an inquiry into the interaction of bargaining powers in the work atmosphere
TRANSCRIPT
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AN INQUIRY INTO THE INTERACTION OF BARGAINING POWERS IN
THE WORK ATMOSPHERE
Project Submitted to
STELLA MARIS COLLEGE (AUTONOMOUS), CHENNAI-600 086
In partial fulfillment of B.A. Degree in Economics
Subject Code: EC/ME/RA64
By
Ms. Tejaswi Subramanian
10/EC/274
Department of Economics
STELLA MARIS COLLEGE (AUTONOMOUS), CHENNAI-600 086
April 2012
Ms. TEJASWI SUBRAMANIAN
Department of EconomicsStella Maris College (Autonomous)Chennai 600 086
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DECLARATION
I, Tejaswi Subramanian, hereby declare that the project in the broad area, AN
INQUIRY INTO THE INTERACTION OF BARGAINING POWERS IN
THE WORK ATMOSPHERE, submitted by me in partial fulfilment of the
Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Economics, is a record of the project work done by
me during the year 20112012 and that this project has not formed the basis for
award of any Degree or Diploma, Associate Fellowship or other Academic
Courses.
(TEJASWI SUBRAMANIAN.)
Place: Chennai
Date: 27th March, 2012
Counter signed
Dr. Ms. CRYSTAL DAVID JOHN Dr. Ms. CRYSTAL DAVID JOHNHead of the Department of Economics SupervisorStella Maris College (Autonomous) Department of EconomicsChennai 600 086 Stella Maris College (Autonomous)
Chennai 600 086
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CERTIFICATE OF THE SUPERVISORS
This is to certify that the project, AN INQUIRY INTO THE INTERACTION
OF BARGAINING POWERS IN THE WORK ATMOSPHERE is a record
of the project work done by Ms. Tejaswi Subramanian. a full time B.A. student,
in the Department of Economics, Stella Maris College (Autonomous), during the
academic year 2011 2012. The subject on which the project has been prepared
is her original work and it has not formed the basis of the award to any Degree,
Diploma, Academic Fellowship or other Academic similarities
This project represents an entirely independent work on the part of the candidate
but for the guidance given by us.
Place: Chennai
Date:
Dr. Ms. CRYSTAL DAVID JOHNSupervisorStella Maris College (Autonomous)Chennai 600 086
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to acknowledge the staff of the Department of Economics; Stella
Maris College (Autonomous) for giving me the opportunity to chose the
Economic Research and Analysis course as a major elective, thereby providing
me with an insight into the world or research. In addition, I assert my gratitude to
my supervisors, Dr, Ms. Regi Manimegalai and Dr. Ms. Crystal David John for
their constant guidance and support. I owe thanks, for their contributions to and
participation in my survey, to the respondents.
My deepest gratitude and appreciation to my family, and my batchmate,
Ms. Arushi Hegde, for having provided unconditional support throughout the
process of this research project.
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LIST OF TABLES
TABLE 2.1-SUMMARY OF REVIEW OF LITERATURE
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title i
Declaration ii
Certificate of the Supervisors iii
Acknowledgement iv
List of Tables v
Table of Contents vi
Chapter I: Introduction 1
II: Review of Literature 4
III: Analysis and Interpretation 14
IV: Inference and Conclusion 28
Appendices A: Questionnaire and Survey Results 40
References 46
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Chapter I: Introduction
Every factor of production comes at a price. For labour, the price tag is the wage.
The point of debate is that, labour is unlike any other factor of production. It is
the source of all factors of production, as Marxians would put it. It is animate
with a mind of its (their) own, more mobile than any other factor, and with a
productivity chart unlike any other. Given these characteristics of labour, the
mainstream opinion tends toward segregating the wage of labour from the price
of other factors of production. This has led to one of the most widespread
legislation in the field of economics- minimum wage legislation. The populists
laud this. The economics of such legislation, however, speaks otherwise.
Objectives-
1. To articulate the efficiency and completeness of a contract negotiated in a free-market by the employer and employee, by charting out a feasible course of
adjudication.
2. To highlight the pure economic rationale behind the possibility of achieving thepoint of Nash equilibrium in a negotiation between employer and employee
without interferences in the process, in the form of wage legislation, labour
relation authorities, etc.
3. To identify logical inconsistencies, if any, in the justification of the choicesbetween the two bargaining methods of collective of individual bargaining, by the
participants of the survey.
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Hypothesis-
A major hypothesis in this study would be the assumption of an entirely free
labour market, wherein market forces will react so as to reach a favourable
situation- possibly one more favourable vis--vis the achievements of the
Minimum Wage Legislation.
Scope-
This study will be especially helpful in countering the claims of the supporters of
labour unions and those of similar thought regarding this subject matter, with
respect to hike or the very importance of minimum wage legislation.
Importance-
The researcher has tried to widen the perspective of the debate regarding
minimum wage legislation, labour union boards, employer-employee
relationships, and such through the use of contract theory, the Nash equilibrium,
and popularly-observed tactics of negotiating of better terms for self, by
individuals in varied settings.
Limitations-
The thesis, in the authors opinion, has been successful on various levels.
However, a major limitation to the thesis is the scale of the project. The surveyed
sample size is a small group of 50 people, who represent various walks of life, are
employed in a variety of economic activities, and reveal wide-ranging political
views. Limitations present themselves in the form of the possibility of the
participants ability, or rather the lack of, in articulation and comprehension of the
ideas and questions presented to them, which could further be exacerbated due to
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the paucity of time, limiting the prospect of conducting a research of much larger
scale, and thoroughness.
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Chapter II: Review of Literature
The researchers quest into the interaction of bargaining powers in the work
atmosphere began with reading newspaper articles about the disheartenment
expressed by those who fall into the high-income bracket, as ascertained by the
government of USA for taxation purposes, with respect to meeting, not only their
needs, but their wants- which the researcher believes that, they are entitled to, as
free beings. One of these outspoken individuals pointed out that, despite living on
an income of more than quarter a million dollars a year, during the annum of
2011-12, he finds his money just enough to round off his expenses with respect to
insurance, doctors bills, utilities (usually with references to water, electricity,
gas, sewer, and garbage pickup), day care facilities, groceries, gasoline, cell
phone bills, maintenance of assets, and no-frills cable TV, when living in a major
conurbation such as Chicago, and New York City.
Having studied the relative income hypothesis proposed by James Duesenberry,
who concluded that- i) aggregate saving rate is independent of aggregate income,
which is consistent with time series evidence, and ii) the propensity to save of an
individual is an increasing function of his or her percentile position in the income
distribution, which is consistent with the cross-sectional evidence(a), the
(a) (2007). International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 2nd Edition. In W.A. Darity, Jr., (Ed.), Relative Income Hypothesis pp. 153-154 USA:
Macmillan Reference USA.
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researcher has come to recognize that such a bracket is not justified, as the value
of money to different members of different societies is different. Taxation and
other governmental interventions affect them differently. Moreover, given the
permanent income hypothesis, peoples spending patterns also need not
necessarily by equal even if they hail from equal contemporary economic
standing.
Given the governments claim to promoting welfare of all the citizens it presides
over, it introduced several interventions such as minimum wage legislation and
labour unions so as to help the bargaining powers of the lay-workman in the work
atmosphere. He must, the claims go, be protected from exploitation perpetuated
by the employer through these adopted channels, by laws dictating their course.
However, on being introduced to the marvellous paper on The Bureaucracy and
Democracy in Labour Unions by Will Herberg, the researchers doubts on the
methods adopted by the governing authorities so as to rid the employees of the
burden of being exploited, grew further. The paper elaborates on what Mr.
Herberg views as a curious paradox- that of the less freedom experienced by
the ordinary union member in relation to his own union leader than he does in
his relation to his employer. Although not without its shortcomings, the clear
deconstruction and reconstruction of this paradox, and the rationale exercised by
Mr. Herberg in the paper is so balanced and succinct, that the researcher finds it
hard and unjust to summarize the paper any further. However, the researcher
found this paper complete in so many aspects, that the researcher did not chance
upon another paper or analytic work, during the course of this research work,
which presented worthy information that were not covered or coherently argued
against, in this paper.
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Next, the researcher came across papers that argued for and against minimum
wage legislations. The researcher witnessed the assumption of several dimensions
to these arguments, the summary of a few of which, are presented henceforth.
In his publication in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science (1913) titled The Minimum Wage as a part of a program for Social
Reform, Dr. Henry R. Seager analyzes wage, as an aspect of social reform, with
respect to the American society of the early 1900s. He does so, from two
perspectives- as a source of sustenance and stability, and as a route to growth
aimed at higher living standards, for the wage-earner. His is an empathetic view
of what he deems to be the substandard living standards of those, who despite
exchanging their labour, ethically, for wages, do not receive living wages. He
also emphasizes on the bias of the labour market, during the times contemporary
to his writings, against women and girls, who, he asserts, neither have the
incentive to learn, nor the opportunity to have learnt special skills which might
equip them to be more competent in their fields of work, which are simply an
interlude-like phase that is followed by marriage and home-care.
The primary importance of this paper is that it outlines the concerns that led to the
very first deed of regulating wages in favour of social reform. However, what
does not appeal to the modern mind is the fact that his methods seem to aim at
reducing the factors that, he believes, leads to the recruitment of the underpaid
and unskilled, i.e., the women and children. In the authors opinion, the methods
prescribed by Seager in his aforementioned paper, which include setting up a
fund so as to provide unemployment and old-age benefits, along with social,
health, and life insurance to the male, earning-member, so as to compliment the
minimum wage legislation itself, will be disincentivising and will cause the
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individuals to shirk their duty and potential of contributing to the society, their
personal skills and labour of whatever value they might be, because of pre-
pegged, communalized values assigned to such contributions. As far as
economics goes, the paper seems to project the creation of a utopian economy
where needs, which otherwise necessitate invention and innovation- technological
or otherwise, will be gotten rid of, by invoking government fiat. The researcher
believes that the long-term economic basis of such prescriptions is highly
unsound.
The third piece of literature reviewed by researcher to further her research
background in the completion of this thesis is sourced from the Harvard Law
Review, dated May 1918, wherein was published an article titled The Legislative
Minimum Wage. The piece attributes the then-newly constituted statutes
prescribing minimum wages in certain states of the United States of America, to
decisions reached upon careful review of scientific recorded experiences. It
argues against the accusation of minimum wage legislation to be in violation of
the Fourteenth Amendment, which guarantees and protects the freedom of
contract, by justifying it to be on par with the enforcement of police power in the
state, and labelling freedom of contract a qualified right. However, with calling
for an evolving (and implicitly growing) political institution in response to
changing social and economic needs, the article makes, what the researcher
perceives to be, the grave mistake of not analyzing the possibility of favourable
outcomes of such social and economic needs, thoroughly enough. The article
imprudently defends minimum wage legislation with a premise that, in the
researchers opinion, confuses ethical idealism for economic analysis, and
laissez-faire system for do-nothing negativism.
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A fourth paper reviewed by the researcher was The Minimum Wage: Does it
Really help workers? by Paul McCormick, and Walter Block. The paper heavily
relied on the views of economists like Henry Hazlitt, and conveyed the
researchers views that raising the minimum wage level eventually leads to
reduced purchasing power of the salaries of the people, therefore cancelling out
any prospective positive effects of such a raise, making it nothing more than a
political faade that reflects indulgence in vote-bank politics.
The paper also sources on empirical evidence that focuses on teenagers, who
form the bulk of the minimum wage workers in the American society. Minimum
wage legislation will eventually drive more teenagers into unemployment as the
new level of wages prescribed by the legislation cannot be afforded to employ
people of lesser skill levels, despite such people willing to work for lesser wages.
George Stiglers The Economics of Minimum Wage Legislation is a neatly
structured paper that begins by posing two of the most important questions with
respect to minimum wage legislation. These questions are prefixed by declaring
the stated goal of such legislation- to eliminate poverty. However, does such
legislation actually reduce poverty? Are better, more viable alternatives
available? To answer these questions, he classifies the analytic route under 4
heads-
a) The consequence of such legislation on resource allocation- Stiglers analysis
lays emphasis on both sides of the economic relationship. Whether the wage is
competitively-determined or employer-determined (the latters effectiveness,
which minimum wage legislation seeks to reduce), the employees and employers
duly react so as to effect allocation of resources, which he concludes after
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inquiry, with the interference of minimum wage legislation, would result in lower
aggregate output, leading to further reduction in the income levels of already low-
paid employees, thereby, not achieving its stated goal.
b) The effect on aggregate employment- The higher the minimum wage, the
higher the number of workers discharged, as a result. If the government seeks
greater good, then minimum wage legislation affects such aims adversely.
c) Effect on family income- Those lesser-skilled workers who are discharged by
employers, for want of meeting minimum wage payment requirements, will be
reduced to jobs in the unorganized sector. Their family income will be affected
for the worse with the onset of the minimum wage legislation. Additionally,
prescribing minimum wage legislation on an hourly, daily, weekly, or monthly
wages is based on the hazardous assumption that all workers are employed all
year round. Such minimum wages, even if effective in all other arenas, can only
be prescribed for when consistency of employment can be guaranteed. However,
in certain sectors of the economy, need for employment is concentrated only
during certain times of the year. If minimum wage laws were to be executed for
such workers as well, then the impact on their family income will be
devastatingly negative.
Thirdly, governments ought to prescribe minimum wages, taking into
consideration the family that an earner must support. These members of the
family may not be direct contributors to the economy, but the services of the
housewife are important, and the children, when well-nourished and
intellectually-capable, will one day form the pillars upon which the economy of
the future will rest upon. Given this, how is one to judge the number of members
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that the earner must support? If the assumption tends to the more generous side,
then earners who do not have skills to be fairly paid the minimum wage to
support such large families will inevitably be displaced, and if the assumption
tends to be judicious, then those with larger families will be immiserized. Last,
but not the least, the recommendation of minimum wages is based upon the guess
that all families income come from such a source. However, this may not be the
case. Certain families may have investments from which they may earn income
(whether large or small), while others may not.
d) Suggested alternatives to combat poverty- Stigler admits his inexperience in
the field of policy, but recommends that impairing incentives is not the way
forward in the process of accomplishing the removal of poverty. He urges the
government to explore other ways of determining that people experiencing equal
shortages of resources to be helped equally, and that the tax base be widened to
more economic classes, with the imposition of negative taxes on the lower rungs.
The researcher is however, questions these suggested alternative. The researcher
sees light in the fact that the non-impairment of incentivising productivity can
only occur in a market left free without such distortions and interferences as the
researcher has explained in pages that are to follow.
Given the time constraints, the researcher could not delved entirely into the vast
literature discussing the economics of minimum wage legislation. However, a
glance through several research papers and other publication regarding this topic
shows that this is a much-disputed area of study, with several speaking in support
of minimum wage legislation, while the economics, in the researchers humbly
informed opinion, speaks otherwise.
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TABLE 2.1: SUMMARY OF REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Author
(Date)
Data Source Estimate
Method
Key Results
Will
Herberg
- EmpiricalAnalysis
Aims at aiding the reader
to recognize the
recognition of the
paradoxical values and
practices of labour unions.
Dr. Henry
Rogers
Seager
Bureau of Labor
Statistics, United
States
Department of
Labor; UK
National
Statistics;
Statistisches
Bundesamt,
Germany;
Time
series
analysis,
Variation
Analysis.
Minimum Wage
Legislation needs to be
complimented by a
number of welfare
measures such as
unemployment benefits
and insurance policies so
as to reduce the number of
lesser-skiller labourers
who cannot be afforded to
be paid minimum wages.
- Bureau of LaborStatistics, United
States
Department of
Labor
Legal
Analysis,
Variation
Analysis
Justifies governmental
interference in employer-
employee contracts, by
classifying property rights
as qualified rights. Calls
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for minimum wage
legislation, and deems it to
be a solution to changing
economic and social
needs.
Paul
McCormick,
Walter
Block.
Secondary Data Empirical
Analysis
Minimum Wage
Legislation invokes
governmental fiat causing
fall in real value of
currency, thereby causing
more harm, than good.
George J.
Stigler
Family Income
of Chicago,
1935-36;
Minnesota
Incomes, 1938-
39; Census of
Manufactures,
1939;
Empirical
Analysi
Alternatives to minimum
wage legislations must be
explored, given the pitfalls
with relation to it.
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Chapter III: Analysis and Interpretation
How do you know when you have arrived at a Nash equilibrium? In a two-person
game, such as the employer-employee relationship, it is when neither individual
has an incentive to change his behaviour. To further discuss this relationship in
the light of that statement, it is imperative to describe the premise of this
association.
The employer-employee relationship is one of principal and agent. In this context,
the principal, i.e., the employer desires to remunerate the agent, i.e., the
employee, such that he/she is motivated to act towards the fulfilment of the
principals intent. In return, the employee complies with the employers
stipulations, and is compensated as seen acceptable by both parties. This contract
will be comprehensive as long as there has been a free flow of all related
information, as allocation of resources among asymmetrically informed parties
[1] is unsound.
Such information gaps lead to the imbalance of fulfilment of the interests of the
two parties. A disadvantageous situation for the employer will be when the rate of
compensation of the factor of production involved is higher than the subsistence
level. This will increase the cost of production of the end-product, and will reduce
the amount available for payment of the other factors involved. This is an upshot
of the moral hazard professed in the demands of the employees. The moral hazard
here is the fact that despite the persisting subsistence wage level of the
[1](2008). The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. In S. Durlauf,
Blume L. (Ed.), Contract Theory
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employees, they do not seem to have entered the contract of employment in good
faith. As a result of the increase in wages paid in the organisation, eventually,
there may be three outcomes-
a) Decrease in the wage rate. This can be done by offering incentives born out ofmethods of profit-sharing, if necessary.
b) Fall in the dividend payout to investors leading to a fall in investor interest in thefirm.
c) On a macroeconomic level, increase in the price of goods and services in theeconomy, which will reduce the hike in the wage rate to a nominal increase,
thereby cancelling out any real value of the raise. Therefore, the increase in the
consumption basket of the wage-recipients is rendered an illusion in the long-run,
as price levels increase too.
A situation arises- d) The lose-lose result of such a state of affairs would be when,
the employer, given the steep increase in the cost of factors of production, cannot
optimally, efficiently employ them in the production process, and in turn, is
forced to lay-off some of his/her employees.
In the case of unrelenting carry-over of this practice, this could become a vicious
circle involving steps (b), (c), and (d), which could only be fixed by taking
measures to enforce step (a).
On the other hand, a result of adverse selection on the part of employers who
misestimate the level of wage rate required to keep employees motivated, based
on their access to incomplete information regarding the sufficiency of the income
of the employees, will consequently lead to-
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a) Increase the wage rate, so as to stimulate the production process optimally.b) Decrease in the profits and quality of the output, as a result of the lack of impetus
to produce. This will again lead to disinterest in investing in the firm.
c) On a macroeconomic level, there will be a glut due to mismatched price levelsand purchasing power. Besides, those who can afford the product at the existing
high price level will prefer not to purchase it because of the poor quality of the
good/service.
Here again, it is foreseen that the situation is as follows- d) Due to low motivation
levels of the employees, they will be forced to seemingly commit an act of moral
hazard, wherein they will not try to work hard enough to further the employers
intent. Seemingly because, the employee defects only because the employer
fails to fulfil his end of the contract, i.e., remunerate the employee in such a way,
so as to motivate him to perform the employers stipulations. At this stage again,
the factors of production will not be put to efficient use, causing a vicious circle
involving (b) and (c), which could only be ideally rectified by enforcing (a).
Reaching a Nash equilibrium to chart the arbitrative process between the
employer and the employee, will help us project the possibility and the reality of
a win-win situation wherein the employers management of investment in the
production of the output is seen as successful, and the employee is duly
compensated for his/her competence in deliverance. Each party will aim at
adopting a strategy which helps them achieve what is best in their own self-
interest. The employer will aim at keeping the wage level as low as possible,
while the employee will negotiate for a higher wage level. Striking a deal means
finding common ground.
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Consider the following payoff table, given informational symmetry. The first
coordinate in each case is the response of the employer, while the second is that
of the employee -
Employee
Pay Hike Lower Pay
Employer Pay hike (1,2) (0,0)
Lower pay (0,0) (2,1)
The best responses are as follows-
- Response of employer:1. Given the response of Pay Hike by employee Pay Hike.2. Given the response of Lower Pay by employee Lower Pay.- Response of employee:1. Given the response of Pay Hike by employer Pay Hike.2. Given the response of Lower Pay by employee Lower Pay.
Naively speaking, there seem to be two Nash equilibria. Realistically, neither of
them will be the outcome. Which strategy must the employer employ? Is Pay
Hike really necessary to keep his employees motivated? Does the employee
think that Pay Hike is a sustainable strategy? While the employer might have
more money to allocate to other factors of production if the wages are lowered, is
it a good long-term approach for the firms long-term sustenance? Similarly, does
the employee think a lower pay will not leave him relatively worse-off in the
long-run, given how it will mean his retention of the job, without necessarily
making him compromise on his major household expenses?
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Let us assume the obvious- the employers pure strategy is that of Lower Pay
2/3rd of the time and Pay Hike 1/3rd of the time. To present a contrasting
outcome, let us also assume that the employees pure strategy is that of Pay hike
2/3rd of the time, and Lower Pay 1/3 rd of the time. Now, to study the two
outcomes in terms of probability-
Employee Employees
corresponding
payoff to
Employers
pure strategy
Pay hike Lower Pay
Emp
l-
oyer
Pay Hike 2/9 1/9 1/3
Lower
Pay
4/9 2/9 2/3
Employers
corresponding
payoff to
Employees pure
strategy
2/3 1/3
There is still no scope of striking a deal as a result of such a negotiation. When
one player uses pure strategy against the mixed strategy of the other, the
intercessional process seems to result in an infinite loop of mimetic responses.
Therefore, both the employer and employee, as corresponding to their pursuance
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of their own self-interests, play mixed strategies. The employer negotiates for a
lower pay, while the employee negotiates for a pay hike.
Employee
Pay Hike Lower Pay Employees
Mix
Employer
Pay Hike (1,2) (0,0) 2/3, 4/3
Lower Pay (0,0) (1,2) 2/3, 1/3
Employers
Mix
1/3, 2/3 4/3, 2/3 2/3, 2/3
With both parties playing their mixed strategies, there is scope for negotiation.
Given how the result cannot be viewed as a zero-sum game, as each party has
something to gain from the inclusion of the other in the distribution of pie, an
integrative negotiation ensues. In such a negotiation, focus will be on creating
value, and developing areas of common ground.
Creating value essentially refers to increasing the size of the pie. Both parties, inthis course, will regurgitate the pros and cons of having and not having their
demands met.
In this process, the employer could propose a hike in employees wage in returnfor a minor increase in working hours per week. The employer could also propose
a hold-up period during which current wage levels will be continued and
employees will undergo training- the expenses of which, will have to be borne by
the employer, so as to enhance their productivity, following which, a hike in wage
rate ensues. The employee could either accept these proposals, or come up with
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proposals of his own wherein, rules regarding leave of absence could be made
stricter, and efficiency wages for the competent employers can lead to the
termination of employment of those who perform lackadaisically. The employee
could also negotiate terms for himself which determine rules for circling on poor-
performers, and warnings to be issued before termination of respective employee
contracts. This is referred to, by negotiation strategists, as claiming value.
A key to this negotiation is, again, a non-adoption of the pure strategy. Each party
will and ought to retain some elements of the distributive bargaining mindset.
They must keep in mind-
1. ZOPA- Zone of Possible Agreement The employee must have a pay-hike bracket, as opposed to a price-mark, in mind,
a number featuring in which he will relent to. If the wage level itself does not
seem justified, then he must also a have a zone of possible agreement with respect
to changes in working hours. The employer must also have such conditions in
mind, which define his zone of possible agreement.
2. Reservation Price- Reservation price is, literally, the product of demand andsupply, and can be defined as the point of negotiation which gives rise to the price
at which the seller will sell, and the buyer will buy.
This can be seen as the product of the negotiation based on the pre-determinedZOPAs of each party. If such a point is not reached, it will result in a deadlock-
the price of which, both parties will pay: The employers by facing a break in the
production process, and the employees by not being remunerated for the
interruption.
3. BATNA- Best Alternative to Negotiated Agreement
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Each party negotiates, keeping in mind the alternate opportunities available tothem. The initiating party of the negotiation, especially, has a sensible, valid
reason on which his bargain is based. If the negotiation completely fails, then he
shall revert to this position. The employee, for example, could relapse into
unmotivated performance, or could seek employment at another firm where his
labour skills could be better appreciated. The employers BATNA could be to
terminate employment of poor-performers, or to attract fresh talent in the
workplace by means of employing those willing to work at offered wage levels.
A survey of 47 employed/ self-employed/ retired individuals was taken by the
researcher to study the behaviour of the participants with respect to their choices
of bargaining methods. This was studied in the context of their location, and
standings on certain issues such as, their political views, previous experience with
individual bargaining, and labour unionism when put forth as slavery. The
youngest respondents were 18, while the oldest was aged 79 years.
Firstly, about 80% of the surveyed were not members of any labour union.
However, the strange occurrence is that while the rest of the participants identify
themselves as union members, not a single one of such respondents volunteered
to name the labour union organisation that they were a part of.
To represent the details of the survey more meaningfully, this study will now be
split into six parts-
a) The people who are not part of the labour union can be further subdivided intoCategory 1.1- Believe labour unions to be effective- 11
Category 1.2- Believe labour unions to be ineffective- 13
Category 1.3- Are unsure about the effectiveness of labour unions.- 14
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b) Those who are members of the labour union can be-Category 2.1- Believers in the effectiveness of labour union- 7
Category 2.2- Do not think of labour unions as effectiveness/ Unsure- 1+1.
Effectiveness, here, can be defined as the successful representation of the
employees views as individuals.
Category 1.1-11
-Out of the 11 people falling into this category, 3 deviated from the status quo and
preferred individual bargaining over collective bargaining.
- 3 people would like no governmental interference in any of the employee-relatedissues.
- 2 chose government regulation in all 3 fields- minimum wage, age-limits forworkers, and labour unionism.
11
1314
7
2
Distribution of the Respondents over
aforementioned 5 categories
Category 1.1
Category 1.2
Category 1.3
Category 2.1
Category 2.2
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- 6 called for government regulation of minimum wage and/or age-limits ofworkers, 1 of whom called for government intervention in ensuring good working
conditions.
- 7 people in this category hail from India. The locations of the other four are USA,and Saudi Arabia.
- 6 people in this category are in the middle management, 2 line management, 2minimum-wage labourers, and 1 self-employed.
- 2 socialist-leaning, 2 liberals, 1 social-liberal, 1 anarchist, 1 right-wing supporter.- 3 chose not to respond to the question pertaining to the political views, while 1
asserted to be affiliated to none.
- Mean age: 36 yearsCategory 1.2- 13
- Although they doubt the effectiveness of labour union, 6 people in this categorycontinue to choose collective bargaining over individual bargaining.
- 4 out of these 6 people believe that there is a need for government regulation infields such as minimum wage and setting of age-limits of workers, and
government involvement in union.
- 2, who prefer individual bargaining, called for government regulation in the fieldsof age and minimum wage.
- 6 people in this category are from India. The rest of the people hail from locationsin the USA, Sri Lanka, Sweden, and Norway.
- Constitutes of 3 senior management employees, 3 middle-management, 2 linemanagement, 4 minimum wage labourers, and 1 self-employed.
- 8 did not respond to the question regarding their political views.
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- 1 is politically apathetic as long as governance is corruption-free.- 1 Libertarian capitalist, 1 Conservative, 1 Utopian Socialist, 1 Liberal.- Only 5 respondents have revealed their age. Given this data, mean age is
estimated at about 32 years of age.
Category 1.3- 14
- While they felt unsure about the effectiveness of labour unions, a majority of thepeople- number up to 7, continued to believe that collective bargaining would be
more effective than individual bargaining.
- 5 supported government regulation in all fields; 4 in none.- 5 called for regulation of minimum wages and/or workers age-limits, while 1
approved for age-limit regulation and government intervention in labour
unionism.
- 9 people hail from India. 4 others are from the USA, 1 from Dubai, UAE.- 4 Middle Management, 3 Line Management, 3 Senior Management, 3 Self-
employed, and 1 minimum wage labourer.
- 8 did not respond to the query about their political views.- 1 Left-libertarian, 1 Libertarian-minarchist, 1 Conservative, 3 politically-apathetic
as long as governance is good.
- Mean age: 33 years.Category 2.1- 7
- In a contradiction of sorts, 1 person who falls into this category among others,preferred individual bargaining over collective bargaining.
- 2 sought government regulation of all fields.
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- 4 sought government regulation of minimum wage and/or age-limits of workers,while 1 called for government regulation of only labour unions.
- All 7 respondents in this category are positioned in India.- 2 Senior Management, 2 Middle Management (1 Retired), 1 Line Management.- 4 chose to not respond to the question regarding to their political views.- 1 Right-wing supporter, 1 Liberal,1 Politically-neutral.- Mean age: 42. 2 years.
Category 2.2- 2
- Both respondents in this category preferred collective bargaining.- The respondent unsure of labour union effectiveness preferred no government
regulation in any of fields related to employees and workers.
- The respondent, who believed that labour unions were ineffective, soughtgovernment regulation of labour unions.
- The location of both respondents is in India.- 1 Senior Management, 1 Middle Management.- The unsure respondent is politically apathetic, while deeming government to be
a necessary evil. The other chose to not respond to the question regarding his/her
political views.
- Unsure Respondent: 54 years. Other respondent: 45 years.
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Chapter IV: Inference and Conclusion
Distortion of this free-market negotiation approach to setting of wage-level can
occur in two ways-
a) Labour Unionism i.e., Collective Bargaining;b) Prescription and enforcement of a minimum wage by governing authority.
Such distortions are usually the result of interventions to correct market failure.
The market failure as seen by those seeking to fix a minimum wage, in the wage-
negotiation process, is that the market-clearing wages are not sufficient.
However, in reality it is not so. If the free-market mechanism is allowed to
operate by itself, very soon the prices will adjust themselves to new levels that
guarantee sufficiency, because the malfunction of not making such an adjustment
will lead to further market failures that will be disadvantageous to people from all
stratus of the economy, involved. It is only distortions such as these, which may
have good intentions, which lead to further inefficiency in the market, leading to
market failures on a larger scale, which will cause market failures larger than the
one they aimed to resolve.
Labour Unionism and Collective Bargaining-
While most supporters of labour unionism laud the idealistic benefit of the
supposed joint problem-solving methods adopted by the management and the
labour unions, due to their enforced equal standing, these claims are nave at their
best.
In reality, labour unionism often creates polarizing tensions between the
management and the labourers, as it antagonizes the abilities and the goals of the
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former. In fact, it dilutes the power of the management and the employer, within
their own business enterprise, by calling for the interference of external entities
such as the Labour Relations Board. Moreover, given the representative form of
the labour union, it awards higher responsibility and power to the few active
employees in the bargaining unit, despite the larger-encompassing faction,
thereby creating even more layers of hierarchical structure, promoting
informational asymmetry.
The practices of labour unionism, which is often characterized by the Labour
Relations Board recognizing and, in the process, authorizing a labour union to be
the representative of all employees and employee designations falling under its
delineation, also often outlaw the non-union minority, while alienating their
voices and possibility of contribution. This is a violation of their rights of
negotiation, and forces them to partake in the activities of an institution whose
claims and/or ideologies they are not partisan to, for whatever reasons it might be
so. This entails compromises on those conflicting beliefs and opinions of the
relative minority, despite commonality in bearing the consequences of the
outcome.
Moreover, the practice of negotiating remuneration for the collective, with the
entire management, will not only be cumbersome and time-consuming, but will
imply that the individual incentive to shirk will increase as the abilities and
competency of the majority will be the modus operandi for the individuals.
Several people falsely continue to believe that labour unions have helped achieve
the Marxist goal of uniting the labourers, and therefore, have helped create a
monopoly of sorts, on the value and contributions of the labour. However, in
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reality, this unity in the value-creating power of labour, is blurring the idea of
retaining the ownership of labour value by the person delivering it, and has
resulted in the labourer being subject to specified influence. In short, the labourer
has been reduced to slavery to the collectively bargained terms of employment of
the labour union. Therefore, the connotation of balancing out the power of the
monopolized pricing of factors in the market by the capitalist, with the power of
setting a monopoly price for labour is based on false assumptions. This is because
monopoly pricing arises out of monopoly over a given good that leads to
manipulating its pricing through its supply to meet an inelastic demand for that
good. However, labours essential quality is the impossibility of its monopoly,
growing from the fundamental theory of every individual being a self-owner [2].
Therefore, the very argument for labour unionism to further the cause of
collective bargaining is a violation of the inherent property right to self-own
labour, and direct its productivity in whatever field and manner he she chooses,
with various levels of application.
In the survey taken by the author, one respondent, 38, from India, who described
himself as a liberal, succinctly described collective -bargaining as cartelisation,
leading to the creation of labour aristocracy, and lesser efficient companies and
fewer jobs.
Minimum Wage Legislation-
The authors main point of contention when pertaining to minimum wage
legislation is that, in the long-term, it is unnecessary and redundant, given how
the wage-markets have the tendency to move toward the subsistence wage-rate.
[2]Rothbard, M. N. (1963, May ). Restrictionist Pricing of Labour. The Freeman, 11-16.
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Secondly, the researcher has observed in the surveys that she conducted that,
minimum wage legislation- a mechanism to set the price floor for the employee,
inadvertently leads to the setting of the price ceiling, with little leeway for
bargain, for the employer- the payer of the price to the employee. The question
posed by the employer is that, if the minimum wage is enough for the labourers
sustenance, why must he be paid more?
Several critics of minimum wage legislation have sought its enforcement
separately for adult males, adult women, and those below the age of 18. The
researcher however does not see light in the argument, and feels that it is
especially unhealthy to prescribe a minimum wage for minors because this will
lead to several not receiving employment, which they actively seek. On the other
hand, the researcher finds it more sensible for the minors to be offered payment
on the basis of mutual agreement between the employer and him/herself, based on
his/her skills, competency, and job-requirement.
Inference from the Study conducted-
A common occurrence throughout the study conducted is the overwhelming
support for collective bargaining. When asked for the justification of their beliefs,
several respondents cited that collective bargaining sourced its effectiveness from
the unity of the voices.
The researcher feels that reaching such a conclusion distorts the perception of the
reality of collective bargaining. Collective bargaining is most always in the form
of representation during negotiations, and the embodiment of sheep mentality
during instances of staging protests and strikes. The unity of voices occurs only
in the case of a group of individual beings representing nobodys beliefs, ideas,
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and concerns other than their own. If these individual preferences in turn align
themselves into a shared, collective concern, then we find that the occasion of the
unity of voices manifests itself.
However, such a representation is seemingly far-fetched, as most often, there is
bound to struggle over the position of leadership, power- in terms of having the
final word, and individual differences which may stem out of personal discord,
professional jealousy, political differences, sexual tensions, or simply because of
sentiments of intimidation, disapproval, and other ill-consequences of group
dynamics. This is because, when in a group, individuals must either forge allies
by adopting the cattle mindset, or suffer fallouts because of the absence of the
utopian concept of equality in a collective setting.
Inference #1- Age and Collective Bargaining
36
32 33
42.2
45
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
Category 1.1 Category 1.2 Category 1.3 Category 2.1 Category 2.2
Age of respondents per Category
Mean age (in years)
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The Categories 1.2 and 1.3 have the lowest mean ages in contrast to the other
categories. The nature of these categories portrays the individualism of the
respondents, with Category 1.2 showing a higher degree of individualism than
1.3. Individualistic criteria which specifically include accepting responsibility for
ones action, deciding on ones beliefs and values, establishing an equal
relationship with parents, and becoming financially independent[3], are established
to be staple psychological characteristic of younger generations. This could be
viewed as one of the explanations for the younger mean-age of the respondents of
this category.
Secondly, the younger generations are much more likely to be employed in areas
that require working familiarity with technology, especially information
technology. The IT-sector, largely, does not have any sort of representation of
employees in the form of labour unions. This could be yet another reason why,
those falling under this category, were neither represented by labour unions, nor
were particularly for the concept of labour unionism.
[3 ] Arnett, J. J. (2001). Conceptions of the Transition to Adulthood: Perspectives From
Adolescence Through Midlife.Journal of Adult Development.
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Inference #2- Views on governmental interference and collective bargaining
In both the graphs, the representation of Category 1.1, Category 1.3, and
Category 2.1, show a large degree of correlation. Since, Category 2.2 has only 2
respondents, the inference from this category is a not considered. In Category 1.2
however, the difference between the two graphical representations are stark.
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Category
1.1
Category
1.2
Category
1.3
Category
2.1
Category
2.2
Participants for any kind of
government regulations
Participants for no
governmental regulations
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Category 1.1 Category 1.2 Category 1.3 Category 2.1 Category 2.2
For collective
bargaining
For individual
bargaining
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While more than 70% of the respondents in Category 1.2 believe that
governmental regulation is required, regardless of extent, only about 40% of them
are for collective bargaining.
Though the researcher realizes that correlation is not causation, this pattern is
more than convincing, as both these graphs represent ideological standpoints. One
of the primary conclusions drawn by the researcher is that the respondents falling
into the category 1.2 have been able to relate to their positions in the workspace,
but have not been able to picture the nature of their participation in the political
setting. Before the researcher draws further conclusions, it is important to look
into the physical background of the respondents of Category 1.2.
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
From India
6
4
1
1
1
From Sri Lanka
From Norway
From Sweden
From USA
From India
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The respondents falling under Category 1.2 hail from these following countries,
with the corresponding governance types-
Country of location Government
Setup
India Parliamentary
Democracy
United States of America Liberal
Democracy
Sweden Parliamentary
Democracy
(Constitutional
Monarchy)
Norway Parliamentary
Democracy
(Constitutional
Democracy)
Sri Lanka Parliamentary
Democracy
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The principle of majority rule is central to democracy, whether Liberal or
Parliamentary. In the context of labour unions-
In India, while the Trade Unions Act, 1926, provides for registration of Unions,
the recognition of these unions as sole bargaining representative is legislated by
the states. For example, the State of Maharashtra has the Maharashtra
Recognition of Trade Union and the Prevention of Unfair Labour Practices Act of
1971. Recognition of these unions occurs when the majority of the employees are
part of the Union, therefore deeming the Union as the go-to for negotiations with
the employer. This answers the whom to deal with question of collective
bargaining.
In USA, the Principle of majority rule in collective bargaining was extended to
most of the American Industry under the Wagner Act, 1935. [4]
In Sweden, collective bargaining through recognized unions is the sole system of
wage formation, and the collective bargaining density is over 90%, and the trade
union density is a little less than 70%. The terms are dictated by the Saltsjobaden
Agreement between the Swedens Employees Federation and the Norwegian
Confederation of Trade Unions. Similarly, in Norway too, the channel for
consultancies over redundancies and transfers is to go through the Union
Representatives.
[4 ] Weyand, R. (1945). Majority Rule in Collective Bargaining. Columbia Law
Review.
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Sri Lanka is the only exception to this list. The country has a long tradition of
anti-unionism, and while they are required to be registered, no labour union is
recognized as the sole bargaining representative.[5]
Research conducted by the Wason Selection Test, developed by Psychologist
Peter Wason, whose results depict why ordinary, mature, rational adults are prone
to simple logical blunders, says that adults find it relatively easier to relate to
concrete, realistic problems[6](such as majority rule in collective bargaining
through labour unions), than comparatively abstract versions (such as majority
rule in collective bargaining through democratic tools in electing the
government).
The researcher concludes that this is perhaps one reason why the views of
respondents on collective vs. individual bargaining, may not be in alignment with
their corresponding views on government regulations in various fields related to
employees.
[5] Gunatilaka R., ILO, Colombo. (2001, Feb) Freedom of Association and
Collective Bargaining in Sri Lanka: Progress and Prospects.
[6 ]Krauss, S. (2012, Feb ). How to remain productive and healthy into your later
years. Psychology Today.
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xlii
Questionnaire and Survey Results-
1. Are you represented by a labour union/guild (or any other association in yourwork environment)? Please disclose the name, if comfortable.
2. Do you feel that your opinions and concerns are appropriately voiced andaddressed through this forum?
3. Are you active on this forum?
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4. How active are you? Tick the following that apply.
5. Do you feel compelled by peer pressure to be a part of this forum? If yes,would you go so far as to call it slavery to collectively bargained terms of
employment, because of this compulsion? Note: Slavery defined here as being
subject to specified influence.
6. Collective bargaining vs. Individual bargaining. Which would you thinkwould be more effective for you to negotiate for a pay hike/bonus/vacation/other
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benefits?
7. Have you ever had an experience with individual bargaining? If yes, pleaserecount experience.
9 respondents, constituting a response percentage of 19.1% responded with
comments, wherein they described their experience in their own words. The
following are their responses with any edits, grammatical or otherwise.
Response No. 1: It can be uncomfortable when you need to sell yourself as part of
negotiating for pay hike.
Response No. 2: I talked to my boss alone, and suggested that according to
national statistics most workers in my field had a higher salary than I did, and
thus I asked for more. He agreed and since I am considered really good at what I
do, he offered me a raise.
Response No. 3: Not very successful.
Response No. 4: Negotiated for raise in salary at the time of a job interview.
What worked for me:- 1. Knowing my bottom-line 2. Knowing what I'm worth,
or rather what my skills are worth to the organisation. 3. Spot-on timing.
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Response No. 5: I always negotiate the terms and compensation rates for each
project with the client / employer. If the price isn't right, I go elsewhere. I adjust
my living expenses to fit my income, with room to spare.
Response No. 6: As an individual, you are free to negotiate a salary, and find
some other job if you don't like what you get.
Response No. 7: I have had both success and failure in individual bargaining
experiences. Most positions I have taken have been individually negotiated before
being employed.
Response No. 8: Negotiated them during the interview/hiring process.
Response No. 9: My High School career I refused to do work and eventually led a
cue against the teachers saying their teaching methods were oppressive and unfair
since the class was based on test scores and not ability. Eventually the cue led to a
peer to peer with one teacher 45 minutes a day study session. My job as a I.T.
pretty much sent me to a server room. I worked in the dark with 2 other
employees who were just wanting to shoot up the office. I eventually went to the
Office Rep of our branch and told him hands down if we don't get individual
offices and benefits as everyone else we would have to quit and take all personal
office files with us. We got our offices and the other two got a Kool-Aid drinking
station to this day I am kind of ashamed of that.
8. Was the outcome, in your view, positive or negative?
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Comment No. 5: Age, wage,and regulation,should not be based of rank but
importance of the job.
10.Where do you fit in your work atmosphere?
Respondents were also asked for their age and political views.
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http://www.businessinsider.com/i-am-the-super-rich-and-i-cant-afford-obamas-
tax-hike-2010-9
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