annotated swadesh wordlists for the slavic group (indo ...evdokimova 2009 = field records of skopje...

1

[Text version of database, created 11/06/2017].

Annotated Swadesh wordlists for the Slavic group (Indo-European family).

Languages included: Dihovo Macedonian [slv-maw]; Orbanići Čakavian [slv-orb]; Orlec

Čakavian [slv-orl]; Burgenland Kajkavian [slv-brg]; Ljubljana Slovene [slv-slv]; Resia

Slovenian [slv-res]; Mistřice Moravian [slv-mis]; Pilisszántó Slovak [slv-pls]; Więciórka

Lesser Polish [slv-wlp]; Turov Belarusian [slv-tur]; Deulino Russian [slv-deu].

DATA SOURCES

General.

Derksen 2007 = Derksen, R. Etymological dictionary of the Slavic inherited lexicon. Leiden /

Boston: Brill. // Brief dictionary of the Proto-Slavic roots and stems that are presumably of

Indo-European origin. Mostly based on [Trubachev et al. 1974].

Trubachev et al. 1974 = Трубачев, О. Н. и др. Этимологический словарь славянских

языков. Москва, 1974-. Т. 1-39-. // Extensive etymological dictionary of the Slavic languages.

Ongoing edition.

I. Dihovo Macedonian.

Evdokimova 2009 = Field records of Skopje koine (Macedonian language) by

Aleksandra Evdokimova in Skopje, 2009.

Groen 1977 = Groen, B. M. A structural description of the Macedonian dialect of Dihovo:

phonology, morphology, texts, lexicon. Lisse. // Grammatical description of one of the Western

Macedonian dialects. Supplemented with texts and a glossary.

Hendriks 1976 = Hendriks, P. The Radožda-Vevčani dialect of Macedonian: structure, texts,

lexicon. Lisse. // Grammatical description of one of the Western Macedonian dialects.

Supplemented with texts and a glossary.

2

Lunt 1952 = Lunt, H. G. Grammar of the Macedonian literary language. Skopje. // Reference

grammar of Literary Macedonian.

Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963 = Толовский, Д.; Иллич-Свитыч, В. М. Македонско-

русский словарь. Москва. // Literary Macedonian-Russian dictionary, ca. 30 000 entries.

II. Orbanići Čakavian.

Kalsbeek 1998 = Kalsbeek, J. The Čakavian Dialect of Orbanići near Žminj in Istria.

Amsterdam – Atlanta: Rodopi. // Description of a Čakavian dialect with texts and dictionary.

III. Orlec Čakavian.

Houtzagers 1985 = Houtzagers H. P. The Čakavian dialect of Orlec and the island of Cres.

Brill. // The description of a Čakavian dialect with texts and dictionary.

IV. Burgenland Kajkavian.

Houtzagers 1999 = Houtzagers, P. The Kajkavian Dialect of Hidegség and Fertőhomok.

Amsterdam: Rodopi. // Description of a Kajkavian dialect with texts and dictionary.

V. Ljubljana Slovenian.

Ogrinc 2014, Uhlik 2016 = Information kindly provided by Mrs. Katarina Ogrinc and

Mr. Tibor Uhlik, native speakers of Ljubljana Slovene.

Pretnar 1964 = Pretnar, J. Rusko-slovenski slovar. Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije. //

Comprehensive Russian-Slovene dictionary.

Dulichenko 2005 = Дуличенко, А. Д. Словенский язык [Dulichenko A. D. Slovene

language]. In: Языки мира. Славянские языки. М.: Academia, pp. 198-233. //

Grammatical description of the Slovene language.

VI. Resia Slovenian.

3

Bezlaj 1995 = Bezlaj F. Etimološki slovar slovenskega jezika, tretja knjiga. Ljubljana:

Mladinska knjiga // A Slovene etymology dictionary.

Furlan 2005 = Furlan M. Rezijansko túlac "tilnik" (Bila) praslovanski anatomski termin *tul?

v slovenščini // Jezikoslovni zapiski, 11, №1 (2005), pp. 115-124.

Snoj 2016 = Snoj M. Slovenski etimološki slovar. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC // A Slovene

etymology dictionary.

Steenwijk 1992 = Steenwijk H. The Slovene dialect of Resia: San Giorgo. Rodopi // The

description of the San Giorgio dialect with texts and dictionary.

Steenwijk 2005 = Steenwijk H. Piccolo dizionario ortografico resiano. Padova: CLEUP // The

Resian orthographic dictionary.

VII. Mistřice Moravian

ČJA 1-5 = Český jazykový atlas, 1992-2005 // Czech linguistic atlas in five volumes.

Malina 1946 = Malina I. Slovník nářečí mistřického. Praha: Česká akademie věd a umění

// Dictionary of Mistřice dialect.

VIII. Pilisszántó Slovak

Gregor 1975 = Gregor F. Der Slowakische Dialekt von Pilisszántó. Budapest: Akadémiai

Kiadó. // The description of the Pilisszántó dialect with texts and dictionary.

IX. Więciórka Lesser Polish

Kucała 1957 = Kucała M. Porównawczy słownik trzech wsi małopolskich. Wrocław: Zakład

imienia Ossolińskich – Wydawnictwo PAN. // Non-differential dictionary of the three

Lesser Poland villages.

4

Kuziorowa 1992 = Kuziorowa A. Gwarowe odpowiedniki zaimków ten, tamten // Studia

historycznojęzykowe i dialektologiczne, Kraków, s. 105-112. // An article on

demonstrative systems in the Polish dialects.

Siatkowski 2012 = Siatkowski J. Słowiańskie nazwy części ciała w historii i dialektach.

Warszawa: Zakład graficzny UW. // An analysis of Slavic names of body parts mostly

based on the Common Slavic Atlas (OLA).

X. Turov Belarusian.

Avanesaŭ 1964 = Аванесаў, Р. І. [рэд.] Нарысы па беларускай дыялекталогii [Sketches of

Belarusian dialectology]. Мiнск: Навука и тэхнiка. // Belarusian dialects description.

DABM 1963 = Дыялекталагічны атлас беларускай мовы [Dialectal atlas of Belarusian

language]. Мiнск: Выдавецтва Акадэміі навук БССР. // Dialectal atlas of Belarusian

language containing phonetic, morphological and lexical maps.

TS 1-5 = Тураўскі слоўнік [Turov dictionary]. Мiнск: Навука и тэхнiка, 1982-1987. // Non-

differential dialectal dictionary of the Turov region in five volumes.

XI. Deulino Russian.

DS 1969 = Словарь современного русского народного говора (д. Деулино Рязанского района

Рязанской области) [Dictionary of the modern Russian folk dialect of the Deulino village,

Ryazan' district]. Москва: Наука. // Differential dictionary of a southern Russian village.

An audio example of the Deulino dialect can be found at:

http://dialekt.rx5.ru/dialect/audio/072 .ogg

NOTES

5

I. Dihovo Macedonian.

I.1. General.

The dialect of the village Dihovo (situated near Bitola) belongs to the Western dialectal

group. The only source on the Dihovo dialect is [Groen 1977].

In the notes section, we quote lexical data from the Vevchani-Radozhda dialect

(Western group) and the Skopje koine. Both are very close to Dihovo with minimal

discrepancies (see 'bird', 'feather', 'neck', 'to see', 'smoke', 'to swim') in the Swadesh

wordlist. The only source on Vevchani-Radozhda is [Hendriks 1976]. The main source

on Skopje koine are the field records [Evdokimova 2009] (110-item wordlist, compiled

in accordance with the GLD semantic specifications, Skopje, 2009); Skopje forms are

accompanied with references to the dictionary of Literary Macedonian [Tolovski &

Illich-Svitych 1963] plus the literary grammar [Lunt 1952].

Three Dihovo Swadesh items are missing from [Groen 1977]: 'to kill', 'round', 'thin'. In

such cases, it seems sufficiently justified to fill the slot with the corresponding term

from the Vevchani-Radozhda dialect.

I.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:

[Groen 1977] [Hendriks 1976] [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963] GLD

b b б b

p p п p

v v в v

f f ф f

6


d d д d

t t т t

dz dz ѕ ʒ

ts ts ц c

z z з z

s s с s

dž dž џ ǯ

tš tš ч č

ž ž ж ž

š š ш š

gj dj ѓ ȡ

kj tj ќ ȶ

g g г g

k k к k

x х x

h h

m m м m

n n н n

nj nj њ ɲ

r r р r

l l л l

lʼ lʼ љ ʎ

j j ј y

7


Cj Cj Cʸ

i i и i

e e е e

ë ɛ

а а а a

ə ʼ ə

о о о o

ö ɔ

u u у u

Ỻ Ỻ Ỻ ˈV

Note: Voiced obstruents become voiceless in the final position [Lunt 1952: 16]; this is not

reflected either in the literary Cyrillic orthography or in the transcription in [Hendriks

1976].

II. Orbanići Čakavian.

II.1. General.

The Orbanići dialect was recorded by J. Kalsbeek, mainly from 1980 to 1984. Orbanići is

a village with fewer than 100 inhabitants, situated near the town of Žminj.

II. 2. Transliteration.

The Orbanići dialect was recorded by J. Kalsbeek in standard Croatian orthography:

Croatian orthography GLD

b b

p p

v v

8


f f

d d

t t

c c

z z

s s

č č

ž ž

š š

ć ȶ

g g

k k

h x

m m

n n

nj ɲ

r r

r between two consonants or before a consonant word-

initially

r̩

l l

lj ʎ

j y

i i

e ɛ

ie ye

a a

o ɔ

uo wo

u u

Ṽ caron

inverted breve circumflex

macron ː

9


double grave ˈV

The Orbanići dialect differentiates between long and short vowels. Short vowels can

only take ictus, while long vowels can take rising (ǎ) and falling (â) stress. Long vowels

can also occur in the pre-tonic position.

III. Orlec Čakavian.

The transcription system is identical to the system used by J. Kalsbeek for the Orbanići

dialect.

Note: the phoneme 'g' can be realized both as a velar stop or a velar fricative

[Houtzagers 1985: 14].

IV. Burgenland Kajkavian.

IV.1. General.

We present a list for the Kajkavian dialect, written down by P. Houtzagers in 1985-1994

in the Hungarian villages Hidegség and Fertőhomok, situated near the Austrian border

and populated with descendants of Croatian migrants, who most probably originated

from what is today Kraljeva Velika and Međurić [Houtzagers 1999: 20-25].

IV. 2. Transliteration.

The transliteration of Houtzagers' system into GLD transcription is as follows:

Houtzagers GLD

b b

p p

v v

f f

10

Houtzagers GLD

d d

t t

c c

z z

s s

č č

ž ž

š š

g g

k k

m m

n n

nj ɲ

r r

ɛr ȑ

l l

lj ʎ

j y

i i

ȇ ey

ȅ ye

unstressed e ɛ

ȁ, unstressed a ɒ

ȩ ä

ȏ ow

ȍ wo

unstressed o ɔ

u u

ȃ, ȋ, ȗ ˈVː

ȉ, ȁ, ȕ ˈV

Notes:

11

1) In the Hidegség dialect, unstressed o is produced as u [Houtzagers 1999: 51].

2) Voiceless consonants (except for h) in the intervocalic position after a short stressed

vowel (except for ä) are geminated [Houtzagers 1999: 58].

3) Word-final consonants are usually produced as voiced. The exceptions are h, z and ž,

which are mostly pronounced as voiceless.

V. Ljubljana Slovene.

V.1. General.

The lect analysed here is the modern Ljubljana koiné.

V.2. Transliteration.

The Slovene alphabet is transliterated as follows:

Slovene alphabet GLD

b b

p p

v v

f f

d d

t t

c c

z z

s s

č č

ž ž

š š

g g

12

Slovene alphabet GLD

k k

m m

n n

nj ɲ

r r

l l

lj ʎ

l, v in the final position w

j y

i iː, i

e eː, ɛː, ɛ, ə

a aː, a

o oː, ɔː, ɔ

u uː, u

VI. Resia Slovene.

VI.1. General.

The list provided below is based mostly on Han Steenwijk's description. Steenwijk's

records were made in the San Giorgio village (the Resian name is Bíla).

VI.2. Transliteration.

Steenwijk's transcription is transliterated as follows:

Steenwijk GLD

b b

p p

v v

f f

d d

13

Steenwijk GLD

t t

c c

z z

s s

ǯ ǯ

č č

ž ž

š š

đ ȡ

ć ȶ

g g

k k

h before a consonant x

h word finally h

h between two vowels ɦ

m m

n n

nj ɲ

r r

l l

w w

j y

i i

í ɪ̈

é e

ɛ´, unstressed e ɛ

ɘ

e ə

a a

ɐ´ ɐ

ó o

, unstressed o ɔ

14

Steenwijk GLD

ó ɵ

u u

ú ʊ̈

acute sign ˈV

VII. Mistřice Moravian

VII.1. General.

The list below represents the dialect of the Moravian village Mistřice (with use of

material from nearby villages) situated close to Uherské Hradiště, Slovácko

ethnographic region.

The closest OLA point to Mistřice is Polešovice (point 200) which is about 16 km from

Mistřice on the straightaway.

Eight items are absent from Malina's dictionary. Four of these gaps were filled with the

help of OLA and ČJA data: 'feather', 'liver', 'round' and 'worm'. We did not manage to

fill in four other gaps: 'cloud', 'fat', 'mountain' and 'sand'.

VII. 2. Transliteration.

Malina used a modified version of Czech orthography, which we transliterate in the

following way:

Malina's transcription GLD

b b

p p

v v

f f

d d

t t

15

Malina's transcription GLD

dz ʒ

c c

z z

s s

dž ǯ

č č

ž ž

š š

ď ȡ

ť ȶ

g g

k k

γ ɣ

ch x

' ʔ

h ɦ

m m

n n

ň ɲ

n before k, g ŋ

r r

ř r̝, r̝̝̊

l l

w

j y

i ɪ

í iː

e ɛ

a a

o ɔ

u u

acute sign Vː

16

Note 1: the sign r̝ is used for the voiced sound and the sign r̝̝̊ denotes its voiceless

correlate.

Note 2: stress is automatic (on the first syllable), so we do not indicate it in the

transcription.

VIII. Pilisszántó Slovak

VIII.1. General.

The list presented below corresponds to the Pilisszántó village located near Budapest.

Slovaks presumably settled there in the beginning of the 18th century; inhabitants of the

Little Carpathians, speaking a West Slovak dialect, have a dominant positions. An

additional adstrate, negligible for lexicostatistical purposes, was introduced by

inhabitants of the Inovec mountains (Western Slovak dialect) and Javorie (Central

Slovak dialect).

VIII. 2. Transliteration.

Gregor's transcription is transliterated as follows:

Gregor GLD

b b

p p

v v

f f

d d

t t

ʒ ʒ

c c

z z

s s

ǯ ǯ

17

Gregor GLD

č č

ž ž

š š

ď ȡ

ť ȶ

g g

k k

x x

h ɦ

- ʔ

m m

n n

ň ɲ

n before g, k ŋ

r r

l l

j y

i i

e ɛ

a a

o ɔ

u u

acute sign Vː

Note: pronunciation of the younger generations is influenced by Hungarian to some

extent, but we do not reflect this in the transliteration.

IX. Więciórka Lesser Polish

18

IX.1. General.

The list is based on Kucała's dictionary which provides the material for three Polish

villages: Więciórka, Sidzina Górna (hereinafter SidG.) and Facimiech (Fac.). Since the

Więciórka material forms the pivot of the dictionary (Więciórka is Kucała's home

village), we provide the Sidzina Górna and Facimiech material only in comments.

However, differences can be found only in the following items: 'ashes', 'nail', 'tongue',

'moon', 'snake'. All of them except for 'ashes' represent cases when indigenous forms are

substituted by Standard Polish ones in Facimiech.

IX. 2. Transliteration.

The Kucała transcription is transliterated as follows:

Kucała GLD

b b

p p

v v

f f

d d

t t

c c

z z

s s

ǯ ᶚ

č c̢

ž ʐ

š ʂ

ʓ

ć ɕ

ź ʑ

ś

g g

19

Kucała GLD

k k

χ, h x

m m

n n

ń ɲ

n before g, k ŋ

r r

l l

; w

, y

į̯ y͂

i i

e ɛ

y ɨ

a a

ɒ å

ȯ o

o ɔ

u u

ę

ǫ ɔ ̃

acut sign Cʸ

- ˈV

X. Turov Belarusian.

X.1. General.

The selected lect of Blearusian is the Turov dialect, recorded during expeditions to the

neighbourhood of Turov (Southern Belarus) in the years 1967-1981 and reflected in the

five-volume Turov dictionary [TS 1-5].

20

The following settlements were investigated: Azdamičy, Aľhomieľ, Aľpieс, Aľšany,

Veliamičy, Karocičy, Lutki, Vialikaje Maliešava, Mačuľ, Ramieľ, Rubieľ, Siamhoscičy,

Talmačava, Chotamieľ, Cerabličy, Aziarany, Burazi, Biarežcy, Vierasnica, Dvarec,

Zapiasočča, Liubavičy, Malaje Maliešava, Varonin, Pahost, Rydča, Ryčoŭ, Siamuradcy,

Staražoŭcy, Turov (Turaŭ), Chiľčycy, Černičy. In DABM, the Turov dialect is

represented by Zapiasočča (point 808).

In the pioneer works of Ye. Karskiy, Turov and its neighbourhood were not included in

the area of the Belarusian language. According to the later classification, it belongs to

the Slutsk-Mazyr group within the South-Western Belarusian dialect [Avanesaŭ 1964:

402].

The Turov dialect lacks the akanye and yakanye typical of the Belarusian language, but

reflects such innovations as the shift č > c,̢ depalatalization of rʸ and affrication of tʸ and

dʸ > cʸ and ʒʸ (although some settlements lack the latter innovation).

X. 2. Transliteration.

The Turov dialect was recorded in the orthography of Standard Belarusian:

Turov dictionary GLD

б b

п p

в v

д d

т t

дз before и, е, я, ю, ё, ь ʒʸ

ц c

з z

с s

ж ʐ

ш ʂ

дж ᶚ

21

Turov dictionary GLD

ч c̢

к k

г ɣ

м m

н n

р r

л ɫ

ў w

й y

и i

э ɛ, e

е yɛ, ye

ы ɨ

а a

я ya

о ɔ, o

ё yɔ, yo

у u

ю yu

consonant before и, е, я, ю, ё, ь Cʸ

acut sign ˈV

Note: The Turov dialect belongs to the group of dialects in which close-mid and open-

mid vowels are distinguished, cf. maps 34 and 35 in [DABM 1963]. Unfortunately, the

dictionary does not mark this difference, so we transcribe them in the most plausible

way: o stressed in newly closed syllables, e stressed in newly closed syllables and

instead of etymological ě.

XI. Deulino Russian.

22

XI.1. General.

The lect analysed here is the Deulino dialect, written down during expeditions to the

neighbourhood of Deulino (Ryazan region) in the years of 1960-1963 and reflected in

the Deulino dictionary [DS 1969].

XI.2. Transliteration.

The Deulino dialect was written down in the Russian dialectological transcription:

Deulino dictionary GLD

б b

п p

в v

д d

т t

ц c

з z

с s

ж ʐ

ш ʂ

шʼшʼ šʸː

чʼ čʸ

к k

γ ɣ

х x

м m

н n

р r

л ɫ

ў w

й y

и i

23

Deulino dictionary GLD

ь ɪ

э ɛ

ы ɨ

ъ ə

а a

о ɔ

у u

ʼ Cʸ

acute sign ˈV

Correlations with the linguistic atlases

Very useful material is provided by the Common Slavic Linguistic Atlas (OLA), partly

available at: http://www.slavatlas.org/publications.html

The geographical correlation between the OLA and our lists are: Resian Slovene -

Stolvizza (OLA point 1) located at 5 km from San Giorgio; Orbanići Chakavian - Žminj

(OLA point 22) located at about 15 km from Orbanići; Orlec Chakavian – Cres (OLA

point 23) located at 3,5 km from Orlec; Dihovo Macedonian is OLA point 101;

Burgenland Kajkavian - Fertőhomok is OLA point 153; Mistřice Moravian - Polešovice

(OLA point 200) located at about 16 km from Mistřice; Więciórka is OLA point 311;

Zapiasočča is OLA point 389; Deulino is OLA point 768.

In the published OLA issues the following Swadesh list items occurred (Ph for the

phonetic issues and L for the lexical ones): ashes – Ph6, map 9; belly – L9, map 50; black

– Ph3, map 28; breast – Ph3, map 1; nail – Ph4a, map 16; die – L10; dry – Ph4a, map 58;

earth – Ph6, map 47; egg – L6, map 39; eye – L9, map 6; feather – Ph6, map 29; full – Ph3,

map 4; hair – L9, map 25; hear – L9, map 61; heart – Ph3, map 17, Ph6, map 70; know –

L9, map 73; long – Ph3, map 7; liver – L9, map 54; louse – Ph4a, map 6; meat – Ph2a,

map 10; mouth – L9, map 16; name – Ph4a, map 37; neck – L9, map 27; one – Ph6, map

3; leaf – L3; rain – Ph4a, map 4; round – L10, map 37; say – L9, map 64; seed – Ph2a, map

40; skin – L9, map 22; sun – Ph3, map 12; tongue – Ph2a, map 1; tree – L3, map 1; white

24

– Ph4a, map 60; far – Ph6, map 49; heavy – Ph2a, map 15; short – Ph4a, map 61; worm –

Ph3, map 24.

Correlation with the Bulgarian Dialectological Atlas (in six volumes: four ennumerated

volumes, Aegean Macedonia and North-Western dialects): all – 1, map 267; 3, map 310;

4, map 392; big – NW, map 304; dogs – 4, map 328; NW, map 269; hair – 4, map 346; foot

– 1, map 241; 4, map 345; NW, map 329; smoke – 1, map 200; 2, map 215; 3, map 228;

AM, map 157; NW, map 300; tail – 1, map 239; AM, map 180; NW, map 271.

Correlation with Sorbischer Sprachatlas (in ten volumes): all – 10: 228, map 99; bark – 2,

maps 2, 3; big – 8, map 4; bird – 3, map 17; bite – 6, map 23; bone – 6, map 41; breast – 6,

map 60; nail – 6, map 30; dog – 2, map 22; earth – 9, map 1; eat – 10: 318, map 144; eye –

6, map 11; fat – 2, map 97; foot – 6, map 42; hair – 6, map 7; know – 10: 318, map 144;

liver – 6, map 54; long – 10: 192, map 81; louse – 3, map 83; man – 8, map 5; mouth – 6,

map 15; moon – 9, map 2; name – 8, map 30, 76; person – 8, map 1; road – 4, map 66;

rain – 9, map 37; say – 6, map 17; smoke – 5, map 136; swim – 4, map 115; sun – 9, map

3; tail – 2, map 56; that – 10: 254, map 112; tree – 3, map 86; two – 10, map 132; what – 10:

226, map 98; who – 10: 222, map 96; woman – 8, map 14; short – 10: 194, map 82; snake –

3, map 37; wind – 9, map 42.

Correlation with the Lexical Atlas of Belarusian Folk Dialects (LABNH): belly – 3, map

88; big – 5, map 176; nail – 3, map 93; cloud – 5, map 286; clouds – 2, map 17; cold – 2,

map 32; die – 3, map 285; earth – 2, map 346; hair – 3, map 104-105; many – 5, map 277;

moon – 2, map 2; rain – 2, map 26; red – 4, map 433; see – 3, map 49; seed – 2, map 236;

skin – 3, map 59; tree – 1, map 170.

Database compiled and annotated by:

Dihovo Macedonian: A. Kassian, August 2014.

Turov Belaruasian, Deulino Russian: M. Saenko, August 2016.

Orbanići Chakavian: M. Saenko, September 2016. Revised May 2017 (minor corrections

of transcription).

Ljubljana Slovenian: M. Saenko, October 2016.

Burgenland Kajkavian: M. Saenko, February 2017.

Resia Slovenian, Więciórka Lesser Polish: M. Saenko, April 2017.

Orlec Čakavian, Mistřice Moravian, Pilisszántó Slovak: M. Saenko, May 2017.

1. ALL

Dihovo Macedonian si-DEF (1), Orbanici Chakavian sva {svȁ} ~ sa {sȁ} (1), Orlec

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Chakavian vɛs {vȅs} (1), Burgenland Kajkavian vyes {vȅs} (1), Ljubljana Slovene vəs {ves}

(1), Resian Slovene vɘs {v s} (1), Mistrice Moravian fš-ɛc-ɛk {fšecek} (1), Pilisszanto Slovak

š-ɛc-ɛk {šecek} (1), Wieciorka Lesser Polish sʸ-ˈit-ɛk {s'itek} (1), Turov Belarusian uvʸˈesʸ

{уве́сь} ~ vʸesʸ {весь} ~ usʸ-ˈoy {усё́й} ~ usʸ-ˈey {усе́й} (1), Deulino Russian vʸɛsʸ {вʼесʼ} (1).

References and notes:

Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 86. Plural form of se-DEF 'all'.

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: si-DEF [Hendriks 1976: 145]. Plural form of se-DEF 'all'.

Skopje Macedonian: si-DEF {сите} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 461; Lunt 1952: 46]. Plural form

of si-DEF {сиот} 'all'.

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 555.

Orlec Chakavian: Houtzagers 1985: 104-105; 391.

Burgenland Kajkavian: Houtzagers 1999: 331.

Ljubljana Slovene: Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)', cf. {vse zvezde} "all the stars", {vsa zemlja} "all the

earth" [Uhlik 2016].

Standard Slovene: {ves} [Pretnar 1964: 57].

Resian Slovene: Steenwijk 1992: 325.

Mistrice Moravian: Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)': {Fšecek sňih už roztajá } "All the snow has thawed" [Malina 1946: 102];

{Fšecki zaďňí zubi mám ďuravé} "All my back teeth are holed" [Malina 1946: 23].

Pilisszanto Slovak: Gregor 1975: 273.

Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 228. In addition to the indigenous form {s'itek}, the loanword from the Standard Polish fʂˈist-

ɛk {fšistek} is used as well. Distinct from cˈaw-ɨ {ca y} 'whole' [Kucała 1957: 228].

Turov Belarusian: TS 5: 175, 211. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Distinct from cˈɛɫ-ɨ {цэл́ы} ~ cˈaɫ-ɨ {цал́ы} (the second form is

influenced by Polish {cały}) 'whole / intact, safe / very big' [TS 5: 282].

Deulino Russian: DS 1969: 80. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'.

2. ASHES

Dihovo Macedonian pepel (1), Orbanici Chakavian pˈɔpɛl {pȍpel} (1), Orlec Chakavian

p pɛl {põpel} (1), Burgenland Kajkavian pˈäpäl {pȩ̏pȩl} (1), Ljubljana Slovene pɛpˈeːw {pepel}

(1), Resian Slovene pˈəpəl {pé pe l} (1), Mistrice Moravian pɔpɛw {pope } (1), Pilisszanto

Slovak pɔpɛl {popel} (1), Wieciorka Lesser Polish pˈɒpʸow {p } (1), Turov Belarusian

pˈɔpʸɛɫ {по́пел} (1), Deulino Russian pˈɔpʸɪɫ {по́пʼьл} ~ pˈɔpʸiɫ {по́пʼил} ~ pˈɔpʸaɫ {по́пʼал} (1).


Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 272. Distinct from žar 'heat, ember' [Groen 1977: 295].

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: pepel [Hendriks 1976: 277]. Distinct from žar 'ashes, charcoal; heat' [Hendriks

1976: 302].

Skopje Macedonian: pepel {пепел} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 355]. Distinct from spur-a 'hot

ashes' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 480], ultimately borrowed from Romanian.

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 524. Distinct from z=gor-en-ǐːn-a {zgorenĩna} 'ashes, burnt things, ruins / red inflamed or burnt

spot (on the skin)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 591].

Orlec Chakavian: Houtzagers 1985: 330.

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Ljubljana Slovene: Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016.

Standard Slovene: {pepel} [Pretnar 1964: 532, 245].


Mistrice Moravian: Not attested in the dictionary, but according to the OLA data, on the territory of Czech republic variants of the

form {popel} are used almost exclusively, and in Polešovice we find {popeł} [OLA Ph6: 43-44, map 9]. Since the word

'ashes' is very stable in Slavic languages, including the form {pope } in the list is fully justified.


Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 147. SidG.: vˈatr-a {vatra}; Fac.: pˈɒpʸɨw {påṕy } [Kucała 1957: 147].

Turov Belarusian: TS 4: 166. There are two terms translated as 'ashes' in TS: pˈɔpʸɛɫ {по́пел} [TS 4: 166] and zɔɫ-ˈa {зола}́ [TS 2: 163].

Unfortunately, for the second term TS provides only two contexts, which does not allow us to find out the difference

between these words: {золу́ беруць з печы} "ashes are taken from oven" [TS 2: 163], {Золою не ўгадаеш, колько трэба

золіць кросна} "It is hard to estimate, how much ashes you need for bleaching linen in lye" [TS 5: 177].

However, taking into account the contexts for the first term, pˈɔpʸɛɫ {по́пел} seems to be the more frequent and universal

term, cf.: {Блошка напала на росаду, трэ попелом посып́аць} "fleas attacked seedlings, they should be powdered with

ashes" [TS 1: 64]; {Поўна бочэчка мукі, а зверху жукі} "There is a barrel full of flour and there are beetles on it" (a riddle)

– {попел і вуголь} "ashes and embers" (answer) [TS 1: 78]; {золото і ў попелі ззяе} "gold glitters even in ashes" [TS 2:

152]; {Золото і ў по́пелі блішчыц́ь} "gold glitters even in ashes" [TS 4: 166]; {Бі попел на капусці, то гусень будзе}

"Looks like ashes on cabbage, it should be caterpillars" [TS 2: 182]; {то зоб'юць село, онно попел будзе} "they will ruin

the village, leaving only ashes" [TS 2: 137]; {Толькі одна цэгла да одзін попел остаўса от хаты} "Only bricks and ashes

remained from the house" [TS 3: 245]; {Одна цэгла да одзін попел буў у селе!} "there were only bricks and ashes in the

village" [TS 4: 166]; {Попел со жлукта называюць пазолкі} "Ashes left in a tub after washing are called pazolki" [TS 4: 7];

{Позол, шчо выкінуць з жлу́кта попел} "pozol, this is when ashes, left in a tub after washing, are thrown away" [TS 4:

125]; {У жлу́кто ўсыплюць ведзер дзве попелу, шоб позолілосо полотно, да п'етнаццаць чугуноў кіпетку́ ўзольюць}

"About two buckets of ashes are poured into a tub for lye bleaching linen, and then fifteen pots of boiling water are

added" [TS 4: 125]; {А ко́лісь як шо не было мыла, то бралі гэты попел, што топяць у печ́ы да золілі гэтым попелом}

"Formerly, if there was no soap, we used to take ashes from oven and boiled [clothes] in water with those ashes" [TS 4:

166]; {У руках плацье отожме́ш, а потым у жлукто да засыпалі попелом і лілі укро́п} "You wring out clothes by

hand, then put it into a tub, sprinkle ashes and pour boiling water" [TS 5: 192]; {Розотрэш от такого велікого карука ў

попеле да начыніш м'ясом} "One rubs a big pig's stomach with ashes and fills it with meat" [TS 4: 306-307].

Deulino Russian: There are two probable candidates: zɐɫ-ˈa {зала´} and pˈɔpʸəɫ {по´пʼьл} ~ pˈopʸ ɪɫ {по´пʼил} ~ pˈɔpʸaɫ {по´пʼал}. They

seem to be almost exact synonyms, cf. {А е´тъ, канʼе´шнъ, пъпʼало´к… зала´ аднʼи´м сло´вам} "And this is, of course,

"popyelok", or "zola", I mean" [DS 1969: 439]. However, available contexts lead us to the conclusion that the term {зала´} is

applied to heavy fractions of oven ashes, especially used for washing and bleaching, while {по´пʼьл} is used for

designation of volatile fractions.

Cf. the contexts for zaɫ-ˈa {зала´}: {Дʼе´вка, ты мнʼе нʼа чʼи´ста вы´мыла руба´ху-то, зала´, там пʼирʼаи´сʼтʼ} "Girl you have

not washed my shirt properly, ashes will eat it away" [DS 1969: 102]; {Ра´нʼшы ф стърʼину´ мы´лъ нʼи было´, шʼшʼо´лък

дʼе´лълʼи, вот залы´ напа´рʼиш, шʼшʼо´лкъм залʼны´м и сʼтʼира´иш} "Formerly, in old times there wasn't any soap, we

made lye, one steams ashes and washes lye with this ash " [DS 1969: 201]. The derivates zalʸ-ˈi-tʸ {залʼи´тʼ} 'to boil with

ashes' and zalʸ-n-ˈɔy {залʼно´й} 'intended for boiling with ashes' should be noted as well [DS 1969: 200-201].

The contexts for {по´пʼьл} are as follows: {Зʼмʼийа´ чʼирʼис γарʼ нʼи пайдʼо´тʼ, ана´ по´пʼал чʼу´ствуитʼ} "A snake would not

crawl through a burnt-out place, it senses ashes"; {У йе´нтъвъ зъγарʼе´лъ, прʼишлʼи´ на друγо´й дʼенʼ - а там по´пʼьл}

"That man's house was burnt down, we came there the next day, and there were ashes"; {Жыву´, жыву´, на по´пʼьл

сажγу´тʼ фсʼо} "One lives, but only ashes remain"; {быва´итʼ зʼамлʼа´, а пато´м ана´ дʼе´лъицца на по´пʼил} [When

charcoal is burnt] "There is earth, then it turns to ashes"; {Драва´ пъклада´йутʼ балʼшы´и, а аγо´нʼ их фсʼех пʼирʼибʼирʼе´тʼ

на по´пʼил} "Large pieces of firewood are added, but fire burns it all to ashes"; {Ско´къ увʼазʼлʼи´, а ско´къ на по´пʼил

сʼе´лʼи… пъстаи´тʼ, пъстаи´тʼ и на по´пʼил сʼа´дʼитʼ} "Many (old houses) were driven away and many were turned to dust,

it stands for a while, and then turns to dust" (literally "sits on ashes") [DS 1969: 439].

3. BARK

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Dihovo Macedonian kor-a (1), Orbanici Chakavian kˈɔr-a {kȍra} (1), Orlec Chakavian k r-a

{kõra} (1), Burgenland Kajkavian kˈwor-ɒ {kȍra} (1), Ljubljana Slovene lˈuːb-y-ɛ {lubje} (2),

Resian Slovene škɔrč {šk rč} (-1), Mistrice Moravian kuːr-a {kůra} (1), Wieciorka Lesser

Polish skˈur-a {skura} (-1), Turov Belarusian kɔr-ˈa {кора́} (1), Deulino Russian skar-ˈa

{скара́} (3).


Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 261. Glossed as 'crust'.

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: kor-a [Hendriks 1976: 266]. Glossed as 'crust'.

Skopje Macedonian: kor-a {кора} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 225]. Polysemy: 'bark / rolled

layer of pastry / noodles'.

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 469. Polysemy: 'bark / crust / peel (of fruit)'.

Orlec Chakavian: Houtzagers 1985: 274. Houtzagers translates it as 'peel / rind / crust', but we have no reason to doubt that it also

means 'bark', as in many other Slavic languages.


Ljubljana Slovene: Uhlik 2016. Distinct from skˈoːr-y-a {skorja} 'crust / peel' [Uhlik 2016].

Standard Slovene: {skorja} [Pretnar 1964: 311].

Resian Slovene: Steenwijk 1992: 315. Of Romance origin.

Mistrice Moravian: Occurs in the example: {Kůra na stromňe zgléjovaťe a} "Tree bark has been covered by glue" [Malina 1946: 159].

Cf. also [ČJA 2: 190-191; map 74].

Pilisszanto Slovak: Not attested.

Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 66. SidG., Fac.: skˈura {skura} [Kucała 1957: 66]. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'. Root vocalism is

influenced by Standard Polish {skóra} 'skin'.

Turov Belarusian: TS 2: 218. Polysemy: 'bark (of tree) / peel (of fruit or vegetable)'. Distinct from ɫub {луб} 'bast' [TS 3: 46] and ɫˈɨk-ɔ

{лы́ко} 'willow or lime tree bast meant for bast shoes / bundle (of wood)' [TS 3: 52].

Deulino Russian: DS 1969: 518. Polysemy: 'bark / willow'. The term ʂkˈur-a {шкура´} 'hide' can be sometimes used in the meaning

'bark' as well, we found two occurrences: {лʼес шкурʼи´м… а пат шкуро´й-тъ йесʼтʼ кърайе´т} "we peel wood... and

under bark there are bark beetles" [DS 1969: 605]; {Ад дроф шкура´ влʼапʼи´ласʼ, балʼну´шкʼи пашлʼи´} "The bark from

firewood stuck [under my skin] and I got sores" [DS 1969: 62].

Distinct from kar-ˈa {кара´} 'scab' [DS 1969: 239], which is used in the meaning 'bark' only once, probably under the

influence of Standard Russian: {Кару´ дубо´вайу, скару´-та йе´ту набра´тʼ… кръваво´й пано´с астана´вʼлʼиваитʼ} "Oak

bark ("kora"), this bark ("skora") is gathered to stop bloody diarrhea" [DS 1969: 518].

Distinct from kəʐ-ux-ˈa {къжуха´} 'peel' [DS 1969: 229] and from ɫɨk-a {лы´ка} 'young lime tree whose bast is used to make

bast shoes' [DS 1969: 284].

The term kˈɔʐ-a {ко´жа} 'skin' is also glossed in the dictionary as 'bark', but this seems to be a mistake, the result of an

inadequate explanation provided by the informant: {Ско´ру пръдʼира´лʼи, вʼитʼ он, куст, засо´хнʼитʼ, йе´сʼлʼи с нʼаво´

ко´жу сʼнʼатʼ [ – Что такое "кожа"?] – Йесʼ и нъ лъшадʼа´х ко´жа и карто´шкʼи чʼи´сʼтʼим – то´жа ко´жа… нъ фсʼа´кай

скатʼи´нʼи йесʼ ко´жа… йе´та то´жа ко´жа ат вʼатла´ [показывает на кору дерева]… и у чʼилавʼе´ка адна´ ко´жа

аптʼану´та… Хотʼ и у рʼе´тʼкʼи у γо´рʼкʼай то´жа ко´жа} "They barked it, but the bush would dry up, if it is skinned

[Researcher' answer: - What is skin?] – Skin is on horses, and when we peel potatoes, it's skin too… on all cattle there is

skin… it's willow's skin [points at tree bark]… and men are covered with skin…Even a radish has skin too" [DS 1969: 229].

4. BELLY

Dihovo Macedonian mef (1), Orbanici Chakavian trb̩ˈux {trbȕh} (2), Orlec Chakavian

28

tɛrbˈux {terbȕh} (2), Burgenland Kajkavian drowb {drȏb} (3) / tˈɛrbuh {tȑbuh} (2), Ljubljana

Slovene trˈeːbux {trebuh} (2), Resian Slovene trˈibu {tríbu} (2), Mistrice Moravian bru̝x

{břuch} (4), Pilisszanto Slovak brux-ɔ {bruxo} (4), Wieciorka Lesser Polish bʐuk {bžuk} (4),

Turov Belarusian ʐɨvˈot {жыво́т} ~ ʐvˈot {жвот} (5), Deulino Russian ʐɨvˈɔt {жыво́т} (5).


Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 265. Polysemy: 'belly / bellows'. Distinct from the Turkic loanword škembe 'tripe' [Groen 1977:

285].

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: mef [Hendriks 1976: 270]. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. A second candidate is the

Turkic loanword škembe 'belly, stomach' [Hendriks 1976: 290].

Skopje Macedonian: stomak {стомак} [Evdokimova 2009]. Ultimately borrowed from Greek, probably via Romanian

mediation. In the literary language, the main meaning of stomak {стомак} is 'stomach' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 485],

whereas the basic term for 'belly' is the inherited term mef {мев} with polysemy: 'belly / bellows / water-skin' [Tolovski &

Illich-Svitych 1963: 254].

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 469: 572. Distinct from c̢mǎːr {čmãr} 'stomach' [Kalsbeek 1998: 429] and štˈomix {štȍmih}

'stomach' [Kalsbeek 1998: 563]. There is also another term živˈot {živȍt} which means 'lower part of the back / life'

[Kalsbeek 1998: 597].

Orlec Chakavian: Houtzagers 1985: 377. According to the dictionary, the term {živȍt} 'life' can be used in the meaning 'belly' as well

[Houtzagers 1985: 406], but since it does not occur in the texts, we are not able to describe the relation between these

words.

Burgenland Kajkavian: Houtzagers 1999: 244. A problematic item. Two terms can be found in the dictionary: drowb {drȏb}

[Houtzagers 1999: 244] and tˈɛrbuh {tȑbuh} [Houtzagers 1999: 325], both glossed as 'belly'. The only context for the first

term is {člȍveģ ȉma drȏb, a svȉnja ima čeŗȇvu} "a human being has a belly, but a pig has paunch" [Houtzagers 1999: 227].

No contexts for the second term are available. Both terms can mean 'belly' in Serbo-Croatian dialects, see [OLA LS9, map

50]. In such a situation we have to include both terms into the list.

Distinct from čärˈeyv-ɔ {čeŗȇvo} 'paunch / belly (of an animal)' [Houtzagers 1999: 237].Houtzagers 1999: 325.


Standard Slovene: {trebuh} [Pretnar 1964: 184].

Resian Slovene: Steenwijk 1992: 321. Genitive form: tribˈʊɦ̈a {tribú ha}. Distinct from pantˈəč {panté č} 'fat belly' of Romance origin

[Steenwijk 1992: 291].

Mistrice Moravian: Malina 1946: 13. Distinct from baːx-ɔr {báchor} 'paunch' [Malina 1946: 8], bɛɲȡuːr {beňďúr} 'paunch' [Malina 1946:

10], pup-ɔɲ {pupoň} 'big belly' [Malina 1946: 99].

Cf. also [ČJA 1: 146, 400-401; map 50].

Pilisszanto Slovak: The only entry in the dictionary glossed as 'Bauch' is bax-ɔr {baxor}, but the only available context is {má velkí

baxor} "[he or she] has a big belly" [Gregor 1975: 204]; since it correlates with the pejorative use of {baxor} in most Czech

and Slovak dialects, we do not include it in the list. A more plausible candidate is {bruxo}, which occurs in four contexts

and seems to be stylistically neutral: {bolí ma bruxo} "my belly hurts" [Gregor 1975: 207]; {na matku mosí pripálit hrňec na

bruxu} "matka (some womb disease) should be cured by putting a hot pot on the belly" [Gregor 1975: 243]; {žgŕňa mi

bruxo} "my stomach rumbles" [Gregor 1975: 138]; {remeň pod bruxom} "the belt under the belly" [Gregor 1975: 152].

Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 167. SidG., Fac.: bžuk {bžuk}. Genitive form: bʐˈux-a {bžuχa} [Kucała 1957: 167].

Turov Belarusian: TS 2: 69. Distinct from brux-ɫ-ˈɔ {брухло́} ~ brˈux-ɔ {бру́хо} 'big belly, paunch' (pejorative) [TS 1: 85], tˈɛlʸbux

{тэ́льбух} 'man or animal paunch' (expressive) [TS 5: 171]. Distinct from c̢ˈɛrɛv-ɔ {чэр́эво} 'big belly, paunch' (especially of

a pregnant woman or about a belly swollen because of hunger or big amount of food) [TS 5: 313].

Deulino Russian: DS 1969: 168. Polysemy: 'belly / stoutness / life, period of life (rare) / set of settlement inhabitants or buildings

(rare)'. Distinct from baʂˈar {баша´р} 'paunch' [DS 1969: 50] and from pə=čʸirʸˈɛv-ak {пъчʼирʼе´вак} 'big belly' [DS 1969: 452].

29

5. BIG

Dihovo Macedonian goʎem (1), Orbanici Chakavian v l-i {vȇli} (2), Orlec Chakavian v l-i

{vẽli} (2), Burgenland Kajkavian vˈäl-i {vȩ̏li} ~ vˈälː-i {vȅļli} ~ vˈäl-i-k {vȅļik} (2), Ljubljana

Slovene vˈɛːlik {velik} (2), Resian Slovene vlˈɪk̈-i {vlí ki} (2), Mistrice Moravian vɛlɪk-iː

{velikí} (2), Pilisszanto Slovak vɛl-ik-iː {velikí} ~ vɛl-k-iː {velkí} (2), Wieciorka Lesser Polish

dˈuzʸ-i {duz'i} (3) / vʸˈɛlg-i {v´elg´i} (2), Turov Belarusian vʸɛlʸˈikʸi {велі́кі} (2), Deulino

Russian balʸʂ-ˈɔy {балʼшой́} (4).


Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 255.

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: golem [Hendriks 1976: 260].

Skopje Macedonian: golem {голем} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 74].

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 581. Comparative form is vˈeȶ-i {vȅći}.

Orlec Chakavian: Houtzagers 1985: 389. Comparative form: vˈɛȶ-i {vȅći}.

Burgenland Kajkavian: Houtzagers 1999: 329-330.

Ljubljana Slovene: Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016. The comparative form is vˈeːč-y-i {večji} [Uhlik 2016].

Standard Slovene: {velik} [Pretnar 1964: 36].

Resian Slovene: Steenwijk 1992: 325. Comparative form: vˈenč-aga {vénčaga} (gen. sg.).

Mistrice Moravian: Occurs in examples: { óňi bili veliké zámňeťe v horňím poli} "last year there were big snowdrifts in the upper

field" [Malina 1946: 152]; {Sú spo em veliká roďina} "Together they are a big family" [Malina 1946: 101]. The adjectives

ɦɔdn-iː {hodní} 'kind / beautiful' and ɦrub-iː {hrubí} can be used in the meaning 'big' as well [Malina 1946: 32, 35].

Pilisszanto Slovak: Gregor 1975: 283. Comparative form: vačː-iː {vaččí}.

Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 231. SidG., Fac.: dˈuzʸ-i {duz'i}. There are two main terms for 'big': {duz'i} and {v´elg´i}, which

corresponds to the situation in Standard Polish. Kucała does not draw a distinction between these synonyms, so we

include both in the list.

Comparative form: vʸˈ k-sʸ-i {v´ęks'i}.

Kucała also provides a number of other forms which mean 'big', but they seem to be peripheral (probably emotionally

marked or being used only occasionally): spˈwɔr-ɨ {sp ory} (W., SidG., Fac.); dˈɔbr-ɨ {dobry} (W., SidG.); pwɔ=ʐˈɔ̃m-n-ɨ

{p ožǫmny} (W., SidG.), pɔ=ʐˈɔ̃-nː-ɨ {požonny} (Fac.); mwɔr-ˈɔv-ɨ {m orovy} (W., SidG.), mɔr-ˈɔv-ɨ {morovy} (Fac.); sˈɛt-n-ɨ

{setny} (W.), sˈɛt-n-ɨ {setny} ~ sɛt-ˈɛc-n-ɨ {setecny} (Fac.); fɛstɨmˈɛr-skʸ-i {festymersk´i} ~ fɛrdɨmˈ n-ckʸ-i {ferdymęnck´i} (W.)

[Kucała 1957: 231].

There are also plenty of forms meaning 'huge': strˈasn-ɨ {strasny}; wɔgrˈɔ̃m-n-ɨ { ogrǫmny}; ɔkrˈɔpn-ɨ {okropny} (W., SidG.,

Fac.); mwɔrdɨyay-͂skʸ-i {m ordy aįs̯k´i}; clʸˈiv-ɨ {cľivy} (W., SidG.); xaɲˈɛb-n-ɨ {hańebny} (W.) [Kucała 1957: 231].Kucała 1957:

231. SidG., Fac.: vʸˈɛlg-i {v´elg´i}.

Turov Belarusian: TS 1: 110-111. The most common word for 'big'. However, the comparative form bˈolʸʂ-ɨ ~ bɔlʸʂ-ˈɨ {бо́льшы}́

'bigger' in the feminine, neuter and plural forms may be used as positive degree form with stress shifted to the flexion, cf.

some examples: {вода большая цепер} "there is a high water now", {муха біс́кае большая да не дае спаць} "A big fly

buzzes and does not let you sleep", {малые́ дзеці спаць не даюць, а большые́, то жыць} "small kids do not let you sleep,

big ones do not let you live" (a proverb) [TS 1: 71], {у Любовіч́ах і ў Церэблічах ветрэнікі булі, кры́ла большые́,

обшытые полотном} "In Lyubovichy and Tsereblichy there were windmills with big linen-sheathed wings" [TS 1: 121],

{от водзеча, водзіш́чэ большо́е} "there is a flood, high water" [TS 1: 131], {от дожджэча большая, на цэлы месяц

занегодзіло} "there is a heavy shower, bad weather lasts for a full month" [TS 2: 27], {зло́дзей – е большая́ ганьба} "to be

a thief is a big shame" [TS 2: 156].

Distinct from max {мах} ~ maxʸ-ˈi {махі}́ ~ mˈaxʸ-in-ɨ {мах́іны} 'very big' [TS 3: 68], nˈaɣɫ-ɨ {наѓлы} 'big, tall / impudent',

which in the first meaning is applied to flax ({наѓлы поро́с лён} "it grew a tall flax"), pots ({наглы горшчо́к на ка́шу} "a

30

big pot for porridge"), teeth ({наглые такіе зу́бы, бы борона}́ "such big teeth, like a harrow") and fur coats ({то буў

кожушок наѓлый, мо з поўпу́да важыў} "it was a big fur coat, it weighed about a half pood") [TS 3: 119] and nʸɛ=ʂc̢ˈot-n-ɨ

{нешчо́тны} 'very big' [TS 3: 202].

Deulino Russian: The most common term. Some examples are: {Балʼша´йъ бало´та, а то ма´лʼинʼкʼийъ бълатʼи´нъчʼкъ} ""Boloto" is

a big bog, while "bolotinochka" is a little bog" [DS 1969: 62]; {На´дъ ду´матʼ а балʼшо´й вадʼе´, а нʼи ма´лʼинʼкʼай} "One

should think about big water, not about small one (when a bridge is built)" [DS 1969: 64].

The old term vʸalʸˈik {вʼалʼи´к} ~ vʸilʸˈik {вʼилʼи´к} occurs only 6 times and always in the short form: {Сʼамʼйа´ дабрʼе´

вʼалʼи´ка - чʼаты´рнаццътʼ душ} "The family is very big: fourteen members" [DS 1969: 373]; {У нʼей рʼибʼе´нак, а ской

вʼалʼи´к - нʼа зна´йу} "She has a child, but I do not know how old it is" [DS 1969: 518]; {Када´ сʼвʼакры´ умʼарла´, ана´ ской

вʼилʼика´ была´?} "When her step-mother died, how old was she [a girl]?" [DS 1969: 518]; {Дъ их куст вʼалʼи´к} "Because

their family is big" [DS 1969: 553]; {О, кака´йъ прара´мка у тʼибʼе´… на пу´γавʼичʼку ана´ вʼилʼика´ дабрʼе´} "Oh, what a

buttonhole you have… it is too big for the button" [DS 1969: 466]; {О´кны какʼи´и лаба´стыи… уж бо´лʼнъ вʼилʼкʼи´} "Such

big windows…They are a little too big" [DS 1969: 279].

There is also the term ɫab-ˈast-ay {лаба´стай}, which seems to be a synonym of balʸʂ-ˈɔy {балʼшо´й} and is often used along

with it: {Взʼала´ па´лку балʼшу´йу, лаба´стайу и дава´й майу´ сʼвʼинʼйу бʼитʼ} "She took a big stick and started to beat my

pig"; {Ло´шътʼ у нʼаво´ харо´шъйа, лаба´стъйа, балʼша´йа} "He has a horse, good and big" [DS 1969: 279]. However, it is

much less frequent than balʸʂ-ˈɔy {балʼшо´й}, so we do not include it into the list. Probably what is being observed here is

the beginning of the replacement process.

6. BIRD

Dihovo Macedonian piʎ-e (1), Orbanici Chakavian t-iȶ {tȉć} (2), Orlec Chakavian ft-ˈic-a

{ftȉca} (2), Burgenland Kajkavian t-ˈicː-a {tȉca} (2), Ljubljana Slovene pt-ič {ptič} (2), Resian

Slovene wt-ɘȶ {wt ć} (2), Mistrice Moravian pt-aːk {pták} (2), Pilisszanto Slovak ft-aːk {fták}

(2), Wieciorka Lesser Polish pt-ɒk {ptåk} ~ pt-ˈɒs-ɛk {ptåsek} (2), Turov Belarusian pt-ˈaʂ-k-a

{пташ́ка} ~ pt-ˈuʂ-k-a {пту́шка} (2), Deulino Russian pʸtʸ-ic-ˈa {пʼтʼица́} (2).


Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 272. Polysemy: 'chicken / bird'.

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: pil-e with polysemy: 'chicken / bird' [Hendriks 1976: 277].

Skopje Macedonian: pt-ic-a {птица} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 424].




Ljubljana Slovene: Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016. The form pt-ˈiːc-a {ptica} corresponds to the literary standard [Uhlik 2016].

Standard Slovene: {ptica} [Pretnar 1964: 692].


Mistrice Moravian: Some examples are: {Chitali ptáki na vjeički} "They fowled birds using baits" [Malina 1946: 145]; {To si ňe skorí

pták!} "You are such a fast bird!" (ironically about latecomers) [Malina 1946: 109].


Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 70. SidG., Fac.: ptɒk {ptåk} ~ ptˈɒs-ɛk {ptåsek} [Kucała 1957: 70].

Turov Belarusian: TS 4: 266.

Deulino Russian: DS 1969: 471-472. Distinct from pʸičʸ-ˈuʂ-k-a {пʼичʼу´шкъ} 'little bird' [DS 1969: 403].

7. BITE

31

Dihovo Macedonian kəs-a (1), Orbanici Chakavian gris {grȉs} (2), Orlec Chakavian grǐːs-t

{grĩst} (2), Burgenland Kajkavian gris {grȉs} (2), Ljubljana Slovene grˈiːs-ti {gristi} (2),

Resian Slovene grɘs-t {gr st} (2), Mistrice Moravian kuːs-a-t {kúsat} (1), Pilisszanto Slovak

ɦriːs-t {hríst} (2), Wieciorka Lesser Polish ˈu=zrɛ-ɕ {uzreć} (3), Turov Belarusian kus-ˈa-cʸ

{куса́ць} (1), Deulino Russian kus-ˈa-tʸ {куса́тʼ} (1).


Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 262. Paradigm: kəs-a [imperf.] / kəs-ni [perf.]. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Distinct from griz-i 'to

nibble' [Groen 1977: 255].

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: kɛs-at, kɛs-nit [Hendriks 1976: 264, 265]. Polysemy: 'to bite / to taste'. Distinct from

griz-it 'to nibble' [Hendriks 1976: 260].

Skopje Macedonian: kas-a, kas-ne {каса, касне} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 209]. Distinct from

griz-e 'to nibble', griz-ne 'to take a bite' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 79].

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 450. Distinct from u=yˈes {ujȅs} (imperfective form u=yyed-ˈa-t {ujiedȁt}) 'to bite / to sting', which

is probably applied to insects [Kalsbeek 1998: 458].


Burgenland Kajkavian: Houtzagers 1999: 252. Polysemy: 'bite / gnaw'.

Ljubljana Slovene: Uhlik 2016. The perfective form is u=grˈiːz-ni-ti {ugrizniti} [Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016].

Standard Slovene: {gristi} [Pretnar 1964: 333].

Resian Slovene: Steenwijk 1992: 260. Polysemy: 'to bite / to chew'.

Mistrice Moravian: Malina 1946: 50.

Pilisszanto Slovak: Gregor 1975: 226. Polysemy: 'to bite / to chew'. First person sg. is: ɦriz-u {hrizu}.

Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 80. Perfective form, imperfective is not attested. The examples given by Kucała are: {p´ez ͜

uzre} "a dog will bite" and { osa uzre} "a wasp will sting". There is also a special term u=pˈɒlʸ-i-ɕ {upåľić}, glossed as

'ukąsić' as well, but the example indicates that it is rather limited to the meaning 'to sting': { osa m´e upåľi a} "a wasp

stung me" [Kucała 1957: 80]. Elsewhere Kucała underlines that there is no equivalent of Standard {kąsać} [Kucała 1957:

297].


Deulino Russian: Since it is the same as in Standard Russian this term does not have its separate entry, but it occurs in examples:

{куса´иш - фсʼе зу´бы вʼи´дна!} "when you bite it, all your teeth are seen" [DS 1969: 252]; {анʼи´ куса´йутʼ, муравлʼи´-та}

"they bite, those ants" [DS 1969: 161]. Applied to insects, geese, pigs, snakes, humans and nettle. Perfective form is u=kus-

ˈi-tʸ {укуси´тʼ}: {То´ка в лʼес взайдʼош, абу´иша ла´птʼи, ка´бы зʼмʼайа´ нʼи укусʼи´ла} "As soon as you enter the forest, you

usually put bast shoes on your feet, so as not to be bitten by a snake" [DS 1969: 82]. The reflexive form {куса´цца}, like in

Standard Russian, means 'to be able to bite / to have a propensity to bite': {йа´шʼшʼиркʼи у нас, е´тʼи нʼи куса´йуццъ}

"those lizards we have, they do not bite" [DS 1969: 611].

Distinct from ɣrɨs-tʸ {грыстʼ} 'to nibble / to sting' [DS 1969: 130], klʸav-ˈa-tʸ {клʼава´тʼ} 'to peck (of birds) / to bite (of fish) / to

sting (of insects) / to bite (of snakes) / to crack (nuts, sunflower seeds, of people)' [DS 1969: 223], tk-a-tʸ {ткатʼ} 'to prod / to

sting (of insects)' [DS 1969: 558].

8. BLACK

Dihovo Macedonian cr̩n (1), Orbanici Chakavian čr̩̩̂n {čȓn} (1), Orlec Chakavian č rn-i

{čẽrni} ~ čˈɛrn-i {čȅrni} (1), Burgenland Kajkavian čɛrn {čȑn} (1), Ljubljana Slovene čərn

{črn} (1), Resian Slovene čɘrn {č rn} (1), Mistrice Moravian čɛːrn-iː {čérní} (1), Pilisszanto

32

Slovak čɛːrn-i {čérni} (1), Wieciorka Lesser Polish cˈɒrn-ɨ {cårny} (1), Turov Belarusian

c̢ˈɔrn-ɨ {чо́рны} (1), Deulino Russian čʸɔrn-ay {чʼо́рнай} (1).



Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: cɛrn [Hendriks 1976: 294].

Skopje Macedonian: crn̩ {црн} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 524].





Standard Slovene: {črn} [Pretnar 1964: 945].


Mistrice Moravian: Malina 1946: 17.


Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 49. SidG., Fac.: cˈɒrn-ɨ {cårny} [Kucała 1957: 49].

Turov Belarusian: TS 5: 296. Polysemy: 'black / dark, swarthy / dismal, depressed (about mood)'.

Deulino Russian: Does not have a separate entry, but frequently occurs in such examples as: {У´γалʼ жγʼо´ш, чʼо´рнай

зʼдʼе´лайисʼсʼи, аднʼи´ γла´скʼи тарчʼа´тʼ} "When you burn coal, you become black, only your eyes can be seen" [DS 1969:

111]; {Буравы´йь γрыбы´ - анʼи´ бʼе´лыйь, то´лʼкʼъ шлʼа´пкъ чʼо´рнъйъ} "Pine forest mushrooms are white, only their cap

is black" [DS 1969: 129].

9. BLOOD

Dihovo Macedonian kr̩f (1), Orbanici Chakavian kr̩̩̂f {kȓf} (1), Orlec Chakavian krîːy {krȋj}

(1), Burgenland Kajkavian kɛrv {kȑv} (1), Ljubljana Slovene kriː {kri} (1), Resian Slovene

krɪ̈y {krí j} (1), Mistrice Moravian krɛːf {kréf} (1), Pilisszanto Slovak kr̩f {krf} (1), Wieciorka

Lesser Polish krɛf {kref} (1), Turov Belarusian krow {кроў} (1), Deulino Russian krɔvʸ

{кровʼ} ~ krɔfʸ {крофʼ} ~ krɔy {крой} (1).



Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: kɛrf [Hendriks 1976: 264].

Skopje Macedonian: krf̩ {крв} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 229].





Standard Slovene: {kri} [Pretnar 1964: 324-325].


Mistrice Moravian: Malina 1946: 47. Genitive case: krv̩- ɪ {krvi}.


Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 168. SidG., Fac.: krɛf {kref}. Genitive form: krvʸɛ {krv´e} [Kucała 1957: 168].


33

Deulino Russian: DS 1969: 253. Polysemy: 'blood / blood relative'. Often used in plural.

10. BONE

Dihovo Macedonian kos-k-a (1), Orbanici Chakavian kwôs {kuȏs} (1), Orlec Chakavian

k st {kȏst} (1), Burgenland Kajkavian kows {kȏs} (1), Ljubljana Slovene koːst {kost} (1),

Resian Slovene kust {kúst} (1), Mistrice Moravian kɔsȶ {kosť} (1), Pilisszanto Slovak kɔsȶ

{kosť} (1), Wieciorka Lesser Polish kw {k ość} (1), Turov Belarusian kosʸcʸ {косць} (1),

Deulino Russian kɔsʸtʸ {косʼтʼ} (1).


Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 261. Final -k- is a diminutive suffix.

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: kos-k-a [Hendriks 1976: 266].

Skopje Macedonian: kos-k-a {коска} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 226]. Polysemy: 'bone / stone

of fruit'.


Orlec Chakavian: Houtzagers 1985: 275. Polysemy: 'bone / stone (of fruit) / shell (of turtle)'.



Standard Slovene: {kost} [Pretnar 1964: 316-317].


Mistrice Moravian: Some examples are: {naščípnút si kosť} "to slightly split one's bone" [Malina 1946: 66]; {už nemám tag ohipké

kosťi} "My bones aren't as lithe as they used to be" [Malina 1946: 72].


Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 165. SidG., Fac.: kwɔ ɕ {k ość} [Kucała 1957: 165].


Deulino Russian: DS 1969: 244. The term masˈɔɫ {масо´л} ~ masʸlʸ-ˈak {масʼлʼа´к} is used in the meaning 'bone' as well [DS 1969: 297],

but it probably has a pejorative shade, as in Standard Russian.

11. BREAST

Dihovo Macedonian grad-a (1), Orbanici Chakavian pˈr̩s-a {pȑsa} (2), Orlec Chakavian

pˈɛrs-ɛ {pȅrse} (2), Burgenland Kajkavian pˈɛrs-i {pȑsi} (2), Ljubljana Slovene pˈərs-i {prsi} ~

pˈərs-a {prsa} (2), Resian Slovene pʊ̈š {pú š} (3), Mistrice Moravian pr̩s-a {prsa} (2),

Pilisszanto Slovak pr̩s-aː {prsá} (2), Wieciorka Lesser Polish pʸˈɛr -i {ṕerśi} (2), Turov

Belarusian ɣrˈuʒʸ-i {гру́дзі} (1), Deulino Russian ɣrutʸ {γрутʼ} (1).



Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: grɛd-i [Hendriks 1976: 260]. The plural form. Distinct from bɔs-ic-a 'female breast /

nipple' [Hendriks 1976: 253].

Skopje Macedonian: grad-i {гради} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 77]. The plural form, meaning

34

'breast' in general. Distinct from literary singular grad-a [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 77] 'female breast' and bos-k-a

'female breast / nipple' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 38].

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 531. Another possible candidate, sas-ˈac {sasȁc}, glossed as 'breast; nipple' in the dictionary

[Kalsbeek 1998: 542], unfortunately does not occur in the texts, so we cannot specify its semantics more exactly and can

only suppose that it probably means 'nipple' as do its cognates in other Slavic languages.

Orlec Chakavian: Houtzagers 1985: 320. Plural form. Distinct from sˈis-a {sȉsa} 'teat, nipple / female beast' [Houtzagers 1985: 350].

Burgenland Kajkavian: Houtzagers 1999: 301. Plural form.

Ljubljana Slovene: Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016. Common term for both male and female breast. Distinct from yˈoːšk-ɛ {joške} 'female

breast' (familiar) [Uhlik 2016].

Standard Slovene: {prsi}, {nedra} [Pretnar 1964: 136].

Resian Slovene: Steenwijk 1992: 301. Polysemy: 'breast / tit of udder'. Most probably, the semantic shift 'box' > 'breast' happened

under Romance influence. Cf. literary Slovene {puša}, {pušica}, {puščica} 'pencil', which goes back to Old Bavarian {puhsa}

(Modern Literary German {Büchse}) [Bezlaj 1995: 138] (it seems strange, but Snoj, who wrote the entry for Bezlaj's

dictionary, later changed his mind and in his own dictionary suggested that {puščica} goes back directly to Latin {pyxis})

[Snoj 2016: 618].

Mistrice Moravian: Occurs in contexts: {chrčí mu na prsách} "he has a cracking sound in his breast" [Malina 1946: 38]; {Odleh o mu

na prsách} "his breast is relieved" [Malina 1946: 71]. Distinct from cɛc-iːk- ɪ {cecíki} (pl.) 'female breast' [Malina 1946: 14].

The terms {hruď} and {hrudník} are not attested

The word ɲadr-a {ňadra} is attested only in such collocations as {za ňadrama} (place) and {za ňadra} (direction) "in one's

bossom" [Malina 1946: 133, 38, 62, 104].

Pilisszanto Slovak: Gregor 1975: 262. Neuter plural form. Glossed as 'female breast / animal breast' by Gregor, but the following

example makes us think that it designates the male breast as well: {zásťera xlapska s prsámi} "a men's apron with the

breast [part]" [Gregor 1975: 289].

Distinct from cɛc-ɛk {cecek} ~ cic-iːk {cicík} 'nipple' [Gregor 1975: 208, 209].

Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 167. SidG., Fac.: pʸˈɛr -i {ṕerśi}. Plural form [Kucała 1957: 167].

Turov Belarusian: TS 1: 229. Plural form. Distinct from ʒʸˈiʒʸ-a {дзід́зя} 'female breast' [TS 2: 18] and pʸˈɛrscʸ-i {пер́сці} ~ pʸɛrscʸ

{пер́сць} 'horse chest' (feminine in singular, masculine in plural), cf. {персць у коня, дзе роздзеляецца грудзь} "persts is

a place on a horse body, where the chest is divided" [TS 4: 24].

Deulino Russian: DS 1969: 129. Polysemy: 'breast / female breast (in plural)'. Distinct from sʸˈisʸkʸ-a {сʼи´сʼкʼа} 'nipple / dug / female

breast / rubber nipple' [DS 1969: 515].

12. BURN TR.

Dihovo Macedonian gor-i (1), Orbanici Chakavian paːl-ˈi-t {pālȉt} (2), Orlec Chakavian

gɔr-ˈɛ-t {gorȅt} (1), Burgenland Kajkavian žg-ɒ-t {žgȁt} (3), Ljubljana Slovene žg-ˈaː-ti {žgati}

(3), Resian Slovene žg-ɐ-t {žgɐ´t} (3), Mistrice Moravian paːl-ɪ-t {pálit} (2), Pilisszanto

Slovak paːl-i-t {pálit} (2), Wieciorka Lesser Polish pˈɒlʸ-i-ɕ {påľić} (2), Turov Belarusian

palʸ-ˈi-cʸ {палі́ць} (2), Deulino Russian ʐɛ-čʸ {жечʼ} (3).


Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 125, 255. Labile verb with polysemy: 'to burn [trans.] / to burn [intrans.]'. Distinct from transitive

imperf. paʎ-i, glossed as 'to burn, light' [Groen 1977: 271], perf. za=paʎ-i 'to light, set afire' [Groen 1977: 294]. It seems that the basic

meaning of transitive paʎ-i, za=paʎ-i is 'to light', cf. the example for paʎ-i: "to light a candle" [Groen 1977: 228].

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: gor-it [Hendriks 1976: 260]. Labile verb with polysemy: 'to burn [trans.] / to burn

[intrans.]'. Distinct from pal-it [imperf.] / za=pal-it [perf.], glossed as 'to light, burn' [Hendriks 1976: 276].

Skopje Macedonian: gor-i {гори} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 75]. Labile verb with polysemy:

35

'to burn [trans.] / to burn [intrans.]'. A second candidate is pal-i {пали} 'to burn [trans.]' [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski &

Illich-Svitych 1963: 351]. Both sources treat gor-i and pal-i as synonyms for 'to burn [trans.]', although according to

[Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963], the main meaning is pal-i is 'to light'.

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 513. Glossed in the dictionary as 'light, set fire to' [Kalsbeek 1998: 513], but means 'to burn

(transitive)' as well, cf.: {Da so tȍ nȅke vještice krȋve, pak so pālȉli žĩveh, ti ljȗdi} "There were some guilty witches, and

they were burnt alive, by those men" [Kalsbeek 1998: 380].

Distinct from gor-ˈe-t {gorȅt} 'to burn (intransitive)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 447-448].

Orlec Chakavian: Houtzagers 1985: 246. Houtzagers glosses this verb simply as 'burn' without clarifying if it can be used as a

transitive verb as well. The following context shows that {gorȅt} is used as a transitive verb: {Ma vȉte, vȍ su van te sȕknji

[…] a brȋžnji mȋ…a togȁ ȉmamo te rõbi, vȉte, a tȍ već e…to ćeju svȅ zgorȅt, nȉki nẽće već nosȉt} "But you see, here are these

skirts […] and poor us… and we have the clothes, you see, and now… they will burn everything, no one wants to wear

them anymore" [Houtzagers 1985: 191].

Distinct from žg-a-t {žgȁt} 'to brand' [Houtzagers 1985: 404] and from pal-ˈi-t {palȉt} 'to bake / to light / to pinch (steal)'

[Houtzagers 1985: 315].

Burgenland Kajkavian: Houtzagers 1999: 340. The following forms are attested: {žgȃli} (l-participle, masc. pl.); {pȍžgali} (l-

participle, masc. pl.), {pȍžge}̧ (present, 3rd sg.) 'burn, scorch'; {vȕžgat} (inf.), {vȕžgȩš} (present, 2nd sg.), {vȕžgal} (l-

participle, masc. sg.), {vȕžgaj} (imperative) 'burn, set fire to' [Houtzagers 1999: 340]. Another word translated by

Houtzagers as 'burn' is gˈwor-i-t {gȍrit} ~ z=gˈwor-i-t {zgȍrit} [Houtzagers 1999: 250-251] Unfortunately, we did not find any

contexts for it; most likely, it is used only as an intransitive verb, like in literary Serbo-Croatian and Slovene.

Ljubljana Slovene: Uhlik 2016. The perfective form is sə=žg-ˈaː-ti {sežgati} [Uhlik 2016]. Distinct from gɔr-ˈeː-ti {goreti} 'to burn

(intransitive)' [Uhlik 2016].

Standard Slovene: {žgati} 'to burn' (transitive) [Pretnar 1964: 183], {goreti} 'to burn (intransitive)' [Pretnar 1964: 130].

Resian Slovene: Steenwijk 1992: 337. The 3 sg. form {žú ga} and perfective form {šažgɐ´t} are attested [Steenwijk 1992: 337, 314]. The

form gɔr-ˈə-t {goré t} is glossed by Steenwijk as 'to burn' as well [Steenwijk 1992: 258], and it is probably an intransitive

verb, cf. {ki je goré la polvarjéra} "because the powder-magazine was burning" [Steenwijk 1992: 193].

Distinct from tič-ˈɐ-t {tičɐ´t} 'to burn wood' [Steenwijk 1992: 319].

Mistrice Moravian: Glossed by Malina in the meanings 'to fire bricks / to distil slivovitz / to make court to a woman' [Malina 1946:

80], but there are examples confirming that it is used directly in the meaning 'to burn': {Na Bí ú sobotu sa pálí Idáš}

"Judas is burnt on Holy Saturday" [Malina 1946: 39], {Cigán potpálí Hromečkom šopku} "the Gipsy set Hromešeks' shed

on fire" [Malina 1946: 92].

Distinct from ɦɔr̝-a-t {hořat} 'to burn (intransitive) / to tear (about clothes)' [Malina 1946: 33].

Pilisszanto Slovak: Occurs only in two examples: {ve vápeníx pecáx pála vápno} "lime is burnt in lime kilns"; {páli ma žalúdek} "my

stomach burns" [Gregor 1975: 140], but there are also perfective and prefixed forms: {a xlapca milého spálili} "and they

burnt the sweet boy" [Gregor 1975: 191]; {popálila sa pri kaše} "she burnt herself while eating porridge" [Gregor 1975: 108].

Distinct from ɦɔr-ɛ-t {horet} 'to burn (intransitive)' [Gregor 1975: 225].

Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 34, 147. SidG., Fac.: pˈɒlʸ-i-ɕ {påľić} [Kucała 1957: 34, 147].

Turov Belarusian: TS 4: 9-10. Polysemy: 'to burn (transitive) / to burn down / to light a fire / to thirst (for something) / to clang / to

shoot'. Unfortunately, TS does not provide the meaning 'to burn' in the entry itself, but we can easily find it in some

contexts in other entries: {палілі ворох лапцей} "(we) were burning a heap of bast shoes" [TS 1: 108]; {Жукоў

колорадскіх у газу кідаём да палімо} "We throw potato beetles into kerosene and burn them" [TS 1: 190].

Distinct from ɣɔr-ˈe-cʸ {горэ́ць} 'to burn (intransitive) / to get warm while rotting / to rot / to get warm from heat / to burn

from bites or burns / to decay from heat / to flower (about cucumbers) / to have a very bright colour' [TS 1: 224].

Deulino Russian: DS 1969: 167. Polysemy: 'to burn (transitive) / to cause smarting pain / to flash (about lightning)'. Distinct from

ɣarʸ-ˈɛ-tʸ {γарʼе´тʼ} 'to burn (intransitive)': {Зʼимо´й па фсʼей но´чʼи аγонʼ γарʼи´тʼ, а шʼшʼас нʼет} "In winter fire burns all

night long, but now it does not" [DS 1969: 157].

13. NAIL

Dihovo Macedonian nokt (1), Orbanici Chakavian nˈɔx-at {nȍhat} (1), Orlec Chakavian

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n x-ɛt {nõhet} ~ n f-ɛt {nõfet} (1), Burgenland Kajkavian nˈwov-ät {nȍvȩt} (1), Ljubljana

Slovene noːx-t {noht} (1), Resian Slovene nˈɵɦ-at {nó hat} (1), Mistrice Moravian pa=ɦnɔst

{pahnost} (2), Pilisszanto Slovak pa=ɦnɔst {pahnost} (2), Wieciorka Lesser Polish pˈa=zur

{pazur} (2), Turov Belarusian nˈɔɣ-ɔcʸ {но́гоць} (1), Deulino Russian kˈɔɣ-atʸ {ко́γатʼ} (3).



Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: nokt [Hendriks 1976: 274].

Skopje Macedonian: nokt [Evdokimova 2009]; nokot {нокот} [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 315], polysemy: 'nail /

claw'.

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 504. Polysemy: 'fingernail / toenail'.




Standard Slovene: {noht} [Pretnar 1964: 448].


Mistrice Moravian: Malina 1946: 79. Polysemy: 'hoof / fingernail'. Distinct from draːp {dráp} 'claw / long fingernail' [Malina 1946: 22]

and from pazuːr {pazúr} 'claw / fingernail (figurative)' [Malina 1946: 82].

Cf. also [ČJA 1: 149-150; map 54].

Pilisszanto Slovak: Gregor 1975: 253. Polysemy: 'nail / claw'.

Wieciorka Lesser Polish: Kucała 1957: 167. SidG.: pˈazur {pazur}. Fac.: paz=nˈɔk-ɕ-ɛ {paznokće} (pl.) [Kucała 1957: 167].


Deulino Russian: DS 1969: 229. Polysemy: 'claw / nail'. The term {но´γатʼ} is perceived as literary: {Но´хтʼи на´датʼ зва´тʼ, а мы -

ко´хтʼи} "They should be called "nogti", but we call them "kogti"" [DS 1969: 229]. The other examples are: {Йа пашла´ -

сʼидʼа´тʼ ба´бы - ку´дрʼи наво´дʼутʼ дъ ко´хтʼи кра´сʼутʼ} "When I went [to the hairdresser's], there were women sitting,

curling their hair and doing their nails"; {А вот па´лʼьц, ко´γатʼ выпа´дывъйитʼ, е´тъ нъзыва´йиццъ въласʼе´нʼ} "Here is a

finger, the nail falls out, it is called whitlow" [DS 1969: 229]; {Дʼвʼерʼ нъчʼала´ мытʼ дъ зъсадʼи´ла сайе´ сто´пку пат ко´γатʼ

- и нъхтайе´ткъ} "[I] was washing the door and got a splinter under a nail and then [I got] a whitlow" [DS 1969: 94]; {У

нʼей нъ або´их вʼитʼ рука´х… И на йе´тай ко´хтʼи какʼи´и-та изʼвʼилʼа´тыи} "She has on both hands... And on this hand

her nails are kind of crooked" [DS 1969: 207].

14. CLOUD

Dihovo Macedonian ob=lak (1), Orbanici Chakavian ˈɔb=lak {ȍblak} (1), Orlec Chakavian

b=lak {õblak} (1), Burgenland Kajkavian ˈwob=lɒk {ȍblak} (1), Ljubljana Slovene ɔb=lˈaːk

{oblak} (1), Resian Slovene wˈɵ=blak {wó blak} (1), Pilisszanto Slovak ɔb=lak-i {oblaki} (1) /

zɔr-ɛ {zore} (2), Wieciorka Lesser Polish xmˈur-a {χmura} ~ xmˈur-sk-ɔ {χmursko} (3), Turov

Belarusian pɔ=mʸˈaɣ {помя́г} ~ pɔ=myˈaɣ {пом'я́г} (4) / pˈɔ=xmar-ɔk {по́хмарок} (3), Deulino

Russian ˈɔb=ɫək {о́блък} (-1).


Dihovo Macedonian: Groen 1977: 269. Initial ob= is the old spatial prefix 'around'.

37

Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: ob=lak [Hendriks 1976: 274].

Skopje Macedonian: ob=lak {облак} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 318].

Orbanici Chakavian: Kalsbeek 1998: 507. Distinct from magl-ˈin-a {maglȉna} 'fog', cited in one of the contexts [Kalsbeek 1998: 581].

Orlec Chakavian: Houtzagers 1985: 309. Polysemy: 'cloud / big swarm (e. g. of bees)'. Distinct from mɛgl-ˈa {meglȁ} 'fog' [Houtzagers

1985: 292].

Burgenland Kajkavian: Houtzagers 1999: 287. Distinct from mˈyegl-ɒ {mȅgla} 'fog' [Houtzagers 1999: 275].

Ljubljana Slovene: Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016. Distinct from məgl-ˈa {megla} 'fog' [Uhlik 2016].

Standard Slovene: {oblak} [Pretnar

annotated swadesh wordlists for the slavic group (indo ...evdokimova 2009 = field records of skopje...

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