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Anthropology and Voice

Author(s): Amanda Weidman

Source: Annual Review of Anthropology , 2014, Vol. 43 (2014), pp. 37-51

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https://www.jstor.org/stable/43049561

Anthropology and Voice Amanda Weidman

Department of Anthropology, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania 19010; email: [email protected]

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Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2014. 43:37-51

First published online as a Review in Advance on June 24, 2014

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org

Ulis article's doi: 10. 1 146/annurev-anthro-102 3 1 3-030050

Copyright © 2014 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved

Keywords

voicing, performance, technological mediation, sound

Abstract

Voice is both a set of sonic, material, and literary practices shaped by cultur-

ally and historically specific moments and a category invoked in discourse about personal agency, communication and representation, and political power. This review focuses on scholarship produced since the 1990s in a variety of fields, addressing the status of the voice within Euro-Western modernity, voice as sound and embodied practice, technological mediation, and voicing. It then turns to the ways in which anthropology and related fields have framed the relationship between voice and identity, status, sub-

jectivity, and publics. The review suggests that attending to voice in its multiple registers gives particular insight into the intimate, affective, and material/embodied dimensions of cultural life and sociopolitical identity. Questions of voice are implicated in many issues of concern to contemporary anthropology and can lend theoretical acuity to broader concepts of more general concern to social theory as well.



INTRODUCTION

The voice is central to cultural, social, and political life. As a phenomenon that links material practices with subjectivity, and embodied sound with collectively recognized meanings, voice is a crucial site where the realms of the cultural and sociopolitical link to the level of the individual, a site where shared discourses and values, affect, and aesthetics are made manifest in and contested

through embodied practice. The productivity of voice as an analytical category stems from the

fact that voice is both a set of sonic, material, and literary practices shaped by culturally and historically specific moments and a category invoked in discourse about personal agency, cultural authenticity, and political power. As both sonic/material phenomenon and culturally elaborated metaphor, voice lives a life in two registers.

A key tension in anthropological approaches to voice lies in balancing the usefulness of voice as

an analytical category with an awareness of the host of naturalized meanings and assumptions that

the term voice, in English, carries. Indeed, voice is a salient category for anthropology, and a topic

for review in this publication, partly because it is a salient category in Euro-Western modernity,

highly elaborated in a host of associations between voice and individuality, authorship, agency, authority, and power. These associations are made daily in our common parlance: We "find" our "voice" or discover an "inner voice"; we "have a voice" in matters or "give voice to" our ideas; we "voice concern" and are "vocal" in our opinions. But voice is also a category that is now salient in many other parts of the world as well - in connection with anticolonial nationalist movements,

the "opening" of socialist societies, the emergence of new democracies, the discourse of human

rights, the rise of indigenous and other social movements, and neoliberal promises of choice and agency.

Anthropology's particular strength lies in its capacity to "provincialize" Euro-American discourses of voice (Kunreuther 2014), to show the difference between assumed connections between

voice and self, interiority, or agency and what careful ethnography and listening can show to be

other ways of conceiving the value and efficacy of vocal practice. Rather than assume the universal significance of the voice, anthropology should ask where and when "voice" becomes a salient metaphor and what is at stake in it. It should inquire into how practices involving the voice - including performance, singing, oratory, pedagogy, entextualizatdon, writing, technological mediation - support these metaphorical elaborations. What forms of subjectivity, identity, and

public and political life are enabled, and silenced, by particular regimes of aurality and the voice?

In their 1994 Annual Review of Anthropology review "Music and Language," Feld & Fox (1994) call, in passing, for this project of linking of a "phenomenological concern with the voice as the

embodiment of spoken and sung performance, and a more metaphoric sense of voice as a key representational trope for social position and power" (p. 26). Their statement draws attention to the disjunction between anthropology's concerns with agency, subjectivity, representation, and

power - the metaphorical sense of "having a voice" - and the more sonically and linguistically focused study of actual voices and vocal practices, usually undertaken within the subfields of eth-

nomusicology and linguistic anthropology. In this review, I argue for the importance of keeping these concerns together, suggesting that attending to voice in its multiple registers gives particular insight into the intimate, affective, and material/embodied dimensions of cultural life and

sociopolitical identity. However, the anthropological study of voice must draw from work in a variety of fields. In the

past two decades, a great deal of scholarship direcdy and indirecdy pertaining to voice has emerged

from various fields within and outside anthropology: linguistic anthropology and ethnomusicology, postcolonial theory, musicology and popular music studies, literary criticism and comparative

literature, film studies, psychoanalysis, and media and technology studies. In this review, while

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focusing on anthropological and ethnomusicological literature published between the mid-1990s

and the present, I refer to important works from previous years and from other fields.

This review begins with a section on influential works from several disciplines that have ad- dressed the construction of the voice within Western metaphysical, psychoanalytic, and linguistic

traditions. Whereas these works are of interest to anthropologists because they address the status of the voice within Euro-Western modernity, a different set of denaturalizing perspectives

on voice has emerged from the fields of linguistic anthropology, musicology, ethnomusicology, and media and technology studies. The second part of this review addresses these perspectives, understanding the production of voices through materiality, technological mediation, and voic-

ing: perspectives which are grounded in the notion of voice as embodied practice shaped by and embedded in culturally and historically specific social relations. The third part of the review turns

more pointedly to the ways in which anthropology and related fields have framed the relationship between voice and identity, status, subjectivity, and publics and suggests what careful attention to

voice might contribute to social theory more generally.

VOICE IN EURO- WESTERN MODERNITY

The Western metaphysical and linguistic traditions have bequeathed us two powerful ideas about voice. One is the idea of voice as guarantor of truth and self-presence, from which springs the familiar idea that the voice expresses self and identity and that agency consists in having a voice.

This is coupled with a second idea: that the sonic and material aspects of the voice are separable from and subordinate to its referential content or message, an assumption that underlies much of

modern linguistic ideology. The model of the speaking subject assumed by Rousseau and Locke embodies all our notions of voice as presence, authenticity, agency, rationality, will, and self or

interiority (Locke 1959, Rousseau 1990). Modern conceptions of the self rely not only on the idealization of rationality, but also on the notion of an inner voice that stands for instinct and

emotional life; in fact, as Taylor has suggested, these ideas developed together (1989, p. 390). The modern conception of the self, he suggests, involves a localization within the subject of that

which was previously seen as existing between the knower or agent and the world (Taylor 1989, p. 184; Weidman 2006). "Voice" then becomes a central vehicle for this modern interiorized self. This notion shaped the emergence of a psychoanalytic practice in the late nineteenth century that focused on finding the inner voice through speech/narrative therapy, using the bodily, material voice to access the inner voice. The domains of philosophical, psychoanalytic, and linguistic thought were unified by a shared distinction between the signifying, authorial, or inner voice and

bodily, material vocality. Perhaps paradoxically, as the metaphor of voice became more cemented, the sonic, material aspects of voice were relegated to a subordinate status (Cavarero 2005).

This set of ideas was closely articulated with a sociopolitical project central to Euro-Western

modernity. In their critique of modern linguistic ideology, Bauman & Briggs (2003) show that one of the ways the subject of the European Enlightenment identified himself was by differentiating

his language and modes of speaking - as rational language, purified of unnecessary associations and suited to expressing "universal" concepts - from the language of the lower-class folk, which was mired in custom and superstition. Purifying language meant privileging referentiality over

other functions of language, creating an opposition between content and form and privileging the former (Bauman & Briggs 2003, de Certeau 1988). Such an idea eventually became the basis of Saussure's distinction between langue as a system of signs - identified as the proper object of

linguistic study - and parole as actually occurring speech, which needed to be excluded to form a science of language (de Saussure 1988). Theories of the evolution of language depend on a similar opposition between music and language; there is a long history, from Rousseau to contemporary

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evolutionary thinkers, of associating vocality with animality and of seeing the evolution of language

as dependent on the decoupling of voice and vocality (Tolbert 2001). One of the major critiques of this paradigm has come from psychoanalytic and deconstructive

writings that theorize the voice as an excess with productively disruptive potential. French feminists

in the 1980s imagined the "maternal voice" as a kind of haven that resists representation (Irigaray

1985, Kristeva 1980). Somewhat similarly, although leading to a different set of provocations, Roland Barthes could declare the source of musical enjoyment to be not in the melodies or words

themselves but in the realm of material vocality, what he famously called "the grain of the voice,"

the materiality of the body speaking [or singing] its mother tongue (Barthes 1991). Using voice as essentially something wgood to think with," deconstructive and psychoanalytic thought plays with the vulnerability of the sovereign subject, using voice as a tool to theorize the role of "partial

objects" in the constitution of subjectivity (Lacan 1989) or voice as an excess that can disrupt self-presence and signification (Derrida 1974; Dolar 1996, 2006; Žižek 1996).

The disruptive potential of the sounding, material voice to regimes of subjectivity and representation has been elaborated in deconstruction and psychoanalysis through an emphasis on the voice's primordiality, endowing voice with a universal, precultural significance. Nevertheless, these fields have been extraordinarily provocative in opening up critical studies of regimes of rep-

resentation in a range of disciplines. In the Western cultural imagination, the contrast between a signifying voice and a vocality that is outside of referential meaning is recursively elaborated in other contrasts: male versus female, colonizer versus colonized, white versus black. Gendered

and racialized voices have played a particularly important role in Western cultural production as

a vehicle for presenting inarticulate vocality. In artistic forms ranging from literature to opera to

classic Hollywood film, the female or black voice is repeatedly staged as an excessive but power- less vocality that is represented and controlled by authorial male or white voices (Dunn & Jones 1995, Miller-Frank 1995, Lawrence 1991, Maurice 2002, Silverman 1988, Stadler 2010). Critical

attention to aspects of vocal materiality, including contexts of performance, the power of sound,

and historical shifts in the meanings associated with particular types of voices can, as musicological

scholarship has shown, challenge conclusions about the relationships between power and voice that are based on purely textual approaches (Abbate 1991, André 2006).

VOICE AS SONIC PHENOMENON AND MATERIAL PRACTICE

Voices are "material embodiments of social ideology and experience" (Feld et al. 2004, p. 332). They have the capacity to be both iconic (able to embody particular qualities) and indexical (able to

point to or index particular subjectivities or identities). Precisely because voices are embodied and repeatedly performed, they can serve as deeply felt markers of class, race, geographic origin, etc.

The materiality of voice includes the sound itself as well as with the bodily processes of producing

and attending to voices. When we consider the musical voice as a sonic phenomenon, not merely as a vehicle for words or music, timbre- commonly referred to as voice quality, tone color, or colloquially referred to as an instrument's or vocalist's "sound" - becomes central. Perhaps because words used to describe timbre - such as "warm," "bright," "open," "husky," "gruff," "creaky" - are

seemingly subjective and highly culturally variable, they are also an extremely socially meaningful

aspect of vocal sound, performance, and discourse about voice (Cusick 1999, Fales 2002, Harkness 2013, Porcello 2002, Sundar 2007, Van Leeuwen 1999).

The materiality of the voice is also a feature of spoken language. Linguistic variation, a classic topic within sociolinguistics, is a sonic vocal phenomenon with powerful social meanings and effects. Not only phonetic variation, but also intonational patterns and other prosodie features

of language such as timbre, pitch, and volume are part of the pragmatics of everyday speech

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and verbal performance (Eisenlohr 2007, Lippi-Green 2012, McConnell-Ginet 1978, Mendoza- Denton 2008, Zhang 2005). Particular vocal practices may originate in a very specific kind of event

but then become generalized as vocal "gestures'' or culturally recognized voice types that can be

used to project a certain status for the speaker, retaining some aspect of the original situation in their sonic iconicity (Harkness 2011, Irvine 1990). Focusing on voice also provides a way to integrate the study of language and music and thus to explore the poetic and sound-symbolic aspects of language in music and verbal art (Bickford 2007, Bolinger 1986, Fox 2004, Jakobson 1960, Jakobson & Waugh 1979).

Voices are material in the sense that they are produced through bodily actions and the training

of bodies. The concept of vocal practices is helpful in opening up this aspect of the materiality of the voice because it requires us to consider what is being done with the body, but also with space and technology, to produce the voice. Vocal practices include the bodily knowledge and training required to produce a particular sound: the "internal choreography" involved in shaping the vocal tract each time a singer sings or a person speaks (Eidsheim 2009, Poynton 1999). Vocal

practices can also include aspects of performance entailed in external choreography and staging. How are voices performed in relation to bodies? Just as singers "place" their voices in varying ways inside their bodies and vocal tracts, they also construct an association between the vocal sound they are producing and the image they project, an association that may be more or less self-conscious but is never simply "natural" (Rahaim 2012). Does a singer grunt and flail on stage or stand still with eyes screwed shut? Musical vocal practices that are developed in particular times

and places, such as "singing like a guy" in 1990s Western pop or singing French mélodie at the turn of the twentieth century, are performed embodiments of modes of discipline that come to be

naturalized and endowed with social meanings (Bergeron 2010, Cusick 1999, Potter 1998, Stark 2003). Critical studies of the history of vocal pedagogy in US and colonial contexts have detailed

how racial categories are thought to be musically represented, but also how the very embodied act

of vocal production shapes singing and listening bodies into subjects that inhabit those categories (Carter 2013, Newland 2010, Olwage 2004).

TECHNOLOGICAL MEDIATION AND THE VOICE

Mediating technologies, broadly defined, are crucial in this project of matching voices with bodies. Technologies of sound reproduction, broadcasting, transmission, and amplification (including musical instruments and digital sound manipulation technologies) draw attention to the powers

and possibilities of voices separated from their originating bodies and can thus help us to see the mediation inherent in all voice-body relationships. The study of sound recording and radio provides a concrete way to show that the equation of voice with agency, intention, and communication ignores the complexities of how voices are actually constructed, mediated, and heard. In externalizing sound and the voice, sound reproduction "deprive[s] the speaking subject of its

presumptive privilege" (Sterne 2003, p. 343; Peters 1999). The production of voices at least partly through nonhuman sources such as microphones, digital sound manipulation software, or musical instruments said to have a "vocal" sound can be explored for the kinds of culturally specific ide-

ologies of intimacy, sincerity, and authenticity they engender, the aesthetics of voice with which

they operate, and the new forms of subjectivity to which they give rise (Altman 1985, 1986; Auner 2003; Connor 2000; Dickinson 2001; Frith 1996; Hankins & Silverman 1995; Neumark 2010; Picker 2001; Smith 2008; Weheliye 2002; Weidman 2006, 2010).

Although Chion (1999) most famously theorized the power of the acousmetre> the voice sepa-

rated from its originating body or without a visible representation of its source, in relation to film,

this concept opens the door to exploring the always-constructed relationship between voices and




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bodies in different kinds of contexts. In the context of film, many scholars have explored the racial

and gender politics of matching voices with bodies (Branston 1995, Bucholtz 2011, Bucholtz & Lopez 201 1, Maurice 2002, Siefert 1995, Smith 2003, Taylor 2009). The concept of the acousmetre also informs scholarly interest in the construction of modes of celebrity based on the circulation

of voices through sound reproduction technologies (Hayes 2004, Majumdar 2001 , Srivastava 2006) or in the emergence and articulation of gender ideologies in relation to the amplified and broadcast

voice in various contexts (Lac ey 1996, Martin 1991, McCracken 1999, McKay 1988). Technologies have powerful but culturally specific effects, bringing into being new kinds of

subjects, new modes of communication, new audiences and publics, and new notions of voice as personal and collective agency (Bessire & Fisher 2012). For example, FM radio helps to create a genre called "direct speech" in newly democratic Nepal (Kunreuther 2006, 2010, 2014), an improvised voice communication network in 1990s Indonesia allows people to imagine themselves as equal members of a public (Barker 2008), or the sound recording and sound amplification technologies in 1950s India allow female singers to be imagined by the public as a kind of playback

technology themselves (Weidman 2011). In these cases, technologies clearly inspire novel ways of conceptualizing the voice and its powers.

Media theorist Friedrich Kittler takes up this idea in his notion of a "discourse network": a combination of the material conditions and technologies that make communication possible with

the forms of authority, power, and discipline that surround them. He historicizes the concept of voice by considering the specific conditions of its production and dissemination in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe, tracing the notion of an inner voice to certain practices of reading,

writing, and pedagogy associated with new family organization and reading practices at the end of

the eighteenth century. Around 1900, when it became possible to record voices, Kittler argues, the

concept of the inner voice and its accompanying forms of subjectivity were no longer available in

the same way (Kittler 1990). Kittler's concept of a discourse network very usefully draws attention

to the fact that metaphysical and metaphorical ideas about voice emerge from the material practices

and technologies through which voices become audible or legible in particular contexts (Inoue 2011, Kitder 1999, Morris 2002).

VOICING

The assumed linking of a voice with an identity or a single person overlooks the fact that speakers

may have many different kinds of relationships to their own voices or words or that a single "voice" may in fact be collectively produced. The concept of voicing highlights that "speakers are not unified entities, and their words are not transparent expressions of subjective experience"

(Keane 2000, p. 271; Hill 1985, 1995; Irvine 1996). Bakhtin's (1981) work on the play of different and competing voices within any utterance, which he termed heteroglossia, has drawn attention to the uses of speech registers and quotation as ways of performing and juxtaposing different voices. Attention to these practices disrupts the notions of not only the unified speaker but also

the unified sign; Bakhtin argues that any linguistic sign embodies the cross-cutting voices and competing interests of its users. Goffman's discussion of "participation roles" has articulated the different kinds of "alignment" speakers can have to their words: author, or originator of the words;

animator, or actual speaker of the words; and principal, the person or entity responsible for the message or in whose interests the words are spoken (Goflman 1981).

Voicing emphasizes the strategic and politically charged nature of the way voices are constructed in both formal and everyday performances. Hill (1995) shows, in her now-classic study of

the "voice system" of a Mexican peasant's narrative, how different voices are constituted by varying

uses of directly and indirectly reported speech, intonational variation, and lexical and code choices.

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Following Goffman, she represents the speaker as the artful "animator" of these different voices.

She suggests that it makes little sense to look for a "real self" represented in any single voice; rather, the self is dispersed over multiple voices invoked and is emergent in the relations and gaps

between voices. It is through this process of artful orchestration that consciousness is formed, as the author/narrator "chooses an orientation among the moral and ideological implications of the voices of the heteroglossic world" (Hill 1995, p. 133). Elaborating on Bakhtin's and Hill's contri- butions, Minks (20 1 3), in a recent ethnography of children's vocal play in the multilingual context

of Nicaragua's Atlantic coast, states that "we come to know ourselves and position ourselves in society by echoing, transforming, or silencing the voices of others" (p. 4).

Verbal and vocal practices (for example, using Spanish words in an otherwise Mexicano linguis-

tic context) provide the material and sonic bases for techniques of voicing, which in turn produce new ways that voices come to be "typified," identified indexically and often iconically with so-

cially recognized characters and moral positions (Agha 2005, Eisenlohr 2003, Frekko 201 1, Keane 2011, Tetreault 2009). "Voice thus forms a bridge from the scale of immediate verbal action to that of widely shared stereotypes and values that persist across interactions" (Keane 2011, p. 174; Roth-Gordon & Mendoza-Denton 2011). Typification, in Keane's formulation, refers to the ways in which the moment-by-moment emergence of voiced figures in a stretch of discourse

comes to be consolidated; the voice- constituted by a set of registrai, lexical, phonetic, and tim-

brai characteristics - "is the palpable objectification of the figure that has the potential to upshift judgments from momentary to more durable form" (Keane 201 1, p. 174).

Attending to different textual and performed techniques of voicing, with their implications of

particular models of circulation and reception, originality, and reproduction, allows us to explore how the assumption or attribution of voices complicates the often assumed equation of voice, representation, and agency. How, for instance, do we interpret the performances and personae of

singers who insist that they are only reproducing what someone else composed or, conversely, those

who are said to have their own "unique voice"? The concept of voicing may help to break down the

dichotomy often drawn between "having a voice" and being silent or silenced by suggesting ways to interpret voices that are highly audible and public but not agentive in a classic sense (Majumdar

2001; Weidman 2003, 201 1), including voices that sing rather than speak The concept of voicing has been elaborated largely in relation to spoken discourse, but it may also introduce questions of authorship and agency in relation to sung expression. Can singing, for instance, be an option in some contexts where speaking is not? How might singing obscure authorship so that something that would otherwise be censored could be performed or expressed (Ahearn 1999, Stirr 2010, Weidman 2012)?

VOICING IDENTITY, STATUS, AND SUBJECTIVITY

Anthropological and ethnomusicological interest in the poetics and politics of spoken and sung forms has its roots in a perspective on vocal practices as socially efficacious expressions of collective social, cultural, religious, and political identity (Brenneis 1987, Feld 1982, Seeger 2004). As anthropology's general preoccupation has shifted from documenting the wholeness and coherence of cultural systems toward issues of power and representation, however, there has

emerged a sense of vocal practice as "speaking back" to larger structures of power, as constituting resistance to hegemonic societal norms, oppressive political and economic situations, or com- modified mass culture (Feld et al. 2004). Basso's Portraits of "The Whiteman": Linguistic Play and

Cultural Symbols Among the Western Apache and Abu-Lughod's Veiled Sentiments: Honor and Poetry

in a Bedouin Society are now anthropological classics that, while not framed explicidy around the issue of voice or performance, address the ways that people critique colonial or gendered power

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relations through embodied vocal performance (Abu-Lughod 1988, Basso 1979). Fine-grained analysis of the poetic and ethnographic dimensions of lament offers a way to understand how individual voices and subjectivities are shaped and constrained by stylized and ritualized, and culturally recognized, modes of registering complaint (Wilce 2003, 2009). Ethnomusicologists have documented women's musical practice as forms of commentary on gendered power relations

and participation in the public sphere (Bernstein 2003, Rasmussen 2010). Ethnographies of "country music" genres have explored vocal practice as a means of critiquing class relations and commodification (Dent 2009, Fox 2004, Samuels 2004). In his study of language and music in a working-class Texas community, Fox (2004) argues that members of this community use spoken and sung vocal expression to construct their own theories, models, understandings, and

experiences of space and emplacement, time and memory, personhood and the self, emotion, and sociality/social obligation, understandings that are often critical of hegemonic middle-class aspirations and modes of being. Through his attention to specific sung and spoken vocal practices

that "denaturalize" everyday concepts of class and selfhood, Fox demonstrates how the voice is used as a privileged medium for the construction of a distinctive class culture (Fox 2004).

Whereas the notion that vocal practices speak back to larger structures of power constitutes one perspective on voice and social identity, others have emphasized the disciplinary effects of

vocal practices and their intimate connections with larger structures of power. Stressing the iconic

and indexical aspects of the sounding voice, an older strain of linguistic-anthropological research has been concerned with how vocal modalities signal different social statuses, states of being, and

life stages (Graham 1995, Irvine 1990, Urban 1985). This claim is different from the idea that vocal practices express identity; it gives a sense instead of their constitutive power. It shades into a

perspective that emphasizes vocal practices as naturalized modes of discipline that help generate social categories and subject positions. This is what Bourdieu (1991) referred to as the "symbolic

power" of language, Austin (1962) conceptualized as "doing things" with words, and Butler (1997) more broadly theorized as performativity. Vocal practices, including everyday speech, song, verbal

play, ritual speech, oratory, and recitation, can be viewed as modes of practice and discipline that,

in their repeated enactment, may performatively bring into being classed, gendered, political, ethnic, or religious subjects (Bate 2004, 2009; Bourdieu 1991; Hirschkind 2006; Inoue 2006; Kuipers 1998; Minks 2008; Sugarman 1997).

VOICES AND PUBLICS

Vocal practices are generative of publics as well: They are disseminated through media and per-

formance, giving rise to new forms of collective identity, affect, and intimacy. This process may occur through multiple and repeated listening to mediated forms that hone aesthetic and ethical sensibilities (Hirschkind 2006) or through the convergence of political changes and media forms that induce new forms of personal and political expression. Kunreuther (2014) tracks the coemer-

gence of two forms of voice - the political and the intimate - in contemporary Nepal, arguing that

the political notion of "raising voice" and the proliferation of public expressions of personal feel- ings and intimate relationships are mutually constitutive and "intermingled with a media complex

that includes newspapers, television, documentary and commercial film, radio, phones, and cell phones, through which the voice is generated, circulated, and reproduced" (p. 11). Both forms are manifestations of a "figure of voice," which she defines as "a nexus of metaphors associated

with the voice as a sign of intimacy, consciousness, and presence, associated, above all, with those modes of selfhood central to democratic political agency" (Kunreuther 2014, p. 5).

Vocal practices are also generative of publics through more deliberate processes of reforming

or reinventing language, where deliberately introduced forms of speaking become powerful social

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truths. Inoue, for example, calls this "reverse indexicality": a process in which certain largely invented speech forms, rather than indexing pre-existing social groups, actually bring those groups

into being. In her study of the invention of Japanese women's language in the context of language reform movements and the rise of capitalist consumerism in early-twentieth-century Japan, Inoue

describes how certain speech forms were selected and standardized by male authors of the newly

developing genre of the realist Japanese novel. Because they were associated with middle-class refinement and consumer goods, these speech forms became part of a habitus which many women

willingly adopted in order to be seen as conforming to feminine ideals (Inoue 2006). Bate similarly shows how politicians in mid-twentieth-century Tamil-speaking South India constituted a new authoritative subjectivity through a specific oratorical style in which public speaking is less about

expressing meanings or conveying information than it is about generating political power through

the act of orating itself. To evoke an "ancient" Dravidian Tamil culture, they not only developed

a literary register with its own vocabulary, verb forms, and cadences and idioms that could be spoken, but also changed the conventions by which figures of authority could communicate with those of lower status so that these new forms of oratorical speech could be heard (Bate 2009).

Concern with the relationship between voices and the formation of publics broadens the ways

we can approach the significance of individual voices and the phenomenon of vocal celebrity. Appreciating the meaning and effects of individual voices need not be limited to the model of the creative individual "expressing" him- or herself. Voices are constructed not only by those who produce them but also by those who interpret, circulate, and reanimate them: by the communi- ties of listeners, publics, and public spaces in which they can resonate and by the technologies of reproduction, amplification, and broadcasting that make them audible. Individual voices are created, in this sense, by audiences, fens, critics, and cultural commentators as well as by the larger

spirit of their times. The phenomenal popularity of the operatic soprano Jenny Lind in 1850s America, for example, was in large part a product of the way her voice was figured in the popular

press as a "natural effusion of her soul" - an ideal that resonated with the changing oratorical norms and political and cultural concerns of the time (Gallagher 1995). In some cases, the fact that voices coexist, or are juxtaposed, in the public sphere has an effect on how these voices are

interpreted. The Egyptian singer Umm Kulthum could become "the voice of Egypt" in the early to mid-twentieth century because of radio programming in which her programs would be heard

alongside national news (Danielson 1997, Lohman 2010). Individual voices - whether those of In- dian playback singers, Turkish or Portuguese popular singers, or American Idol contestants - may

be explored for the way they are felt to embody, and sonically manifest, particular values and for

their capacity to channel public affect and structure feeling (Gray 2013, Majumdar 2001, Meizel 2011, Srivastava 2006, Stokes 2010, Weidman 2006).

This uptake of voices in the public sphere always occurs in the context of culturally and histor-

ically specific musical aesthetics and linguistic and semiotic ideologies that govern how voices are heard and recognized (Keane 2003, Ninoshvili 2011). The concept of "ideologies of voice" can be a helpful analytical category that takes into account this convergence of musical, linguistic, and

semiotic ideologies (Faudree 2012, Weidman 2006). Ideologies of voice can be characterized as culturally constructed ideas about the voice, including theories of the relationship between vocal quality and character, gender, or other social categories; where the voice comes from; its status in relation to writing and recorded sound; the relationship between the voice and the body; what constitutes a "natural" voice; and who should be allowed to speak and how. Ideologies of voice

set the boundary for what constitutes communication, what separates language from music, and what constitutes the difference between the intelligible and the unintelligible. Ideologies of voice

determine how and where we locate subjectivity and agency; they are the conditions that give sung

or spoken utterances their power or constrain their potential effects (Stirr 2010).

www.annmlreviews.org • Anthropology and Voice 45



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VOICE, ANTHROPOLOGY, AND SOCIAL THEORY

The bulk of this review has thus far been concerned with what is good for the anthropology of voice. I have described voice as a material/sonic phenomenon and an analytical category that brings

together the study of sound, the body, the senses, technologies and media, language, performance,

and music. In closing, I turn to what anthropological attention to voice might be good for and why it warrants the attention of anthropologists other than those explicitly interested in the sonic

and material aspects of vocal practices. Considerations of voice in its multiple aspects can lend ethnographic specificity and theo-

retical acuity to broader concepts relevant to anthropology and social theory more generally, beginning with anthropology's own methodological conceit about the authenticity of the voice, inherited from Western ideologies of voice, that is implicit in the concept of ethnographic field- work and interviews. Anthropologists who draw attention to voicing, the voice, or voices as part

of their subject matter can productively complicate notions of what makes good or authoritative ethnography, while speaking more broadly to the relationship between voice, agency, and representation, an issue that explicitly grounds postcolonial theory's explorations of voice under conditions of domination (L. Kunreuther, personal communication; Scott 1990, Sinha 1996, Spivak 1988).

Voice is a central but relatively unexplored aspect of other concepts that are at the heart of how we theorize power, subjectification, and the efficacy of vocal utterances as social action. The sonorous and mediated aspects of voice, as recent critiques of Butler's formation of performativity

suggest, are crucial to the material performances that ground the phenomenon of performativity,

where a disconnect between the visual and the aural may in fact shore up or challenge normative

performances of gender or racial categories (Duncan 2004, Schlicter 2011). Voice is an implied, but undertheorized element of the "calling" or "hailing" in the process of interpellation. Althusser

(197 1) famously illustrated the concept of interpellation by the state with the image of a policeman

"hailing" a subject on the street: "Hey you there!" Attention to the numerous ways in which subjects

are interpellated through direct and mediated means illustrates that the force of the voice comes not only - as Althusser implied - from its power to name, but also, and perhaps more often, from

its sonorous, material, and affective qualities (Kunreuther 2014). Finally, questions of voice are implicated in many issues important for contemporary anthro-

pology. Technologically mediated vocal practice, for instance, has provided an alternative way to conceptualize the uptake of subject positions in mediated contexts, a productive metaphor for the analysis of culture and globalizing processes (Boellstorff 2003) and a way to understand the circulation of speech and ideas in the context of modern social movements (King 2012). Considerations of voice are crucial to understanding the ways that media phenomena develop and what their effects might be. Attending to "the relationship between the materiality of voices as a product of everyday practice and the metaphoric mobilization of Voice' in political struggle" (Minks 2008, p. 6) is critical to the project of understanding the in- tended and unintended effects of human rights claims and the efficacy of indigenous movements

(Faudree 2013). The figure of voice reappears with renewed strength in discourses and practices generated by neoliberal projects since the 1990s, in which earlier notions of interiority, will, and intention, associated with classic formations of the liberal subject, are refigured as cre-

ativity, entrepreneurship, and self-management (Weidman 2014). Neoliberal reframings of voice as choice, personality, uniqueness, freedom, and communication now circulate widely. As such ideas gain currency in different world contexts, an anthropology attuned to voice must inquire into the kinds of subjects and practices they enable and the previously existing possibilities they

displace.

46 Weidman



DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might

be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank Laura Kunreuther for helpful comments on this review.

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