 1990), p. 50. 157 . GND II, pp. 246–249. Earldom of Gloucester Charters , R. Patterson, ed., #1, 6.

OV, VI, pp. 428–429, 442–443. Hollister, Henry I , pp. 62, 116, 133. Barlow, William Rufus (London: Methuen, 1983), pp. 32, 93, 279. Gleason, An Ecclesiastical Barony , pp. 23–25. Neveux, “Les diocèses normands aux XI e et XII e siècles,” in Les Ev ê ques Normands du XIe si è cle , p. 26. The post-conquest bishops are num-bered Richard II (1107–1133) and Richard III (1135–1142) because they fol-lowed, at some distance, Bishop Richard I in the tenth century, Gallia XI, cl. 352. Richard I’s charter style for the foundation at Ardenne was “ Richardus dei gratia Bajocensis episcopus Roberti comitis Glocestriae filii regis Angliae filius ,” Gallia XI, Instrumenta , p. 77.

N O T E S 387

158 . Regesta II, #1893. In March 1145 Eugenius III wrote to the bishops of Bath and Worcester concerning Robert of Gloucester who “ maximam partem bonorum Baiocensis ecclesiae sibi auferat ,” PUF II, #32, 41.

159 . For Richard II: Regesta II, #919, 951, 1182, 1215, 1224, 1233, 1546, 1575, 1591, 1595, 1600–1601, 1687–1688, 1702. For Richard III: Regesta III, #594, 681.

160 . OV, VI, pp. 442–443. Franz-Josef, Schmale, Studien zum Schisma des Jahres 1130 , Forschungen zur kirchlichen Rechtsgeschichte und zum Kirchenrecht 3 (Köln: Böhlau, 1961), p. 232.

161 . On the relationship of Philip de Harcourt to the Beaumonts, see Crouch, The Beaumont Twins , pp. 45, 120–126, 220; and GND , pp. 268–269.

162 . Cartulaire de l’ é glise de la Sainte-Trinité de Beaumont-le-Roger, Etienne Deville, ed. (Paris: Honoré Champion, 1912), #1, 4.

163 . There are no figures for the return on the Lincoln property in the 1130s but judging from the wealth of the diocese it was probably significant. Henry of Huntingdon suggests that the income was more than adequate for the ill-fated Simon a few years earlier, Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, Diana Greenway, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 596–597. For Philip as dean, see Dugdale, Monasticon , VII, p. 820; LRS -RA II, #553; EEA 14, #3. For Sompting, see Crouch, The Beaumont Twins , pp. 45, 125, and nn. 80–83.

164 . OV, VI, pp. 536–537. EEA 1, #61–62. 165 . Philip was chancellor from June 1139 to March 1140 when he was nominated to

Salisbury, Regesta II, #189, 261–262, 410, 452–453, 526, 543, 640, 787, 789. 166 . See the section on Salisbury in chapter 5 at note 921. A short account was

given by Orderic Vitalis, OV, VI, pp. 536–537, and a brief mention by John of Worcester who reported: “ Rex Wintoniam veniens , consilio baronum suorum , cancel-lario suo Philippo Searesberiensem presulatum et Henrico cuidam monacho cognato suo Fescamnensem abbatiam dedit ,” JW , pp. 284–285.

167 . Bourrienne, “Un grand bâtisseur, Philippe de Harcourt,” pp. 202–210, 301–307. Livre Noir I, pp. cxi–cxii, and documents LXI and LXII.

168 . In a letter to Eugenius III written for obvious political reasons, Arnulf of Lisieux had nothing but praise, ALL , #8.

169 . Livre Noir I, pp. 185–197, 221–224, 227–228, 237–242, 252–254. Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 201–209, 223–225. Regesta III, #52–66. PUF , #14.

170 . LRS -RA I, #75, 122, 135, 143, 145, 158, 182. Livre Noir I, pp. 45–48, 236–237; and #154–156, 159, 173, 186, 189. D&B III, Index, p. 187. For the strug-gle at Troarn, see René F.-N. Sauvage, L ’ Abbaye de Saint-Martin de Troarn au dioc è se de Bayeux des origines au seizième siècle (Caen: Henri Delesques, 1911), pp. 79–84.

171 . Livre Noir I, pp. 39–40, 175, 233–235. 172 . ALL , #8. Philip and Arnulf attested many acts of Henry II in the 1150s, D&B

II, #8, 11, 20, 35, 68, 72, 74–75, 78, 80, and so on. LIS , vol. 27, #27, 41, 43, 87, 113, 129, 159, 161–164, 183, 265, 286, 300–301).

173 . Thus Robert of Torigni: “ Philippus Bajocensis episcopus mense Februario moritur , qui fuit vir prudens et astutus in augmentandis et revocandis rebus illius ecclesiae , et multum ibi profecit , sed sapientia hujus mundi stultitia est apud deum ” ( Gallia XI, cl. 363). See also Mary and Richard Rouse, “Potens in opera et sermone. Philip, Bishop of Bayeux and His Books,” Authentic Witnesses. Approaches to Medieval Texts and Manuscripts (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame, 1991), pp. 33–59.

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174. Crouch, The Beaumont Twins, pp. 45, 120–126, 220. Anschetil William de Braose

Robert Fitz Anschetil = Agnes de Braose Philip de Braose

This scheme would explain the reference in a grant to the Templars by Philip to “Richard, my brother,” and to Philip de Braose as the paternal uncle (patruus) of both men, Dugdale, Monasticon VII, p. 820, #xvii–xviii.

175. Sanders, English Baronies, p. 108. Philip de Braose was deprived of his estates in 1110 as a consequence of his part in the revolt against the king, ASC, s.a. He was restored to power in 1112 and favored by an exemption from danegeld in Sussex and Berkshire, PR 31 Henry I, pp. 72, 126.

176. PR 31 Henry I, p. 88. OV, VI, pp. 346–347.177. Ivo attested a pair of charters of Henry II in the late 1150s. He was pardoned a

portion of a large fine incurred in 1164, D&B I, pp. 161, 395; PR 11 Henry II, p. 84; PR 12 Henry II, p. 68.

178. Livre Noir I, LXXI, LXXII, XCV, CLXXVI, CLXXVII. Dugdale, Monasticon VII, p. 820. D&B I, pp. 75–76, 82, 90–91. D&B II, p. 378.

179. D&B, Introduction, p. 458. D&B I, #90–91, 406, 415–416, 426, 430, 448, 465. D&B II, #32, 89–90, 108, 126. Livre Noir I, p. 90.

180. MRSN I, pp. 81, 93, and cxvi; II, p. lxxix.181. A breakdown of the ducal and royal charters of Henry II catalogued in D&B to

which Philip was witness shows more than sixty dating continuously from 1151 to 1163, in twenty-eight of which he was joined by Arnulf of Lisieux (Mary and Richard Rouse, Authentic Witnesses, pp. 57–59).

182. Gaudemet, “Recherches sur l’épiscopat médiéval en France,” p. 92. Louis de Harcourt was bishop of Bayeux 1460–1479 and patriarch of Jerusalem. Robert de Harcourt served as seneschal of Normandy but lost his estates in England when he went over to Philip II in 1204. On the other hand, the brothers Richard and John de Harcourt were among several other family members who stayed in England and remained loyal to John. See Roger Jouet, Et la Normandie devint française (Paris: Mazarine, 1983), chapter VI.

183. Gallia XI, cl. 366–367. Innocent III, Regesta, MPL 215: 594–595. The reference to a bishop named Peter in office between Henry and Robert appears to be an error for a later incumbent with the same name. See Gallia XI, cl. 366 and Sauvage, L’Abbaye de Saint Martin de Troarn, p. 88. R. Foreville, “Innocent III et

William de Harcourt

Simon William Fitz

Robert

Robert Fitz

Robert

Anschetil Ivo Philip, bishop of Bayeux

Richard

Richard Robert Robert Simon Albreda

N O T E S 389

185 . Gesta Gaufridi in Gallia XI, Instrumenta , p. 218. The majority of canons had taken up residence in the church of St. Lô-de-Rouen.

186 . For the place-name of Montbrai near St. Lô (Manche), see Lewis C. Loyd, The Origins of Some Anglo-Norman Families, Charles T. Clay and David C. Douglas, eds. (Leeds: Harleian Society, 1951), p. 71. For the disputed date of consecration, see Spear, “Personnel,” p. 90.

187 . Douglas, William the Conqueror . Bates, Normandy before 1066 . Neveux, La Normandie des ducs aux rois: X e – XII e si è cle . Coutances, like Avranches, possessed a castle of importance.

188 . The main source is the Gesta Gaufridi (De Statu hujus ecclesiae ) printed from the Liber Niger of the chapter, Gallia XI , Instrumenta , cl. 217–224. Biographical references and notes are provided by J. Le Patourel, “Geoffrey de Mowbray, Bishop of Coutances: 1049–1093,” EHR 59 (1944): 129–161; Lucien Musset, “Un grand prélat normand du XIe siècle: Geoffrey de Montbray, évêque de Coutances,” Revue du d é partement de la Manche 25 (1983): 3–17; Bernard Jacqueline, “Institutions et état économico-social du diocèse de Coutances de 836 à 1093 d’après les ‘Gesta Gaufridi’ du Livre Noir du chapitre Coutançais,” Revue historique de droit fran ç ais et é tranger 58 (1980): 227–239; M. Chibnall, “La carrière de Geoffroi de Montbray,” in Les Ev ê ques Normands du XI e si è cle , pp. 279–293; and the article by the same writer in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography , vol. 21.

189 . OV, II, pp. 140, 266–267, 269. 190 . “ Nobilium baronum prosapia ortus ,” Gallia XI, ca. 870, and Instrumenta , cl. 218. 191 . Chibnall, “La carrière de Geoffroi de Montbray,” p. 281. 192 . OV, VI, p. 278 et seq. Robert de Mowbray was involved in the revolt against the

king in the summer of 1095, was captured, lost his estates, and died in prison. His widow, Matilda (Maud), a daughter of Richer de Laigle, was later married to Nigel d’Aubigny for a short time, OV, IV, pp. 282–285.

193 . Barlow, William Rufus , p. 168, n. 49. Cited in the Gesta Gaufridi as “ consan-guineus ,” Gallia XI, Instrumenta , cl. 222. Bates, Normandy before 1066 , p. 197. Nigel I, with Guy of Burgundy, Ralph Tesson, and other barons, was in revolt against Duke William in 1047. The confederates were defeated at Val-ès-Dunes and Nigel suffered a temporary exile in Brittany. He remained a force in local politics, however, and was reconciled to William a few years later.

194 . OV, IV, pp. 278–279. Warrior bishops were not so hard to f ind. See appen-dix II.

195 . OV, II, p. 172 but later in the text he says that the bishop fought as well, ibid., p. 266.

196 . OV, II, pp. 228–229. 197 . Gibson, Letters of Lanfranc , #35. JW , pp. 24–25. 198 . OV, IV, pp. 128–129, 278–283. GR , pp. 544–545. JW , p. 48 et seq. Barlow,

William Rufus , p. 92 et seq. 199 . Regesta (Bates), #119, 120–121, 123–124, 127, 129, 201, 214, 347–350. 200 . Geoffrey’s Domesday holdings amounted to some 280 manors in England. The

extent of these is shown on a map in Chibnall, “La carrière de Geoffroi de Montbray,” p. 289. See also OV, II, p. 266; and IV, p. 278.

les élections épiscopales dans l’espace plantagenêt de 1198 à 1205,” Recueil d’études en hommage à Lucien Musset (Caen: Musée de Normandie, 1990), pp. 293–299.

184. Livre Noir I, pp. 103, 286; II, p. 84.

N O T E S390

201 . C&S I, ii, pp. 603, 612. In context, this seems to be a way to identify himself rather than an attempt to vaunt his position in the world. Letters of Lanfranc , #11.

202 . The details of these endeavors are given in the Gesta Gaufridi ; q.v. RADN , #214. A present-day reminder of Geoffrey’s beneficent medieval reputation is the rue Geoffrey de Montbray, which leads from the Pont de Soulles through the town to the cathedral church.

203 . Regesta Pontificum Romanorum ab condita ecclesiae ad annum post christum natum MCXCVIII, Philipp Jaffé et al., eds., 2 vols. (Berlin: 1851; 1885–1888), I, pp. 530–531.

204 . Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, G.D. Mansi, ed. (Firenze: 1759–1798; Paris: 1901–1927; Rp. Graz, 1960–), vol. 19, cl. 727–750. Histoire des Conciles d’après les Documents Originaux , C. Hefele and H. Leclercq, eds, (Paris: Letouzey & Ané, 1907–1952), IV, ii, pp. 1011–1028. Closer to home, simony was rife at the highest level in the Roman rivalry between the Crescentii and the Tusculani for the apostolic see. Gregory VI, Sylvester III, and Benedict IX were allegedly condemned and deposed for buying their offices by Henry II in December 1046 at the council of Sutri.

205 . Mansi, Concilia , vol. 19, cl. 739. G. Drioux, “Un diocèse de France à la veille de la réforme grégorienne. Le pape Léon IX et les évêques de Langres, Hugues et Hardoin,” Studi Gregoriani 2 (1947): 30–41.

206 . Mansi, Concilia , vol. 19, cl. 740. 207 . Ibid., c. 741. J. Hourlier, “Anselme de Saint-Rémy, Histoire de la dédicace de Saint-

Rémy ,” in La Champagne Bénédictine 160 (Reims: Académie Nationale, 1981), pp. 179–285.

208 . Gallia XI, Instrumenta , p. 224. 209 . According to Orderic Vitalis, who was writing many years later, Henry was

styled “ comes constantiniensis ” (“count of the Cotentin”) in 1088, OV, IV, pp. 118–120, 148–149, 220–221. Hollister, Henry I , pp. 51–61.

210 . Gallia XI, cl. 221. 211 . OV, IV, p. 250 et seq. OV, V, pp. 26, 208, 214. Orderic put the amount at 10,000

silver marks. GND , II, pp. 208–211. 212 . Regesta I, #315 and the reconstruction of events and motives by J. Le Patourel,

“Geoffrey of Montbray, Bishop of Coutances: 1049–1093,” EHR 59 (1944): 129–161. See also Haskins, Norman Institutions , p. 76.

213 . OV, IV, pp. 266–267. OV, V, pp. 24–25. Gallia XI, cl. 873. Regesta I, #348, where the name is given as “Roger,” but in 1094 this must have been “Ralph.” See The Chronicle of Battle Abbey , Eleanor Searle, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 96–97.

214 . “How, it may be asked, came a Norman bishop in the court, almost in the army, of a king who was about to invade Normandy? The answer is easy. The Cotentin was now again in the hands of Henry, and the presence of its bishop at the court of William was a sign of the good understanding that now reigned between the two younger sons of the Conqueror,” The Reign of William Rufus I, p. 444. Barlow suggested more realistic political motives of the bishop in William Rufus , p. 334. See also GND II, pp. 208–209.

215 . Regesta II, #1182, 1233. Roger’s earlier ecclesiastical service may have been as a canon at Rouen in the time of William II, Recueil des Actes de Philippe I , M. Prou, ed., #128.

216 . OV, VI, pp. 300–301.

N O T E S 391

217 . Regesta II, #529, 598, 749. “William, the almoner, chaplain to the king,” if he died in the shipwreck, occurs too late to be the same man, Regesta II, #1299, 1677.

218 . The name may refer to Brix between Cherbourg and Valognes in the Cotentin. See Bouet and Dosdat, “Les évêques normands de 985 à 1150,” in Les Ev ê ques Normands ,” pp. 28, 37; and Neveux, La Normandie des ducs aux rois , p. 276. For the writs, see Regesta II, #1600, 1683, 1702, 1708. The forest of Brix made up part of the endowment of Montebourg, Regesta II, #825, and Haskins, Norman Institutions , p. 102.

219 . Bouet and Dosdat, “Les évêques normands de 985 à 1150,” in Les Ev ê ques Normands ,” pp. 26–28. Robert Tesson (Taison, Tessun) was the seneschal of Normandy, but he was forced to give up his lands in England after 1204. His daughter, Petronilla, married William Paynell who held the Percy estate in the Cotentin by inheritance through his wife, MRSN II, pp. xii–xiii, lv, cvii. Precisely where Richard, the bishop, fits into the family, however, is not disclosed.

220 . GND , pp. 252–257. Hollister, Henry I , pp. 392–400. Henry favored the appoint-ment of Cluniac monks and regular canons and, with the foundations at Waverley in Surrey in 1128 and Rievaulx in York in 1132, Cistercian monks as well.

221 . Hugh Thomas, The English and the Normans. Ethnic Hostility, Assimilation, and Identity: 1066-c.1220 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 202–203.

222 . Colker, “The Life of Guy of Merton by Rainald of Merton,” Medieval Studies 31 (1969), pp. 250–261. John C. Dickinson, The Origins of the Austin Canons and Their Introduction into England (London: SPCK, 1959), pp. 108–131. For the nephew, see MRSN II, p. xxvii, note f.

223 . C&S I, ii, pp. 754–757. William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella , pp. 18–19. OV, VI, pp. 420–421. Regesta II, #1691, 1713. JW , pp. 192–193.

224 . Suggested by Arnoux, Des clercs au service de la r é forme , p. 278. See the congratu-latory letter from Innocent II in Gallia XI, Instrumenta , cl. 238.

225 . In a charter of William Pagnell: “ teste Algaro Constantiensi episcopo cuius admonitione hoc opus incoepi ,” Gallia XI, Instrumenta , p. 241. See J.-F. Pommeraye, Histoire de l ’ abbaye royale de St. Ouen de Rouen (Rouen: R. Lallemant, 1662), pp. 425–429.

226 . Gallia XI, Instrumenta , cl. 238–241. PUF , #40. Robert de Torigni, RS -52, IV, p. 163: “ Decessit etiam Algarus episcopus constantiensis vir admodum religiosus , qui canonicos regulares posuit in ecclesia sancti Laudi de Constantino , et in ecclesia sancti Laudi Rothomagensis , et in ecclesia de Caesarisburgo. Cui successit Richardus , decanus Baiocensis .”

227 . The Letters of Peter the Venerable , Giles Constable, ed., 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1967), II, pp. 99–100, 114.

228 . Regesta II, #1740, 1764, 1908. Regesta III, #46, 366, 434–435, 594, 608, 944, 991.

229 . See the section on Bath in chapter 5 at note 107. 230 . Gallia XI, cl. 398. Livre Noir II, pp. 218–219. V. Bourrienne, “Un grand bâtis-

seur,” pp. 61–62. Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 136–137. 231 . Jim Bradbury, Stephen and Matilda. The Civil War of 1139–1153 (Stroud: Alan

Sutton, 1996), pp. 147–155. Davis, King Stephen , p. 75. 232 . Regesta III, #111. D&B I, #5, 12, 28, 40, 42. 233 . “ Quod antedictus frater noster [Richard] pecuniam illam non pro ecclesie Baiocensis

utilitate aut sui honesta necessitate suscepit , sed ut cancellariam sibi nobilis memorie Gaufridi quondam Andegavensis comitis compararet, ” PUF , #70; Livre Noir , #clxxxv, pp. 230–232.

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234 . Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 136–137, 162. 235 . H. Böhmer, Kirche und Staat in England und in der Normandie im XI. und XII.

Jahrhundert. Eine historische Studie (Leipzig: 1899; Rp. Aalen: 1968), pp. 315–316. ALL , pp. xix–xx, and letter #3.

236 . Geoffrey, son of Fulk, was count of Anjou from 1129 to 1151 and duke of Normandy from 1144 to 1150 or 1151. He died in September 1151 but he may have relinquished his title in favor of his son a year earlier. Henry, Geoffrey’s son, was duke of Normandy de jure in September 1151, although he was referred to as “duke” even in 1149. He became count of Anjou in 1156. Cf. M. Chibnall, The Empress Matilda , 153–160. For Richard as chancellor, see Regesta III, #80, 461, and 735?

237 . Z. and C. Brooke, “Henry II, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine,” EHR 61 (1946): 81–89. Regesta III, pp. xxxiii–xxxiv, and n. 5. Livre Noir I, #17, 19, 39. CDF , #126, 170, 960, 1405.

238 . D&B I, pp. 10, 13–14, 17, 36, 42, 46, 48, 51, 330–331, 424, 535. D&B II, p. 79. Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 136–138.

239 . The inquest of 1172 shows Coutances with enough estates to support eighteen knights, RBE , p. 625.

240 . Gallia XI, cl. 875–876. Probably in 1167, John of Salisbury urged Richard and his brother, Jocelin of Salisbury, to intervene on Becket’s behalf, JSL II, #216–218.

241 . Gaudemet, “Recherches sur l’épiscopat médiéval en France,” p. 143. For Nicholas, see Le Cartulaire du chapitre cathédral de Coutances , Julie Fontanel, ed. Saint-Lô: Archives départementales, 2003, #75.

242 . Gallia XI, cl. 876–877. Spear, “Membership,” p. 13, n. 17, gives William’s time in office as 1183–1202, but without references. Fontanel, Cartulaire de Coutances , gives 1184–1202 on p. 129, n. 1, but 1179–1199 on p. 545 following the uncer-tain dating in Gallia XI, cl. 877.

243 . Loyd, Origins of Some Anglo-Norman Families , p. 79. E. van Houts, “Wace as historian,” in Wace, the History of the Norman People, Glyn S. Burgess and Elisabeth van Houts, eds. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2004), pp. xxxv–lxii and appendix #100. Rouet, on the contrary, cites the origin of the family in the Vexin near Gaillon, Le Cartulaire de l ’ Abbaye b é n é dictine de Saint-Pierre-de-Pr é aux , p. 391.

244 . Regesta (Bates), #166 (in 1077 or later), 64–65 (1083 x 1087), 248 (1084), 145 (1085), which concern property transactions at Caen, Bec, Fécamp, and Rouen.

245 . Ibid., #166 where the name of William de Tournebu is added to a confirmation said to have been issued later in London. See the editor’s comments pp. 553–557. The confirmation was by Henry II about 1189, D&B II, p. 377. By this account, if William, the son, was a party to the donation he was obviously not the bishop of Coutances in 1179. Hence, the likelihood that the bishop was the grandson of the first William.

246 . E. van Houts, “ Wace as historian ,” appendix E52, 76, 104. 247 . Livre Noir I, pp. 89–90. 248 . Ibid., #71. D&B, Introduction , p. 458. M. Casset, “Neuilly-la-Fôret. Une for-

teresse des évêques de Bayeux au moyen âge,” in Chapitres et Cath é drales en Normandie , pp. 65–80

249 . Livre Noir I, pp. 117–119. Haskins, Norman Institutions , p. 334. EEA 8, #143.

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250 . Livre Noir I, pp. 89–91. Another dispute arose with the abbot and monks of Fécamp over the possession of certain churches, which was settled by the inter-vention of Henry II, D&B II, p. 108.

251 . D&B I, pp. 406, 415–416, 426, 430, 448, 465. D&B II, pp. 32, 89–90, 126. 252 . ALL , #88 (c. 1173); #104 (c. 1175). 253 . Thomas: MRSN I, p. cxvi; RBE , p. 629. Robert: V. Bourrienne, Un grand

bâtisseur, Philippe de Harcourt, évêque de Bayeux: 1142–1163 (Paris: Jean Naert, 1930) appendix p. 148 (xvii). Spear, “Personnel,” p. 101. Richard: MRSN II, pp. ccv–ccvi; Spear, “Personnel,” p. 93. Amaury: Arnoux, Des clercs au service de la r é forme , p. 217; MRSN II, pp. lxxix, xcv. Ralph filius decani : Spear, “Personnel,” p. 58; Bartholomew filius decani (ibid., p. 72). For the military service of Thomas, see Powicke, The Loss of Normandy , p. 355. For the English lands and the cus-tody by Robert de Harcourt and his son, Richard, see MRSN II, pp. cciv–ccxii. Other men with the name Tournebu who may have had some relation to the bishop occur in the documents as, for example: Thomas de Tournebu and his son, Robert, in Le Cartulaire de l ‘abbaye bénédictine de Saint-Pierre-de-Préaux: 1034–1227 , Dominique Rouet, ed. (Paris: CTHS, 2005), #B-8, B-54; Richard de Tournebu, knight, son-in-law of Olivier d’Aubigny and nephew of Robert de Sainte-Mère-Eglise (ibid., 13–160); William de Tournebu (ibid.); Simon de Tournebu’s son, Richard II (ibid.)

254 . See note 242. R. Toustain de Billy, Histoire eccl é siastique du dioc è se de Coutances , p. 286, hedged between 1200 and 1201.

255 . EEA 3, #528. EEA 16, p. 117. EEA 17, p. 139. 256 . In order from September 1198 to March 1199:

LSI vol. 21, #385. Cartae Antiquae 11–20, #360. LSI , vol. 21, #386. Landon, Itinerary , #95. Ibid., p. 137. LSI vol. 21, #389. Landon, Itinerary , #553–554, 558–560. LSI vol. 21, #396.

257 . In order from April 1194 to March 1199: Cartae Antiquae 11–20, #520, 550, 566. LSI vol. 21, #371, 374, 227. Landon, Itinerary , #457. LSI vol. 21, #376, 3783, 513, 134, 521, 199, 204, 524, p. 136, #526, 387. Landon, Itinerary , pp. 139, 142, 144. For Vivian and William together, see: LSI vol. 21, #385–386, 389. Cartae Antiquae 1–10, #119, 81.

258 . The Emperor Henry VI had died in September 1197 and Adolf, archbishop of Köln, invited Richard I to attend the meeting of electors. Instead, the king, who backed his nephew, Otto, sent Philip of Poitiers, bishop of Durham, for-merly his clerk and justice; Eustace, the elect of Ely, royal chancellor, and seal-keeper; William of Chimely, the elect of Evreux; Baldwin of Béthune, count of Aumale;William de Stagno; and several others. Otto was elected in June 1998, Howden, RS -51, IV, p. 37–39.

259 . At least until late in 1204: Château-Gaillard, August 1199 ( Rot.Chart. , p. 30); Rouen (ibid., pp. 11–12) Château-Gaillard ( Cartae Antiquae 1–10, #44)

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Rouen, September 3–6 ( Rot.Chart. , p. 16) Le Mans, September 22 ( Cartae Antiquae 1–10, #123) Lire Abbey, January 7, 1200 ( Rot.Chart. , pp. 32–33) Caen, January 28 (ibid., pp. 58–59) Carentan, January 30 (ibid., p. 34) Rouen, September 2, 1203 (ibid., p. 110) Niort, November 8, 1204 (ibid., pp. 137–138). On at least three occa-sions, the name is given as “de Stagno” ( Cartae Antiquae 1–10, #66, 123; Rot.Chart. , pp. 137–138).

260 . Rot.Chart. , pp. 16, 30, 97. 261 . Cartae Antiquae 1–10, #66, 81. EEA 16, p. 117. 262 . Selected Letters of Innocent III , #17. 263 . The king’s policy with regard to the Norman churches is discussed in the intro-

ductory remarks to chapter 6 . 264 . Gallia XI, cl. 879: “ Hugo , Nicolai filius , neret cognominatus ,” and as archdeacon,

ibid., pp. 115–116. Likely the Hugh Neret, magister , who attested a charter of Henry, bishop of Bayeux in the late 1180s ( Recueil des actes des évêques de Bayeux antérieurs à 1205 , H. Dupuy, ed., #92). A Hugh de Morville was at Clarendon in 1164, English Historical Documents, David Douglas et al., eds., vol. I: 500–1042, vol. II: 1042–1189, vol. III: 1189–1327 (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1968–1981), II, #126.

265 . The charter style is simply “ Hugo Constantiensis episcopus/minister .” Morville may be a later addition, which has become traditional. He is listed as “Hugues de Morville” by the editor of the Coutances cartulary (p. 545) and by Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus (p. 440), but as “Hugues Néret” by Neveux in La Normandie royale (p. 139) and then as “Hugues de Morville” (p. 223). A recent account of the Morville family relationships is by N. Vincent, “The Murderers of Thomas Becket,” in Bischofsmord im Mittelalter , Natalie Fryde and Dirk Reitz, eds. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003), pp. 211–272. See also ODNB , vol. 39, pp. 444–446.

266 . Cartulaire de Coutances , #327. Gallia XI, cl. 879. 267 . Spear, “Personnel,” pp. 71, 101, 104, 106. Register of Innocent III , #209. 268 . Gérard Louise, La Seigneurie de Bell ê me, Xe–XIIe siècles , 2 vols., Le Pays Bas-

Normand 84 (Flers: 1992), I , pp. 118, 158–160. The Hi é mois , the old pagus Oximensis of the Carolingians, lay for the most part between Falaise and Argentan.

269 . OV, II, pp. 254–255. RADN , #108. Lot, Etudes critiques sur l ’ abbaye de St. Wandrille , #9–10, 17, 22, 40.

270 . Louise, La Seigneurie de Bell ê me I , pp. 158–160. 271 . Gallia XI, cl. 571. Orderic Vitalis used the word “ consobrinus ,” which suggests a

closer relationship than simply “ consanguineus ,” OV, II, pp. 38–39, 253–254. Cf. Bauduin, La Premi è re Normandie , pp. 332, 386–387.

272 . “The parson knows enough who knows a duke,” is taken from William Cowper and quoted by Anthony Sampson in The Anatomy of Britain Today (New York: 1965), p. 7. Gerard Fleitel was a witness to several charters of Duke Richard II, RADN , #30, 46, 46 bis, 108.

273 . OV, II, pp. 78–79. 274 . RADN , #106–108, 120, 122, 126, 129, 137, 145, 188, 208–209, 219–220, 234.

The assigned dates extend from ca. 1050 to ca. 1066.

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275 . Anscherius: RADN , #30, 46, 46 bis, 102, 108, 234. Robert: Ibid., #46, 46 bis, 108, 234. Albert: Ibid., #234.

276 . Ibid., #220. Regesta (Bates), #164. Hennezis (Anesy) lies about seven kilometers south-east of Château Gaillard.

277 . OV, II, pp. 254–255. The evidence is insufficient to make a case for a bishop named Michael in the succession after William. Orderic says nothing about him and the Gallia entry is doubtful, Gallia XI, cl. 571.

278 . OV, II, pp. 254–255. 279 . OV , III, pp. 128–129. For William as seneschal, see RADN , #69, 79, 85. 280 . D. Douglas, “The Ancestors of William Fitz Osbern,” EHR 59 (1944): 62–79

and William the Conqueror , p. 85 et seq. Bates, Normandy before 1066 , pp. 159, 177. Musset, “Aux origines d’une class dirigeante: les Tosny, grands barons nor-mands du Xe au XIIIe siècle,” Francia 5 (1977): 45–80. Tosny, on a loop of the Seine just to the south-west of Les Andelys, had a castle and was the caput of the barony shared with Conches north-west of Evreux. Ralph de Tosny had mar-ried Godeschild who, after her husband’s death, ca. 1040, was married again to Richard, count of Evreux, the son of Robert, archbishop of Rouen, and the brother of Duke Richard II. Through Godeschild, therefore, both families were linked to the Rouen archbishopric.

281 . The dates for Turgis are 1094–1133; for Odo, 1049–1097; for Geoffrey, 1049- 1093; and for Gilbert, 1071–1112. OV, VI, p. 173, n. 7, gives the pontificate of Gilbert as 34 years, but 42 seems to be the correct number.

282 . Regesta (Bates), #27, 30, 49, 53–54, 59, 64, 165, 175, 230, 257, 261, 264, 267, 281. 283 . Regesta (Bates), #235. For the ducal donation of Oissel (Torhulmum) in 1030,

see RADN , #61. 284 . OV, IV, pp. 79–81, 100–109. GND , II, pp. 186–189. 285 . OV, IV, pp. 104–105. 286 . There were present Gilbert, bishop of Evreux, and Gilbert, bishop of Lisieux.

Douglas assumed it was Gilbert of Lisieux who gave the sermon, William the Conqueror , p. 360. He does not explain why he differs from the account by Orderic Vitalis, although the fact that Gilbert of Lisieux, the royal physician, was at the bedside of the dying king, while the other Gilbert was not, probably weighed in his view, OV, III, pp. 18–21.

287 . Gallia XI, cl. 572–573. Eadmer, Vita Anselmi , R. Southern, ed., p. 44, n. 1. See also Anselm’s letter to Gilbert which rehearses the anguish of his decision to accept the bishopric at Canterbury and reproves those, including Gilbert, who were hostile to the appointment.

288 . OV, V, pp. 18–25. Gilbert can be counted as witness to one charter for Robert, duke of Normandy, in 1089 ( Regesta I, #310), and one for Henry I in 1106 ( Regesta II, #790).

289 . OV , VI, pp. 174–175. D. Nicholl, Thurstan , Archbishop of York Thurstan, 1114–1140 (York: Stonegate, 1964), p. 7. Fasti I, p. 36.

290 . OV, VI, pp. 254–255. Hugh the Chanter, History , pp. 123–124. D. Spear, “Une famille ecclésiastique Anglo-Normande,” Etudes Normandes 3 (1986): 21–27. Audoin as chaplain appears in several early witness lists of Henry I and, as bishop, sometimes with Thurstan, in many more in England and in Normandy: Regesta II, #684, 690, 778?, 828, as chaplain; Regesta II, #1204, 1256, 1427–1429, 1432–1433, 1439, 1441–1442, 1447, 1450, 1466, 1546–1547, 1580, 1591, 1656, 1680, 1687–1690, 1693, 1697–1698, 1701, 1892, 1900–1902, 1932, 1948, as bishop.

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291 . Regesta III, #46, 67, 69, 271, 335, 337, 608, 717, 843, 919, 944, 975, 979, all from about the years 1136–1137. Thurstan appears in #335, 337, 919, 944, 979.

292 . Regesta II, #1356. 293 . Ibid., #1554, 1700. Regesta III, #281, 283. 294 . Regesta II, #1673, 1830. Regesta III, #278–280. PR 31 Henry I , p. 99. 295 . OV, VI, pp. 188–189. 296 . Ibid., pp. 204–205. 297 . OV , VI, pp. 188–189. 298 . Ibid., pp. 228–229, 260–261. 299 . Regesta II, #1698. HH , pp. 488–489. 300 . Nicholl, Thurstan , Archbishop of York , p. 235. 301 . Richard of Hexham, in The Priory of Hexham, James Raine, ed., 2 vols., Surtees

Society 44 & 46 (Durham: Andrews, 1864–1865), pp. 104–105. Pierre le Brasseur, Histoire civile et eccl é siastique du comt é d ’ Evreux (Paris: Barois, 1722; Rp. Bruxelles: 1976), pp. 142–143.

302 . As a case in point, the king’s mistrust of the family of Roger of Salisbury, which had been seething for some time, exploded with the arrest of the bishops late in June of 1139.

303 . Richard of Hexham, The Priory of Hexham , p. 105. OV, VI, pp. 530–531, and n. 2.

304 . OV, VI, p. 530. 305 . Crouch, The Beaumont Twins , pp. 34, 45. Haskins, Norman Institutions , p. 166.

The Letters and Charters of Gilbert Foliot, Adrian Morey and C.N.L. Brooke, eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), p. 538. D&B, Introduction , pp. 454–456. Spear, “Personnel,” pp. 159, 161.

306 . Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 165–166, 322. D&B I, p. 286. 307 . Gallia XI, cl. 577, 620. D&B, Introduction , pp. 445–447. Haskins, Norman

Institutions , pp. 166–167. 308 . Gallia XI, cl. 620. 309 . See the section on Rouen in chapter 6 at note 71. 310 . BL. Ms. Royal 6, c. VII, fo. 217v. PUF , #18. 311 . Gallia XI, cl. 578. Pacaut, Louis VII et les é lections é piscopales , p. 123, n. 2. But on

p. 107, n. 9, Pacaut calls him a nephew based on the same document. The long vacancy gave rise to the idea that another bishop named Richard and one named Walter may have been installed at Evreux, but there is no strong evidence to support it, Gallia XI, cl. 577–578.

312 . Rotrou acted as a papal agent in October 1170 when Alexander III threatened an interdict unless Henry II agreed to the terms laid out at Fréteval. But he ignored the mandate and it was enforced by William, archbishop of Sens, Barlow, Thomas Becket , p. 253. Giles was sent as envoy to the pope late in 1169 with John of Oxford, dean of Salisbury, and John, archdeacon of Sées, Materials , RS -67, #623. Giles at the coronation: Eyton, Itinerary , p. 138, n. 3. Giles as archdeacon: JSL , #298, p. 693.

313 . CTB , #287. 314 . D&B II, pp. 297, 526. Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 196–197. 315 . Cheney, Roger of Worcester , p. 51. 316 . Howden, RS -51, pp. 94–98. 317 . D&B I, pp. 571, 573. D&B II, pp. 24, 28, 32, 37, 58, 62, 64, 86–90, 95–96, 98,

104, 107.

N O T E S 397

318 . GFLC , p. 533. CTB , II, p. 1052, n. 14. D&B, Introduction , p. 363. ALL , p. 1, note a. Spear, “Les archidiacones de Rouen,” p. 24.

319 . (1) Materials , RS -67, III, p. 27. (2) Lot, Etudes critiques sur l ’ abbaye de Saint-Wandrille , p. 147, #83.

320 . For example, in charters of Hugh for St. Wandrille, Lot, Etudes critiques sur l ’ abbaye de Saint-Wandrille , #73, 84; for St. Ouen, Pommeraye, Histoire de l ’ abbaye royale de St. Ouen de Rouen , p. 429; for Fécamp, Chevreux and Vernier, Archives de Normandie , planches XII and XIV; for Jumièges, Archives départementales, Seine-Inferieure, Série H, cart A, p. 198, #335, and in the Gallia XI, Instrumenta , cl. 23–25.

321 . Bouquet XV, p. 961. On the question of the validity of the letter, see Le Brasseur, Histoire , Actes et preuves, p. 4 et seq.

322 . “Gildo” in CDF , #19, “Hilo” in the Laff leur and Kermaingant, Cartulaire de l ’ abbaye de St. Michel de Tr é port , Laff leur and Kermaingant, ed., # IX.

323 . Gallia XI, cl. 578–579. T. Waldman, “Hugh of Amiens, Archbishop of Rouen, the Norman Abbots, and the Papacy,” HSJ 2 (1990): 139–153. Marcel Pacaut, Louis VII et les é lections é piscopales dans le royaume de France (Paris: J. Vrin, 1957), p. 123, nn. 1–2.

324 . “ Deinde rex angliae dedit Johanni filio Lucae clerico suo episcopatum Ebroricensem ,” Roger of Howden, RS -51 II, p. 260. D&B, Introduction , pp. 363, 395–396. Dugdale, Monasticon , VII, p. 374. He was the son of Luke and Petronilla, a fam-ily from Rouen, Spear, Personnel , p. 135.

325 . CDF , #980, 29, 432, 619. Whether he was the John Fitz Luke who was parson of the church in Henstridge in Somerset remains uncertain, EEA 2, #225. The right to the living, which was a prebend in the church of Wells, was confirmed to him by the king. The charter was witnessed by Walter of Coutances, arch-deacon of Oxford, and a close friend of John when bishop. Thus, the evidence suggests that he was the same man.

326 . CDF , #304–305, and 308. 327 . Eyton, Itinerary , p. 251. 328 . Ibid., p. 289. 329 . Gallia XI, cl. 580. Gesta Regis , RS -67, II, pp. 166–167. LIS , vol. 21, #359.

Richard of Devizes, Chronicle , p. 22. 330 . Ambroise, Estoire de la guerre sainte , M. Ailes and M. Barber, eds. (Woodbridge:

Boydell, 2003). Landon, Itinerary , p. 64. 331 . Gallia XI, cl. 580. Spear, “Membership,” p. 13, #17. 332 . Power, The Norman Frontier , pp. 61–66, 114–142. 333 . Landon, Itinerary , pp. 95, 105–106. Warren, King John , pp. 54–56. 334 . MRSN I, p. cxliv. 335 . Gallia XI, cl. 581. MRSN II, p. clxxiv. Le Brasseur, Histoire , p. 164. Landon,

Itinerary , pp. 100, 106, 116, 123, 129. Rot.Chart. , pp. 15–16. 336 . Bouquet , XVIII, p. 358. Gillingham, Richard I , p. 302, n. 4. Le Brasseur, Histoire , p. 71. 337 . Confusion remains over the exact relationship of Warin to the other members

of his family. The entry in the Gallia makes Adam the father of the bishop and William, who founded a prebend at Evreux, his brother, Gallia XI, cl. 581. L. Loyd described Adam as the bishop’s brother and the one who founded the prebend, The Origins of Some Anglo-Norman Families , pp. 28–29. D. Spear sug-gested that the bishop’s father was William and that his brothers were Adam and another William, “Power, Patronage,” p. 211).

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338 . Ibid. Porée printed a charter of Warin confirming the priory of Tillières to the abbey of Bec in which there is a reference to Ralph Lovel, archdeacon of Evreux, a relative, who had a pension from the priory, Histoire de l ’ abbaye du Bec , I, p. 439. A Ralph de Cierrey, probably also a relative, was dean of Evreux in the time of Bishop Luc in 1221, Gallia XI, cl. 621; Power, The Norman Frontier , p. 138.

339 . Power, The Norman Frontier , p. 483. 340 . CDF , #311. 341 . A second Ralph de Cierrey was elected bishop in 1236. For Robert de Roye,

see Actes de Philippe II , #886. Petronilla, the sister of Simon I, had married Bartholomew de Roye. Petronilla and Simon were the children of Simon IV de Montfort and Amice, daughter of Robert III, earl of Leicester, J. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus. Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), pp. 109–111, and chapter 6 , n. 75.

342 . Powicke, The Loss of Normandy , pp. 169–173, 275–276. 343 . “ Lucas . . . . ex canonico archidiaconus , ex archidiacono decanus , ex decano episcopus

Robertum excepit an. 1203 . . . . et confirmatur die 16 Feb. ab apostolica sede ,” Gallia XI, cl. 582.

344 . Power, The Norman Frontier , p. 126, n. 74. 345 . OV, III, pp. 14–17. GND , pp. 128–129, 174–175 (but in a misprint in n. 7, p. 175,

Hugh, the bishop, is confused with Hugh, the bishop of Bayeux). William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi , pp. 92–95, and the reference to Hugh as “ Is Richardi primi nepos et filio Guillelmo Aucensi comite ” (p. 92) where “ nepos ” takes its mean-ing from the context as “grandson” rather than “nephew.” Cf. Barlow, Edward the Confessor , pp. 301–302 on the meanings of “ nepos .” For William Busac, see GND , pp. 128–129, and RADN , #104.

346 . William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi , pp. 92–95. OV, II, pp. 258–259. 347 . Ibid., pp. 66–67; III, pp. 16–17. 348 . OV, IV, pp. 236–251. 349 . Hugh had installed and consecrated Thierry as abbot at St. Evroult in October

1050. When Thierry resigned in 1057 and set out on a pilgrimage to the east, Hugh took over the administration, GND , pp. 142–143. Thierry’s successor was the prior, Robert de Grandmesnil. But he incurred the anger of Duke William and was driven into exile in 1061, OV, VI, p. 68–72. To replace him, William chose Osbern, prior of Cormeilles, who was approved by Bishop Hugh but against the wishes of the monks, OV , II, pp. 90–95. On Osbern’s death, William took the advice of Hugh and named Mainer, the prior, who was duly invested by the bishop, ibid., pp. 144–147.

350 . OV, III, pp. 14–17 (and so in the Gallia XI, cl. 768). William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi , pp. 136–142. Douglas, William the Conqueror (p. 319), in what must be a misprint, says he died in 1072. But in “The Norman episcopate before the Norman Conquest,” CHJ 13 (1957): 111, he cites 1077.

351 . The case is described in OV, III, pp. 17–19. For St. Désir, see Gallia XI, Instrumenta , pp. 203–204.

352 . OV, III, pp. 18–23. For the night riders, see OV, IV, pp. 237–251. “A mem-ber of a substantial Norman family of the middle rank,” Douglas, William the Conqueror , p. 319.

353 . Courbépine was one of the estates in the endowment of Bernay abbey founded by Judith, wife of Duke Richard III. See RADN , #35, and F. Beaurepaire, Les

N O T E S 399

noms de communes et anciennes paroisses de l ’ Eure (Paris: Picard, 1981), p. 95, who suggests: “ Littéralement , epine courbe , peut-être s’agit-il d’un buisson d’épines ayant une forme arrondie .” Or, perhaps, a reference to the man’s deformity as a hunchback. In Wright ’ s Court-hand Restored , A. Wright, ed., and tenth edition by C. Martin, in a glossary of English surnames, “ de corvo spina ” is translated as “Crowthorn” (p. 95), and also in Martin’s The Record Interpreter (p. 434).

354 . “ Maminot semble être un sobriquet qui se rapporte soit à une particularité de son physique , soit à sa devotion mariale , puisque , au XVe siècle maminotier signifiait dévot à notre dame ,” Boret and Dosdat, “Les évêques normands de 985 à 1150,” in Les Ev ê ques Normands du XIe si è cle , p. 31. See also Regesta (Bates), #251, where the attesta-tion is given as “S[ignum] Gisleberti Mammoht”; and OV, III, pp. 18–19: “ Ad regendum Luxoviensem praesulatum Gislebertus cognomento Maminotus . . . electus est ,” where it is used as nickname or as surname.

355 . DB I, fo. 10v, 11, 11 v, 7 v, 8, 9 v, 12. Ralph had also acquired property of the Canterbury archbishopric, which was recovered at the plea on Penenden heath, EHD II, #50, and F. DuBoulay, Lordship of Canterbury , p. 37.

356 . DB I, fo. 6v. 357 . DB I, fo. 145v, 156v, 160v, 135, 66, 77v. Keats-Rohan, Domesday People ,

pp. 212–213. 358 . Regesta (Bates), #251, #181, #81 and #267, 235, 175, 200–201, 257, 281–282,

206, 49–50, 205, 264, 215, 64, 230, 252, 248, 267 (II), in roughly chronological order.

359 . OV, IV, pp. 80–81, 104–107. See note 286 on the confusion of the two Gilberts.

360 . OV , III, pp. 18–23. 361 . OV, I, pp. 71–72; V, pp. 8–9, 260–267. 362 . Sanders, English Baronies , p. 97. 363 . Hugh attested two charters of Henry I and was listed as a donor in two others,

Regesta II, #497, 515, 1077, 1990?. 364 . EEA 2, #125. 365 . Barlow, William Rufus , p. 95, note 203. Keats-Rohan, Domesday Descendants ,

pp. 1065–1069. 366 . For William Peverel of Dover, see Regesta II, #828–829, 869, 1048, 1062,

1101–1102, 1183–1184, 1245, 1320, 1446, 1451, 1556, 1585. William Peverel “of Dover” and William Peverel “of London” both attest charters of Henry I, 1105 x 1107 ( Regesta II, #684, 828). William Peverel “of Nottingham” attested a string of charters at about the same time (ibid., #509, 538, 559, 570, 743–744, 807–808, 920, 981, 1241). William Peverel of Dover had as brothers Hamo and Payn, Regesta II, #1051, 1260, 1296–1297, 1299, 1371, and #626, 707, 1050, 1587, 1609. They appear together on several occasions (ibid., #828, 1295, 1547).

367 . Barlow, William Rufus , p. 172. Green, The Aristocracy of Norman England , p. 133, n. 35.

368 . See the section on Durham in chapter 5 at note 244. 369 . The restoration of Flambard was part of the king’s commitment to Robert.

He was pardoned by Paschal II in the following year, Regesta II, #539–541, 545–546, 560–562, 589–590, 642–643. Letters of St. Anselm , #223, 225. OV, V, pp. 312–315.

370 . Southern, “Ranulf Flambard,” in Medieval Humanism and other Studies (New York: Harper, 1970), p. 198.

371 . Farrer, Itinerary , #103.

N O T E S400

372 . Southern, “Ranulf Flambard,” p. 197. 373 . Letters of St. Anselm , #214. 374 . H. Craster, “A Contemporary Record of the Pontificate of Ranulf Flambard,”

Archaeologia Aeliana 4th ser, 7 (1930): 55–56. A similar charge was made by Henry II against Thomas Becket.

375 . OV, VI, pp. 142–143. 376 . OV, V, pp. 320–323, and nn. 1–5. 377 . Anselm wrote to the pope in December 1105 to urge mercy for the archbishop.

In March 1106 he was granted authority to decide the case, Letters of St. Anselm , #388, 397–398. Fröhlich suggests a connection with the appointments of 1101–1102, but provides no references, ibid., vol. 3, p. 147, n. 13.

378 . Gallia XI, cl. 771–772. OV, V, pp. 320–323. It is possible that Thomas was the son of Flambard’s mistress, Alveva, the sister of the mother of Christina de Markyate, Barlow, William Rufus , p. 202.

379 . “ Quam episcopus Dunelmensis videns consecrationem differri , apud comitem , ingenti pre-tio dato , egit ut Guillelmus de Paceio clericus suus praesulatum praeoccuparet; at pro simoniaca lue prius Rotomagi , postea Romae condemnatus , temeritatem suam misere luit. Roberti interea comitis cadente fortuna anno 1106 , cecidit et fortuna Rannulfi. Ut erat tamen ingenio acer et callidus , arte seu dolo Henricum regem sibi adversantem demeruit , et , pace sibi a principe reddita , relicto episcopatu Lexoviensi cui incubabat et quem filiis suis servare satagebat , ad Dunelmensem reversus est ,” Gallia XI, cl. 772.

380 . There was an obligation, Anselm wrote to the king, to obtain the consent of the archbishop and bishops of the province from which the bishop was to be translated, as well as the consent of those of the province to which he was to be translated. Moreover, the pope had to give his approval, Letters of St. Anselm , #404.

381 . See the section on Ely in chapter 5 at note 327. 382 . Farrer, Itinerary , #168. OV, IV, p. 273–275. 383 . OV, VI, pp. 143–145. The text reads, “ Supradictus autem archidiaconus Normanni

decani filius fuit ,” which M. Chibnall rendered as “the son of a Norman dean.” J.H. Round, however, translated it as, “the son of Norman, the dean, in “Bernard the King’s Scribe,” EHR 55 (1899): 427, as did Monique Dosdat in Les Evêques Normands du XI e siècle, p. 32. The former version seems preferable, since no dean by the name of Norman appears in the cathedral list, Gallia XI, cl. 809–810. The passage does emphasize, however, the strong tendency to construct family holdings in twelfth-century cathedral chapters.

384 . OV, IV, pp. 296–301. 385 . Regesta II, #819, 832–833. OV, VI, pp. 46–47, 144–145. Ralph d’Escures was

later bishop of Rochester and then archbishop of Canterbury. 386 . Regesta II, #819, 832, 1002, 1012, 1091, 1099–1100, 1106, 1132, 1182–1184,

1204, 1215, 1217, 1233, 1236, 1352, 1417–1418, 1420–1422, 1427–1428, 1430, 1442, 1447, 1552, 1559, 1569, 1575, 1579, 1581, 1587–1588, 1593, 1595–1596, 1680, 1687–1694, 1697–1698, 1702, 1895, 1902, 1908, 1912, 1915–1917, 1931–1932, 1947–1948, 1963, 1974. Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 87–88, 92, 94, 96, 98, 100, 163. Le Patourel, The Norman Empire , p. 225. Hollister, Henry I , p. 364.

387 . Regesta II, #1091, 1099–1100, 1106, 1132, 1338, 1466. Round found that he visited England only once, “Bernard the King’s Scribe,” p. 425.

388 . Regesta III, #288 at Falaise; #327 at Rouen; #843 at Evreux, all in the year 1137.

N O T E S 401

389 . OV, VI, p. 550. 390 . J.H. Round, “Bernard the King’s Scribe,” p. 427. 391 . OV, VI, pp. 466–471, 474–475. 392 . OV, VI, pp. 550–551. For the date, see Crouch, King Stephen , p. 192, n. 7. 393 . Böhmer, Kirche und Staat , pp. 313–315. Chibnall, The Empress Matilda , pp. 139–

140. Haskins, Norman Institutions , p. 130. J. Yver, “Autour de l’absence d’avouerie en Normandie,” Bulletin de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie 57 (1963–1964): 243, n. 56.

394 . There is a substantial body of material on Arnulf: CTB , pp. 1364–1365; ALL ; Carolyn P. Schriber, The Dilemma of Arnulf of Lisieux. New Ideas versus Old Ideals (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990); F. Gastaldelli, “Un vescovo let-terato del secolo XII: Arnolfo di Lisieux (con un testo inedito),” Salesianum 41 (1979): 801–818; G. Teske, “Ein unerkanntes Zeugnis zum Sturz des Bischofs Arnulf von Lisieux?” Francia 16 (1989): 185–206; Warren, Henry II ; Barlow, Thomas Becket ; Egbert Türk, Nugae Curialium Le Règne d’Henri II Plantagenêt (1145–1189) et l’éthique politique (Genève: Droz, 1977); Arnoux, Des clercs au ser-vice de la r é forme .

395 . Constable, Letters of Peter the Venerable , I, #101; II, p. 167. 396 . Regesta II, #506, 667. Chibnall, The Empress Matilda , pp. 139–140. 397 . “ Meminerit autem sapientia vestra me libere ad episcopatum hunc absque omni violentia et

designatione potentie secularis electum ,” ALL , #124. 398 . ALL , #137, p. 209. Geoffrey’s hostility may have stemmed from the actions of

John, bishop of Lisieux, and Arnulf ’s uncle, who had defended his church and town against the duke, OV, VI, pp. 550–551.

399 . In a letter to Celestine II in 1144, Arnulf excused his failure to go to Rome: Venissem autem ad vos nisi circa confirmandam michi recentem novi principis gratiam , et resarciendas ecclesie et domus nostre ruinas , et curanda germanorum funera gravius occu-parer ,” ALL #2.

400 . Regesta III at Rouen: #64–65, 71–72, 325, 381, 600–601, 725; at Argentan: #462; at Fontevrault: #332; at Perigueux: #783, at Le Mans: #900. As justice at Torigny: #64, and at Lisieux: #782.

401 . ALL , #4. 402 . Eyton, Itinerary , p. 1. The other bishops were Hugh of Rouen, Philip of Bayeux,

and Henry’s former chaplain, Herbert of Avranches. 403 . D&B III, index, pp. 52–53. 404 . ALL , #72. One example concerned the chapelry at Bosham held by the bishop

of Exeter since the time of the Conquest. It was a royal free chapel that existed as a peculiar in the diocese of Chichester. Under Bishop William Warelwast, Bosham became a secular church with six canons, VCH , Sussex , I, p. 374; II, p. 109.

405 . Knowles, Episcopal Colleagues , p. 58. The way that B. Smalley characterized Gilbert Foliot in the Becket dispute as a bishop who compromised “too long and too much,” could also be said of Arnulf, Beryl Smalley, The Becket Conf lict and the Schools. A Study of Intellectuals in Politics (Oxford: Oxford Unversity Press, 1973), p. 186.

406 . JSL I, #30 and #118; II, #136. 407 . CTB I, #41. 408 . Ibid., #44, pp. 1064–1067. 409 . Ibid. 410 . Ibid., #55.

N O T E S402

411 . The request was made once in 1146 during the Angevin conquest of Normandy and again in 1155 when Arnulf had temporarily fallen out with the king. See Schriber, The Dilemma of Arnulf of Lisieux , pp. 55–56.

412 . CTB II, pp. 1364–1365. Hollister, Henry I , p. 313 et seq. Warren, Henry II , p. 123. Schriber, The Dilemma of Arnulf of Lisieux , p. 111. ALL , pp. l-lii. Eyton, Itinerary , p. 171. According to the account by John of Salisbury, Arnulf main-tained that Henry I’s daughter, Matilda, could not succeed her father on the throne because her mother had been a nun whose chastity had been violated by the king, Historia Pontificalis , p. 80–83. Moreover, he argued, Stephen had been chosen as the legitimate heir. Matilda, the daughter of Malcolm, king of the Scots and a relative of Edward the Confessor, had indeed spent some time in conventual life, first at Romsey with her sister and her aunt, and then at Wilton before she married Henry I. Whether the union was legal depended on the question of her vows. She declared that she had not taken vows. Archbishop Anselm thought perhaps she had, Letters of St. Anselm , #168–169, 171, but, under pressure, gave in and agreed to bless the marriage. M. Chibnall, The Empress Matilda , p. 76. This decision may have been made easier by the position taken by Lanfranc in a letter to Gundulf, bishop of Rochester, in which he expressed the view that nuns who had not made professions were free to leave their enclosure, Letters of Lanfranc , #53. Arnulf, who generally favored the reigning power, sup-ported Stephen and found it convenient to resurrect the controversy. He was made bishop in 1141 just at the time Geoffrey of Anjou was invading the duchy and his wife, Matilda, was claiming the throne in England, GFLC , #26. Henry II, however, never appears to have come to terms with the kingship of Stephen. For him, it remained an illegitimate interlude after the death of Henry I, D&B II, p. 306.

413 . ALL , #107–108. 414 . Ibid., #120–122, 124–125. 415 . Barlow in ALL , pp. l–lx. 416 . ALL , #132, 137, 141. J. Logère, L ’ Abbaye parisienne de Saint Victor au moyen â ge ,

p. 106. 417 . ALL , #138. 418 . EEA 2, #39–40. At Bayeux: Dupuy, Recueil des actes des évêques de Bayeux , #112.

At Lisieux: ALL , #33. 419 . JSL II, #215. 420 . CTB II, #262, n. 15. The prebend was seized by the king when Sylvester joined

Becket in exile. At some point it was used as collateral for a loan from a Jew in London for ten marks at a high rate of interest, CTB II, #262; Decretales ineditae saeculi XII , #68.

421 . Barlow, Thomas Becket , p. 131. 422 . ALL , #133. Arnulf mentions a nephew described as “ miles pauper ” who faced

a criminal charge brought by William Fitz Ralph, the king’s seneschal in Normandy, for whom Arnulf was supposed to have acted as surety. Barlow sug-gests that he may have been Hugh de Nonant, ALL , #126.

423 . ALL , #133 and 138. 424 . Ibid., #138. 425 . Ibid., #133. 426 . Walter Map, De Nugis curialium. Courtiers’ Trif les , M.R. James, C.N.L. Brooke,

and R.A.B. Mynors, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. xiv–xv, and pp. 22–23.

N O T E S 403

427 . ALL , #20, 105. 428 . Ibid., #74: “ necesse est promissiones eius indefessa sedulitate prosequi et se oculis eius in

oportunitatibus frequenter offerre .” 429 . Gallia XI, cl. 686; Barlow in ALL , pp. xi–xii. 430 . Schriber, The Dilemma of Arnulf of Lisieux , p. 121. 431 . Gallia XI, cl. 779, and ALL , #20. François de Beaurepaire, Les Noms des com-

munes et anciennes paroisses de la Seine-Maritime (Paris: Picard, 1979), p. 160. 432 . York Minster Fasti I, p. 22. Fasti VI, pp. 22–23, 41. EEA 20, pp. xxxv–xxxvi, #55,

138. Diceto , RS -68 I, p. 367. 433 . ALL , #119. Diceto , RS -68 I, p. 367. D&B, Introduction , pp. 99–103. D&B II,

pp. 192–195. LIS vol. 27, #172. MRSN I, p. 110. Haskins, Norman Institutions , p. 180, n. 30; p. 224, n. 109. Spear, “ Archidiacones de Rouen ,” p. 26. Warren, Henry II , p. 308 on the ill-defined office of chancellor. The date of the appointment is given as July 1181 in Fasti VI, pp. 22–23, relying on Robert de Torigni, RS -82, IV, pp. 294, 298. The Gallia XI, cl. 779, has 1182, based on the same source. It is not clear whether nomination, election, or consecration is meant.

434 . Peter of Blois, MPL 207: 289. 435 . MRSN I, p. clxx; II, pp. liii, and 317, 319. Powicke, The Loss of Normandy , p. 70.

For Adam and Walter, see Maurice Veyrat, Essai chronologique et biographique sur les baillis de Rouen de 1171 à 1790 avec documents et portraits inédits (Rouen: Maugard, 1953), p. 21. For Roger, see Spear, “Personnel,” p. 178.

436 . MRSN I, pp. clxx, 253. In the printed edition of the Cartulaire de l ’ abbaye b é n é -dictine de Saint-Pierre-de-Pr é aux , the years of his pontificate are given as 1192 to October 1199 (p. 326), on the grounds that Jordan, his successor, took office in 1200. This suggestion relies on a notice printed in 1840. On the other hand, the dates for Jordan are stated elsewhere as 1202–1218 (p. 373, n. 33) but 1200–1218 (p. 462).

437 . MRSN II, p. liv. 438 . Gallia XI, cl .780. Powicke, The Loss of Normandy , pp. 115–116. William de

Rupière was a witness to the charter of Richard I in October 1196, which con-firmed the agreement between king and archbishop, Gallia XI, Instrumenta , cl. 27–29.

439 . Gallia XI, cl. 780. Rot.Chart. , p. 19. The “ placita de spata ” (“ placita spatae ”) as pleas of the crown belonging to Henry II and Richard I, were confirmed by the Norman barons, following an inquest, on 13 November 13, 1205, Registres de Philippe Auguste , p. 57.

440 . MRSN I, p. clxvii. Spear, “Personnel,” p. 179. 441 . Rot.Chart. , p. 99. Bishop William died before November 18, 1200. 442 . Gallia XI, cl. 781. 443 . D&B II, pp. 379–382. D&B, Introduction , pp. 485–486. Regesta III, #22, 29, 58,

60, 64–65, 90, 127. Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 297–298, 325, 336. MRSN I, pp. cxxxv, cxlv, clii, clxxiii; II, pp. clxxxiii–clxxxv.

444 . Ibid., II, clxxxii–clxxxiii. 445 . LRS -RA VI, pp. 181–186. For Robert “ nepos episcopi ” at Bayeux, see Bouquet

XXIII, p. 702. 446 . Gallia XI, cl. 781. Power, “The Norman church and the Angevin and Capetian

kings,” p. 207, n. 9, suggests the year 1201. 447 . Livre Noir II, pp. 110–112. There were two Enguerrands in question. One was

the brother of William, the constable, and the other was William’s son. The brother is the more likely person in this case.

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448 . Livre Noir I, pp. 95, 275, 307. For William “miles”: Livre Noir II, p. 84. For Robin: Livre Noir I, pp. 110–111, 117. For Hugh: ibid., p. 145. For Alexander: Livre Noir II, p. 117. For Bartholomew: ibid., pp. 115–117. For Richard: ibid. For Thomas: ibid.

449 . Registres de Philippe Auguste , pp. 308–311, 596–597. Powicke, The Loss of Normandy , p. 3.

450 . For the recent literature and reference to earlier work, see: Chibnall in OV, II, pp. 362–365; Louise, La Seigneurie de Bell ê me , I, pp. 130–161; Boussard, La Seigneurie de Bellême aux Xe et XIe siècles,” in M é langes Louis Halphen I, pp. 43–54; Bates, Normandy before 1066 , pp. 78–82; Kathleen Thompson, “Family and Inf luence to the South of Normandy in the Eleventh Century. The Lordship of Bellême,” JMH 11 (1985): 215–226; Geoffery H. White, “The First House of Bellême,” TRHS 4th ser. 22 (1940): 67–99. Power, The Norman Frontier in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries ; Olivier Guillot, Le Comte d ’ Anjou et son entourage au XI e siècle, 2 vols. (Paris: A. & J. Picard, 1972); François Neveux, “La ville de Sées du haut moyen âge à l’époque ducale,” ANS 17 (1995): 145–163; L. Musset, “Peuplement en bourgage et bourgs ruraux en Normandie du Xe au XIIIe siècle,” Cahiers de Civilisation M é di é vale (1966): 184.

451 . RADN , #33 (dated ca. 1025). For a discussion of the issues involved, see Louise, La Seigneurie de Bell ê me I, pp. 154–156.

452 . Bates, Normandy before 1066 , pp. 62–70, 78–81. Louise, La Seigneurie de Bell ê me , I, pp. 294–295.

453 . OV, IV, pp. 296–299. 454 . Cartulaire de Marmoutier pour le Perche , Barret, ed., #19. 455 . Whether he was, in fact, married is uncertain. To say so lends an air of legiti-

macy to his son and, if married before he was ordained, to himself as well. 456 . OV, II, p. 254. Louise, La Seigneurie de Bell ê me I, pp. 158–159. 457 . The see of neighboring Le Mans was also turned into a family affair with

Avesgaud, the uncle of Ivo, bishop of Sées, who became bishop himself in the early eleventh century, following his uncle, Segfrid, before him.

458 . The last citation found is November 12, 1032, in RADN , #64. 459 . Louise puts the succession about 1047 x 1048 partly on the grounds that Ivo is

not mentioned as bishop before then because he was in exile, La Seigneurie de Bell ê me II, pp. 148–152. The earliest document found for Ivo is 1046 x 1048 in RADN , #107. Cf. White, “The First House of Bellême,” pp. 67–99; and Joseph Decaens, “L’Evêque Yves de Sées,” in Les Ev ê ques normands du XIe siècle (Caen: Université, 1995), pp. 117–137.

460 . Arnulf raised an armed revolt against his father that appears to have lasted for some time. It ended with William’s exile at which point Arnulf may have inher-ited the lordship. He died about 1050 or a little before and it was only a short time later when Ivo III, the bishop, succeeded him.

461 . GND II, pp. 165–168. 462 . Ibid., pp. 114–119. 463 . OV, II, pp. 46–47. But Ivo was a benefactor of St. Evroult, Orderic’s own abbey,

a few kilometers from Sées, so that he was concerned to say nothing bad about him.

464 . OV, II, pp. 47–49. Douglas, William the Conqueror , p. 94. Olivier Guillot, Le Comte d’Anjou et son entourage au XIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris: A. & J. Picard, 1972) I, pp. 82–86. Bates, Normandy before 1066 , pp. 78–79.

N O T E S 405

465 . For the nephews, see Recueil des actes de Philippe I, M. Prou, ed., p. 136; for Ivo as witness in 1067, p. 93; and for Marmoutier, p. 102.

466 . K. Thompson, “Robert of Bellême Reconsidered,” ANS 13 (1990): 263–286. After the king’s death in 1087, the lordship was claimed by the dukes of Normandy and the kings of France, GND , pp. 264–265; OV, VI, pp. 180–181.

467 . OV, II, pp. 254–255; IV, pp. 255, n. 4. Bates, “Odo of Bayeux,” p. 11. For varia-tions in the name (Ria, Ri, Rigia), see RADN , #147.

468 . Wace, Roman de Rou , G. Burgess, ed., pp. 131–133. Douglas, William the Conqueror , pp. 48, 291. As a man close to the duke, Herbert, dapifer , can be found as a witness to several charters, or named in them, before 1066, RADN , #145, 147, 204, 278, and after 1066, Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 20–23.

469 . OV, II, pp. 254–255. Regesta (Bates), #50. Regesta I, p. xxiii. Loyd, The Origins of Some Anglo-Norman Families , pp. 25, 40. Barlow, William Rufus , p. 140.

470 . PR 31 Henry I , pp. 91, 93. Fasti IV, p. 77. Sanders, English Baronies , p. 53. 471 . Barlow, William Rufus ; p. 140, n. 203, and p. 279. 472 . Gallia XI, cl. 682. Regesta (Bates), #29, 49–50, 53–54, 245, 257, 261, 271, 281. 473 . Letters of Lanfranc , #26. 474 . Regesta (Bates), #29. 475 . Gallia XI, cl. 682–683. 476 . OV, IV, pp. 234–237. 477 . OV, III, pp. 118–119; VI, pp. 336–343. 478 . OV, IV, pp. 252–253. Serlo was appointed presumably with the consent of Duke

Robert who was present at the episcopal council in Rouen. 479 . OV, IV, pp. 296–297. 480 . OV, VI, pp. 62–63. 481 . Ibid., pp. 20–37. 482 . OV, IV, pp. 252–253. Louise, La Seigneurie de Bell ê me I, p. 140. 483 . OV, VI, pp. 94–99. 484 . Ibid., pp. 178–179. 485 . Ibid., pp. 182–183, 194–197. 486 . For John’s relationship to Arnulf, see ALL , #34–35 and OV, VI, pp. 336–337.

Elsewhere, Orderic records that Serlo was bishop for twenty-seven years and four months, which would make his death date in October 1118. But modern authorities accept 1123.

487 . Regesta II, #1428, 1441, 1548, 1572, 1581, 1594?, 1687–1690, 1693, 1700, 1740–1741, 1764, 1902, 1908?

488 . OV, VI, pp. 366–367. Regesta II, #1548, 1698, and pp. 360–361. Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 300–302.

489 . The king promoted John to Sées, William of Corbeil, prior of St. Osyth, to Canterbury in 1123; and Aethelwald, prior of Nostell, to Carlisle in 1133. St. Osyth and Nostell were prominent Augustinian foundations in England and part of a group that included Holy Trinity, Aldgate in London, Llanthony, St. Frideswide, Merton, Hexham, Bridlington, and many others. See Hollister, Henry I , pp. 396–400.

490 . Robert of Torigni, RS -82, IV, p. 149. 491 . Gallia XI, cl. 160–161. ALL , #34. According to Arnulf, John established 36

regular canons in place of the 13 secular canons (p. 56). Arnoux, Des clercs au service de la r é forme , pp. 47–53. Dickinson, The Origins of the Austin Canons in England , pp. 129, 139. Hollister, Henry I , p. 397. Bidou, “La réforme du chapitre

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cathédrale de Sées en 1131,” Bulletin de la Soci é t é d ’ histoire et arch é ologie de l ’ Orne 106 (1987): 21–32. F. Loddé, ‘L’histoire d’un chapitre régulier au moyen âge: celui du diocèse de Sées,” in Chapitres et Cath é drales en Normandie , pp. 241–251.

492 . ALL , #34–35. 493 . Regesta III, #335, 919, 979. He attended the Easter court at Westminster in

March, but was abroad for the council in Pisa in early June 1135, see Letters of Peter the Venerable , I, #27 and 53; II, pp. 114 and 134.

494 . Chibnall, The Empress Matilda , pp. 91–116. Bradbury, Stephen and Matilda , pp. 99–103. Regesta III, #55–57, 594, 665, 681, 726. For attestations of Stephen’s charters by John of Lisieux, see ibid., #298, 327, 608, 843.

495 . OV, VI, pp. 550–551. 496 . Ibid., pp. 478–481. 497 . Historia Novella , pp. 76–77. Gesta Stephani , p. 90. 498 . ALL , p. xx, n. 5. In a letter to Celestine II written during the short period that

the pope was in office, between September 26, 1143, and March 8, 1144, Arnulf referred to his obligation with regard to the funerals of his brothers. Although not named, one of them must have been John of Sées while the other was per-haps the younger sibling who had been betrothed to a girl identified only as “G,” but who died before they could be married, ibid., #3, 5, and p. 4, note b.

499 . Ibid., pp. xxxiii–xxxiv, and letter #3. Livre blanc de St. Martin de Sées , fo. 142 ( IRHT #11774).

500 . Bouquet XV, pp. 696–697. Pacaut, Louis VII et les é lections é piscopales en France , p. 90.

501 . ALL , #3, p. 5. 502 . In a reference to the election of the archbishop of Tours in the 1170s, Arnulf

maintained that even if the election were irregular, the virtue of the man con-cerned was adequate compensation, ALL , #99. Earlier, in 1161, he had acted in the same way when he found, to his astonishment, that Alexander III had allowed Bishop Froger to plan the replacement of regulars by seculars. “We do not want things done by general agreement,” he wrote, “if we consider them to be wrong,” ibid., #35. Nevertheless, consideration of the character of the bishop-elect as of greater importance than adherence to the form of election was a solution proposed to the problem of a split election involving two or more candidates, R. Benson, “Election by Community and Chapter. Ref lections on Co-responsibility in the Historical Church,” The Jurist 31 (1971): 78–79.

503 . “ Homo fallax venit ad vos , credo ut falla ,” and so on, Letters of St. Bernard , #324; Bouquet XV, p. 603.

504 . Benson, The Bishop-Elect , pp. 61, 91, 231, 241. 505 . ALL , #3. Gallia XI, cl. 687–688. Diceto , RS -68, I, p. 256. Gerald of Wales,

De Principis Instructione , RS -21, VIII, pp. 160, 301, who compared the mutila-tion of Gerard by the father, Geoffrey of Anjou, to the martyrdom of Thomas Becket by the son, Henry II. Böhmer argued that the injuries done to Gerard caused less outrage than might have been expected because many of the clergy had protested against his uncanonical election. Duke Geoffrey’s answer was to submit the question of the election to the bishops. They, however, did not want to make a judgment and appealed to Rome. As a consequence, the case dragged on longer than it should have. Celestine II and Lucius II died before Eugenius III prevailed upon Geoffrey to approve of Gerard in 1147 and to confer the tem-poralia , Kirche und Staat , pp. 315–316.

N O T E S 407

506 . Warren called the election at Sées “exceptional,” but it is not clear which part of the process he had in mind, Henry II , p. 433.

507 . RS -82, IV, p. 149. 508 . ALL , #34, p. 57. 509 . Gerard’s date of death is given as 1157 in the Gallia XI, cl. 689, but the date

Froger became bishop ranges from 1157 to 1159. D&B, following Robert of Torigni, preferred 1159, and, precisely, December 20, 1159, see D&B, Introduction , pp. 367–368; I, p. 231n.

510 . A letter from Achard to Arnulf assured the bishop of his devotion and affection, MPL 196:1382.

511 . The difficulty, such as it was, was recognized by Pacaut, but not discussed in detail, M. Pacaut, Louis VII et les é lections é piscopales en France , pp. 118–119.

512 . CTB , II, p. 1363. MPL 196:1373. 513 . This is the position taken by Arnoux: “ C’est sans doute lui [Arnulf] qui s’entremit

en 1159 pour faire élire au siège de Sées de l’abbé Achard de Saint-Victor ,” Des clercs au service de la r é forme , p. 71.

514 . Gallia XI, cl. 689: “ Frogerius chartularii filius .” ALL , #34–35. EEA 14, #63, 65, and pp. lii, 129–131. Avrom Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury (London: University of London Press, 1956), charter #145, where “Roger” is read for “Froger.” Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 49, 99, 185.

515 . JSL I, #107. 516 . D&B I, pp. 198–199, 211–212, 229–231, 339–341. Eyton, Itinerary , p. 6 (1155),

pp. 15 and 17 (1156). LRS -RA I, #187 (1155 x 1158). 517 . “ Anima mea , pater , in amaritudine est ,” CTB , #170, pp. 782–783. 518 . See note 505. 519 . Foreville, “L’église anglo-normande au temps du bienheureux Achard de Saint-

Victor, évêque d’Avranches,” Revue de l ’ Avranchin (1961). For Froger’s consecra-tion, see ibid., pp. 153–175, n. 1698.

520 . CTB , #170, pp. 782–784, “ Frogerius in ecclesiam sagiensem non electus sed intrusus est .”

521 . Materials , RS -67, II, pp. 342–343. “ Intrusio ” in the sense of trespass is used by Gerald of Wales in defense of the independence of the Welsh bishoprics from English-Norman domination. So Peter de Leia was “intruded” into St. David’s, not elected canonically, in 1176, and Geoffrey of Henlaw likewise in 1203, RS - 21, III, pp. 135, 244–246.

522 . D&B I, #93, 106, 124, 204; II, suppl. VII, p. 434. 523 . D&B I, #198, 225, 305, 387, 399, 433. 524 . ALL , #34. 525 . Ibid., #35. 526 . In November 1153 by Anastasius IV and again in December 1160 by Alexander

III, PUF , #72, 106. 527 . Shown by his attestations of royal charters from 1159 to 1185, D&B I and II. 528 . CTB , #227, 243–244. 529 . Ibid., #265: a letter from Becket to Froger written early in 1170 just after the

failed talks in Paris. 530 . Ibid., #296. D&B I, pp. 453–454. 531 . CTB , #274. 532 . Ibid., #275–277, and 296: “ Et si non auderet Eboracensis , manus tamen cruentas

apponeret carnifex Sagiensis .” GFLC , #211–212.

N O T E S408

533 . CTB , #274, 300, pp. 1276–1277. 534 . Froger was at Rouen and Caen in 1173. He charged the treasury for the cost of a

boat to take him across the channel in August. He attested the treaty drawn up at Ivry between Henry II and Louis VII on September 25, 1177, Sir Christopher Hatton ’ s Book of Seals , #280. Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 177, 183. Gerald of Wales, RS -21, VIII, p. 169.

535 . It would appear that at one point Froger contemplated retirement to a monastic house while retaining the insignia of his episcopal office. To keep the symbols was forbidden by Alexander III, Decretales ineditae saeculi XII, from the Papers of the Late Walther Holtzmann, Stanley Chodorow and Charles Duggan, eds. (Città del Vaticano: 1982), # 24, p. 43. ALL , #33–34. Gallia XI, cl. 691–692. JSL II, 298, p. 693. CTB , #243, n. 14. Eyton, Itinerary , p. 92.

536 . Henry II left England in March 1182 and returned in June 1184. He left again in April 1185 for a year abroad. He was again away from February 1187 until January 1188. In July 1188, he left England for the last time and died at Chinon on July 6, 1189.

537 . Gallia XI, cl. 690–691. 538 . Landon, Itinerary , pp. 27–28, 30, 123, 126. 539 . Powicke, The Loss of Normandy , p. 248; Packard, “King John and the Norman

Church”; Baldwin, “Philip Augustus and the Norman Church”; Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England ; Foreville, “Innocent III et les élections épiscopales dans l’espace Plantagenet de 1198 à 1205,” pp. 294–295; Harper-Bill, “John and the Church of Rome”; Power, “The Norman Church and the Angevin and Capetian Kings”; Richardson and Sayles The Governance of Medieval England , pp. 339–340; Else Gütschow, Innocenz III und England , pp. 117–120; Guilloreau, “L’Election de Silvestre à l’évêché de Séez,” pp. 423–439; Arnoux, Des clercs au service de la r é forme , p. 39 et seq.

540 . MPL 214: 1038–1044, but which is not without f laws in chronology and in the citation of the persons involved.

541 . Rot.Litt.Pat. I, p. 6. 542 . The candidates were Sylvester, archdeacon of Sées; W., archdeacon of Corbon in

the diocese; Magister G. de Pratis; Robert de Merula; William, the prior. 543 . Walter may also have had in mind the recent seizure by the king of the barony of

Geoffrey, archbishop of York, the former archdeacon of Rouen, and the £1,000 fine laid upon him to recover it, S. Painter, The Reign of King John (Baltimore: JHU, 1949, Pb.1966), p. 157.

544 . Rot.Litt.Pat. , I, p. 8. As to Herbert, son of Ralph Labbe, the assumption here is that l’Abbé was the family name, not a reference to an abbot. See Power, The Norman Frontier , pp. 77–78; Rot.Litt.Pat. , p. 8: “ Herbertus filius Radulfi Labbe .” The contrary view was to make Herbert the son of the abbot of Grestain: “ Il y a deux évêques , Robert de Merula , élu du chapitre , et Herbert , fils de l’abbé de Grestain , nommé par le roi, ” see F. Loddé, “L’Histoire d’un chapitre régulier au moyen âge: celui du diocèse de Sées,” in Chapitres et Cath é drales , pp. 241–251; and “ le candidat royal , Herbert , fils de Robert [sic] abbé de Grestain ,” R. Foreville, “Innocent III et les élections épiscopales,” in Recueil d ’é tudes à L. Musset , p. 295; and E. Gütschow, Innocenz III und England , p. 118, n. 3. The abbot of Grestain at the time was a monk of the same house elected in September 1197, see C. Bréard, L ’ Abbaye de Notre-Dame de Grestain , p. 61.

545 . Rot.Litt.Pat. , p. 8. 546 . MPL 214: 1039B and 1044C.

N O T E S 409

547 . Rot.Litt.Pat. , p. 16. 548 . Selected Letters of Innocent III , #17. MPL 215: 69–70. 549 . Innocent III, for his part, was given to f ling about threats of censure. See Letters

of Innocent III , #120, 127, 179, 192, 242, 318, 506. 550 . MPL 215: 69–70. 551 . Regesta Pontificum Romanorum , A. Potthast, ed., #1043. 552 . “ Quod est contra dignitatem et libertatem nostram et terre nostre ,” Cheney, Innocent III

and England , p. 128, from the Liberate rolls . 553 . For a commentary on these moves, see Power, “The Norman Church and the

Angevin and Capetian Kings,” JEH 56 (2005): 215. 554 . Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England , p. 128.

7 The King’s Bishop

1 . He was the second Henry in the Norman line of bishops after a tenth-cen-tury Henry. Hence he is sometimes cited as Henry II of Bayeux. A sampling of the authors who identify him as “Henry de Beaumont” includes Thomas Stapleton, ed., Magni rotuli scaccarii normanniae sub regibus angliae , ed., 2 vols. (London: 1840–1844), I, p. cliii; William Stubbs, ed., Gervase of Canterbury, The Historical Works , 2 vols., RS -73 (London: 1879–1880), II, p. 459; William Henry Jones, Fasti ecclesiae Sarisberiensis (Salisbury: Brown & Co., 1879), p. 309; Sarell E. Gleason, An Ecclesiastical Barony of the Middle Ages. The Bishopric of Bayeux: 1066–1204 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1936), pp. 31–32; Raymonde Foreville, L’église et la royaut é en Angleterre sous Henri II Plantagen ê t (Paris: 1943), index, p. 595; I.P. Shaw, “The Ecclesiastical Policy of Henry on the Continent,” Church Quarterly Review 151 (1951): 151–154; C.N.L. Brooke and Adrian Morey, The Letters and Charters of Gilbert Foliot , (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), p. 530; W.L. Warren, Henry II (London: Eyre Methuen, 1973), p. 536); David S. Spear, “The Norman Empire and the Secular Clergy: 1066–1204,” JBS 21 (1982): 6; Stanley Chodorow and Charles Duggan, eds., Decretales inedi-tae saeculi XII, from the Papers of the Late Walther Holtzmann (Citt à del Vaticano: 1982), #21, 23; Frank Barlow, Thomas Becket (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986; 3d ed. 1997), pp. 139, 254, 326; Christopher Harper-Bill, “John of Oxford, Diplomat and Bishop,” Medieval Ecclesiastical Studies in Honour of Dorothy Owen (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1995) p. 86; English Episcopal Acta (London: Oxford University Press, 1980–), 18 and 19, p. 34; The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury , Anne J. Duggan, ed., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), I, p. 54, n. 2; p. 689, n. 6); Julia Barrow, “Origins and Careers of Cathedral Canons in Twelfth-Century England,” Medieval Prosopography 21 (2000): 31, n. 30; Daniel J. Power, The Norman Frontier in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 135. But the editors of the Gallia refer to him simply as “Henry of Bayeux, the bishop” and D. Greenway, while she lists him as Beaumont (“The Inf luence of the Norman Cathedrals on the Secular Cathedrals in England in the Anglo-Norman Period: 1066–1204,” Chapitres et cath é drales en Normandie , Sylvette Lemagnen and Philippe Manneville, eds. (Caen: Mus é e de Normandie, 1997), p. 277) also notes that although the bishop may be Henry de Beaumont there was no connection with Beaumont-le-Roger, see Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae , Diana E. Greenway et al., eds., 9 vols. (London: IHR, 1968–2003), IV, p. 9. Lindy Grant eschews the Beaumont name altogether, see Architecture and Society in Normandy , pp. 21, 28.

N O T E S410

2 . V. Gazeau, “Le patrimoine d’Hugues de Bayeux,” in Les Ev ê ques normands du XIe si è cle (Caen: Universit é , 1995), p. 141. D. Crouch, The Beaumont Twins. The Roots and Branches of Power in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), chapter 1 . Lewis C. Loyd, The Origins of Some Anglo-Norman Families , Charles T. Clay and David C. Douglas, eds. (Leeds: Harleian Society, 1951), p. 13.

3 . Joseph Avril, Le Gouvernement des é v ê ques et la vie religieuse dans le dioc è se d’Angers: 1148–1240 , 2 vols. (Lille: Universit é , 1984), I, pp. 379–380.

4 . As in Rotuli chartarum in turri Londiensi asservati , Thomas Duffus Hardy, ed. (London: Record Commission, 1837), pp. 36, 57, 60, and in H. Dupuy, ed., Recueil des actes des é v ê ques de Bayeux ant é rieurs à 1205 , passim. In the citation in the Gallia , the only “Henry de Beaumont” is “ Henricus de Bello-Monte, comes de Warvic ,” pp. 6, 50.

5 . Livre Noir , p. 405, and Introduction , p. xxii. 6 . Ren é F.-N. Sauvage, L’Abbaye de Saint-Martin de Troarn au dioc è se de Bayeux des

origines au seizi è me si è cle (Caen: Henri Delesques, 1911), p. 81, n. 2. Edmond de Laheudrie, Bayeux capitale du Bessin des origines à la fin de la monarchie (Bayeux: Colas, 1945), II, p. 22.

7 . OV , VI, p. 202. V. Bourrienne, Un grand b â tisseur, Philippe de Harcourt, é v ê que de Bayeux: 1142–1163 (Paris: Jean Naert, 1930), appendix 2, p. 136. Geoffrey H. White, “The Career of Waleran, Count of Melun and Earl of Worcester: 1104–1166,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 4th ser, 17 (1934): 30.

8 . Papsturkunden in Frankreich , Bd. II, Normandie, Johannes Ramackers, ed. (G ö ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1937), #211. Rotuli litterarum patentium, 1201–1216 , T.D. Hardy, ed. (London: Record Commission, 1835), p. 58.

9 . The Letters and Charters of Gilbert Foliot , Adrian Morey and C.N.L. Brooke, eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), #468. Westminster Abbey Charters:1066–c.1214 , Emma Mason, ed., London Record Society 25 (London: 1988), #210, 300.

10 . For the attestations, see EEA 2, #62–64, 68, 80–82, 85, 89, 90–92, 98, 112–113, 117, 131–132, 144, 146, 162–163, 173–174, 193, 198–199, 202, 213, 220–222, 226, 228, 232. For the three Henrys, see D&B II, pp. 251–252; The Domesday Monachorum of Christ Church, Canterbury , David Douglas, ed. (London: RHS, 1944), p. 109, n. 6, and as witnesses to the same charter, Henry, the archdeacon of Bayeux, Henry of Bayeux, and Henry, the bishop of Bayeux (ibid., p. 45, n. 4).

11 . EEA 18, #66, 73, 97, 99, 141. Regesta III, #795. Fasti IV, p. 32. 12 . Fasti IV, p. 3. 13 . For Henry as dean, see EEA 18, #47, 73–74, 85–86, 121, 124 and Fasti IV,

p. 9. 14 . In addition to Bayeux, the dean’s office at Salisbury supplied Robert of Chichester

to Exeter in 1155, John of Oxford to Norwich in 1175, Eustace to Ely in 1197, and Richard Poore to Chichester in 1215 ( Fasti IV, pp. 9–11). Henry, as bishop, kept up relations with his old see in England by the appointment of Salisbury men to positions in his administration.

15 . Livre Noir I, #128. 16 . Robert de Torigni, RS -82, IV, p. 225. Livre Noir I, p. lix. GFLC , p. 530; but

see The Letters of John of Salisbury , W.J. MiIlor, H.E. Butler, and C.N.L. Brooke, eds., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979–1986), II, p. xxv, where the

N O T E S 411

editor is more cautious: “At some date in 1164–1165, Henry de Beaumont [sic] , dean of Salisbury, became bishop of Bayeux.” D&B I, pp. 37, 381. The entry in the Gallia hedges between the two years.

17 . P. Chaplais, “Henry II’s Reissue of the Canons of the Council of Lillebonne in Whitsun 1080 (February 25, 1162?),” Journal of the Society of Archivistes 4 (1973): 627–633. OV, III, pp. 24–35. Charles H. Haskins, Norman Institutions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1918; Rp. New York: Frederick Ungar, 1960), pp. 170–171. Warren, Henry II , pp. 95–96.

18 . Gleason, An Ecclesiastical Barony , chapter IV . 19 . PUF , #143, 163, 282. Livre Noir I, pp. 207–208, 251. Marcel Pacaut, Alexandre

III. Etude sur la conception du pouvoir pontifical dans sa pens é e et dans son oeuvre (Paris: J. Vrin, 1956), p. 289.

20 . Sauvage, L’Abbaye de St. Martin de Troarn , pp. 80–83, 384–385. Livre Noir I, pp. 161–164. For the earlier dispute under Philip de Harcourt, ibid. pp. 200–201, 236–237.

21 . PUF , #143, 185, 188. Livre Noir I, pp. 205–208. 22 . Ibid., #45, 55–56, 240. 23 . See appendix III 24 . Livre Noir I, pp. 86 and 104. Port-en-Bessin was, and still is, on the Channel coast.

The aquagium referred either to the water-course or to the cost to maintain it. 25 . Ibid., pp. 87, 327–330. Gallia XI, cl. 364. 26 . Livre Noir I, pp. 329–330; II, pp. 9–11. 27 . D&B, Introduction , pp. 485–486. Livre Noir I, pp. 146–147. 28 . Ibid., pp. lxxxi–lxxxv. 29 . Ibid., p. 252; II, pp. 8–9. Dupuy, Recueil #196. 30 . There is a summary by Bourrienne in the Livre Noir I, pp. lxii–lxiii, and p. 32.

Regesta II, #1894; III, #64–65. 31 . Livre Noir I, pp. 20–22, 34–35. Haskins, Norman Institutions , pp. 213–215. 32 . Livre Noir I, pp. 167–168. 33 . Ibid., pp. 19–20, 166. D&B I, pp. 75–76, 81–82. Philip leased the property to

Simon de Sacaville, a canon in Bayeux, Livre Noir I, pp. 323–324. 34 . Livre Noir I, pp. 319–320. 35 . Ibid., pp. 254–255. The relative was Henry “ custos Baiocensis ,” that is, the keeper,

guardian, warden, or in some cases, the farmer of the property. When the posi-tion was held by Peter d’Ablegiis in the thirteenth century, he had the obligation to supply candles for lights in the church, Livre Noir II, pp. 14–18.

36 . John R.H. Moorman, Church Life in England in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1945), p. 172.

37 . Materials for the History of Thomas Becket , James C. Robertson et al., eds., 7 vols., RS -67 (London: 1875–1885), II, pp. 53–54.

38 . The Letters of Arnulf of Lisieux , Frank Barlow, ed. (London: RHS, 1939), #18. 39 . A predicament vividly described at Bury St. Edmunds by Jocelin of Brakelond. 40 . As in the notorious case of Thomas Becket. 41 . Livre Noir I, pp. 141, 168–170. Dupuy, Recueil , #220–223. Charters of the Anglo-

Norman Earls of Chester , Geoffrey Barraclough, ed. (Gloucester: 1988), #319. 42 . For Humphrey as archicapellanus , see Dupuy, Recueil , #67, 71–72, where the posi-

tion is correctly translated as “chancellor,” and as capellanus , see #242. At a later date (1174 x 1190), Ralph magister was described as “chancellor” and, assuming it was the same man, as archicapellanus , see Dupuy, Recueil , #100–117.

N O T E S412

43 . Livre Noir I, p. 154. Dupuy, Recueil , #251. Anfredus Bove and Anfredus Bove, junior, attest a charter together 1164 x 1182, Dupuy, Recueil , #86.

44 . John was ready to make amends in order to recover the king’s goodwill, but always saving his own conscience and reputation, JSL II, #139.

45 . Ibid., #138. 46 . Hugh and Roger Bovet: Dupuy, Recueil , #70, 101, 133, 179–180, 182, 212, 223,

271. Hugh Buvet, junior: EEA 18, #124. See also Fasti IV, p. 122. 47 . Dupuy, Recueil , #112, 115, 117, 121–122, 132. Livre Noir I, #129, p. 156. Fasti

IV, pp. 10, 32, 113. Jordan, the dean, was a different man from Jordan who was treasurer of Salisbury when Henry was archdeacon and dean there ( EEA 18, p. lxvi, #85–86, 99, 124, 131). Nor was he the Jordan who was an archdeacon in the Bayeux diocese. Both men attested the same charter ca. 1177 ( Livre Noir I, #96, p. 120). Nor was he likely to have been Jordan the sacrist (Dupuy, Recueil , #143).

48 . Alexander: Dupuy, Recueil , #71, 135. John: ibid., #134. Jordan, magister : ibid., #109–110. Geoffrey: Livre Noir II, p. 171. William: Livre Noir I, p. 318; II, p. 24.

49 . “ Terras Suhardi exceptis illis quas cum foemina accepit ” ( Livre Noir I, pp. 27–29). 50 . Regesta (Bates), #26, 46, 91 (St. Vigor, Cerisy). 51 . Livre Noir I, pp. 49, 188, 192. PUF , #23, 30–31. 52 . There were the brothers Robert, Simon, and Roger in the 1180s ( Livre Noir I, p. 17)

and probably their relatives, Elias and Ralph (ibid., pp. cxxxix, cxliv–cxlv, lii). 53 . Ibid., pp. 174–176. 54 . Livre Noir II, p. 84. 55 . A random selection would include the following foundations:

Benedictine St. Vigor de Cerisy-la-For ê t St. Etienne de Fontenay Notre-Dame de Longues St. Martin de Troarn St. Etienne and Ste. Trinit é de Caen

Cistercian: Aunay-sur-Odon Val Richer Barbery Torigni

Augustinian : Notre-Dame du Val St. Etienne de Plessis-Grimoult

Praemonstratensian : Notre-Dame d’Ardennes Belle-Etoile.

56 . Dupuy, Recueil , who counted 230 acta of which 67 were original. 57 . Fran ç ois Neveux, La Normandie des ducs au rois, Xe-XIIe si è cle (Rennes: Editions

Ouest-France, 1998), p. 392. 58 . Regesta (Bates), #27. 59 . Livre Noir I, pp. 185–193. PUF , #23, 30. Gallia XI, cl. 441. 60 . Collected in L é chaud é d’Ainsy, II, #18, 41–47, 54, 276, 498–499, 606, 667, 676,

762, 773, 784–785, 822–823, 849, 852, 860, 977–978, 1118, 1148–1150, 1193, 1217, 1241, 1265–1266, 1352, 1383, 1386, 1434. The general confirmations are listed in Dupuy, Recueil , #63, 66, 83, 93, 188, 246–247.

N O T E S 413

61 . Jean Fourn é e, ‘Les chanoines r é guliers dans l’ancien dioc è se de Bayeux,” Recueil d’études en hommage à Lucien Musset (Caen: Mus é e de Normandie, 1990), pp. 255–280.

62 . Dupuy, Recueil , #67–68, 209, 260. D&B I, pp. 154, 179. Des clercs au service de la r é forme. Etudes et documents sur les chanoines r é guliers de la province de Rouen , Mathieu Arnoux, ed. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), p. 128.

63 . Ibid., pp. 96–101. 64 . The village of Cahagnes lies about thirty kilometers southwest of Caen between

Aunay-sur-Odon and Balleroy. The identification as the “church of Kaanes (Caen)” by Alfred Heales in The Records of Merton Priory in the County of Surrey (London: Henry Frowde, 1898), pp. 55–57) and by C.W. Foster and Kathleen Major in Registrum Antiquissimum of the Cathedral Church of Lincoln (Hereford: LRS, 1931–1973) I, p. 245 seems a stretch of the evidence.

65 . Arnoux, Des clercs au service de la r é forme , p. 98. 66 . Heales, Records of Merton Priory , p. 57. 67 . EEA 4, #167. PUF , #191. Rot. Chart. , p. 36. Donald Matthew, The Norman

Monasteries and Their English Possessions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 99.

68 . Dupuy, Recueil , #86. But the confirmation of property to N.D. du Val by Henry II in 1177 x 1183 does not include the church at Cahagnes (Arnoux, Des clercs au service de la r é forme , pp. 353–354).

69 . Dupuy, Recueil , #87. Some other men linked by name to Cahagnes and so, perhaps, to the same family appear in the acta of Henry of Bayeux: Philip de Cahagnes and Roger de Cahagnes, decanus (Dupuy, Recueil , #223, 261).

70 . Livre Noir I, pp. 57–60. 71 . “ Ad fabricam ecclesiae Baiocensis ,” ibid., pp. 104–105. 72 . As judge-delegate, see Dupuy, Recueil , #29, 62, 65. 73 . Carolyn P. Schriber, The Dilemma of Arnulf of Lisieux. New Ideas versus Old Ideals

(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), pp. x, 122. 74 . Gleason, An Ecclesiastical Barony , p. 34. 75 . See the comments on Arnulf in chapter 6 for Lisieux at note 411. 76 . JSL II, #137–138. 77 . Ibid., #152. 78 . Ibid., #191. 79 . Ibid., #236, 280. 80 . “ Vestre excellentie, vestre caritatis, maiestas vestra, vestre gratie, dilectio vestra ,” are stan-

dard epistolary forms but used to excess by Arnulf when he was seeking favors. For example, in letters to Henry, the bishop, and to Henry II: “ excellentia vestra, magnificentio vestra, vestra prudentia, vestra dignitatio ” ( ALL , #90, 106, 110).

81 . Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, J.-P. Migne, ed., 221 vols. (Paris: 1844–1864), 207: #50. The Peterborough Chronicle , Cecily Clark, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1958), RS -49, I, pp. 271–272.

82 . For the bishop’s competence, see Gleason, An Ecclesiastical Barony , chapter IV . 83 . PUF , #139, 144, 171, 188. Livre Noir , p. clxiii. Foreville, L’Eglise et la royaut é ,

pp. 458–459. Guillame Mollat, “Le droit de patronage en Normandie du XIe au XVe si è cle,” Revue d’histoire eccl é siastique 33 (1937): 478–479.

84 . Robert Somerville, Pope Alexander III and the Council of Tours (1163). A Study of Ecclesiastical Politics and Institutions in the Twelfth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), p. 7.

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85 . His colleagues were the archbishop of York and Rouen, and the bishops of Hereford, London, and Worcester, Mary Cheney, Roger, Bishop of Worcester: 1164–1179 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 28.

86 . ALL , #64, 119–121. GFLC , #119, 133. 87 . JSL I, #137–138, 190–191. Beryl Smalley, The Becket Conf lict and the Schools .

A Study of Intellectuals in Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 65–69.

88 . JSL II, #230–231, 237. 89 . Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 190–191. Cheney, Roger of Worcester , p. 41. 90 . Anne Heslin, “The Coronation of the Young King in 1170,” Studies in Church

History 2 (1968): 165–178. 91 . Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 206–207, and p. 312, n. 16. CTB , pp. 1221–1222,

n. 8. 92 . William Fitz-Stephen in Materials , RS -67, III, p. 107. CTB , #300. Duggan,

Thomas Becket , chapter 9 . 93 . JSL II, #305, pp. 728, 736. 94 . Materials , RS -67, IV, p. 206. Robert W. Eyton, Court, Household, and Itinerary

of King Henry II (London: Taylor & Co., 1878; Rp. Hildesheim: Olms, 1974), p. 156

95 . Ibid., p. 154. 96 . Ibid., p. 157. 97 . Ibid., pp. 164–166. 98 . Materials , RS -67, IV, pp. 166–168. ALL , #87. 99 . Barlow, Thomas Becket , pp. 254–255.

100 . ALL , #72. 101 . The other vacant churches were Carlisle since 1157, Bath and Lincoln since

1166, Hereford since 1167, Chichester and Ely since 1169, and Winchester since 1171.

102 . Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73, I, pp. 240–242. 103 . “ Volebat enim rex et priorem [Odo] exorabat ut episcopus Baiocensis eligeretur. Erat

enim vir ille nimiae simplicitatis qui de facili ab intentione sua alias quolibet valeret avelli ” (ibid.). Thus “ simplex ” as “ingenuous,” “artless,” “na ï f,” even “honest.” “ Homme d’une grande simplicit é facile à d é tourner de ses propos ” (Foreville, L’Eglise et la royaut é , p. 375). “Of exceeding simplicity and weakness of will” (Adrian Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter, Bishop and Canonist. A Study in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1937), p. 34), which may push the meaning too far to the bishop’s detriment. Or, as the Gallia put it, “ Occiso S. Thoma Cantuariensi anno 1170, cupiebat Henricus Angliae rex Henricum subrogari ob faciles ejus mores ab inf lexo Thomae animo multum abhorrentes, quod tamen minime factum ” ( Gallia XI, cl. 364).

104 . GFLC , #220, p. 294. C&S I, ii, pp. 956–965. Henry Mayr-Harting, “Henry II and the Papacy,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 16 (1965): 39–53.

105 . Quoted in Walter F. Hook, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury , 2d ed. (London: R. Bentley, 1860–1876), II, p. 512.

106 . GFLC , #220, p. 294. Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73, I, pp. 241–242. 107 . JSL II, p. xxv. Warren, Henry II , pp. 535–536. 108 . Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73, I, pp. 241–242. Diceto , RS -68, I, p. 372. 109 . Saltman, Theobald , pp. 164, 310, 543. JSL II, #311, p. 762. 110 . Ibid . Diceto , RS -68, I, p. 372. Gervase of Canterbury, RS -73, I, pp. 241–242.

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111 . Eyton, Itinerary , p. 118. 112 . JSL II, #312–314. C&S I, ii, p. 959. 113 . Diceto , RS -68, I, pp. 388–389. 114 . Charles Duggan, Twelfth-Century Decretal Collections and Their Importance in

English History (London: Athlone, 1963), p. 149. 115 . Smalley, The Becket Conf lict and the Schools , p. 216, but with no reference. 116 . Warren, Henry II , pp. 540, 553. 117 . See appendix IV 118 . D&B II, pp. 18–21. Eyton, Itinerary , pp. 185, 189. Diceto, RS -68 I,

pp. 398–399. 119 . Gesta regis Henrici secundi (Benedict of Peterborough), William Stubbs, ed.,

2 vols., RS -49 (London: 1867), I, p. 167. Eyton noted an apparent discrepancy between two references to Henry of Bayeux, one of which placed him at Caen in January 1177, and the other which had him in Sicily in February. The date of the assize at Caen, however, is unconfirmed. It is possible that Henry may have gone no further than his diocese.

120 . This was a medieval version of the modern non-aggression pact. The Treaty of Ivry was a temporary expedient that allowed Henry II to clear his f lanks and reduce the threat of armed intervention by Louis VII. In the meantime, he was able to consolidate his hold on northern Aquitaine (D&B II, pp. 60–62; and Warren, Henry II , pp. 144–147).

121 . Marcel Pacaut, Louis VII et les é lections é piscopales dans le royaume de France (Paris: J. Vrin, 1957), 101–102. Warren, Henry II , pp. 561–563.

122 . EEA 4, #295. Diceto , RS -68, II, pp. 10, 96. John T. Appleby, England without Richard: 1189–1199 (Ithaca: Cornell, 1965), p. 71 (although “ Henricus Bajocensis ” was misread as ‘Henry of Bayonne”).

123 . D&B II, pp. 219–221. 124 . Peterborough chronicle , RS -49, p. 300. 125 . These figures are based on the Dupuy corpus but the number varies depending

on who is doing the counting. D&B list 67 royal acta with Henry as witness but this is certainly too low. In a qualified survey, Keefe listed Henry as number 40, in last place, among witnesses in the years 1189–1190 with only six appearances. Heiser’s base is much smaller and his variants less important (D&B, Introduction , p. 37; Thomas K. Keefe, “Counting Those Who Count. A Computer-Assisted Analysis of Charter Witness Lists and the Itinerant Court in the First Year of the Reign of Richard I,” Haskins Society Journal 1 (1989): 137; Richard R. Heiser, “The Royal Familiares of King Richard I,” Medieval Prosography 10 (1989): 25–50.

126 . Diceto , RS -68 II, p. 167. 127 . Landon, Itinerary , pp. 6–7. 128 . Acta of Henry II and Richard I , vol. I, J.C. Holt and R. Mortimer, eds., List &

Index Society (Kew: 1986); vol. II, N. Vincent, ed., List & Index Society (Kew: 1996); vol. 27, #235.

129 . Diceto , RS -68, II, pp. 166–167. 130 . For St. Evroult, see Dupuy, Recueil , #62 and OV, II, pp. 36–37. For S é es, see

PUF , #208. For Rouen, see Gallia XI, cl. 365. 131 . “To rise between two stools” was a remark attributed to John Bayley and quoted

by Raymond Tallis in a critical piece on literature and neuroscience in the TLS , April 11, 2008, p. 13.

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132 . Gallia XI, cl. 365. 133 . Named for the sixth-century bishop of Bayeux ( OV, IV, pp. 116–119; Gallia XI,

cl. 348–349; Livre Noir I, pp. 10–13). 134 . Gallia XI, Instrumenta , p. 76. OV, V, pp. 208–211. 135 . Bouquet XXIII, pp. 699–702. 136 . Livre Noir I, pp. 224–225; II, pp. 58–59. 137 . Gallia XI, cl. 364–366. Dupuy, Recueil , #56, 60, 69, 242, 253. 138 . Ibid ., #253. Fasti IV, p. 135. EEA 18, pp. lxvi–lxix. 139 . Dupuy, Recueil , #251, 253. Ralph, “ avunculus episcopi ” attested a charter for St.

Martin de Troarn, but the date is uncertain (ibid., #55 and CDF #499). He was probably the uncle of Bishop Philip de Harcourt, not of Henry, since he appeared in acta which can be dated before 1164 ( Livre Noir I, #73, 139).

140 . Henry and John: Dupuy, Recueil , #251. Gilbert (“ consanguineus . . . episcopi ”) ibid., #220. I.P. Shaw, “The Ecclesiastical Policy of Henry II on the Continent,” Church Quarterly Review 151 (1951) p. 151.

8 Policy and Patronage

1 . J. Roberts, History of Europe (London: Penguin, 1997), p. 185. Likewise R.W. Southern in Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages (1970), p. 16: “The identification of the church with the whole of organized society is the funda-mental feature which distinguishes the Middle Ages from earlier and later peri-ods of history.”

2 . Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione liber , RS -21, VIII. Peter of Blois, Letters #14, 139, in Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina , J.-P. Migne, ed. 221 vols. (Paris: 1844–1864, 207: 415. Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, Courtiers’ Trif les, M.R. James, C.N.L. Brooke, and R.A.B. Mynors, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983). See also S. Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness. Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals: 939–1210 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), chapters 3 and 9.

3 . OV , V, pp. 202–203. 4 . Medieval off icials in orders were heirs to a long relationship that had at its core

the intractable problem of the church in the world but not of it. An early solu-tion was proposed by the Emperor Constantine who, in a letter to Anulinus, proconsul of Africa (AD 313) where the reference was to the Christian clergy in the diocese of Carthage, ordered a separation of clerical duties from secular ones so that the welfare of the empire might be enhanced: “For when they [the clergy] render supreme service to the deity, it seems that they confer the great-est possible benefits upon the state” (from Eusebius-Rufinus in MPL vol. 8, col. 482; trans. G.A. Williamson, Eusebius, The History of the Church from Christ to Constantine , pp. 407–408). Although attractive in theory, such an arrangement was impossible in practice, not least because of the need for the better educated clerics in the successful operation of the government. By the twelfth century, as we have seen, the logical accommodation had been found and the double role of the bishop was permanently woven into the fabric of royal administration. In this regard, the recurrent use of the verb fungor , meaning “to discharge an off ice, to rule, to act with authority,” which expresses not only status, but the power attached to it, is made to ref lect this dual concept. So, Leo I “who rules on behalf of St. Peter” (“ cuius vice fungimur ”); and Eusebius again: “caput enim ecclesiae Christus est, Christi vicariisacerdotes sunt, qui vice Christi legatione funguntur

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in ecclesia ,” based on II Corinthians 5:20. See Walter Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages. A Study of the Ideological Relation of Clerical to Lay Power (London: Methuen, 1955; 3d ed. 1970), pp. 2, 8, 183. The wording in a charter of Theobald of Canterbury as papal legate was: “ Et nos igitur ipsam auctoritate sedis apostolicae cuius vice fungimur roboramus ,” see Avrom Saltman, Theobald , Archbishop of Canterbury (London: University of London Press, 1956), #109, p. 331; and Henry of Bayeux conf irmed a donation by the king to the abbey of Plessis-Grimoult in the same way: “ nos autem auctoritate episcopali qua fungimur donum hoc dicti regis confirmavi-mus ” (Dupuy, #163); as did Roger, bishop of Worcester, who intervened in a legal dispute concerning the abbot of Shrewsbury: “ auctoritate qua fungimur ” ( EEA 33, #219). But then on the secular side, Ealdred, bishop of Worcester, acted for the king as legate to the emperor: “ Dein magnis cum xeniis regis fungitur legatione ad imperatorem ,” see The Chronicle of John of Worcester , R.R. Darlington, P. McGurk, and Jennifer Bray, eds., vols. II and III (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995–1998), II, pp. 574–575; and Roger, bishop of Salisbury, was described as: “ Saresberiensis episcopus factus maximis in regno fungebatur officiis et honoribus ” ( Dialogus de Scaccario , p. 42).

5 . By way of review, some pertinent examples may be cited. In an early stage of the history, Ealdred of York was sent to meet with the pope in 1050 and acted as envoy in Germany in 1054. Henry of Winchester, Roger of York, Gilbert of London, Hilary of Chichester, and Bartholomew of Exeter were charged to lay out the king’s case against Thomas Becket in the papal court held at Sens in 1164. William de Chemille, the elect of Avranches, with Philip of Durham and Eustace, the elect of Ely, represented the interests of Richard I in Germany in 1198. John of Norwich and Giles of Evreux were delegates of Henry II to the king of Sicily in Palermo in 1176 to prepare the marriage of Henry’s daughter, Joanna. Philip of Durham, Hugh of Durham, and Geoffrey of Coventry were sent at different times to mediate agreements with the King of Scots. Walter of Rouen, John of Norwich, Baldwin of Canterbury, and Hugh of Lincoln were chosen to deal with Philip II in the negotiations to establish treaties of peace in the late 1180s.

6 . The classic form was provided by John of Salisbury in a letter to Baldwin, arch-deacon of Totnes in 1170. Referring to the position of Henry II with regard to the impasse in the Becket dispute, John reported an offer of compromise by the king: “He demanded nothing in return save that the archbishop perform what is due to a king, while he in turn will perform what is due from a king to an archbishop” ( The Letters of John of Salisbury , W.J. MiIlor, H.E. Butler, and C.N.L. Brooke, eds., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979–1986), II, #298, p. 695.

7 . Peter Damian: MPL vol. 145: cl. 463–466. “Uterque ergo ecclesiae et spiritualis scilicet gladius et materialis . . . ,” Bernard of Clairvaux, De consideratione , MPL vol. 182, Book IV, iii, 7.

8 . Dialogus de Scaccario , p. 1. Karl Pellens, Das Kirchendenken des Normannischen Anony-mous, Ver ö ffentlichungen des Instituts f ü r Europ ä ische Geschichte Mainz, Bd. 69 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1973), pp. 226–236.

9 . Cf. Elizabeth A.R. Brown, “Laity, Laicization, and Philip the Fair of France,” Essays in Honour of Susan Reynolds (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), pp. 200–217.

10 . Lateran IV, c. 24, see Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, Joseph Alberigo et al., eds. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose, 1973), pp. 246–247.

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11 . Gregory VII, The Register of Pope Gregory VII: 1073–1085 , H.E.J. Cowdrey, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 1. 43. Ian S. Robinson, “Periculosus homo. Gregory VII and Episcopal Authority,” Viator 9 (1978): 103–131.

12 . Materials , RS -67, V, pp. 428–429. The pope, in turn, urged caution and prudence: “ Quoniam dies mali sunt et multa sunt pro qualitate temporis toleranda discretionem tuam rogamus, monemus, consulimus, et suademus. ” The four were Hugh of Durham, John of Norwich, Robert of Hereford, and Reginald of Bath.

13 . Selected Letters of Innocent III concerning England: 1198–1216 , C.R. Cheney and W.H. Semple, eds. (London: Nelson, 1953), p. 106, n. 7.

14 . D. Carpenter, The Minority of Henry III (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 53, 143.C. Christopher R. Cheney, Pope Innocent and England , P ä pste und Papsttum, Bd. 9 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1976), pp. 80–96. For the position of Grosseteste, there is an illuminating commentary by Richard W. Southern, Robert Grosseteste. The Growth of an English Mind in Medieval Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 276 ff.

15 . Marion Gibbs and Jane Lang, Bishops and Reform: 1215–1272 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1934; Rp. 1962), pp. 55–68.

16 . Peter Heath, Church and Realm: 1272–1461 (London: Fontana, 1988), pp. 92, 138–142. B. Dobson, Church and Society in the Medieval North of England (London: Hambledon, 1996), pp. 170–171. The point was neatly made for the fourteenth century by A.H. Thompson: “No appointment of a bishop, at any rate to the more important sees, was made without respect to his possible service to the govern-ment” ( The English Clergy and Their Organization in the later Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1947), p. 15). See p. 31 for the fifteenth century.

17 . Well-known and inf luential were the Amundeville and d’Alvers at Lincoln, the Malapalude at York and Rouen, the Bove at Bayeux, the Vaudreuil at Evreux, the Mareni at London, and the Sottavagina at York.

18 . A good example may be found in the attempt of Henry III in 1238 to put his man into the see of Winchester. In this endeavor he was thwarted by the resis-tance of the monks, the intervention of the pope, and the untimely death of the candidate. The monks then delayed a vote while the king brought legal pressure to bear so that the case was resolved only five years later. See F. Powicke, King Henry III and the Lord Edward (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1947; Rp. 1966), pp. 270–273.

19 . For references, see: M. Prestwich, English Politics in the Thirteenth Century (New York: St. Martin’s, 1990), pp. 64–68, 76–78; R.N. Swanson, Church and Society in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), pp. 79–82; K. Edwards, The English Secular Cathedrals in the Middle Ages (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967), pp. 97–101; A. Hamilton Thompson, The English Clergy and Their Organization in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1947), pp. 15–39; Marcel Pacaut, Louis VII et les é lections é piscopales dans le royaume de France (Paris: J. Vrin, 1957); H. Rawlings, Church, Religion, and Society in Early Modern Spain (New York: Palgrave, 2002), pp. 50–54; Tarsicio de Azcona, “Reforma del episcopado y del clero de Espa ñ a en tiempo de los reyes cat ó licos y de Carlos V (1475–1558),” Historia de la Iglesia en Espa ñ a , Jos é Luis Gonz á lez Novalin, ed. (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1980), III, I; Jos é Garc í a Oro, Cisneros y la reforma del clero espa ñ ol en tiempo de los reyes cat ó licos (Madrid: CSIC, 1971), pp. 38–39, 351–353; R. Po-Chia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal: 1540–1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 66–73;

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20 . Thomas Becket (Canterbury) died 1170, canonized 1173. After the break with Rome, he was removed from the calendar of the Church of England and his cult destroyed by proclamation of 30 Henry VIII, November 16, 1538.

Wulfstan (Worcester) died 1095, canonized 1203. Hugh (Lincoln) died 1200, canonized 1220. William (York) died 1154, canonized 1226. Osmund (Salisbury) died 1099, canonized 1456 x 1457. Anselm (Canterbury) died 1109, canonized 1720. Remigius (Lincoln) died 1092 (local cult). Robert (Hereford) died 1148 (local cult).

21 . Cf. Bracton, On the Laws and Customs of England , S. Thorne, ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968–1977), IV, p. 327: “because it is over bish-ops that the king has coercion because of their baronies.”

22 . The lack of hostility to episcopal appointments in medieval Iceland, for exam-ple, has been cited as an indication that the group of bishops was of no great importance. See Jesse Byock, Medieval Iceland (Berkeley: University of California, 1988).

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Achard, bishop of Avranches, 48, 204, 206, 247, 248, 382n103

Adelulf (Aethelwulf, Aethelwold), bishop of Carlisle, 45, 76, 321n118

Adolf, archbishop of Köln, 393n258Adrian IV, pope, 83–4, 184, 248, 277,

309n10Aelfric, bishop of Ramsbury and

archbishop of Canterbury, 179Aelfric, bishop of Worcester and

archbishop of York, 170, 178Aelfric III, bishop of Elmham, 137Aelfstan, bishop of London, 286Aelfwine, bishop of Winchester, 137Aescwig, bishop of Dorchester, 286Aethelmaer, bishop of Elmham-Norwich,

45, 59–60, 137, 276Aethelric, monk at Durham, 87Aethelric II, bishop of Selsey, 46, 77Aethelwine, bishop of Durham, 46, 87Aimery, nephew or son of Philip, bishop

of Durham, 95Alan de Bellefago, 139, 204Alan of Tewkesbury, 6Albert, bishop of Ostia, 63Alexander, bishop of Lincoln, 121–2,

130, 160criticism of, 8death, 19, 122family connections, 29, 97, 121, 153,

234, 275, 276length of tenure, 45Matilda, empress and, 131Robert Foliot and, 115Stephen and, 245

Alexander, king of Scots, 76, 77Alexander, son of Richard de Meri,

362–3n925

Alexander II, popeBury St. Edmunds and, 138John, bishop of Avranches and, 18Lanfranc and, 180Remigius of Dorchester and, 119William I and, 196

Alexander III, popeBecket and, 12, 206, 248, 250, 265–6,

273, 356n826bishops holding secular office, 317n40church of Cahagnes and, 262clerical celibacy and, 53–4coronation of young Henry, 265episcopal rights, 257Frederick I/Paschal III and, 163, 356n826Froger, bishop of Sées and, 248–9,

406n502Geoffrey Plantagenet and, 124, 157Gerard, bishop of Coventry and, 84Henry II and, 99, 145, 265–6, 356n826,

380n67, 396n312Innocent III and, 326n206Malmesbury abbot, 303n19nepotism, 55Nostell priory and, 321n118Osbert of Bayeux and, 184reform program, 30Reginald Fitz Jocelin, bishop of Bath

and, 318n65requirements for episcopal office,

299n39Richard, archbishop of Canterbury

and, 67Roger de Pont l’Evêque, archbishop of

York and, 186sons of priests, 54, 311n12Walter, bishop of Rochester and, 150William, archbishop of Sens and, 162

INDEX

I N D E X490

Alexander IV, pope, 313n24Alexander VI, pope, 55Alexander Llewelyn, 73Alexander Neville, archbishop of York, 3Alfred, bishop of Worcester, 47, 173Algar, bishop of Coutances, 48, 219–20Amaury III of Montfort, 225–6American democratic faith, 15Amundeville family, 122, 418n17Anacletus II, antipope, 199, 235Anastasius IV, pope, 183Anger of Bayeux, 225Angers, 171, 207Angevin party, 28

Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and, 236bishops appointed, 155David, king of Scots and, 76Hereford and, 113Jocelin de Bohun family and,

362n925John, bishop of Lisieux and, 235John Marshal I and, 109Philip II and, 193power of appointment and, 39rebellion of 1118–1119, 226Richard de Bohun and, 220Robert, earl of Gloucester and, 172Robert de Neubourg I and, 200Robert of Bellême and, 244success, 63, 245Waleran de Beaumont II and, 212Walter of Coutances and, 252William Cumin and, 93

Anglo-Norman Anonymous, 54, 272–3Annibaldi, Peter, 313n24Anselm, abbot of Santa Saba and Bury St.

Edmunds, 130–1Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, 15,

22, 23, 37, 60–2Avranches and, 204balance of ecclesiastical and secular

power/duties, 263Bury St. Edmunds and, 349n673on canonical elections, 111canonization, 419n20clerical celibacy, 313n23criticism of, 55, 141, 349n673death, 96exile, 26, 31, 61, 89, 159Gerard, bishop of Hereford and, 110

Gilbert, bishop of Evreux and, 225, 395n287

Henry I and, 31, 89, 152, 210Hervey, bishop of Bangor-Ely and,

96, 234Lanfranc and, 315n8length of tenure, 46libertas ecclesiae, 152Matilda, wife of Henry I and, 402n412praise of, 14, 57Ralph d’Escures and, 147Ranulf Flambard and, 233Richard de Belmeis I and, 128Thomas II, archbishop of York and, 180on translation, 400n380Urban II and, 27–8William Bona Anima and, 400n377William II and, 27–8, 39, 60–1, 301n5,

395n287appointments. See elections, episcopal;

king’s power to appoint bishopsarchdeaconship, 49Arnold, bishop of Le Mans, 171Arnost, bishop of Rochester, 47, 147Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux, 231, 235–8

Achard, bishop of Avranches and, 206balance of ecclesiastical and secular

powers/duties, 263Becket conf lict and, 236–7, 266canonical elections, 406n502Froger, bishop of Sées and, 247–9Geoffrey of Anjou and, 21, 220, 235–6,

401n398, 402n412Gilbert Glanvil and, 150Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 264Henry II and, 124, 192, 201, 236–7,

238, 388n181Hugh de Nonant relationship, 85, 238,

275, 277, 402n422Jerusalem journey, 227John, bishop of Lisieux relationship,

234–5, 277John de Neuveville, bishop of Sées

relationship, 244, 245, 277on king’s power, 23length of tenure, 44, 48letter-writing style, 413n80on Philip de Harcourt, 212–13power of, 250, 376n19professional training, 308n9

I N D E X 491

Reginald, bishop of Bath and, 320n95Richard de Bohun and, 220Sées and, 57, 245–7Stephen and, 21, 237, 245, 402n412William de Tournebu and, 222

Artoldus, archbishop of Reims, 286Artz, Frederick, 295n6Ascelin, bishop of Rochester, 47, 148Aubrey de Vere, 29, 116, 306n79Aubrey de Vere II, 116Aubrey de Vere III, 116Audoen (Audoin), bishop of Evreux,

225–7, 395n287appointment, 181, 225death, 211, 227length of tenure, 48Thurstan, archbishop of York

relationship, 225, 226, 276, 277Avesgaud (Avergot), bishop of Le Mans,

286, 404n457Avranches, 43, 194, 203–7Aymer of Valence, bishop of

Winchester, 274

Baldwin, abbot of Bury St. Edmunds, 142Baldwin, bishop of Evreux, 49, 224Baldwin, bishop of Worcester and

archbishop of Canterbury, 67–8appointment of, 35, 66death, 37, 68, 75disputes with monks, 44, 68Gilbert Glanvil, bishop of Rochester

and, 301n5Hugh de Nonant and, 85Hugh of Avalon, bishop of Lincoln and,

118length of tenure, 47Philip II and, 417n5praise of, 14translation, 35, 36, 40, 150, 174William of Northolt and, 175at Worcester, 67, 170, 174–5

Baldwin of Bethune, count of Aumale, 393n258

Banastre family, 115Bangor, 96Bardolph, Hugh, 100, 309n11Barentin family, 164Barlow, Frank

Everard, 6 (296n11), 356n813

Gilbert Foliot, 340n483Gilbert “Universal,” 130Sées, 148Stigand, 314n3, 352n778

Bartholomew, bishop of Exeterappointment, 107–8Baldwin and, 67, 174Becket conf lict, 108, 417n5death, 78disputes with monks, 37length of tenure, 45Richard of Dover and, 67Richard of Ilchester and, 163Robert Foliot and, 115Theobald and, 63, 64

Bartholomew des Roches, 169Bartlett, Robert, 36–7Basset, William, 303n20Bates, David, 6–7 (296n12), 308n7,

385n139Bath and Wells, 22, 43, 71–5, 81, 228,

414n101Battle abbey, 23–4, 77, 166, 325n174Bayeux, 42, 43, 207–14, 228Bayley, John, 415n131Beaumont family, 57

Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 255–6Philip de Harcourt and, 211–12Stephen and, 28–9, 226–7Warin, bishop of Evreux and, 230

Becket, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury. See Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury

Bellême family, 194Benedict IX, pope, 390n204Benedict of Sawston, bishop of Rochester,

47, 150–1Bentham, James, 334n360Berengar, bishop of Cambrai, 286Berman, Harold J., 11 (297n32)Bernard, bishop of Carlisle, 46, 76–7Bernard of Clairvaux

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, 349n673

death, 94episcopal ambition, 21Gerard II of Sées, 246Gilbert “Universal,” 130ideal bishops, 12Innocent II and, 199

I N D E X492

Bernard of Clairvaux—ContinuedNew Chivalry, 285royal appointments, 14secular and ecclesiastical duties of

bishops, 272Stephen and, 372n1177William Fitz Herbert and, 183

Bertrand, bishop of Le Puy, 286Biset, Isabel, 102bishoprics, nature/value of, 2–3, 16, 20,

22, 24–5Boas, George, 295n2Boniface of Savoy, archbishop of

Canterbury (1249–1270), 274Bourrienne, V., 255bribes, 2–3, 21–2, 72, 141, 167, 177, 216,

234, 237, 239, 252See also simony

Brito (Breton) family, 115Brooke, Christopher, 110, 114, 127,

340n483, 348n651Bruno, archbishop of Köln (953–965),

12, 286Buchan, John, 295n4Burchard, son of Hugh du Puiset, 94Bury St. Edmunds abbey, 137, 138, 142,

349n673

Calixtus II, pope, 181, 226, 348n661Calixtus III, antipope, 309n10Callistus III, pope, 55, 356n826Canterbury, 59–71

chapter organization, 174Rochester and, 147, 151vacancies, 43, 60, 63, 67, 113–14York rivalry, 59, 63, 130, 181

Carlisle, 75–7as frontier diocese, 194vacancies, 42, 43, 76, 414n101value of, 22

Carolingians, 2, 12castles

Château Gaillard, 203Courcy, 243Durham, 25Ivry, 208Montacute, 215Rochester, 209Tower of London, 89

Celestine III, pope, 55, 75, 100, 239

celibacy and marriage, clerical, 52–4, 80, 194, 310n5, 311n10, 313n23, 315n10

Charlemagne, king and emperor, 12Cheney, Christopher R., 7–8, 69 (319n69)Cheney, Mary, 8Chester, 80, 323n159Chibnall, M., 347n642Chichester, 18, 43, 77–80, 228, 414n101Christian, archbishop of Mainz, 286Christina of Markyate, 90Christine de Pisan, Book of Fayttes

of Arms, 285Clement II, pope, 179Clement III, antipope, 179Clement III, pope, 313n24Clement V, pope, 55Coleman, chaplain to Bishop

Wulfstan, 170Complete Peerage, 342n527Conan, duke of Brittany, 218Constantine, emperor, 416n4Constitutions of Clarendon, 17, 32,

41, 257councils, 12, 302n18

Clermont (1095), 52Elvira (fourth century), 52Eynsham (1186), 20Lateran (1102), 111Lateran I (1123), 19Lateran II (1139), 20, 41, 237Lateran III (1179), 41, 187, 273,

370n1149Lateran IV (1215), 20, 41, 201, 273,

278, 309n9, 370n1149Lillebonne (1080), 52London (1074), 215London (1102, 1107, 1125, 1127, 1129),

52–3Piacenza (1095), 52Pipewell (1189), 156, 166, 269Pisa (1135), 219Reims (1049), 19Reims (1148), 30Rome (1080), 19Rouen (1072), 52Tours (1163), 264Whitsuntide (1097), 55Windsor (1114), 62

Coutances, 21, 42, 43, 214–23Coutumes de Beauvaisis (Beaumanoir), 9

I N D E X 493

Coventry, 43, 80–6, 129, 194, 323n159Cowper, William, 394n272Crouch, David, 144, 148Cura Pastoralis, 61Cynsige, archbishop of York, 171Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, 24

Dagobert I, king of Austrasia, 1–2David, king of Scots, 76, 131De Auco (d’Augo or d’Eu) family,

107, 174debt, 258–9Decretum (Gratian). See GratianDe Institutione Regia ( Jonas), 10Dialogus de Scaccario, 134Didascalia, 9Didier, 1–2Dobson, R.B., 294n5 (quoted p3)Domesday Book, 2, 132, 185, 204Douglas, David, 395n286Durham, 87–96

as frontier diocese, 76, 93, 194, 328n230

vacancies, 43, 93, 95, 188value of, 22York and, 331n297

EadmerAnselm, 27–8, 60–1, 96appointment of bishops, 147Gerard, bishop of Hereford, 110king’s power, 23Lanfranc, 180priestly celibacy, 53Richard de Belmeis I, 128Whitsuntide council in 1097, 55William Warelwast, 338n427

Ealdred, bishop of Worcester, Hereford, and archbishop of York

battle experience, 178, 286length of tenure, 47plurality, 170, 178–9, 368n1071,

370n1147service to king, 417n4, 417n5Winchcomb abbey, 368n1070Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester and,

170–1Ealdwulf, bishop of Worcester and

archbishop of York, 170, 178Eddius Stephanus, 10

Edgar, king of Scots, 76Edith, queen of England, 71Edmund II, king of England, 76Edward the Confessor, king of England

appointment of bishops, 59, 71, 105, 127, 171, 178, 277

Hereman, bishop of Ramsbury and Sherborne and, 151

Osbern, bishop of Exeter and, 106plurality and, 370n1147Stigand and, 137

Eleanor of Aquitaine, 203elections, episcopal, 18–22

de gremio, 251–2distrust of, 66free elections and, 192–3, 235, 375n11king’s approval, 35, 240, 248king’s weakness and, 203Lateran council of 1102 and, 111papal authority and, 176, 189, 197reform and, 70–1, 273–4, 302n19See also king’s power to appoint bishops

Elias, archbishop of Bordeaux, 286Elias, son of Ranulf Flambard, 91–2Elias Giffard, 91Elmham, 137, 314n1, 353n760Ely, 18, 32, 43, 96–105, 228, 414n101Emma, abbess of St. Amand, 197Erard, bishop of Nantes, 216Ernulf, bishop of Rochester, 46, 147, 148Eugenius III, pope

Alexander, bishop of Lincoln and, 29Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury

and, 174Cistercian background, 309n10Everard, bishop of Norwich and, 143Gerard II of Sées and, 246Gilbert Foliot and, 23, 112–13, 149Henry Murdac and, 78, 161, 183Henry of Blois and, 122, 161Lincoln appointment controversy, 19London election, 133Richard de Musca and, 205Robert, earl of Gloucester and,

387n158Roger de Pont l’Evêque and, 149, 187Stephen and, 149, 350n682Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury

and, 30, 149Walter, bishop of Rochester and, 149

I N D E X494

Eugenius III, pope—ContinuedWalter Durdent, bishop of Coventry

and, 83William Fitz Herbert, archbishop of

York and, 77, 161, 183York appointment conf lict, 94

Eusebius, 416n4Eustace, bishop of Ely, 410n14

at Evreux, 375n5Innocent III and, 176King John and, 104–5length of tenure, 46Otto election, 393n258Richard I and, 32, 104, 417n5

Eustace III, count of Boulogne, 24, 26, 76Eustace IV, count of Boulogne, son

of King Stephen, 30, 161, 192, 373n1200

Everard, bishop of Norwich, 6, 81, 142–4family connections, 142–3, 355n795,

355n802length of tenure, 45praise, 356n813professional background, 38, 49

Everard Durdent, 83Evreux, 223–31

Beaumonts and, 57destruction of, 383n115as frontier diocese, 194, 229Philip II and, 192vacancies, 43, 227

Exeter, 18, 19, 21, 43, 105–10

Faritius, abbot of Abingdon, 18, 62Fichtenau, Heinrich, 360n900Flight, Colin, 148Foreville, R., 377n34Foster, C.W., 240Franklin, M.J., 82, 324n188Frederick I, king of Germany and

emperor, 163, 356n826Freeman, Edward, 24–5, 77, 140, 141, 218Froger, bishop of Sées, 247–50, 408n535

appointment, 206, 247–8Becket controversy, 192, 249–50canonical elections, 406n502coronation of young Henry, 249, 265itinerary, 248, 408n534length of tenure, 48professional background, 245

Fulcher, bishop of Lisieux, 49, 90, 233–4, 275, 277

Fulk Fitz Warin, 102, 156Fulk V, count of Maine and Anjou, 218Fuller, Thomas, 267

Gaudemet, Jean, 294n6 (quoted p3)Gelasius II, pope, 309n10Gemma Ecclesiastica, 55Gentilius, nephew of Alexander III, 157Geoffrey, archdeacon of Norwich, 105Geoffrey, bishop of Chartres, 244Geoffrey, bishop of Winchester, 259Geoffrey, count of Anjou

Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and, 21, 220, 235–6, 401n398, 402n412

conquest of Normandy, 19, 200, 212, 220, 235, 402n412

Gerard II, bishop of Sées and, 220, 247, 248, 406n505

Hugh d’Amiens, archbishop of Rouen and, 200, 220

Matilda and, 191–2, 204Richard de Bohun, bishop of

Coutances and, 221Geoffrey, nephew of Ranulf

Flambard, 92Geoffrey Brito, archbishop of Rouen, 48,

198–9, 207Geoffrey de Clinton, 82, 324n188Geoffrey de Clive, bishop of Hereford,

47, 111Geoffrey de Lucy, abbot of St. Albans, 56Geoffrey de Mandeville, earl of Essex, 26,

131, 356n816Geoffrey de Montbray (Mowbray), bishop

of Coutances, 214–18, 242appointment, 196, 214, 215–16, 231battle experience, 214–15, 286length of tenure, 48, 224revolt against William II, 215, 305n51simony, 216, 303n26wealth, 215, 374n4, 389n200

Geoffrey de Musca, bishop of Angers, 205Geoffrey Martel, count of Anjou, 242Geoffrey Muschamp, bishop of Coventry,

46, 83, 86Geoffrey of Henlaw, bishop of St.

David’s, 407n521Geoffrey Peche, 82

I N D E X 495

Geoffrey Plantagenet, archbishop of York, son of King Henry II, 187–8, 373n1210, 408n543

appointment, 32, 99, 156, 166, 187, 373n1209

as bishop-elect of Lincoln, 123–4, 135as chancellor, 40clerical celibacy, 54consecration delay, 187, 310n20Geoffrey Muschamp, bishop of

Coventry and, 86Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 264, 268Herbert Poore and, 157length of tenure, 45Philip II and, 192Richard I and, 32, 109, 188, 373n1209seizure of, 104simony, 21

Geoffrey Ridel, bishop of Ely, 98–9appointment, 134, 267as chancellor, 40, 98, 239family connections, 334n351Henry II and, 99, 249length of tenure, 46praise of, 13–14

Geoffrey Rufus, bishop of Durham, 47, 76, 93

Gerald of Wales, 22on archdeacons, 49courtly lifestyle criticism, 271family connections, 312n21Geoffrey of Anjou, 406n505Geoffrey Plantagenet, 187nepotism, 55Remigius, 343n550Robert de Chesney, 345n596royal appointments, 14Welsh bishoprics, 407n521

Gerard, bishop of Hereford and archbishop of York, 159, 180

appointment, 35, 89criticism of, 7length of tenure, 47power, 317n40professional background, 38, 89,

110, 374n5translation, 35, 36, 110, 310n20Walkelin, bishop of Winchester and,

158, 276Gerard Fleitel, 198, 223, 224, 241

Gérard I, bishop of Sées, 48, 243, 379n66Gérard II, bishop of Sées

death, 206, 247, 407n509election, 245–7, 248, 407n506Geoffrey of Anjou and, 220, 247, 248,

406n505length of tenure, 48

Gerard Pucelle, bishop of Coventry, 47, 84–5

Gervase, abbot of Westminster, 19, 132, 161, 182

Gervase of Canterbury, 266, 345n596, 366n1023, 414n103

Gesta Ducum, 196Gesta Gaufridi, 217Gesta Guillelmi, 179Gesta Pontificum, 170Gesta Stephani, 153Gibbon, Edward, 16Gilbert, relative of Walcher, bishop of

Durham, 87Gilbert (Fitz Osbern), bishop of Evreux

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury and, 225, 395n287

family connections, 275, 277length of tenure, 44, 48wealth of, 374n4William I and, 224–5, 395n286

Gilbert Foliot, bishop of Hereford and London, 6, 111–15, 130

appointment, 35, 110, 112–13, 298n35Becket and, 65, 112, 114–15, 351n713Becket conf lict, 21, 37, 149,

401n405, 417n5canonical election, 66coronation of young Henry, 265death, 98desire to be archbishop, 340n483Eugenius III and, 23, 112–13, 149family connections, 19, 112, 275, 276Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 266–7Henry II and, 67, 113, 298n35Hervey, bishop of Ely and, 97length of tenure, 45, 46opposition to, 78, 132Osbert of Bayeux and, 183–4professional background, 112, 308n9Richard II of London and, 112, 113, 133Richard of Ilchester and, 114, 162–3,

365n1000

I N D E X496

Gilbert Foliot, bishop of Hereford and London—Continued

Theobald and, 30, 64, 112–13translation, 35, 36, 114William of Northolt and, 175–6Worcester and, 173

Gilbert Glanvil, bishop of Rochester, 45, 150, 301n5, 375n5

Gilbert Maminot, bishop of Lisieux, 232–3

criticism of, 6–7, 232death, 90, 233length of tenure, 48wealth, 374n4William I and, 225, 232, 395n286

Gilbert of Sempringham, 49Gilbert “Universal,” bishop of London,

47, 129–30Giles de Braose (Briouze), bishop of

Hereford, 13, 46, 114, 116–17Giles du Perche, bishop of Evreux, 228–9

coronation of young Henry, 228, 265election, 227family connections, 200, 228, 276, 277,

380n67Henry II and, 228, 268, 417n5length of tenure, 48

Gimketel, bishop of Selsey and Elmham, 179

Giovanni da Legnano (Tractatus de Bello), 285

Giroie family, 194Giso, bishop of Wells, 45, 71–2, 171,

320n89Gleason, Sarell, 263Godfrey, bishop of Bath, 46, 71, 72, 121,

320n89Godfrey, bishop of Chichester, 47, 77Godfrey de Lucy, bishop of

Winchester, 165–8appointment, 32, 99, 135death, 79, 168Exeter and, 108, 156, 165–6family connections, 56, 165, 167–8length of tenure, 46Lincoln loss, 18, 134, 165Salisbury and, 157simony, 22

Godwin, earl of Wessex, 127Godwin family, 137, 151

Gratiancanonical elections, 302n19clerical celibacy, 53Decretum, 12, 285episcopal characteristics, 12, 298n38military clergy, 285sons of priests, 54

Greenway, Diana, 148, 409n1Gregory, bishop of Tours, 56, 285Gregory the Great, pope, 5, 9–10, 61Gregory VI, pope, 390n204Gregory VII, pope

bishop’s role, 10, 273Bury St. Edmunds and, 138canonical elections, 19, 302n19clerical celibacy, 52, 310n5Cluniac background, 309n10John, archbishop of Rouen and, 197king-bishop relationships, 17, 32,

297n30Lanfranc and, 198New Testament and, 26simony and, 303n23, 304n29William Bona Anima and, 11

Gregory VIII, antipope, 309n10Gregory VIII, pope, 309n10Gregory IX, pope, 313n24Grim, Edward, 65Grimold, 261Guala Bicchieri, 55Guarin de Cierrey, bishop of Evreux. See

Warin (Guarin) de Cierrey, bishop of Evreux

Guibert de Nogent, 14Guicciardini, Francesco, 311n5Guifred, bishop of Narbonne, 286Guitmund, monk of La Croix St. Leufoi,

197–8, 378n48Gundulf, bishop of Rochester, 37

Jerusalem journey, 197Lanfranc and, 24, 402n412length of tenure, 45monastic background, 147, 357n845at Rouen, 374n5

Guy, archbishop of Bourges, 57Guy de Craon, 101Guy de Harcourt, bishop of Lisieux, 213Guy of Ponthieu, 26

Hadrian IV, pope. See Adrian IV, pope

I N D E X 497

Hamo, dean of Lincoln, 118Hamo, dean of York, 18Hamo (Haimo), dapifer, 211Harculf de Subligny, 204Harold II, king of England, 7, 71, 127,

178, 196Henry, bishop of Bayeux, 66–7, 213,

255–70, 417n4Becket controversy, 264–7canon relationship, 257–9criticism, 266, 414n103date of appointment, 411n16diocesan duties, 208, 261–2family connections, 255–6, 409n1itinerary, 289–91John of Salisbury and, 263–4, 264–5,

299n45length of tenure, 44, 48navigation of secular and ecclesiastical

power dynamics, 262–70patronage, 259–61Richard I and, 229, 259, 264, 269,

415n125Henry, the young king, 73, 265, 267Henry de Bohun, earl of Hereford, 154Henry de Londres, 126Henry de Sully, abbot of Fécamp

family connections, 361n920Henry de Sully, bishop of Worcester

and, 175, 361n920Lincoln and, 19, 122Philip de Harcourt and, 212Salisbury and, 155, 160York and, 182–3

Henry de Sully, bishop of Worcester, 170, 361n920

length of tenure, 47monastic background, 40, 174, 175

Henry Fitz Harding, 108Henry I, king of England, 348n661

Adeliza and, 94Algar, bishop of Coutances and, 219–20Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury and,

31, 89, 152, 210appointments, 36, 39, 40, 71, 110–11,

120–1, 159, 219, 271, 273, 274Audoin, bishop of Evreux and, 225–6Canterbury and, 130Carlisle and, 75–6character of his reign, 305n61

Cirencester, 162clerical celibacy, 53coronation, 159ecclesiastical policy, 28education, 348n661Everard, bishop of Norwich and, 142Faritius, abbot of Abingdon and, 18Geoffrey, archbishop of Rouen

and, 198Geoffrey de Clinton and, 82Gilbert Universal of London and,

129–30Hervey, bishop of Ely and, 96, 97Hugh of Amiens and, 199, 379n60John, bishop of Lisieux and, 234John of Bayeux and, 209–10John of Tours, bishop of Bath and, 72Lanfranc’s support, 37Matilda marriage, 76, 237Nigel, bishop of Ely and, 97Normandy and, 191, 192, 218Nostell priory and, 321n118Ralph de Belfou and, 139Ralph d’Escures appointment, 148Ralph Peche and, 82Ranulf Flambard and, 23, 89, 91, 233relinquishing of investitures, 306n69Richard de Belmeis II of London

and, 132Robert, earl of Gloucester and,

172, 211Robert Bloet and, 119, 120Robert Curthose, duke of Normandy

and, 89–90, 128, 191, 208, 211, 217, 233

Robert de Bellême and, 244Robert de Neubourg I and, 200Robert de Sigillo and, 362n929Robert Peche and, 81Roger, bishop of Salisbury and, 111,

120, 152–3, 162Sées and, 244–5Seffrid, bishop of Chichester and, 77Serlo, bishop of Sées and, 244Thurstan, archbishop of York and,

181, 182vacancies under, 41, 42William Giffard appointment, 38William I’s death and, 225William Warelwast and, 106–7

I N D E X498

Henry I, king of France, 242Henry II, king of England

Alexander III and, 99, 145, 265–6, 356n826, 380n67, 396n312

appointments, 18, 36, 39, 40, 134–5, 256–7, 273

Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and, 124, 192, 201, 236–7, 238, 388n181

Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury and, 67–8, 174

Beaumonts and, 227Becket appointment, 64–5, 114, 257,

317n40bishops as judges, 13Carlisle and, 76church of Cahagnes, 262, 413n68coronation, 249David, king of Scots and, 76death, 99Durham and, 96free elections, 375n11Froger, bishop of Sées and, 248, 249Geoffrey, bishop of Ely and, 99, 249Geoffrey Plantagenet and, 123–4Gerard, bishop of Coventry and, 84Gervase, abbot of Westminster and, 161Gilbert Foliot, bishop of Hereford and,

67, 113, 298n35Gilles du Perche, bishop of Evreux and,

228, 268, 417n5Godfrey de Lucy, bishop of Winchester

and, 165Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 264,

268–9Henry de Sully, abbot of Fècamp and,

361n920Henry of Blois and, 162Henry Puiset and, 94Herbert, bishop of Avranches and, 205Innocent III and, 207itinerary, 408n536John Fitz Luce and, 229John of Oxford, bishop of Norwich

and, 67, 99, 145, 356–7n827, 417n5Lincoln appointment, 20Louis VII and, 31, 206, 249, 256, 268,

415n120Matilda, wife of Henry I and, 76Nigel, bishop of Ely and, 29, 97Normandy and, 192

Osbert of Bayeux and, 184papal authority and, 19, 73Philip de Harcourt and, 258–9,

388n181power over bishops, 22–3, 28, 205,

298n35reward of bishoprics, 84–5Richard de Bohun and, 220–1Richard of Dover and, 267–8Richard of Ilchester and, 18, 79, 99,

125, 163–4Robert de Chesney and, 123Robert de Neubourg I and, 200Robert Fitz Harding and, 108Roger, bishop of Worcester and,

22–3, 173Roger de Pont l’Evêque, archbishop of

York and, 186Roger Fitz Reinfrid and, 125Rotrou, archbishop of Rouen and,

200–1, 268, 396n312Stephen and, 402n412Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury

and, 30, 31, 108, 299–300n49vacant bishoprics under, 41, 42, 43, 44,

227–8Walter of Coutances and, 201–2William de Ste. Mère-Eglise and, 136William de Tournebu and, 222William de Vere and, 116young Henry and, 27See also Thomas Becket, archbishop of

CanterburyHenry III, king of England, 136, 274,

418n18Henry IV, emperor, 10Henry Longchamp, abbot of Croyland,

103–4Henry Longchamp I, brother of William,

bishop of Ely, 100, 101, 102Henry Longchamp II, son of Henry I

Longchamp, 101Henry Longchamp III, nephew of

William, bishop of Ely, 102Henry Marshal, bishop of Exeter, 21,

46, 109Henry Murdac, archbishop of York, 18,

78, 185–6Eugenius III and, 78, 161, 183Hugh du Puiset and, 94

I N D E X 499

length of tenure, 47Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester, 57,

160–2, 417n5Becket consecration, 65Canterbury and, 18, 63coronation of young Henry and, 265criticism of, 299n45, 314n3custodian of London, 131Gilbert Foliot and, 113Henry de Sully and, 122, 182Hilary, bishop of Chichester and,

77–8, 160Hugh du Puiset and, 94, 95, 162Hugh of Amiens and, 199length of tenure, 44, 45, 358n854Lincoln and, 19London and, 114Nigel, bishop of Ely and, 29nomination/consecration, 160, 219,

364n973power of, 28, 29, 39, 77, 83, 122,

160, 162Robert of Lewes, bishop of Bath and,

72, 320n86Salisbury and, 154–5, 361n919secular and spiritual authority, 37Stephen and, 29, 160, 212, 245William Fitz Herbert and, 161, 183worldliness, 60

Henry of Eastry, 69Henry of Huntingdon

Alexander, bishop of Lincoln, 121archdeacons, 49dedit episcopatum, 301n1Everard, bishop of Norwich, 6, 143Gilbert Foliot, bishop of London, 6,

130Lincoln wealth, 387n163plight of bishops, 278Robert Bloet, 7, 119–20, 343n556,

343n557Rochester bishops, 148royal power, 23Seffrid d’Escures, bishop of

Chichester, 6simony, 21

Henry of London, 86, 109–10Henry Puiset, son of Hugh du Puiset, 94Henry VI, emperor, 74, 393n258Herbert, bishop of Avranches, 48, 205–6

Herbert Losinga, bishop of Thetford and Norwich, 71, 137–8, 140–2, 354n781

appointment, 39criticism, 321n127exile, 26length of tenure, 45simony, 21, 140, 141, 303n26

Herbert of Bosham, 31, 265, 266Herbert of Winchester, 185Herbert Poore, bishop of Salisbury, 135,

157–8as archdeacon of Canterbury, 67Ely and, 134exile, 26family connections, 55, 79, 96, 157,

164, 275, 276length of tenure, 45Richard I and, 337n409Roger Fitz Everard and, 363n951Savaric and, 363n950

Hereford, 43, 110–17, 194, 228, 414n101Hereman, bishop of Ramsbury and

Sherborne, 151–2appointment, 71, 171length of tenure, 45secular-ecclesiastical relations, 13voluntary exile, 151, 179

Herfast, bishop of Elmham and Thetford, 7, 46, 137–8

Hervey, archbishop of Reims, 297n28Hervey, bishop of Bangor and Ely, 45,

96–7, 130, 234, 349n669Hilary, bishop of Chichester, 6, 77–9

Battle abbey dispute, 321n135Becket conf lict, 66, 78, 417n5Henry of Blois and, 77–8, 160length of tenure, 45Roger de Pont l’Evêque, archbishop of

York and, 172, 187Stephen and, 23, 77–8Walter de Lucy, abbot of Battle

and, 133Hobbes, Thomas, 16Hoel, bishop of Le Mans, 172, 286Holdsworth, C., 356n813, 356n818Honoré Bonet (Tree of Battles), 285Honorius II, pope, 181, 199, 270,

379n57Honorius III, pope, 53, 274Hubert de Ria, 139, 140, 242–3, 353n770

I N D E X500

Hubert Walter, bishop of Salisbury and archbishop of Canterbury, 152, 155–7

appointment, 32, 35, 74, 99, 155–6, 166, 309n11

battle experience, 286chancellorship, 40, 317n40death, 75, 177family connections, 68–70, 362n936Geoffrey Plantagenet and, 188,

373n1209Henry de Sully, bishop of Worcester

and, 175Henry II and, 67Hugh of Wells, bishop of Lincoln and,

126King John and, 40, 69, 136length of tenure, 46, 47Philip of Poitou and, 95reform and, 13Richard I and, 32, 69, 156, 319n67translation, 35, 36, 157, 158York and, 109

Hugh, abbot of St. Benet de Holme, 19, 182

Hugh, bishop of Avranches, 216, 384n130Hugh, bishop of Bayeux, 208–9

battle experience, 286church reconstruction, 208, 215confusion with other Hughs, 384n130family connections, 119, 138, 197, 208,

377n34Leo IX and, 216William Fitz-Osbern and, 224

Hugh, bishop of Coutances, 384n130Hugh, bishop of Evreux, 384n130Hugh d’Amiens, archbishop of Rouen,

199–200Algar, bishop of Coutances and, 219election, 199, 219, 379n57Geoffrey, duke of Normandy and,

200, 220Gerard II, bishop of Sées and, 246Giles du Perche, bishop of Evreux and,

228, 276, 380n67Henry I and, 199, 379n60Innocent II and, 49length of tenure, 48Nigel, bishop of Ely and, 29power of, 376n19

Hugh de Champf leury, bishop of Soissons, 317n40

Hugh de Cressy, 303n20Hugh de Gournay, 198, 226, 230Hugh de Morville, bishop of Coutances,

48, 193, 223, 253Hugh de Morville, constable, 223Hugh de Morville II, son of the

constable, 223Hugh de Nonant, bishop of Coventry,

85–6disputes with monks, 44family connections, 85, 238, 275, 277,

326n215, 402n422length of tenure, 46at Lisieux, 375n5simony, 21, 85Vivian, bishop of Coutances and, 222Walter Durdent legacy and, 83on William Longchamp, 334n359

Hugh de Noyers, bishop of Auxerre, 286Hugh d’Envermeu, 210, 386n147Hugh d’Orival, bishop of London,

46, 127Hugh du Puiset, bishop of Durham, 92

battle experience, 95, 286coronation of young Henry, 265family connections, 57, 94–5Geoffrey Plantagenet and, 188,

373n1209Henry of Blois and, 94, 95, 162Hilary, bishop of Chichester and, 78length of tenure, 44, 45, 358n854simony, 22Theobald and, 64William Fitz Herbert and, 183William of Blois and, 125

Hugh du Puiset, son of the bishop, 95, 332n298

Hugh Foliot, bishop of Hereford, 114Hugh le Poer, 360n900Hugh Longchamp, 100Hugh Longchamp II, brother of William,

bishop of Ely, 102Hugh Maminot, 232Hugh Murdac, 185–6Hugh Neville, 26Hugh of Avalon, bishop of Lincoln

appointment, 125, 135, 156, 157, 165canonization, 419n20

I N D E X 501

length of tenure, 46Philip II, 417n5Richard I and, 104, 337n409spirituality, 14, 37, 117–18

Hugh of Avranches, earl of Chester, 217Hugh of Breteuil, bishop of Langres, 216Hugh of Chesterfield, 83Hugh of Eu, bishop of Lisieux, 231–2,

328n240, 398n349burial, 196, 232confusion with other Hughs, 384n130family connections, 194, 196, 223, 231length of tenure, 48reconstruction efforts, 215William I and, 209

Hugh of St. Victor, 5Hugh of Wells, bishop of Lincoln, 79,

345n588, 346n624appointment, 75, 126, 346n625Jocelin of Wells and, 125, 126, 275, 276length of tenure, 47

Hugh the ChanterGerard, bishop of Hereford, 110Gilbert Universal, bishop of

London, 130pallium symbolism, 372n1176Ranulf Flambard, 89Robert Bloet, 343n557Thomas II, archbishop of York, 180Thurstan, archbishop of York, 182William of Corbeil, 62William Warelwast, 338n427Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester, 170–1

Hugues II de Champ-Allemand, bishop of Nevers, 216

Huizinga, J., 295n2Humbert, cardinal of Silva Candida,

302n15Humphrey Bovet, 260, 261Humphrey de Bohun, 154Humphrey de Bohun III, 363n925Hunger, son of Odin, 185

Innocent II, popeAnselm, archbishop of Canterbury and,

349n673on archdeacons, 49Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and, 235–6canonical elections, 20death, 183

election, 199Henry of Blois and, 122, 160, 183London and, 131Richard III, bishop of Bayeux and, 211vacancies and, 41

Innocent III, antipope, 326n206Innocent III, pope

election of bishops, 13, 20, 35, 70–1, 273, 302n19

Frederick I and, 356n826Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 269Henry II and, 207Hubert Walter and, 69Hugh of Wells and, 346n625King John and, 13, 32, 70–1, 75, 126, 146,

176, 177, 188–9, 193, 222–3, 376n16king’s rights, 13, 273–4Mauger, bishop of Worcester and, 176nepotism, 55, 313n24Nicholas de l’Aigle and, 323n155Peter des Roches and, 169, 367n1057prohibition of inheritance, 312n19Richard Poore and, 80, 367n1057Robert d’Ablèges, bishop of Bayeux

and, 213Sées and, 251Stephen Langton and, 71, 86, 104–5,

126, 319n74Sylvester, bishop of Sées and, 252–3Sylvester, bishop of Worcester and, 178vacancies, 41Walter of Coutances and, 193, 203William de Chemillé and, 383n121

Innocent IV, pope, 75Innocent VIII, pope, 55Innocent XII, pope, 56Institutes of Polity (Wulfstan), 11–12ira regis, 23–4, 31, 149, 211, 252

See also king-bishop relationshipsIsabel of Dover, 172, 179, 211ius spolii, 42Ivo of Bellême, bishop of Sées, 241–2,

404n460family connections, 223, 242, 404n457length of tenure, 49Leo IX and, 216, 242reconstruction efforts, 215, 242

Jacqueline, Bernard, 8James I, king of England, 2

I N D E X502

Jocelin, nephew of Hilary of Chichester, 78

Jocelin de Bohun, bishop of Salisbury, 23, 49, 154–5

coronation of young Henry, 265family connections, 55, 73, 154, 155,

275, 276, 360–1n911, 362n925Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 256Henry of Blois and, 160John of Oxford and, 356n827length of tenure, 44, 45Matilda empress and, 155, 362–3n925,

362n929, 363n951Richard de Bohun and, 220, 276, 277

Jocelin de St. Bertin, 151Jocelin of Brakelond, 57Jocelin of Wells, bishop of Bath and

Glastonbury, 75, 320n89Hugh of Wells and, 125, 126, 275, 276length of tenure, 46, 358n854

Joel, bishop of Dol, 310n5John, archbishop of Bourges, 57John, bishop of Ely, 105John, bishop of Lisieux, 48, 234–5, 244,

277, 401n398John, bishop of Rochester, 46, 148,

275, 276John, king of England, 383n115

background of bishops appointed, 39church of Cahagnes and, 262coronation, 136Coventry and, 86election of bishops, 17–18, 19, 32–3, 36,

40, 105, 126, 151excommunication, 105Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 269Henry Longchamp and, 104Henry Puiset and, 94Hubert Walter and, 40, 69, 136Hugh, bishop of Lincoln and, 104,

337n409Innocent III and, 13, 32, 70–1, 75, 126,

146, 176, 177, 188–9, 193, 222–3, 376n16

John de Gray, bishop of Norwich and, 75, 146, 370n1133

nepotism, 313n24Normandy and, 192, 193patterns of punishment and

reconciliation, 26

Peter des Roches and, 169Philip II and, 229–30Richard I and, 136, 166, 229–30Richard Poore and, 79–80Savaric and, 74Sées and, 251Seffrid II of Chichester and, 79seizing of wives of clergy, 53simony, 21, 109Stephen Langton and, 70–1Stephen Longchamp and, 103Sylvester, bishop of Sées and, 251,

252–3Theobald, brother of Hubert Walter

and, 156vacancies under, 41, 42, 168Vivian, bishop of Coutances and,

222–3Walter de Gray and, 370n1133Walter of Coutances and, 203William de Rupière and, 239–40William Longchamp and, 85, 100,

109, 124William Longchamp II and, 101William of Braose III and, 116–17William of Ely and, 135William of Ostilly and, 207

John, lord of Poli and cardinal of Santa Maria, 313n24

John de Bayeux, bishop of Avranches and archbishop of Rouen, 196–7, 209–10

clerical celibacy, 54family connections, 119, 138–9, 196,

197, 208, 377n34, 385n143Lanfranc and, 204length of tenure, 48, 49reconstruction efforts, 215Robert de Ria and, 243translation, 18, 36, 196, 203

John de Gray, bishop of Norwich, 357n833

appointment, 32Canterbury and, 70, 71, 75, 146Durham and, 96, 146, 357n834family connections, 86, 177, 188, 276King John and, 75, 146, 370n1133length of tenure, 46

John de Neuville, bishop of Sées, 244–5family connections, 206, 234–5,

244, 277

I N D E X 503

length of tenure, 48regular canons, 219, 244Rochester and, 148

John Fitz Harduin, bishop of Sées, 85John Fitz Luke, bishop of Evreux, 48,

109, 229, 230, 339n455, 397n325John Langton, bishop of Chichester, 189John Marshal, 109, 165John of Canterbury, bishop of Poitiers and

Lyon, 63, 133John of Coutances, bishop of

Worcester, 174family connections, 124, 177, 202, 276length of tenure, 47in Normandy, 374n5

John of Greenford, bishop of Chichester, 47, 79, 267

John of Hexham, 185John of Oxford, bishop of Norwich, 143,

410n14appointment, 146, 267, 356n827Henry II and, 67, 99, 145, 356–7n827,

417n5length of tenure, 45praise of, 13–14

John of Pagham, bishop of Worcester, 47, 60, 63, 64, 172, 187

John of Salisburyarchdeacons, 49Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and, 236,

402n412Bartholomew, bishop of

Exeter and, 108Becket and, 31, 260, 299n45, 392n240,

412n44, 417n6characteristics of bishops, 12contempt for weak bishops, 23Gerard, bishop of Coventry and, 84Gilbert Foliot, 112–13, 341n483Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 263–4,

264–5, 299n45Hilary, bishop of Chichester, 321n135John of Oxford, 145Matilda, wife of Henry I, 402n412nepotism, 56Reginald of Bath and, 73Richard de Belmeis II of London and,

132–3Richard III, bishop of Avranches

and, 206

Richard of Ilchester and, 163–4Robert Peche and, 324n164Roger de Pont l’Evêque, archbishop of

York, 187Sylvester, nephew of Arnulf of

Lisieux, 237Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury

and, 63Walter, bishop of Rochester, 149William of Northolt and, 175

John of Tours ( John de Villula), bishop of Bath and Wells, 45, 72, 75, 81, 141, 320n89

John of Worcester, 141, 170, 320n86, 387n166

John Planeta, 73, 108–9John the Chanter, bishop of Exeter, 47,

108–9, 156, 275, 339n455Jonas, bishop of Orléans, 10Jones, W. Rich, 154Jordan du Hommet, bishop of Lisieux, 48,

193, 240, 251, 253, 403n436Joscelin of St. Bertin, 151Julius II, pope, 285

Kealey, Edward J., 308n7, 360n900Kern, Fritz, 71king-bishop relationships

king’s dependence on, 272king’s power, 419n21mutual dependence, 2, 13, 66, 278punishment/reconciliation patterns,

25–7, 103, 105, 306n67See also secular-ecclesiastical relations

king’s power to appoint bishops, 1, 17–34, 277–8, 315n10

canonical elections and, 19–21compromising of, 18–19, 86Constitutions of Clarendon on, 41criticism of, 302n15danger of resistance to, 23–8free elections and, 306n70Lateran IV, 201papal authority and, 20, 23, 27–8,

69–70right to choose and consent to

elections, 95, 272vacancies and, 40–4, 274, 309n18value of, 16, 20–1See also simony

I N D E X504

knight service, bishops and, 2, 11, 107, 116–17, 215, 239, 285–6, 293n2

Knowles, DavidArnulf, bishop of Lisieux, 236Gilbert Foliot, 340n483Henry of Blois, 299n45, 314n3insufficiency of sources, 6Jocelin de Bohun, 154, 360–1n911number of appointments, 36Walter, bishop of Rochester, 150,

358n854

Laheudrie, Edmond, 255Lando da Montelungo, 313n24Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury,

378n37, 402n412Alexander II and, 180Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury and,

315n8Arnost and Gundulf of Rochester

and, 147Avranches and, 204clerical celibacy, 52death, 60, 90Gilbert, bishop of Evreux and, 225Hereman, bishop of Ramsbury-

Sherborne, 151Herfast of Elmham and, 138king relationship, 24, 37length of tenure, 45on Leofwine of Lichfield, 80papal authority and, 11, 198Peter, bishop of Lichfield-Chester,

324n164Remigius of Dorchester and, 119resistance to appointment, 60Rouen and, 196secular-ecclesiastical relations, 13,

15, 263trial of William of St. Calais and, 24–5

Lateran Councils. See councilsLeges Henrici Primi, 23Le Goff, Jacques, 295–6n6Le Goulet, treaty of (1200), 192Le Mans, 194, 404n457Leobwine, chaplain at Durham, 87Leofgar, bishop of Hereford, 178, 286,

368n1070Leofric, bishop of Crediton and Exeter,

45, 71, 105, 171, 337n418

Leofwine, bishop of Lichfield, 46, 80Leo I, pope, 9Leo IX, pope, 19, 195, 215–16, 242Leo X, pope, 55libertas ecclesiae, 30–1, 32–3, 70, 152Lichfield, 80, 323n159Lincoln, 117–26

Flambard and, 90vacancy, 43, 91, 123, 228, 414n101value of, 22wealth of, 18, 122York conf lict, 119

Lisiard, bishop of Sées, 19, 48, 245, 250–1Lisieux, 18, 43, 96, 231–40Liulf, 87–8London, 32, 43, 90, 126–37Lothair III, king of Germany and

emperor, 199Lotharingians, 319n82Louis de Harcourt, bishop of Bayeux,

388n182Louis VI, king of France, 2, 191, 198, 199,

218Louis VII, king of France, 2

Henry II and, 31, 206, 249, 256, 268, 415n120

Roger de Clinton, bishop of Coventry and, 82

Theobald V and, 95Louis VIII, king of France, 236, 247Louis IX, king of France, 277Loyn, H.R., 314n3Lucius II, pope, 227, 309n10Lucius III, pope, 67, 201, 270, 309n10Luke, bishop of Evreux, 48, 230–1, 251,

253Luke des Roches, 169Lyfing, bishop of Crediton-Cornwall and

Worcester, 178

magister (title), 40, 107, 115, 123, 171, 176, 202, 223, 253, 260

Magna Carta, 75Maitland, F.W., 300n64Major, Kathleen, 153Malcolm III, king of Scots, 76Malger, archbishop of Rouen. See

Mauger, archbishop of RouenMap, Walter, 21, 74, 123, 238, 271,

348n661

I N D E X 505

Mareni family, 129Margaret of Scotland, 76marriage, clerical. See celibacy and

marriage, clericalMartin, abbot of Cerisy, 66–7Matilda, empress, daughter of King

Henry I, 154Alexander, bishop of Lincoln and, 29Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and, 402n412Geoffrey, count of Anjou marriage,

191–2, 204Henry of Blois and, 155, 160Jocelin de Bohun and, 155, 362–3n925,

362n929, 363n951loss of power, 132, 155Nigel, bishop of Ely and, 97, 134power of appointment and, 39Ranulf, earl of Chester and, 26Robert, earl of Gloucester and, 172Robert de Sigillo and, 131, 155William Cumin and, 18, 93, 155

Matilda, wife of King Henry I, 62, 76, 237, 402n412

Matilda, wife of King William I, 195, 196Matthew, bishop of Albano, 199, 200Matthias, bishop of Toul, 286Mauger, bishop of Worcester, 46, 167,

174, 176, 375n5Mauger (Malger), archbishop of Rouen,

60, 194, 195, 377n25Maurice, bishop of London

death, 128, 347n644election, 347n636length of tenure, 45professional background, 38, 89, 127

Maurilius, archbishop of Rouenelection, 60, 195–6length of tenure, 49, 194monastic background, 38reconstruction efforts, 215William Bona Anima and, 197

mensa episcopalis, 157Michael, bishop of Avranches, 48,

203–4, 217Miles of Gloucester, 245, 356n816misericordia, 25–7monastic culture, 9, 40Morey, Adrian, 110, 340n483Morgan, provost of Beverley, 96Morris, William A., 347n642

Mortimer, Richard, 362n936Murray, Alexander, 295n2 (quoted p5)Murray, Gilbert, 295n4

nepotism, 8, 10, 51–8, 312n21, 314n36See also individual bishops

Nicholas, bishop of Tusculum and papal legate, 13, 146, 150, 177, 357n834

Nicholas, nephew of Henry of Blois, 162Nicholas de l’Aigle, 126, 323n155Nicholas II, pope, 170, 179, 196Nicholas of Wells, 75Nicholl, Donald, 130Nigel, bishop of Ely, 134

battle experience, 286exile, 26, 97family connections, 29, 97–8, 99, 121,

153, 234, 275, 276length of tenure, 45, 358n854professional background, 49secular-ecclesiastical relations, 69, 263Stephen and, 29, 56, 97, 134, 245

Nigel of Calne, 355n795, 355n802, 356n809

Norwich, 43, 137–47, 314n1Nostell priory, 321n118

Odmer, brother of Leofric, 105Odo, bishop of Bayeux

appointment of, 196, 209, 231death, 210, 225, 270family connections, 194, 209–10, 240Geoffrey, bishop of Coutances and, 217Gilbert Maminot, bishop of Lisieux

and, 232length of tenure, 44, 48, 224papal ambitions, 385n139Plessis-Grimoult and, 261Ralph Suhard and, 260Samson, bishop of Worcester and, 171,

385n137St. Vigor-le-Grand and, 269–70Thomas of Bayeux and, 179wealth, 374n4William II revolt, 26–7, 119, 209, 215,

286, 305n51William of St. Calais and, 24, 88

Odo, prior of Christ Church, Canterbury, 12, 19, 66, 67, 266, 267

Odo of Sully, bishop of Paris, 57

I N D E X506

Off ler, H.S., 92Orderic Vitalis

characteristics of bishops, 9, 14clerical celibacy, 52Flambard, 89, 90, 233, 328n240Geoffrey de Montbray, 214, 215Gilbert, bishop of Evreux, 225Gilbert Maminot, bishop of Lisieux,

7, 232Guitmund, monk of La Croix St.

Leufoi, 197–8Henry I, 39, 82, 271, 348n661Henry of Blois, 63, 160Herbert Losinga, 140Hugh, archbishop of Rouen, 200,

379n57Hugh of Eu, bishop of Lisieux, 223,

231, 328n240Ivo, bishop of Sées, 223, 404n460John, archbishop of Rouen, 196John, bishop of Lisieux, 234king’s power, 23Lanfranc, 196lay appointments, 308n6Normandy under Stephen, 28Odo, bishop of Bayeux, 26–7, 209Ralph d’Escures, 315n16Richard de Belmeis, 347n642Robert, archbishop of Rouen, 194–5Roger, bishop of Coutances, 218Roger, bishop of Salisbury, 153Samson, bishop of Worcester, 171–2Serlo, bishop of Sées, 243, 405n478Turold d’Envermeu, bishop of Bayeux,

386n152William Bona Anima, 197William de Bellême, 241William Fleitel, 223William II, 26–7

Osbern, brother of Ranulf Flambard, 90Osbern Fitz Osbern, bishop of Exeter, 45,

105–6, 197, 224, 275, 277Osbert, nephew of Ranulf Flambard, 91, 92Osbert de Camera, 79Osbert Longchamp, brother of Wiliam,

bishop of Ely, 100, 101, 102, 104Osbert of Bayeux, nephew of Thurstan,

archbishop of York, 181–2, 183–4Osmund, bishop of Salisbury, 45, 90, 152,

310n20, 419n20

Oswald, bishop of Worcester and archbishop of York, 170, 178

Otto IV, emperor, 230, 393n258

Painter, Sidney, 70, 117, 370n1133Pandulf, bishop of Norwich, 147papal authority

Becket and, 73–4canonical elections, 35, 69–70, 69–71under Innocent III, 188King John and, 75kings and, 23, 27–8, 32–3limits, 10–11, 66

papal schism of 1130, 199papal schism of 1159–1180, 30, 273,

299–300n49, 326n206, 356n826Paschal II, pope

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury and, 61, 152

Flambard and, 90Hervey, bishop of Ely and, 96lay appointment of bishops, 111monastic background, 309n10sons of priests, 312n12Turold, bishop of Bayeux and, 210William Bona Anima and, 233–4

Paschal III, antipope, 145, 163, 326n206, 356n826

patronage, defined/described, 1, 271–8Paul, lord of Valmentone, 313n24Peter, archbishop of Sens, 253Peter, bishop of Lichfield and Chester, 46,

80, 324n164Peter, brother of Geoffrey Plantagenet,

124, 188Peter Damian, 52, 272Peter de Leia, bishop of St. David’s,

407n521Peter de Rivallis, 169Peter des Roches, bishop of Winchester,

164, 274appointment, 80, 168–9, 367n1057length of tenure, 45

Peter of Aquablanca (d’Aigueblanche), bishop of Hereford, 274

Peter of BloisHenry, bishop of Bayeux and, 264ideal bishop, 12professional ambitions, 22, 271Ralph de Varneville, 239

I N D E X 507

Reginald Fitz Jocelin, bishop of Bath, 318n65

Walter, bishop of Rochester and, 150Peter of St. Chrysogonos, 84Peter Thebert, nephew of Philip, bishop

of Durham, 95Peter the Venerable, 56, 235Petronilla de Craon, 101–2Peverel family, 81, 82, 233, 324n174Philip de Beaumanoir, 9Philip de Belmeis, 129, 348n658–9Philip de Braose, 388nn174–5Philip de Colombières, 212Philip de Harcourt, bishop of Bayeux,

211–13chancellorship, 361n918, 387n165construction efforts, 208, 212at Evreux, 375n5family connections, 155, 211–12, 213,

227, 256, 388n174Henry II and, 258–9, 388n181length of tenure, 48power of, 376n19recovery of assets, 260Richard de Bohun and, 220secular-ecclesiastical relations, 263William de Tournebu and, 221

Philip de Poitiers (Poitou), bishop of Durham, 95–6

length of tenure, 46Otto election, 393n258Richard I and, 104, 239, 417n5

Philip I, king of France, 194, 226, 229Philip II, king of France, 2

election freedom, 213, 230–1Evreux and, 230King John and, 229–30Normandy and, 103, 192–3, 207, 253peace negotiations, 417n5Reginald Fitz Jocelin and, 68Richard I and, 104, 166, 192, 229–30,

383n115Sées and, 251vacancies and, 41Walter of Coutances and, 125, 202,

203, 252, 417n5Philippe of Dreux, bishop of

Beauvais, 286Pippin III, king of France, 12Pius X, pope, 299n44

Plessis-Grimoult, priory of, 261pluralism, 179, 370n1147, 370n1149Poem of the Cid, 285Powicke, Maurice, 308n7Prestwich, Michael, 293n4Primum Registrum of Norwich cathedral

priory, 141, 144purgatory, doctrine of, 26

Radbod, bishop of Sées, 54–5, 197, 223, 241

Rainald, archbishop of Köln, 286, 326n206

Rainfred family, 107Ralph, bishop of Avranches, 213Ralph, bishop of Coutances, 48, 218Ralph, count of Ivry, 203, 208Ralph, son of Ranulf Flambard, 91Ralph de Belfou, 139, 204, 353n770Ralph de Cierrey, bishop of Evreux, 230Ralph de Morville, bishop of Arras, 223Ralph d’Escures, bishop of Rochester

and archbishop of Canterbury, 244, 315n16

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury and, 147

appointment, 35, 62, 148family connections, 62, 77, 148, 275, 276length of tenure, 46, 47professional background, 49, 62Robert Bellême and, 234translation, 35, 36, 62, 148

Ralph de Subligny, 204Ralph de Varneville, bishop of Lisieux,

48, 124, 238–9Ralph Diceto, 13, 83–4, 133Ralph Foliot, 114Ralph Labbe, 252Ralph Luffa, bishop of Chichester, 45, 77Ralph of Cahagnes, 262Ralph of Ivry, 138, 197Ralph Peche, 81–2Ralph Suhard, 260Ramsbury, 151Rannulf, nephew of Ranulf Flambard, 93Ranulf, earl of Chester, 26, 102Ranulf Flambard, bishop of Durham, 23,

87, 88–93criticism of, 14, 89disputes with monks, 44

I N D E X508

Ranulf Flambard, bishop of Durham—Continued

exile, 26, 88, 89–90family connections, 55, 90–3, 234, 275,

277, 400n378length of tenure, 45name origin, 328n240properties appropriated, 132,

329–30n263rebellion, 233secular-ecclesiastical relations, 160simony, 21, 93, 141, 303n26Thurstan, archbishop of York and, 181

Ranulf Glanvil, 67, 68, 99, 156Raymond, archdeacon of Leicester, 118reform movement, 141

Anselm and, 61bishop’s power, 10–11clerical celibacy and, 53–4episcopal elections, 2, 273Gregory VII, 303n23Henry I and, 244–5Innocent III, 71king’s power and, 12–13Leo IX, 215–16See also celibacy and marriage, clerical;

simonyReginald de Lucy, 168Reginald Durdent, 83Reginald Fitz Jocelin, bishop of Bath,

318n65, 320n95appointment, 99, 267, 320n89Becket conf lict and, 73–4, 266Canterbury and, 68death, 75, 318n65family connections, 55, 73, 154, 155,

220, 256, 275, 276, 277Henry II and, 67, 73–4Henry of Blois and, 160length of tenure, 46simony, 21

Reginald of Cornhill, 79regnum et sacerdotium, 29–31, 160, 273

See also secular and ecclesiastical relations

Reinhelm (Rainald), bishop of Hereford, 47, 111, 159, 310n20

Remigius, bishop of Dorchester and Lincoln, 118–19, 343n550

canonization, 419n20

death, 90, 91, 119length of tenure, 46simony, 119, 180

Richard, brother of John of Salisbury, 56Richard, count of Evreux, 198, 376n22,

395n280Richard, nephew of Ranulf Flambard, 91,

92, 329–30n263Richard, son of Nigel, bishop of Ely, 29Richard d’Anstey, 104Richard de Almaria, 123, 157Richard de Bellofago, bishop of

Avranches, 48, 139, 197, 204, 276Richard de Belmeis I, bishop of London,

127–9, 347n642election, 128, 180, 347n644family connections, 56, 127–8,

128–9, 276Gilbert Foliot and, 112, 113, 133length of tenure, 45, 46objections to monk as archbishop, 62Shropshire, 348n659

Richard de Belmeis II, bishop of London, 131, 132–4

death, 114family connections, 56, 112, 113,

128–9, 133, 276Richard de Bohun, bishop of Coutances,

220–1chancellorship, 40, 155family connections, 73, 74, 220, 256,

276, 277length of tenure, 48

Richard de Brito, bishop of Coutances, 48, 218–19

Richard de Capella, bishop of Hereford, 47, 111

Richard de Lucy, justiciar, 303n20, 366n1023

Becket appointment, 65family connections, 56, 165, 166–7Roger Fitz Reinfrid and, 202

Richard de Marisco, 86, 126Richard de Meri, 362n925Richard de Musca, 205Richard de Subligny, bishop of

Avranches, 48, 204–5, 382n103Richard de Vernon, 230Richard d’Orval, 127Richard du Hommet, 210, 303n20

I N D E X 509

Richard Fitz Nigel (Richard of Ely), bishop of London

appointment, 99, 156, 166Ely and, 134–5family connections, 97–8, 153, 276Henry II and, 27length of tenure, 46Richard I and, 95Salisbury and, 157secular-ecclesiastical relations, 272

Richard Foliot, 113, 114Richard I, duke of Normandy, 158, 194,

241, 377n34Richard I, king of England

appointments, 32, 36, 39, 40, 99, 156Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury

and, 37coronation, 165, 229, 269crusade, 68death, 351n733Eustace, bishop of Ely and, 32, 104,

417n5Exeter and, 109free elections, 375n11Geoffrey Muschamp, bishop of

Coventry and, 86Geoffrey Plantagenet and, 32, 109, 188,

373n1209Geoffrey Ridel and, 99Godfrey de Lucy and, 22, 166, 167Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 229, 259,

264, 269, 415n125Henry Puiset and, 94Herbert Poore, bishop of Salisbury and,

337n409Hubert Walter and, 32, 69, 156, 319n67Hugh, bishop of Lincoln and, 104,

337n409Hugh de Nonant and, 85John Fitz-Luce and, 229King John and, 136, 166, 229–30Otto and, 393n258Philip II and, 104, 166, 192, 229–30,

383n115Richard Fitz Nigel and, 95Robert de Ros and, 26Savaric and, 74, 175Seffrid II of Chichester and, 79shrievalties and, 101Stephen Longchamp and, 102–3

tax on bishoprics, 21, 22vacancies under, 42Walter of Coutances and, 124, 125,

202, 203, 239William de Rupière and, 239William de Stagno and, 222William de Ste. Mère Eglise and, 18,

135–6William Longchamp and, 100, 101William of St. Calais and, 352n739

Richard II, duke of Normandy, 194, 208, 395n280

Richard II, king of England, 23Richard II (Richard Fitz Samson), bishop

of Bayeuxappointment, 172family connections, 55, 179, 211,

276, 277John of Bayeux and, 385n143length of tenure, 48

Richard III, bishop of Avranches, 206–7Richard III (Richard Fitz Robert,

Richard of Gloucester), bishop of Bayeux

family connections, 172, 179, 211, 276, 277, 371n1155

length of tenure, 48Stephen and, 245

Richard Marsh, bishop of Durham, 95, 96, 105

Richard Marshal, earl of Pembroke, 169Richard of Dover, archbishop of

Canterburyelection, 19, 66–7, 267–8Gerard, bishop of Coventry and, 84Godfrey de Lucy and, 166Herbert Poore and, 157John Fitz-Luce and, 229length of tenure, 46praise for, 12secular-ecclesiastical relations, 13–14Theobald and, 63Waleran, bishop of Rochester and, 150William of Northolt and, 175

Richard of Ilchester, bishop of Winchester, 162–5, 363n943

appointment, 267as bishop’s son, 55death, 158, 165election, 18, 99

I N D E X510

Richard of Ilchester, bishop of Winchester—Continued

family connections, 79, 157, 164–5, 276Gilbert Foliot and, 114, 162–3,

365n1000Henry II and, 18, 79, 99, 125, 163–4length of tenure, 46Lincoln and, 123, 157praise for, 12secular-ecclesiastical relations, 13–14young Henry and, 163, 265

Richard Peche, bishop of Coventryarchdeacon of Shropshire, 327n215family connections, 55, 81–2,

83–4, 275length of tenure, 45Warwick church, 227young Henry and, 265

Richard Poore, bishop of Chichester and Salisbury, 410n14

Durham and, 80, 96, 126, 164, 357n834family connections, 79–80, 164, 275Innocent III, 80, 367n1057length of tenure, 47Winchester and, 79–80, 168–9

Richard Rufus II, nephew of Richard de Belmeis II, 133–4, 350n705

Richenda, sister of William Longchamp, 104

Richeza, sister of Archbishop Anselm, 61Riley, Henry, 339n455Robert, abbot of Bec, 66–7Robert, abbot of Winchcombe, 182Robert, archbishop of Rouen, 194–5,

198, 208, 241, 395n280Robert, count of Meulan, 230Robert, count of Mortain, 24, 215Robert, earl of Gloucester, 387n158

family connections, 162–3, 172, 173, 211, 369n1098

Jocelin de Bohun and, 155Stephen and, 28, 154, 172

Robert, earl of Leicester, 78, 154, 166, 229–30

Robert, half-brother of John of Salisbury, 56

Robert Bloet, bishop of Lincoln, 210, 343n557

battle experience, 286chancellorship, 38, 89, 119family connections, 119–20, 165, 240

length of tenure, 45objections to monk as archbishop, 62praise of, 7, 343n556William of Corbeil and, 121

Robert Brito, 326n215Robert d’Ablèges, bishop of Bayeux, 48,

193, 213–14, 253Robert d’Alvers, 122Robert de Bellefago, 140Robert de Bellême I, 26, 119, 128, 148,

218, 234, 243–4Robert de Bellême II, 242, 243Robert de Bethune, bishop of Hereford,

46, 111, 219, 227Robert de Chesney, bishop of Lincoln,

345n588, 345n596appointment, 19, 123, 144Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and, 236family connections, 19, 112, 113, 275length of tenure, 46Ralph Diceto and, 133Robert Foliot and, 115

Robert de Harcourt, bishop of Coutances, 213

Robert de Harcourt, seneschal of Normandy, 388n182

Robert de l’Aigle, 226Robert de Limesey, bishop of Chester

and Coventry, 45, 80–1, 129, 141, 347n636

Robert de Melun, bishop of Hereford, 47, 115

Robert de Merula, 251–2Robert de Mowbray, 389n192Robert de Neubourg I, 18, 200,

226, 227Robert de Neubourg II, 200, 201, 227Robert de Ria (Ryes), bishop of Sées, 48,

242–3, 354n770Robert de Ros, 26Robert de Roye, bishop of Evreux, 49,

230, 251, 253Robert de Sigillo, bishop of London, 23,

46, 131–2, 155, 350n682, 362n929Robert de Torigni, abbot of Mont Saint

Michel, 205, 247, 256, 379n57, 407n509

Robert Fitz Hamon, 173–4, 211Robert Fitz Harding, 19, 108Robert Fitz Ralph, bishop of Worcester,

47, 174, 176, 370n1128

I N D E X 511

Robert Foliot, bishop of Hereford, 46, 114, 115–16, 267, 275, 276

Robert Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, 274, 297n32

Robert I, duke of Normandy, 106, 194, 208Robert II, bishop of Exeter, 47, 107, 108,

174, 275Robert II, king of France, 241Robert II (Robert Curthose), duke of

Normandy, 385n140Agnes de Ribemont marriage, 364n968Bayeux and, 210defeat, 210Flambard and, 233Gérard I, bishop of Sées and, 243Gilbert, bishop of Evreux and, 225revolt against Henry I, 89–90, 128, 191,

208, 211, 217, 233Sées and, 243–4Serlo, bishop of Sées and, 405n478William II and, 305n51

Robert Longchamp, brother of William, bishop of Ely, 103

Robert Losinga, bishop of Herefordappointment, 71background, 110, 354n781canonization, 419n20death, 90Herbert Losinga and, 142length of tenure, 46

Robert of Jumièges, bishop of London and archbishop of Canterbury, 127, 137, 171

Robert of Lewes, bishop of Bathappointment, 160, 320n86, 320n89battle experience, 286family connections, 72–3length of tenure, 45

Robert of York, 105Robert Peche, bishop of Coventry,

324n164family connections, 55, 81–2, 83, 275length of tenure, 47professional background, 49, 81, 111

Robert Pullen, archbishop of Rouen, 48, 193, 203, 253, 381n90

Robert Ridel, 99Roberts, J.M., 271Robert Tesson, 391n219Robert Warelwast, bishop of Exeter, 46,

107, 174, 256, 275

Rochester, 18, 42, 43, 147–51Rodulf of Ivry, 377n34Roger, abbot of Bec, 267Roger, bishop of Coutances, 48, 218Roger, bishop of Hereford, 81, 110–11Roger, bishop of Salisbury, 152–4

appointment, 111, 152, 159, 360n892consecration delay, 310n20downfall by Beaumonts, 212family connections, 29, 97, 153–4,

275, 276Henry I and, 111, 120, 152–3, 162holding of both secular and episcopal

office, 317n40John, bishop of Lisieux and, 234John of Tours, bishop of Wells and, 72length of tenure, 44, 45Malmesbury and, 359n880objections to monk as archbishop, 62power, 28, 69professional background, 49, 152secular-ecclesiastical relations, 160,

263, 417n4Stephen and, 28–9, 343n533, 385n140,

396n302wealth, 8, 152William of Corbeil and, 62–3, 121

Roger, earl of Hereford, 24, 170Roger, earl of Warwick, 227Roger de Bohun, 74Roger de Chesney, 123Roger de Clinton, bishop of Coventry, 7,

45, 81, 82, 324n188Roger de Mowbray, 214Roger de Pont l’Evêque, archbishop of

York, 49battle experience, 7Becket and, 373n1200, 373n1206Becket conf lict, 186, 187, 417n5criticism of, 6death, 310n20Eugenius III and, 149, 187Henry II coronation, 249length of tenure, 44, 45nepotism, 55Osbert of Bayeux and, 184sexual crime accusations, 172, 186–7Stephen and, 373n1200Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury

and, 63, 64, 186, 187young Henry and, 265

I N D E X512

Roger Durdent, 83Roger Fitz Everard, 363n951Roger Fitz Reinfrid, 125, 202Roger of Beaumont, 256Roger of Gloucester, bishop of Worcester,

37, 173–4, 417n4Becket and, 24, 173, 369n1099clerical celibacy and, 53–4election/consecration, 173, 368n1094exile, 26family connections, 173, 211, 276, 277,

371n1155Geoffrey Plantagenet and, 157Henry II and, 22–3, 173length of tenure, 46limited information about, 8

Roger of Howdendeath, 95Geoffrey Plantagenet, 373n1210Hugh du Puiset, 94John Fitz Luce, 109, 339n455Richard I, 165William Longchamp, 103

Roger of Montgomery, earl of Shrewsbury, 128, 170

Roger of Pontigny, 6Roger of Ramsbury, 154Roger Poore (le Poer), 153, 154, 155,

360n900Roger Suhard, 260, 261Roland II, archbishop of Dol, 268Rorico, bishop of Laon, 286Rotrou, bishop of Evreux and archbishop

of Rouen, 205Becket conf lict and, 200–1, 250, 266at Evreux, 200, 227, 228family connections, 200, 256, 276Gerard II of Sées and, 246Henry II and, 200–1, 268, 396n312length of tenure, 44, 48Philip de Harcourt and, 212power, 376n19secular-ecclesiastical relations, 263translation, 36, 200

Rouen, 18, 42, 194–203, 376n15Beaumonts and, 57as frontier diocese, 194primacy of, 199vacancy, 43, 228

Round, J.H., 185, 234, 342n527Rusticus, 1–2

Saint Benedict, 9, 285Saint Bernard. See Bernard of ClairvauxSaint David’s, 22Saint Jerome, 22, 285Saint Paul, letters, 9Salisbury, 18, 32, 43, 90, 127–8, 151–8Salter, H.E., 123, 345n591Saltman, Avrom, 148Samson, abbot of Bury St. Edmunds, 57Samson, bishop of Worcester

family connections, 55, 172, 179, 211, 276, 277

length of tenure, 46Odo, bishop of Bayeux and, 171,

385n137professional background, 38, 171–2,

375n5Sauvage, René F.-N., 255Savaric, bishop of Bath and Glastonbury,

74–5, 157appointment, 320n89family connections, 73, 74, 154, 220,

275, 276Glastonbury abbey and, 74, 175Herbert Poore and, 363n950length of tenure, 46Reginald, bishop of Bath and, 68

Scammel, G., 94, 373n1209Scotland, 93Searle, Eleanor, 6 (296n9)secular-ecclesiastical relations, 10–11,

272–3bishop and baron, 24–5, 29ideal bishops and, 12–13lay and ecclesiastical appointees, 69libertas ecclesiae and, 30–3secular duties/powers of clergy, 11, 12,

13, 299n45, 300n62theory of separation of secular from

ecclesiastical, 1–2, 416n4See also king-bishop relationships;

king’s power to appoint bishops; regnum et sacerdotium

sede vacante, 40–4, 74, 82, 150–1, 157, 165, 169, 177, 201, 266, 274

Sées, 43, 194, 240–52

I N D E X 513

Seffrid d’Escures, bishop of Chichester, 6, 45, 77, 148, 219, 275

Seffrid II, bishop of Chichester, 45, 79

Segefrid, bishop of Sées, 241Selden, John, 5–6Serlo, bishop of Sées

election, 39, 241, 405n478length of tenure, 48, 405n478Robert Bellême and, 234, 243–4

Serlo, canon at Bayeux, 54Sherborne, 151shrievalties, 101Siegebert of Gembloux, 54Simon, abbot of Ely, 110Simon, archbishop of Bourges, 57Simon, bishop of Worcester, 45, 71,

172, 227Simon, son of Robert Bloet, 119–20Simon de Tournebu, 221–2Simon Langton, 71, 104–5, 126, 188–9,

319n74Simon of Apulia, bishop of Exeter, 47,

110, 373n1210Simon of Wells (Simon Fitz Robert),

bishop of Chichester, 47, 75, 79, 126, 346n627

simony, 8frequency of, 21–2, 303n26Gregory VII and, 303n23Leo IX and, 216See also bribes; individual bishops

Siward, bishop of Rochester, 46, 147Sixtus IV, pope, 55Smalley, Beryl, 340n483, 401n405Smith, Sydney, 5, 51, 295n1 (quoted p5)Song of Roland, 285sortes biblicae, 12Southern, Richard, 25, 92, 324n188,

338n427, 416n1Spalding priory, 103Sprota, mother of Richard I, duke of

Normandy, 377n34Stapleton, Thomas, 240Stephen, cardinal of St. Adriano,

313n24Stephen, king of England

appointments, 18, 28, 36, 39, 40, 133, 144

Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and, 21, 237, 245, 402n412

Audoin, bishop of Evreux and, 225, 226–7

canonical elections, 105, 306n70Canterbury and, 63clerical marriage and, 53criticism of, 372n1177Eugenius III and, 149, 350n682family connections, 191–2, 244Gervase, abbot of Westminster and, 161Gilbert Foliot and, 113Henry Murdac and, 183Henry of Blois and, 29, 160, 212, 245Hilary, bishop of Chichester and, 23,

77–8Hugh du Puiset and, 95Hugh of Amiens and, 199, 199–200John, bishop of Lisieux and, 234, 235John, bishop of Sées and, 245Lincoln and, 19Mary and, 76Matilda conf lict, 26, 29, 93, 132, 191–2nepotism, 57Nigel, bishop of Ely and, 29, 56, 97,

134, 245Normandy and, 28, 192Osbert of Bayeux and, 184Philip de Harcourt and, 256Robert de Chesney and, 123Robert de Sigillo and, 350n682Roger, bishop of Salisbury and, 28–9,

343n533, 385n140, 396n302Roger de Pont l’Evêque and, 373n1200Salisbury and, 18, 154–5Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury

and, 30, 161Thurstan, archbishop of York and, 182vacancies under, 41, 42William Fitz Herbert and, 185York and, 182–3

Stephen de Lucy, 168–9, 367n1048Stephen Langton, archbishop of

Canterbury, 46, 70–1, 86, 104–5, 117, 126, 177, 319n74, 346n625

Stephen Longchamp, brother of William, bishop of Ely, 102–3

Stephen of Tournai, 5, 74Stephen Ridel, 99

I N D E X514

Stigand, bishop of Elmham, Winchester, and archbishop of Canterbury, 171

Aethelmaer relationship, 59–60, 137, 276

appointment, 35, 59, 127criticism, 59–60, 314n3length of tenure, 45multiple preferments, 59, 137, 158, 179,

352n778at Rouen, 374n5Siward, bishop of Rochester and, 147translation, 35, 36

Stigand, bishop of Selsey and Chichester, 46, 77, 90

Stubbs, William, 7, 63, 102, 127, 360n900Suhard family, 260Swanson, R.N., 3Sylvester, bishop of Sées, 408n543

appointment, 245, 251–3exile, 402n420family connections, 250length of tenure, 48Philip II and, 193

Sylvester, nephew of Arnulf of Lisieux, 237–8

Sylvester III, pope, 390n204Sylvester of Evesham, bishop of

Worcester, 47, 174, 177–8Symphorian, 183–4

Taylor, Henry Osborn, 295n6Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury

Alfred, bishop of Worcester and, 173Ascelin, bishop of Rochester and, 148death, 18, 113Eugenius III and, 30, 149Froger, bishop of Sées and, 248Gilbert Foliot and, 30, 64, 112–13Henry II and, 30, 31, 108, 299–300n49Hilary of Chichester and, 78Jocelin de Bohun and, 155John of Pagham, bishop of Worcester

and, 172length of tenure, 45nepotism, 49, 63–4Osbert of Bayeux and, 184as papal legate, 417n4power of appointment and, 39, 77, 82–3Ralph, son of Flambard and, 91

Richard de Belmeis II of London and, 132

Richard of Dover and, 267Rochester and, 321n133Roger de Pont l’Evêque, archbishop of

York and, 63, 64, 186, 187secular-ecclesiastical relations, 12–13,

29–30, 299–300n49shifting power of, 122–3Stephen and, 30, 161Walter, bishop of Rochester

relationship, 63–4, 149, 275, 276William de Vere and, 63, 116William of Northolt and, 175

Theobald, brother of Hubert Walter, 156Theobald d’Etampes, 54Theobald IV, count of Blois, 200, 244Theobald V, count of Blois, son of

Theobald IV, 95Theodred, bishop of Elmham, 137Thetford, 21, 314n1, 353n760Theulf, bishop of Worcester, 47, 172,

375n5Thierry, abbot of St. Evroult, 197,

398n349Thomas, bishop of Lisieux, son of Ranulf

Flambard, 55, 90–1Thomas Becket, archbishop of

Canterbury, 22, 30–2, 37, 64–6Alexander III, 12, 206, 248, 250,

265–6, 273, 356n826appointment of, 64–5, 114, 257, 317n40Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and,

236–7, 266Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter and,

108, 417n5battle experience, 286canonization, 419n20chancellorship, 40, 64, 98–9criticism of, 21death, 223, 265, 317n46debt, 259election of, 18Eugenius III and, 149exile, 31, 65–6, 181Froger, bishop of Sées and, 192, 249–50Geoffrey Ridel, bishop of Ely and,

98–9, 249Gerard, bishop of Coventry and, 84

I N D E X 515

Gilbert Foliot and, 37, 65, 112, 113–14, 149, 401n405, 417n5

Gilbert Glanvil and, 150Giles du Perche, bishop of Evreux

and, 228Henry, bishop of Bayeux and, 264–7Henry II’s refusal to reconcile, 337n409Hilary of Chichester and, 66, 78, 417n5Hugh de Nonant and, 85, 238John of Oxford and, 145John of Pagham, bishop of Worcester

and, 172John of Salisbury and, 31, 260, 299n45,

392n240, 412n44, 417n6king’s power, 23, 24, 248length of tenure, 46Norman bishops and, 192papal court at Sens, 417n5Reginald, bishop of Bath and, 73–4, 266Richard de Bohun and, 221Richard of Ely and, 134Richard of Ilchester and, 163–4Roger, bishop of Worcester and, 24,

173, 369n1099Roger de Pont l’Evêque and, 186, 187,

373n1200, 373n1206, 417n5Rotrou, archbishop of Rouen and,

200–1, 250, 266secular-ecclesiastical relations, 12–13,

31, 32, 263separation of church and state, 5, 15,

300n60Sylvester, nephew of Arnulf of Lisieux

and, 237–8Theobald and, 63, 64, 91Toulouse campaign, 351n713vacancies and, 41, 227–8Walter, bishop of Rochester and, 65,

149–50William of Northolt and, 175

Thomas Flambard, son of Ranulf, 90–1, 234

Thomas II, archbishop of York, 180–1family connections, 55, 179, 211, 276length of tenure, 47Odo, bishop of Bayeux and, 171,

385n137Thomas of Bayeux, archbishop of York,

179–80, 371n1157

at Bayeux, 375n5family connections, 276length of tenure, 45Odo, bishop of Bayeux and, 179Remigius of Dorchester-Lincoln

and, 119William of St. Calais trial and, 25

Thomas of Erlegh, 74Thomas of Monmouth, 144Thompson, A.H., 418n16Thorney abbey, 105Thurstan, archbishop of York

Adelulf, bishop of Carlisle and, 76exile, 26, 181, 182family connections, 181–2, 225, 226,

276, 277length of tenure, 45Nostell priory and, 321n118Odo, bishop of Bayeux and, 385n137opposition to Anselm of London, 131Osbert of Bayeux and, 183William of Corbeil and, 63

Thurstin of Caen, abbot of Glastonbury, 171

Tout, Frederick, 125Trollope, Anthony, 314n36Turgis, bishop of Avranches, 48, 204, 224,

382n96Turold d’Envermeu, bishop of Bayeux,

48, 210–11, 386n152Turpin, archbishop of Reims, 285

Ulf, bishop of Dorchester, 127Urban II, pope

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury and, 27–8

bishop’s homage to king, 298n35married clergy, 52monastic background, 309n10sons of priests, 312n12William II and, 140, 141

Van Houts, E., 377n34Victor II, pope, 195Victor III, pope, 309n10Victor IV, antipope, 326n206, 356n826Vita Gundulfi, 147Vita Lanfranci, 23, 196Vita Wulfstani, 170, 179

I N D E X516

Vivian, bishop of Coutances, 41, 49, 193, 222–3, 251

Wace, 221Walchelin, priest at Bonneval, 231, 232Walchelin I de Marminot, 232–3Walcher, bishop of Durham, 17, 46, 71,

87–8Waleran, bishop of Rochester, 47, 67, 84,

150, 374n5Waleran I, count of Meulan, 230, 256,

360n900Waleran II, count of Meulan and earl of

Worcester, 26, 154–5, 200, 211, 212, 226–7

Walkelin, bishop of Winchesterdeath, 90family connections, 110, 158, 180, 276length of tenure, 45at Rouen, 374n5

Walter, bishop of Hereford, 46, 71, 110Walter, bishop of Rochester

Becket and, 65, 149–50length of tenure, 45, 358n854Theobald and, 63–4, 149, 275, 276young Henry and, 265

Walter de Belmeis, 56Walter de Coutances, bishop of Lincoln

and archbishop of Rouen, 100, 201–3Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux and, 201,

237, 238Canterbury and, 68family connections, 177, 202, 276Innocent III and, 193, 203John Fitz-Luce and, 229, 397n325length of tenure, 47, 48at Lincoln, 84, 124–5Lisieux and, 238–9Philip II, 125, 202, 203, 252, 417n5praise for, 12professional background, 201–2,

345n588, 374n5Richard I and, 124, 125, 202, 203, 239Sylvester, bishop of Sées and, 251–2,

252–3, 408n543translation, 36, 125, 134Warin, bishop of Evreux and, 230

Walter de Gray, bishop of Worcester and archbishop of York

appointments, 35, 177, 188–9, 370n1136

clerical celibacy and, 53Coventry and, 86, 126, 177family connections, 86, 146, 177, 188,

189, 276King John and, 370n1133length of tenure, 47, 358n854professional background, 174, 176, 177simony, 21, 177translation, 35, 36, 177–8

Walter de Lucy, abbot of Battle, 133, 139Walter Durdent, bishop of Coventry, 46,

63, 64, 81, 82–3Walter Giffard I (d. 1084), 158–9Walter Giffard II (d. 1102), 158–9,

364n968Walter Giffard III (d. 1164), 159, 364n968Walter Langton, bishop of Coventry, 189Walter Longchamp, 104Waltheof, prior of Kirkham, 182Warin (Guarin) de Cierrey, bishop of

Evreux, 48, 229–30, 397n337Warren, W.L., 407n506warrior-bishops, 285–6Wells, 81Westminster abbey, 386n147White, G.H., 360n900Wilfrid, archbishop of York, 10William, archbishop of Monreale, 68William, archbishop of Sens, 161–2, 265,

396n312William, bishop of Angers, 251William, bishop of London, 45, 127, 171William, count of Eu, 194, 223William, earl of Gloucester, 174William, king of Scots, 95, 187William, son of Hugh du Puiset, 94William Anglicus, 98William Bona Anima, archbishop of

Rouen, 197–8, 400n377family connections, 54–5, 197, 198,

223, 241, 276length of tenure, 48monastic background, 38Paschal II suspension, 233–4professional background, 11, 197William I and, 225

William “Brito,” nephew of Hervey, bishop of Ely, 97

William Burel, bishop of Avranches, 48, 207

William Clito, 27, 191, 210

I N D E X 517

William Cornhill, bishop of Coventry, 47, 86

William Cumin, 18, 93, 155, 331nn295–6William de Barri, 312n21William de Bellême, 223, 241, 243William de Bellofago (Beaufou), bishop

of Thetfordelection, 347n636, 353n760family connections, 138–40, 204, 276,

353n770length of tenure, 47

William de Belmeis I, 131William de Braose (Briouze), 213,

388n174William de Braose (Briouze) III, 116–17William de Cantilupe, 101William de Cardaillac, bishop of

Cahors, 286William de Chemillé, bishop-elect of

Avranches, 207, 383n121, 417n5William de Chesney, 113, 123, 345n591William de Mareni, 130, 131William de Pacy, bishop-elect

of Evreux, 234William de Pont de l’Arche, 160William de Roumara, 104William de Rupière, bishop of Lisieux,

48, 239–40William de Stagno, 222, 393n258William de St. Barbara, bishop of

Durham, 46, 93, 94William de Ste. Mère Eglise, bishop of

London, 134, 135–7appointment, 18, 135–6at Glastonbury abbey, 74Innocent III and, 176Jocelin of Wells, bishop of

Bath and, 75length of tenure, 45wardships, 164

William de Thiéville, bishop of Coutances, 213

William de Tolomeus, bishop of Avranches, 48, 193, 207

William de Tournebu, bishop of Coutances, 48, 213, 221–2, 287, 392n245

William de Vere, bishop of Hereford, 114, 342n527

appointment, 116, 156length of tenure, 46

Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury and, 63, 116

William d’Ostilly, bishop of Avranches, 49, 193, 207

William Durdent, 83, 327n215William Fitz Herbert, archbishop of York,

184–5alleged murder of, 181, 184canonization, 183, 419n20deposition by Eugenius III, 77, 161, 183election, 94, 183length of tenure, 47

William Fitz Osbern, earl of Hereford, 197, 224

William Fitz Rannulf, 92, 330n263, 330n280

William Fitz Stephen, 6, 22–3, 65, 228, 317n46

William Fitz Warin, 162William Fleitel, bishop of Evreux, 158,

196, 223–4, 231, 241William Foliot, 114–15, 116–17William Giffard, bishop of Winchester,

158–60appointment, 38, 111, 159consecration delay, 159, 310n20exile, 26family connections, 158–9, 224length of tenure, 45professional background, 37–8, 89, 158,

374n5William of Corbeil and, 63

William I, king of England, 305n64ancestry, 194appointments, 28, 38–9, 40, 191, 231,

257, 274on clerical celibacy, 52death, 225Durham and, 87Ealdred, archbishop of York and, 178Flambard and, 89Geoffrey de Montbray and, 214, 215,

305n51Gerard, bishop of Hereford and, 38Gilbert, bishop of Evreux and, 224–5,

395n286Gilbert Maminot, bishop of Lisieux

and, 225, 232, 395n286Herfast, bishop of Elmham and, 138Matilda marriage, 195, 196Mauger’s revolt against, 195

I N D E X518

William I, king of England—ContinuedMaurilius, archbishop of Rouen and,

195–6Normandy and, 191, 192, 208–9, 214number of bishops under, 35–6Odo, bishop of Bayeux and, 209Osbern, bishop of Exeter and, 106Osmund, bishop of Salisbury and, 152power over bishops, 22, 23Remigius, bishop of Dorchester

and, 119revolt against 1147, 261, 389n193Rochester and, 147Roger, earl of Hereford and, 170Samson, bishop of Worcester and,

171–2Sées and, 242St. Amand abbey and, 197St. Evroult abbey and, 398n349Stigand and, 59–60Thomas, archbishop of York and, 180,

371n1157vacancies under, 42William of St. Calais, bishop of

Durham and, 343n533William II, king of England

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury and, 27–8, 31, 60–2, 301n5, 395n287

appointments, 36, 39, 40, 57, 274Carlisle and, 76death of, 89, 159Geoffrey de Montbray, bishop of

Coutances and, 217Gerard, bishop of Hereford and, 110Gilbert, bishop of Evreux and, 225Herbert Losinga and, 140–1John of Tours and, 75Lanfranc’s support, 37Normandy and, 191, 192Odo, bishop of Bayeux and, 26–7, 119,

209, 215, 286, 305n51power over bishops, 22Prince Henry and, 218Ralph de Belfou and, 139rebellion against, 26–7, 128, 215,

305n51Remigius, bishop of Dorchester

and, 119Robert Bloet and, 38, 343n557Roger of Montgomery and, 170

siege of Courcy, 243St. Evroult-Lisieux dispute, 232Thurstan, archbishop of York and, 182vacancies under, 42William I’s death and, 225William of St. Calais and, 22, 24–5,

27–8, 88, 215, 305n51William Warelwast and, 106York-Lincoln conf lict, 119

William Langland, 2–3William Langton, 189William Longchamp, bishop of Ely, 69,

99–104appointment, 32, 156, 166, 334n358archbishopric of Canterbury and, 68chancellorship, 32, 40, 99, 317n40excommunication order, 334n351exile, 26, 335n370Hugh Nonant and, 85King John and, 85, 100, 109, 124length of tenure, 47Muchelney abbey, 336n395secular-ecclesiastical relations, 100, 160

William Longchamp II, 101William Marshal I, 109, 165, 166,

366n1023William Muschamp, 86William of Arques, 195William of Aumale, earl of York, 182William of Avalon, 118William of Beaumont, 256William of Blois, bishop of Lincoln, 47,

125–6William of Breteuil, 208William of Canterbury, 149William of Chimely, bishop of Evreux,

393n258William of Corbeil, archbishop of

Canterburyclerical marriage, 53death, 63, 148election, 62–3, 121, 130, 219length of tenure, 46Stephen and, 160

William of Ely, son of Nigel, bishop of Ely, 98, 135, 351n727

William of Erlegh, 74William of Malmesbury

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, 60Ealdred, archbishop of York, 179

I N D E X 519

Edward, king of England, 370n1147Faritius of Abingdon, 62Gerard, archbishop of York, 7Henry of Blois, 160Herbert Losinga, 141, 354n781Hereman, bishop of Ramsbury-

Sherborne, 151John of Tours, bishop of Bath and, 72Lotharingians, 319n82Mauger, archbishop of Rouen, 195Ralph Luffa, bishop of Chichester, 77Ranulf Flambard, 14Roger, bishop of Salisbury, 153simony, 21Stigand, 60William I, 305n64William Warelwast, 338n427Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester, 170

William of Newburgh, 6Becket, 317n40Hugh du Puiset, 94Richard I, 32Roger, bishop of Salisbury and, 152vacancies, 41William Fitz Herbert, 184worldly bishops, 13

William of Northolt, bishop of Worcester, 47, 63, 156, 174, 175–6

William of Poitiers, 7, 179, 195, 196, 231William of Ros, abbot of Fécamp, 171,

385n137William of St. Calais, bishop of

Durham, 37Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury and,

27–8appointment, 17at Bayeux, 88, 375n5conspiracy against William II, 22,

24–5, 27–8, 88, 215, 305n51death, 90Geoffrey, bishop of Coutances and, 217itinerary, 352n739length of tenure, 46secular-ecclesiastical relations, 88, 263trial of, 15, 24–5, 29, 305n55, 343n533

William of the White Hands, 161William of Warenne, 26William of Wycombe, 111William Peche, 81William Postel, priest of Cahagnes, 262William Talvas, brother of Ivo,

bishop of Sées, 218, 242, 245, 404n460

William Turbe, bishop of Norwich, 143, 144–5

Becket controversy and, 149death, 90length of tenure, 45modern prejudice against, 7

William Warelwast, bishop of Exeter, 106–7

Bosham chapel, 401n404family connections, 107, 275length of tenure, 45professional background, 81, 106,

338n427Winchester, 158–69

importance of, 18, 22, 80, 158, 366n1030

vacancies, 43, 168, 414n101Worcester, 43, 169–78, 174, 194Wulfstan, bishop of London, Worcester,

and archbishop of York (d. 1023), 11–12, 170, 178

Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester (d. 1095), 45, 90, 169–71, 324n164, 419n20

Wulfwig, bishop of Dorchester, 46, 127

York, 178–89Canterbury rivalry, 59, 63, 130, 181Durham and, 331n297Flambard and, 90Lincoln conf lict, 119strategic position, 76vacancies, 43, 109, 187, 310n20value of, 21, 22Worcester and, 170

Young, Charles R., 362n936

Zacharias, pope, 12