an ethnography of informal artisanal gold …...security at the margins: 2 an ethnography of...
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SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 1
ANETHNOGRAPHYOFINFORMALARTISANALGOLDMININGINJOHANNESBURG
31March2017
Executivesummary
Informalartisanalgoldmining(ASM) in Johannesburgoccursat theedgeofthe city; in material, physical and legal ways; rooted in the city’s history and aproductofitscontemporarysocio-economiccomplexities.Thisreportprovidesanin-depthdiscussionofASMinJohannesburg.Basedonpreviousresearchconductedin2013bytheACMS, threemonthsofethnographic research in2016,anddozensofinterviewswithminers, their families,mining communities and others involved inthissectorofwork;themainfindingsofthereportarethreefold:firstthatASMisanimportant –buthigh-risk – livelihood strategyof theurbanpoor, especially cross-border migrants, and is wrought with legal and social restrictions that furthercompoundthedangersthatminersfaceintheirwork.Second,therearesignificanthealth,safetyandwellbeing-relatedoutcomesandconditionsassociatedwithASMthatarepoorlyunderstood.Inparticular,theriseofinformalsettlementsinminingcommunities, the lack of adequate protection to workers in the sector, thecriminalisationofASM,and thedisregardofenvironmental rehabilitationofminescolludetocreateariskyanddangerousenvironmentforthoselivingandworkinginandaroundthesector.Third,ASMisrootedinlong-heldbeliefsandritualsthatbringintoquestiontheownershipofnaturalresources,thestructureofworkteamsandtheorganisationoflabour.ThisanthropologicalaspectofASMispoorlyunderstoodinbothpopularandacademicdiscourse.
This report is compiled by Zaheera Jinnah and Kenneth Tafira. Additional
writingundertakenbySamSpiegelandJanetMunakamweandresearchbythefirsttwoauthors,EthelMusonza,andCraigNyoni.
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ANETHNOGRAPHYOFINFORMALARTISANALGOLDMININGINJOHANNESBURG
1.Introduction
Artisanal small-scale mining (ASM) refers to the work of individuals and
groupswhomineformineralsusingbasicequipment,organisedinsmallgroups(ILO
2005). Informal ASM includes the absence of any permit to undertake mining,
minimaluseofsafetyequipment,andthesellingofmineralsinformally.Thereisno
firmdatathatallowsustoquantifytheextentofASM(especiallyinSouthAfrica),or
to determine the profile of miners. Anecdotal data suggests that internal and
internationalmigrantsmaybeinvolvedinASMinSA,thatitconstitutesanimportant
livelihoodactivityfortheurbanpoor,andthatthereareseriouslegal,safety,health
risksassociatedwithit(JinnahandMunakamwe,forthcoming).
Thisreportpresentsthefindingsofacollaborativepilotstudybetweenthe
ACMS and University of Edinburgh on informal artisanal mining in Johannesburg
undertaken in 2016. Animated by the historical and local contexts of urban
livelihoods,wellbeingandmobility,thestudyaimedtoexplorethelivedexperiences
of informal miners in Johannesburg and place their narratives within broader
political, social, economicandhistorical contexts,which shape theemergenceand
persistence of this form of livelihoods. In particular, the study investigates the
followingquestions:
− What is the relationship between informal artisanal goldmining
andhealthandwellbeingatanindividualandcommunitylevel?
− Whataretheworkstructureandlabourconditions(typesoftasks,
hoursofwork,wages,risks)ofminersinthestudy?
− What are the risks and responses associatedwith engaging in a
livelihood activity that is both physically dangerous and legally
criminalised?
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− Whatistherelationshipbetweenmigrationandinformalartisanal
mining?
This report is structured into four sections. After this introduction, we
presenttheconceptualandtheoreticalframeworkforthestudy.Thisisfollowedby
adiscussionofourmethods,andtheresearchsites.Finally,sectionfourconsistsof
themain findings of informalmining, organised around four key themes, namely:
work structure; social realities; health; andmythology and beliefs onmining.We
begin,however,withsomebriefcontextofgoldmininginSouthAfricaandASMin
general.
Goldmining
Gold deposits in Johannesburg form part of the Witwatersrand Basin, a
geological basin stretching around 400 km from the Free State Province in the
central interior of the country, to Gauteng and the NorthWest in the north, and
reaching4000mindepth,makingSouthAfricangoldminessomeofthelongestand
deepest in theworld (CoM2002). This area has been heavilymined over the last
century,butgoldreservesremainonthereefinsignificantdepositsinbothworking
andclosedmines,someofwhichhavebeenabandonedorareownerlessaftergold
miningcompaniesclosedoperations.
Over the last decade, there has been a lowering of the international gold
price and global demand, coupled with rising national labour costs, making gold
mininglessprofitableinthecountry.In1987,therewere65activegoldminesinthe
company;thisdroppedto15in2015(Geocouncil2016).Theissueofabandonedand
ownerlessminesisasensitiveone,wheretechnically,governmentisresponsiblefor
securing and rehabilitating these mines, but has lacked the capacity to do so. It
currently has contracted the council for geoscience and Mintek to compile a
database of these mines before any further action can be taken. In practice,
therefore, abandoned and ownerless mines remain just that: accessible to the
public,and thusa risk to thehealthandsafetyof communitieswho livealongside
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andon themines.There isnoclearauthority taskedwith securing themines,and
littleresourcestoeffectivelyenforcethenecessaryregulationsonrehabilitationand
safety.
Artisanalmining
Artisanal mining is an important source of livelihoods for the poor. It is
estimated that globally, around 13 million people work directly in the artisanal
miningsector,withafurther80millionwhorelyonitforincomesupport(ILO2015).
ThemajorityofartisanalminingoccursintheglobalSouth,wheretheavailabilityof
mineral resources, coupledwithhighunemploymentandpoverty, pushmany into
this source of livelihood. Artisanal mining is associated with several challenges,
includingdeathanddisabilityforminerswhoworkunderpoorandriskyconditions,
withpoorhealthoutcomes,asa resultof limitedprotectionandawareness,a low
levelofregulationandlabourprotection,andenvironmentaldegradation.
In South Africa, industrial gold mining has been a significant source of
employment and livelihood to thousands of regional households. Throughout the
twentiethcentury,atleast40percentofworkersemployedonSouthAfricanmines
originated from outside the country (Wetzel & Tlabela 2006). Due to significant
transformation of the sector since the 1980s, and the introduction of theMining
Charter in 2004, in 2012, that figure has dropped to around 20% (TEBA 2012;
Budlender2013).Todayminingcontinuestobeasourceofemployment,wheregold
mining accounts for 124 000 direct jobs (QES 2014), with a further 800 000
estimatedindirectly(ChamberofMines2013),contributingtoaroundsevenpercent
ofthecountry’sGrossDomesticProduct(GDP)(StatsSA2015).
Although these statistics are significant, there is a deeper narrative at play
here.Aparallel, andat times intersectingeconomyof informalmininghasexisted
for decades across the world, (see for instance Summer’s 1966 document on
informalartisanalmininginZimbabwe).Yet,littleattentioninSouthAfricahasbeen
paidtothehistoricalandglobalconnectionsofinformalartisanalmining.Moreover,
little attempt has beenmade to situate it within its contemporary economic and
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politicalcontexts.Instead,theoverarchingdiscourseonartisanalmininghasbeento
criminalise it,with littleunderstandingof themultifaceteddynamicsof thesector,
its role as a source of livelihoods, and its relation to social exclusion and labour
marketchoice.
2.Conceptualframeworkandliteraturereview
There is no globally accepted definition of ASM. Definitions, and therefore
regulations,differatthenationallevel.Wedepartfromthisdefinition(MMSD2002
315):
Artisanal and small-scale mining refers to mining by individuals,
groups, families or cooperatives with minimal or no mechanization [sic],
oftenintheinformal(illegal)sectorofthemarket.
Severaldefinitionsofartisanalmininghighlight the followingcharacteristics
ofworkandworkersinthissector(MMSD2002:315),whereit:
• istheminingofmarginalorsmallreservesofminerals;
• isundertakenwithrudimentarytools;
• operatesinthegreyeconomy;
• islabourintensive;
• involves miners have poor access to markets and support
services;and
• involvesminimaloradversehealthandsafetyconditions.
For this study, we theoretically position artisanal mining within two
frameworks,namelyinformaleconomy,andsocialexclusion.Chen’sdefinitionofthe
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informal economy resonates stronglywith the formof artisanalminingwe found.
Sheidentifiesinformality(2002:4)as:
All forms of ‘informal employment’—that is, employment without
labour or social protection—both inside and outside informal enterprises,
including both self-employment in unregistered enterprises and waged
employmentinunprotectedjobs.
Thus, informalartisanalmining involvesall activities related toprospecting,
miningandsaleofminerals,occurringinabandonedorclosedmines,intheabsence
of licensestoprospectormineforminerals;whichoccuroutsideofregisteredand
formalprocessesofregulation;andisundertakenbypeoplewhoworkwithlimited
access or a lack of access to safety mechanisms, as well as to labour and social
protection.
We expand this definition by turning to social exclusion theory, which is
defined as ‘a process and a state that prevents individuals or groups from full
participation insocial,economicandpolitical lifeand fromassertingtheir rights; it
derives from exclusionary relationships’ (Beall and Piron, 2005: 8). This approach
helpstocontextualiseartisanalminingasalivelihoodstrategyasaresponsetolegal
andsocialmarginalisationofmigrants inpost-apartheidSouthAfrica (Jinnah2016;
Landau2016).
Wedistinguishartisanal (informal)miningfromillegalminingbasedonfour
factors,againdrawingonChen(2002).First,wenotethedistinctionbetweenillegal
goodsandservices,andillegalsystemsandprocesses.Inthiscase,artisanalmining
consistsofproducinggoodsthatarelegal,buttheproductionofwhichisundertaken
outsideof legalframeworks.Second, it isnotpossibletodeterminewhetherthose
engaging in this activity are doing so with the intention of avoiding the costs
associatedwith legality. In otherwords,we do not have evidence to suggest that
informalminersareoperatingoutsideof regulation,with the intentionofavoiding
taxesorotherstatutoryobligations.Infact,ourdatasuggeststheopposite,namely
thatmany informalminers aremore than eager to acquire registration and have
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their activities recognisedaswork, andare ready topay taxes. Inmany instances,
remaininginformalandtheprecaritythataccompaniesit–includingphysicalinjury
anddeath,arrest,thepaymentofbribestopoliceandpoorworkingconditionswith
noaccesstosocialsecurity– ismorecostlytotheworkerthanaretheobligations
associatedwithbeingregistered.Third,the‘illegality’ofinformalminingstemsfrom
a lack of effective regulatory provisions for small-scale mining, rather than overt
criminal intent on the part of those engaged in it; we argue that the process of
obtaining legal permits to mine as a small scale artisanal miner is overly
bureaucratic, expensive and administratively inaccessible (see LRC 2015). Finally,
globalevidencesuggeststhatthetypeofactivitiesundertakenbyrespondentsasa
livelihood is more likely to be classified as informal or artisanal mining than it is
illegalmining.
Thus,weobservetheeconomicandsocialcontextofSouthAfrica:acountry
witha25percentofficialunemploymentrate,athreepercenturbanisationrateand
a city, Johannesburg, which has a sizeable migrant population, consisting of 30
percent internal migrants and seven percent cross-border migrants. Within this
economic landscape,weregard informalminingasacritical, legitimate,butpoorly
protected and highly stigmatised strategy for themarginalised and urban poor to
survive.
Literatureoverview(sectionwrittenbySamSpiegel)
Context-approachingmining,healthandmigrantpopulationsinurbanareas
Recentglobalhealthliteraturehasstressedaneedfornewevidence-based
approachesforaddressingthewell-beingchallengesfacingmigrantpopulations
involvedintheextractivesector.CarneyandGushulak(2016)discusstheneedto
paycloserattentiontotheneglectedrightsofmigrantandmobilepopulationsin
remotelocations,makingacaseforbroadeninghealthagendasinrelationto
patternsofmobilityandchangingsocialdynamicsinmineraleconomies.Smithetal.
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(2016)arguethatglobally,healthliteratureregardingartisanalandsmall-scale
mining(ASM)–asectorprovidinglivelihoodstomorethan100millionpeople,often
involvingrudimentarymethodsofmineralextractionandhighlevelsofpoverty–has
tendedtofocusontoxicexposureissues,whileoverlookingaspectrumofother
pressinghealthissues.Theycallforwideninghealthagendas,urgingfor“more
holistic”andregionalapproachesthatengagearangeoftoolsforunderstanding
risksandconcernsinASMcommunities.Compellingcallsforwideningextractive
sectorhealthagendasarealsoexemplifiedinarecentreviewarticleinGlobalPublic
Health,whereMactaggertetal.(2016)discusshealthinrelationtovariable
employmentconditionsinruralminingeconomies,alongwiththesocio-political
factorsthatshapelivelihoods.However,aswiththisreview,andindeedmuchofthe
literaturecallingfornewhealthpromotionagendasintheminingsector,thefocus
hasbeenonhealthinrural,remotelocations,noturbancontextsofmining.Aswe
discuss,addressinghealthinequitiesinurbanASMcontextsinJohannesburg
requiresnotonlyrecognisingthatminingactivitiesinurban/peri-urbansettingscan
havearangeofhealthimplications,butalso,fundamentally,thatsocial
determinantsofhealthcanbeshapedinimportantwaysbythe(non-)provisionof
urbanpublicservicesanddynamicurbanpoliticalprocesses.
Literatureoverview(sectionwrittenbySamSpiegel)
Ourapproachbuildsonaburgeoningbodyofliteratureaddressingtherisks
oftop-downandnon-participativemodesofregulationandhealthpromotionin
countrieswhereASMisasignificanteconomicsector.AcrossAfrica,recentliterature
onASMhasexaminedthenegativeimpactsofaggressivepolicingandheavy-handed
governanceapproachestoeradicatewhatisperceivedbyauthoritiesas“illegal”gold
mining–forexampleinZimbabwe(Spiegel,2015)andGhana(Bush,2009).Although
therehasbeenashiftgloballyinthelasttwodecadestowardsincreasedregional
policyrhetoricanddonorcountryrhetoricregardingcontext-sensitiveservice
deliveryandhealthpromotioninsmall-scalegoldminingcommunitiesinAfrica,in
somecasesrecognisingthedeeplocalsignificanceoftransitorymining(Nyameand
Grant,2014),theliteraturepointstodeeppatternsofmarginalisation,whereby
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thosewhoaremostvulnerabletoseverehealthrisksfromminingareoftennot
thosewhoreceiveassistanceandsupport(Spiegel,2009;HilsonandMcQuilken,
2014).Inpart,problemsofpooraccesstohealthandsocialservices(e.g.technology
support,medicines,preventativecare,localplanninginitiatives,etc.)havepersisted,
asaresultofprotractedstrugglesovercriminalisationandlackof‘legal’status,lack
oftrustbetweengovernmentauthoritiesandminingcommunities,andapoor
understandingofthesector’slabourdynamics.InSouthAfrica,thepastfewyears
havewitnessedincreasingcriticaldebateaboutthetreatmentbyauthoritiesof
artisanalmininginthecountry–referredtoas“zama-zamamining”–assimply
illegal,andevencriminal.Newsmediahavetendedtofocusonproblemsofillegality
inthissectorratherthanontheexperiencesofmarginalisationthesector
constitutesforthoseworkingwithinit,whilegovernanceresponsetoASMhave
receivedcriticismforbeingunresponsivetolocalneeds(Nhlengetwa,K.,&
Hein,2015;Thornton,2014).
Ambivalenceinpublichealthresearchandpolicycommunitiesalsoexists
whenframingthelinkagesbetweenmigration,miningandhealth.Thereisa
longstandingbodyofscientifichealthliteratureaddressingthecorrelationsbetween
theminingsector’slabourdynamicsinSouthAfrica,andHIV-AIDSandtuberculosis
(Campbell,1997).Yet,theconceptualisationofhealth(problemsand/orbenefits)in
relationtomigrationandmobilityvaries.Whilesomehealthscientistsmaybe
temptedtoimmediatelylinkminers’migrationwithHIV-AIDSandTB,positioning
migrationinstrictlynegativetermscanitselfmaskotherrelationships;migrationand
mobilitycanhaveothersetsofhealthimplications,includingthecreationof
opportunitiesforpovertyalleviationandthecreationofremittancesthatcan
supportthehealthoffamilies.Farfrombeinganegativeinfluenceonhealth,
mobilityandmigrationfromonemininglocationtoanothercanfulfilanimportant
roleinsurvivinginaneconomythathasmadejobprospectsprofoundlydifficult.Our
approachthusaimstocontributetodebateabouthowaninterdisciplinarymixed-
methodsapproachescouldinformhealthpromotionefforts,aswellasthe
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generationofmoreadaptiveapproachestoaddressthediverseconditionsand
actorswhoworkinASM,andthediverseprocessesthatshapethesocial
determinantsofhealth.Whereaspastliteraturecallsforimprovementinaddressing
thesocioeconomicconstraintsandrisksfacingthoselivingandworkinginASM
communities(Heemskerk,2005),therearenumerouscasesinthepastwhere
scientificsurveyswereusedtotryto‘capture’datainartisanalminingcommunities
(dataofahealth,environmental,socioeconomicandsociologicalnature),butwhere
criticalquestionsemergedastowhetherdatacollectionapproachesindeedserved
tobuildtrustwithminingcommunitiesandsupportmeaningfulsocialchange
(Heemskerk,2005).Thisarticleispartofalargereffortatbuildingcollaborations
thatseektocounterthestigmatisationof“illegal”goldmining,andtoinformhealth
promotionagendasthatcanbetterengagesocialorganisationalpracticeswithinthe
ASMsector,asectorthathasprovidedincometopopulationsinperi-urbansettings
inJohannesburgthathavereceivedonlyminimalscrutinytodate.Recognisingthat
artisanalandsmall-scaleminingpracticescanvaryconsiderablywitharangeof
implicationsforpovertyalleviation(Gamuetal.,2014),wepayattentiontothe
socialdynamicsandorganisationalpracticesinspecificlocalesinJohannesburg,
beforereturningtothewiderquestionofwhatanimatesandsupportseffective
publichealthresponsestothissector.
3.Methodology
This studybegan fromprevious researchon informalminingundertaken in
2012.WewerekeentorevisitanareaofJohannesburgandasiteofworkthatwe
hadpreviouslyexplored.1OurresearchisconcentratedintheWestofJohannesburg,
1Threeindependentprojectsformedthebasisofthisenquiry:from2011-2013theMiWORCprojectonlabourmigrationincludedasmallexploratorycasestudyoninformalmining,aswellasthePhDfieldworkandactivistworkofJanetMunakamwefrom2012whichisongoing.
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in anarea calledRoodepoort,which is the siteof anumberof abandoned, closed
andcontinuinggoldminingoperations.
The area has a barren topography and mixed development consisting of
residentialandcommercialproperties.Housingincludesformalandinformal.Onthe
west is an informal settlement we coded ‘M’, on the east a golf course, on the
Northeast RDP houses and directly north a second informal settlement,whichwe
coded‘J’.
Figure1:MapofRoodepoort.Source:GoogleEarth™.
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Figure2:MapofRoodepoortlookingNorth.Source:GoogleEarth™
Researching informalmining is sensitive for a number of reasons.We first
sought and obtained ethics clearance from the University of the Witwatersrand.
Thenweenteredtheresearchsitesandfoundmultiplesensitivities:thespacesthat
miners occupy; work in and move between are physical and imagined places of
invisibility;risk,andmarginalisation.
Although mining dumps loom large on the Johannesburg landscape, the
entrancestoinformalminingshaftsarehiddenfrompublicviewinvergesandmine
dumps, and located in informal areas that are associated with violent crime,
including rape,murder and robberies.Minerswalk along roughpathways cut into
theHighveldgrass,alongsideandacrossthemainpublicroadsthatrunWest,South
andNorthofthecity,toaccessshaftsortoconnecttothepublicminibustaxisthat
willtakethemtoandfromwork.
Miningshaftsarethemselvesassociatedwithdanger,aplaceinwhichgangs
prowl,where criminals canpounce, andwhere rockfalls anddeath are realities of
everydaylife.Moreover,giventhecriminalnatureofinformalmining,andthatmany
minersinoursamplewerenon-nationals,thoseinvolvedinthisactivityarewaryof
police,whowillharass,raid,arrestandevendetainthem.
Given this context, that is, themultiple and intersecting sensitivities that
surroundanddefinethisareaofwork,theplacesinwhichitiscarriedout,andthe
people undertake it,we adopted an ethnographic approach to our research. This
consistedofidentifyingkeyphysicalspaces,andactorsinthesector,anddeveloping
aschematicrepresentationofthevariouscomponentsofinformalmining.Thiswas
done based on existing knowledge of the sector from previous research in 2013,
severalkeyinformantinterviews,andanadvancevisittovariousminingareas.
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WeidentifiedfourkeylocalitiesintheWestRandofJohannesburginwhich
informal mining was prevalent. These were all informal settlements dotted by
existing and old gold mines and mine dumps. The areas differ in size, but are
generallycharacterisedbymixedhousing;predominantlyinformalhousing,butalso
lowcostgovernmenthousingknownasRDPhouses;2andconvertedhostels,which
wereinitiallybuiltforthegoldminesintheareaintheearly20thcentury,butwhich
havesincebeenabandonedandoccupiedbytheurbanpoor.Twooftheareashave
tapwaterwithinthearea,whilsttheothertwohaveataplocatedontheperiphery
ofthearea.
Although statistical data at theWard-level is not highly credible, previous
studiesandourownfieldworkhighlightanumberof interconnectedsocio-political
issues ineacharea.Theseincludetheabsenceofbasicservices,suchaselectricity,
roads, weak delivery of water, health and safety and security, education and
recreation; this isalongsidesignificant informalnodesofgovernancecharacterised
bycorruptionbypoliceandelectedwardcouncillors,powerexercisedbyunelected
localelitessuchascommunityandbusiness leaders;highunemployment, informal
employment,andgrindingpoverty.
We identified a number of actors who are either directly or indirectly
involvedin,affectedby,orshapeinformalmining.ThisincludestheDepartmentof
MineralResources’smallscaleminingdirectorate;non-governmentalorganisations
suchasMiningAffectedCommunitiesinUnitedAction(MACUAA),ActionAidSouth
Africa, which has a programme on extractive minerals, and Partnership Africa
Canada,whichspecialisesinglobalmineralextraction.
Based on initial interviews with the actors mentioned above, as well as
observationat thesites,we identified the followingstructuresandcomponentsof
informal mining in Johannesburg: miners who go underground, surface workers,
buyers,andsponsors.Associatedactorsincludefamilywhosupportminers,whowill
2 Refers to low-cost houses built under the Reconstruction and Development Programme of 1994-6.
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be responsible for rescue and recovery operations, the criminal justice and law
enforcementsystems,suchaslawyersandpolice,healthcarefacilitiessuchasmobile
clinics,primaryhealthcareclinics,andhospitals.Wemap,discussandanalysethese
inthefollowingsections.
In total, 135 interviews were conducted over a three-month period
(September5-November30,2016).Thisincludedinterviewswith:
• 43undergroundminers(maleandfemale)
• 64surfaceworkers
• 2securityguards
• 10keyinformants
• 4buyers
• 12familymembers
An embedded ethnographic approach was used. This included informal
conversations, narratives, inquisitive observation, non-probability samples and in-
depthinterviews.
InquisitiveObservationsandInformalConversations
Since participant observation as an ethnographicmethod is a process that
takessometimetodevelop,andwasnotentirelysuitableduetothenatureofthe
research, inquisitive observations seemed a viable alternative. Inquisitive
observationsinvolvewhatBester(1995)referstoas“parachuting”,thatis,dropping
intothemidstofasituationfrommultiplepoints;tacitobservationsandinterviews;
theabilitytoaskquestions,therebybecomingestablishedasabonafideresearcher
bybeingseeninterviewing,takingnotesandbeingpresentinthespace.Wedidthis
atallfoursites:twomineshaftentrances,twocourtrooms,onepublichospital,and
severaltaxiranksforaperiodofthreemonthswithacoreteamoffourandafurther
ancillaryteamoftwo.
Given the sensitivenatureof the study, the research team internalised the
questions andwerewaryof producing anypaperwhilst at the research sites. The
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team then memorised as much information as possible, and transcribed it
elsewhere.Noteswereonlyjotteddownwheninterviewswereconductedatsome
pre-arrangedplaces.Theinformalconversationswerealsodoneinthepre-research
period, whereby the researcher visited the research area and struck up informal
conversationswith key informants and people in informal places. The aimwas to
harness networks and contacts to elicit people’s perceptions and feelings on the
subjectunderstudywithoutprovokingasenseofanxietyamongstrespondentswith
regardstotheirpersonalsafety.
Non-probabilitysampling
Snowballsampling
Snowball sampling was conducted to locate one or more key individuals
engaged inASM.Themethodreliedonsocialsponsorship(Bester1995), ingetting
introductions and referrals to participants and key participants. This sampling
methodenablesonetotraceanetworkofparticipants.
Purposivesampling
By locatingkeyparticipantsandaprobablecommunity,purposivesampling
servedthepurposethatfitsthecriteriasetoutintheresearchaimsandobjectives.
As researchers went along in the field, they obtained information about work
structureandteamsthatguidedtheidentificationofpossiblerespondents.
In-depthinterviews
Being naturalistic, autobiographical, in-depth, narrative and non-directive,
the informal interview is modelled on the conversation, as a social event that
enables people to talk about sensitive topics, where they disclose more about
themselves (Holland and Ramazanoglu 1994: 135). The in-depth interviews were
conductedwithminers involved inASM. Theywere centredonunderstanding the
dynamicsof relationships; the reasons theyare insuchavocation;andtheway in
whichauthoritiesandthecommunityregardtheirwork.
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FocusGroupDiscussions
Fifteenfocusgroupsofmenandwomenofvariousages,aswellasdifferent
ethnicities andnationalities,were conducted. The aimwas to elicit responses and
conversationsonthewide-rangingissuespertainingtoASM.
DataAnalysis
Thedataanalysiswasinfluencedbythenatureofthedatacollected.Thisled
toa search for anexplanationandunderstandingof concepts and theories,which
willbeadvanced,consideredordeveloped.
GroundedTheoryApproach
Thegroundedtheoryapproach(AbramsonandMizrahi1994)involvescoding
andclassificationoffieldnotesintermsofkeyconcepts,whicharemainlydeveloped
throughtheresearchworkitself.Bybuildingonthecyclicalandspiralperceptionof
the researchprocess,conceptdevelopment,datacollectionanddataanalysis took
placeincloseconjunction.
4.Findings
This section presents the main empirical findings of the study. Using a
groundedtheoryapproach,weidentifyfourkeythemesandorganisethediscussion
aroundthese.
4.1Definitionsandregulations
Miners refer to theirwork not as informal, illegal or even artisanal, but as
‘work’or ‘business’. The commonwordsused todescribe their activities included:
korokoza (‘wearedoingbusiness’or ‘weare trying toearnan income’ inShona).3
Men who are engaged in artisanal mining are known as Gweja and women as
Gwejeleni. Theplural usedextensively in the report ismagweja or themorewell-
known zama-zama, meaning we are hustling or trying. Both are used
interchangeably.
3Shona is one of Zimbabwe’s official languages. Zimbabwe is South Africa’s neighbour to the North, from which the majority of zama-zama we interviewed originated; followed by Mozambicans, Basotho, and locals.
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TheissueoflegalityandillegalitypermeatesASMinJohannesburg.Thereare
narrowprovisionsforlegalartisanalsmall-scalemininginSouthAfrica,whichfavour
capitalinvestorswhocannegotiatethebureaucracyneededtoobtainthenecessary
permittomine.Themajorityofsmall-scaleminershaveneitherthemonetary,nor,
attimes,thelegalcapacityrequiredtoobtainpermits.Manyaremigrants,someof
whomareundocumented,whilemanymoreareSouthAfricanswhoworkedinthe
informaleconomy,orwhowereinternalmigrantswithlittleformaleducation.
A prevailing discourse and practice of criminalisation and security strongly
shapeshowminersviewthemselvesinrelationtoothers.Whenaskedwhattheydo,
acommonfirstresponseis,‘wearenotstealing’.
Miners engaged with authorities, both the public police force as well as
privatesecurityguards,whocontrol,andregulatethesiteofmininginmultipleand
strategicways.Theseincludethepaymentofbribesforaccesstosites,ortoevade
arrest, or usingnetworks to create awarning system if police arenearby.Despite
this,wehadwitnessedmanyraidsandarrests,andwereawarethatpartofworkin
this sector involved adopting strategies of survival in the face of the criminality
associatedwithASMinSouthAfrica.
4.2.WorkStructuresandArrangements
At the four research sites,we found an expansive network of employment
and business practices involving a proportional number of men and women. This
includes: underground mining; surface work; supporting economies of food;
childcare;supplyofmaterialsandservicessuchastransport;buyers;andsponsors.A
reportbytheChamberofMinesidentifiesfivetiersofoperationsininformalmining,
at the bottom of which are the miners or, magweja, i who are central to the
functioningofinformalminingeconomiesasexplainedbelow.Theremaininglevels
ofoperationidentifiedinthereportare:
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− Tier 2: surface buyers, known in our study as ‘sponsors’, who
‘provideequipmentandmaterialsupporttominers’
− Tier3:‘bulkbuyerswhohavelicensestotradeinmineralsinterms
ofthePreciousMetalsAct’
− Tier 4: ‘national distributors who operate through front
companies’
− Tier 5: ‘international receivers and distributors through
internationalrefineries’
Undergroundwork
Undergroundminingistheprincipalcomponentofartisanalinformalmining.
Thepresenceofa longandwell-established industrialminingsector inthecityhas
resultedinthepresenceofasignificantnetworkofundergroundtunnelsthatstretch
for kilometres throughout Johannesburg.Miners informedus that it is possible to
enterashaftinthewestorcentralpartofthecity,walkseveraldaysunderground,
andemergeintheeasternorsouthernshafts.Attimes,aminerwalksforthreedays
(or up to four kilometres) and at depths of 4000mmetres, or, as one respondent
informedus,toalevel‘whereyoucanpile20busesontopofeachother’,togetto
goldbearing reefs, andworks there for three to fourdaysbefore returning to the
surface.Althoughmanyfollowtunnelsthatexistunderground,attimesminersbore
anddrillnewtunnels.
ThemajorityofthemagwejaweinterviewedwereZimbabwean,althoughwe
alsocameacrossSouthAfrican,Malawian,MozambicanandBasuthominers.Some
of the respondents had worked previously in industrial mining in South Africa or
Zimbabwe;othershadahistoryof informaland low-skilledemployment.Amongst
theformer,geologicalknowledgeoftherockisanimportantresource.Minersstated
that they look for ‘solid rock,which hasmoney’. To know if a rock contains gold,
minersundertaketesting,bychisellingaportionofitintoaplateandsievingit.The
ideaistolookfora“belt”whichissaidtobeastretchofrockrichingolddeposits.
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To loosen rock and create passageways miners use dynamite known as
hoora. This process can take several days, as conditions are difficult. As one
magwejaputsit,“it’suswhoaretherealsoldiers”,referringtothebraveryandhard
workthatinformalminingdemands.
Minersworkinnarrowridges,withlittlelightorventilation,intemperatures
up to 50 degrees centigrade. To survive, miners strip down into trousers or
underpantsonly, anduseheadlamps to see. Inareaswhereventilation ispoor,or
oxygensupplylimited,minershavedevelopedasystemusinghosepipestobreathe.
Workinginsmallgroupsoffourtosix,someminerswillstayinhighershaftswhere
oxygensupplyisgood,holdingontoahosepipe.Otherminerswillcarrythealternate
endofthehosepipewiththemastheydescendfurther,anduseittobreatheonce
theyreachlowerdepthswheretheywillwork.Oncerocksarechippedoffabeltand
broken intopieces that areeasier tohandle, theyare loaded intomakeshift sacks
and backpacks and carried back to the surface. To survive underground, a similar
economyexists,whichsupplies food,usuallypapandsoftdrinks,athighly inflated
prices.
Onthesurface,minerswalkortakepublicminibustaxistoreachthesurface
operations.Duringourresearch,wemetmanyminerswhowereenteringorleaving
shafts, the latter covered in dust as they emerge into daylight after days
underground.Attheentranceofashaft,minerswillwashusingplasticbottlesthat
are discarded, batteries from headlamps are dotted across the entrance, and
packagescarrying rocksarecoveredand rearranged.At the same time,othersare
beginningtheirwork.Usingholescutinfences,orroughpathwaysacrosstheopen
grassland, miners wearing dark clothes and caps huddle at the entrance as they
prepare their equipmentbeforedisappearing into the shaft: head torches, chisels,
dynamite,andsomewaterandfood.
It is difficult to estimate earnings from the magweja. However, there is
agreementthat‘strikingitbig’bydiscoveringasignificantgoldbearingrockcanyield
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asmuchasR50000ormore.Atypicalweek’sworthofminingusuallycanbringR10
000,whensoldtobuyers.
Surfacework
Surface work consists of three tasks: grinding or crushing, draining and
mercury.Atthefoursitesofourresearch,surfaceworkisdoneinvariousspaces.At
the site we coded ‘M’, there is in a long stretch of open land behind a line of
informalhousing (shacks).Thezama-zama rent thespace from local landlordsand
payonaverageR400amonth.Thatareaistheirworkspace,andtheylivebehindin
theinformalsettlement.Atthesitewecoded‘B’and‘J’respectively,workisdonein
amoresecludedthicket,whichusedtobeaminecompound,andwhichhassince
been demolished. At the site we coded ‘D’, the sites themselves are located in a
bushhiddenfromviewfromamajorroad,whichlies200metersaway,withsomeof
theactivitiesoccurringinthebackyardsofhousesnearby.
Theminersuseconcreteslabs,whichwereoncethefoundationsofbuilding
andhouses,forgrinding.Theflatandtoughsurfaceisidealtogrindandcrushrocks
intherequiredmanner,althoughitresultsinchappedhandsandknees,aswomen
workonallfours,andthewhiteoftheconcretereflectsaharshglareunderthesun.
Drainage, which consists of washing the ground sand several times, is done on
structures that are especially built for that purpose. Typically, a drainage site
involvesseveralpipes,washareasandsieves,setupoverastretchofland.
Surface work is structured according to shifts typically from 6am to 2pm.
Somedon’tworkonSundays if theyarechurchgoers.On the faceof it, thezama-
zama are organised inwhat they call syndicates, a group of between two and 10
people,usuallywomen.Anyonebringingwork,thatis–rockstobeground,crushed
orwashed– iscalleda“customer.”Syndicatemembersmaycompriseofclosekin,
ethnic and national compatriots, but could also consist of a group of unrelated
strangers, who may have merely met amongst the mining communities. The
syndicateisoverseenbyasurfaceleader,whoisresponsibleforworkarrangements;
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maintaining a storeroom where work equipment – such as iron balls and
maphenduka (gas cylinders, known asmaphenduka because of the rolling action
theyperformincrushingthestones)–arekept,andliaisingwithcustomers.
Syndicatemembers are grouped as a network,where eachmember either
specialisesincertainaspectsofwork.Forexample,someworkasgrinders,somein
drainage, and others in burning the gold, or in multiple positions. Syndicate
members are not considered employees, but equal partners in a complex and
sophisticated work arrangement. Newcomers, especially women, start off as
grinders, “working” for eithermagweja or syndicate leaders, and arepaid per 20-
litrebucketofsoil thattheygrind.The leaderpaysthesyndicatemembersawage
thatvaries;atypicalamountreportedtousisR600aweek,butthisdependsonthe
amountofworkdone.Membersarealsopaidinkind,bykeepingtheleftovergold-
bearing soil known asmavovo,which can be further refined and sold directly by
memberstobuyers.
Theamountearneddiffers.Forsomewomengrindingrocks,a20litrebucket
takes a day, and earns R100, in addition to the remaining sand, which is further
refined.A20litrebucketofrockcanyieldaboutfiveorsixgramsofgold,whichis
soldatslightlybelowthemarketprice.
Buyers
After processing on the surface, the gold is sold to buyers at a price
determined by the international market. During our research, gold was sold to
buyersforbetweenR480toR510agram.Oncesoldtoabuyer,thegoldthenenters
theformalmarketeitherdirectlytotraderswhohavepermitsandshopsthatdealin
gold,orindirectlythoughotherbuyerswhowillreselltothetraders.Thisconstitutes
Tier 3, as outlined by the Chamber of Mines. Amongst surface and underground
workers,thistierisreferredtoasthe“market”,madeupofthoseplacesincentralin
JohannesburgorRoodepoortthattradeingold.
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Wewitnessedafewtransactionsandinterviewedfourbuyers.Thesearrivein
the informal settlement inmiddle- to upper-range cars,waiting under a treewith
engine running, and call a contact, who will hustle over to the car to converse
througharolled-downwindow.Thetwothenemergeandgotoaninformalhouse,
wheregoodsandmoneyareexchanged.Someof thebuyersmeasure thegoldon
scalesthattheybringalong,althoughminerssometimescomplainthatthesescales
arenotaccurate.Astheentiretransactionisincash,andinvolvessumsuptoR100
000,buyerstakeprecautionstoensuretheirprotection,bringingbodyguards,and
carryingarms.Themajorityofthebuyersdonotliveintheminingcommunities,but
in suburbs, although they do employ assistants who live locally, who will act as
middlemenfor thebuyers.Forbuyers, thereareother risks too: tradingwithouta
licenseisillegal,andbuyersarewaryofthepolice,whotheysayaremorelikelyto
confiscatetheirmoneyand/orgold,ratherthantoarrestthem.
4.3.Socialrealitiesandevery-daylifeinminingcommunities
Although the mining communities each have their own characteristics (in
termsofhousingstructures,populationsizesetc.),theysharecertaincharacteristics.
Thedrivewestof Johannesburg is ableakone,ona flat andbarrenpatchof land
dottedwithindustrialsitesandcrossingrailwaylineshewnintotheroad.Toaccess
oneofthecommunities,weturnsharplyfromthemainandbusyroadontoanarrow
strip,andduckbehindarowoftreestofindasteepbank,whereabout100people
aremillingaround,workingandsittingonpainttinsundertrees.Aminedumplurks
aheadofus,andwecanhearthecarswhizzby,onthebusyroadnearby.Thefirst
senseoftheplace,andonethatlingers,isthatofdeprivationandurgency.Informal
housing, dusty roads, children playing in asphalt, broken glass everywhere; yet
peopleworkingrapidly,organisingstructuressetuptofacilitatedrainage,grinding,
menwalkingacrossthefieldwithsacksofrock,womencarryingbucketsofwaterto
andfro,whilstothersstokeawoodfireontheground,preparingtocook.Itisbarely
10amandalreadytheplaceisheavingwithlife,productivityandenergy,allamidst
thepovertyandinformality.
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The desperation we find here is echoed in the story of a man we meet.
ArmindoisfromMozambique,andhetellsabouthisbrother,whowaskilledashort
while ago in the same area in which we sit, by other Mozambicans after being
accusedof sleepingwith anotherman’swife.We are told there is no trust in the
police here, and indeed the police are known infamously here for their common
raids, arrests and requests for gold. There is little faith in a government that is
ostensibly far removed from this area. No proper services of housing, healthcare,
water,educationorsanitationaretobefound.The2011censusnotesthatthereare
744 people living in an eight-square kilometre area, which is clearly a massive
undercount,eventoouruntrainedeyes.Censusesareseverely limitedbelowward
level, but regardless of this, the absence of any clear data on the area from
authoritiesoranyphysicalgovernmentservicesisastarkreminderoftheinvisibility
ofgovernment in thiscommunity,andtheresultantalternatenodesofpowerand
regulationthatexists.
Extra-maritalaffairsand‘jolling’(partying),asitsreferredto,arereportedto
be common. The reason we were told, is because of the compound life, where
people are living in close proximity to each other, and where unemployment is
widespread, which means that many young and older men spend the day sitting
outside,anddrinking.Poverty isanothercause,asminershavemoney,whichthey
arehappytospendonandsharewithpartners,leadingmanytoengageinmultiple
relationships.
Somemalezama-zamaenterintorelationshipswithlocalwomanwhoowna
low-cost government house, the so-called ‘RDP’ house, which litter the area. In
returnforaccommodation,heprovidesgroceriesandpaysschool fees. Ifheshirks
this responsibility, the relationship ends and he is ejected from the house, or as
respondentstoldus,“thewomanspitshimout”.Hethen“remembersthefamilyhe
had forgotten,” until he strikes it rich again in mining and takes up with a new
woman.
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One localmastaand,or landowner, told us about a neighbourwhose sons
and lodgershadanaltercation.Policewere called inbecause it began to circulate
that thehousewouldbepetrolbombed. Itemerged thata lodgerhaddiedat the
housesometimeago,andnoritualsofcleansingweredone,whichiswhythehouse
alwaysexperienced“trouble”.Themastaand saidshe tellsher lodgersshedoesn’t
want any police in her yard, because, at a neighbour’s house, the police came,
parkedtheirvehiclebehindherhouse, renteduniformstosomeonewhoposedas
anofficer,andwenttocollectgold,containingsoilfromazama-zama.
Gender
Women mainly work on the surface grinding, draining or running market
stalls where they sell food and wares to miners. Many have partners who work
underground, who will supply them with rocks. Others engage in transactional
relationships,includingsex,toensureasupplyofwork.
Therearestrongbeliefsandsocialnormsgoverninggender.Womenarenot
permitted to go underground, as thiswill anger the spirits, and result in death or
injury.An incidentretoldonthesurface isofacasewhereawomanattemptedto
enteramine, resulting ina rockfall thatkilled twenty-eightpeople.Alongside this,
there are other dangers too. Participants mentioned that women who go
undergroundriskbeingraped,whichledonewomantoresorttogoingunderground
onlywithhermalecousinsasherbodyguards.
Women in informal mining have been increasingly asserting their
independence. Some are syndicate leaders and employ men whom they pay at
regularintervals.Ayoungwomantoldusthatshehasemployedherformerteacher.
Some likeMaNcane fromZimbabwe startedworking at sixteenand today shehas
builtahomeandboughtseveralcows.Normally,shegoeshometwiceayear.Some
arebuyingresidentialstandsbackhome,anderectingimposinghouses.Onefemale
syndicateleadertoldusshewasthefirsttobrewteainM,whereothersfollowed.
Shecould,onagoodday,makeaboutR1500.
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Women usually begin as grinders. They may also engage in peripheral
activities, known as a support economy, viz. selling food, drinks or alcohol. One
femalebuyer,afterstartingasagrinder,usedhersavingsamountingtoR10000to
shifttierstobecomeabuyer.
There are alsomany female dealerswho supplyminerswith dynamite, an
important resourceneededtoblast rockunderground.They toldus that theydeal
with “hot” items, a colloquial name usually used for stolen goods, used to evade
police.Dynamitedealersoperateinhighlevelsofsecrecy.Unlikeotherminerswho
work as a team, the dynamite trade is a solitary one, which doesn’t require any
involvementofothers.Sincedynamiteisillegal,andalicenseisneededtobuyand
sell it, many buy it from Zimbabwe, and smuggle it across the border. One
participantwasoncearrestedatBeitBridgeBorderPostinpossessionofdynamite,
butwasbailedoutafteramonth,becauseshehadavalidpassportwithvisa,aswell
asafixedabode.Shepaida lawyerR12000andafineofR50000togainrelease.
Once inSouthAfrica,dynamite is stored in ‘safeplaces’whichwewere shown. In
order to trade, some women have informal trading stalls, which sell legitimate
goods, such as food. Dynamite is often bought on credit, and dealers risk non-
payment.
Otherrisksalsolurk:dynamiteisusedextensivelyinorganisedcrimeinSouth
Africa in thebankingsector,especially forATMrobberies.Thus,beingarrestedfor
thepossessionofdynamitecanleadtosuspicionofinvolvementinorganisedcrime
networks.Allthedealerswemet,however,saidthattheyonlysupplydynamiteto
miners.
Demandwaslowduringoutfieldwork,duetothemassarrestsofzama-zama
ashortwhileearlier.Therewasconfiscationofgoodsbypolice,andthenumerous
dealerswhohadenteredthetrade.Thedealersalsocomplainedofsnitching,which
isrife,givenrisebyjealousyamongstdealers.
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Womenintheminingcommunitiesareparticularlyvulnerabletocrime.Rape
andgang rapeare reported tohave spiked.Criminal gangsbreak into thehouses,
drag thewomanout to the bush, and rape her until dawn. For this reason, some
womenenterintorelationshipsofconveniencewithmenwhohavenotpaidlobola,
forprotectionandsecurity,andtobringanairof“respectability”tothehome.This
maynotbeenough.Criminalsmayrapethewomanortakeherhostageeveninthe
presenceofaman.Womencaninturnbeluredbycriminalsonthepretextofwork,
andgetrapedonceisolatedbeyondearshot.
Incidentsofdomesticabusewerereportedtous.Onewomanwasseverely
beatenbyherlive-inmalepartner,andhospitalised.Staffthereurgedhertoopena
domesticabusecaseagainsthim,butsherefused,citingherloveforherpartner.
Finally, women bear the major responsibility of childcare. There are no
registeredearlychildcarefacilitiesinanyofthethreeoftheareaswevisited.Inthe
fourth, a crèche was found to be severely overcrowded. Many mothers felt that
crècheswereunsafe,astherewerenotadequatequalifiedstaff,and,asonemother
putit,“alltheydoisplay-theylearnnothing”.Asaresult,manywomenworkwith
young children alongside them, someon their backs, as they grind and crush. For
schoolchildren, there are other problems: undocumented migrants, including
children could not able to access government schooling, and many send their
childrenhometoZimbabwetobecaredforbyextendedfamily.Splitfamilieswere
therefore the norm amongst our sample. Home visits are, furthermore, irregular,
andmaysometimesonlybetwiceayear.
Networksandeconomiesofaffinity
Thereisastrongsharedperceptionongoldamongstminers,whoholdthat
“gold lasts forever”. This represents the ‘value chain’ of informalmining,whereby
one bucket of gold can bring about income, and sustain the livelihoods of many
people, from underground workers to buyers and end users; a process which is
cyclical.Asonerespondentnoted:
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Themagwejabringgoldcontainingrocks,givethemtogrindersor
they lend themaphenduka, the payment is residues of the soil,
mavovo. Themaphenduka owner or grinders or drainage owners
processes the mavovo, leave them for others and so on. The
mavovo can be recycled for close to a decade, and the processor
still gets something from them. Thus, for zama-zama, gold lasts
forever’.
Despitethedeprivationofthe informalsettlements inwhichminingoccurs,
respondentsagreethatmining isprofitable,orasonesaid, ‘noonestarves’.Ofall
thesites,M,whichisthemostdenseintermsofpopulationanddangerousinterms
ofcrime,issaidtobetherichest,asithasthemostaccesstoshafts.
However, alongside the presence of profits lurk several challenges. The
amountofmoneymadedependson thepriceof gold, thequalityandquantityof
gold recovered, and the absence of any policy raid or criminal activity on the
business. Alongside this, competitionwithin the sector is stiff. Between 2012 and
2016,twonewsurfacesitesemergedintheareasinwhichweconductedresearch,
where respondents say that new members join the sector every day. One
Zimbabweanparticipanttoldusheisconsideringreturninghometostartafarming
andlivestockbusinessonceheraisesenoughcapital,ashisprofitshavediminished.
Nonetheless, we encountered as well as heard tell of zama-zama who have
prospered from informal mining. We saw miners driving expensive vehicles, and
others who had moved up the supply chain to become influential buyers. Those
zama-zama who have accumulated capital are known amongst the surface and
underground miners as “big shots”, who can afford to buy larger amounts of
mercury, cyanide, electric blasters, and dynamite. This enables them to become
“sponsors,”thatis,theycanfinancemagwejatogounderground.Themorecapital
thatisinvested,intermsofequipmentorlabour,thegreaterthereturn.
Miner attitudes to money earned from gold is, taken generally, complex.
Despite the significant amount of cash trading hands each day,miners appear to
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spendmoneyasquicklyastheyearnit.Partofthisstemsfromabeliefarticulatedby
severalrespondentsthatmoneyearnedfromgoldmustbespentandenjoyed,and
not save,where to do sowould be bad luck. Rather, there is a shared belief that
spendingmoney leads tomoremoneybeingearned.Thereareother reasons too:
many said that theydonot knowhow to budget, thatmoney flowing in regularly
doesn’trequirethemtosave,andthatmostdon’thavebankaccounts,duetoalack
ofdocumentationwhichresultsincashbeingbothkeptandspenteasily.Almostall
the respondents stated that spending large sumsofmoneyquicklywas thenorm,
and that contingency simplymeantone couldearnmore if needed. This reaffirms
the earlier sentiment expressed by thosewe interviewedwho spoke of gold as a
mannerofinfiniteresource.
Consequently, many are severely indebted to informal loan sharks or
mashonisa.The interestattachedto the loanranges fromfiftypercent toseventy-
five percent. Some mashonisa follow clients who no longer need a loan, and
persuadethemintoborrowingbysaying,“myfriend,didwefightthatyounolonger
cometome?”Minersrefertomashonisaloansas“analbatrossaroundournecks”.
Participants recounted thatmashonisa loans keepone inperpetualdebt, and that
failure to honour loans has dire consequences, including physical harm by the
mashonisaortheirbodyguards,orthedestructionoftheirproperty.
SocialRelationshipsinMiningCommunities
Zama-zama enter informal mining through a network of connections. For
migrants, entry into South Africa begins with work in low-skilled or informal
employment,suchasdomesticwork,construction,insmallshopsorsecurity,where
wages are low, typically aroundR2000-R3000 amonth,where hours are long and
exploitationbyemployersisrife.
Graduallymanybecomedissatisfied,especiallyas theyrealise thehighcost
of living in Johannesburg. Through word of mouth, from friends, kin, and
compatriots,many of our respondents turn to informalmining,wherewages and
incomearebetter.Somebegintheworkpart-time,goingintoshaftsontheweekend
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orduringlullsintheirparttimeemployment,butsoonrealisetheycanmakemore
money in informal mining. As one participant related, once he had in only one
weekendmadetheequivalenttohismonthlypayasasecurityguard,hedecidedto
becomeafulltimezama-zama.Sincemanyofourrespondentswereundocumented
ordidn’thaveworkpermits,theyfacedlimitedlabourmarketoptions.
Forlocals,highunemploymentinurbanandruralareasdrivesmanytoseek
employmentandopportunityinJohannesburg.AmongstSouthAfricanrespondents,
there were those who worked informally, trading at street corners and doing
construction, before moving to ASM for the same financial reasons as migrants.
Others (including three non-nationals) had been involved in industrial mining for
decades,where,onceretrenched,theytookupASM.
All the respondents agreed that informalminingoffers a greater degreeof
controloverhoursofworkandincomelevel.Asignificantnumbercomewithnoidea
abouttheintricaciesofminingandminingeconomies.Skillsandknowledgeisfreely
shared,wheretherecipientsbecomeexpertsandinturnsharewhattheyknowwith
newcomers.
The knowledge economies of informal mining are therefore organic and
collective. Informal mining relies heavily on teamwork, collaboration and
cooperation. For example, at a drainage owned by a Shangani man from
Mozambique,thereareShanganifromMozambique,SouthAfricaandZimbabwe.In
someworkspaces,thereareamixtureofpeoplefromdifferentareasandcountries,
andtheysharebothknowledgeandproceeds.
But this is despite the very real challenges that exist. Inone site there is a
denseconcentrationofpeople ina small area.Theminingcommunitiesaremulti-
ethnicandmulti-national.Participantsdescribeditasa“compoundwheredifferent
kinds of people live”.Within this space there is an abundance of alcohol, flowing
freelyatallhoursoftheday,leadingtosquabbles,fightsandmoreviolentformsof
confrontation,whichcanend indeath.Alongside this, thevastamountsofmoney
thatflowthroughtheareaalsocreatesstrongrivalries,tensionsandjealousies.
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Under these conditions nonetheless, networks of solidarity and affinity
permeate.Wetalkedtoamanwithascaronhis face,a resultofanunderground
accident.Hespentalmostayearinhospitalasaresult,andwhenweaskedhowhe
survived economically during that time, he waved his hand around and said, “all
thesepeoplehelpedme.”
Police
Policebrutalityandharassmentwererecurrentthemesintheconversations
weheldwiththeparticipants.Policeaccusethezama-zamaofstealingthecountry’s
mineralresources,anallegationzama-zamacounter,becausetheybelievethegold
is inabandonedshaftsminedbytheirownhardwork,andthatthemoney isused
locally, where it necessarily boosts local economies. They argue too that former
criminalshaverecoursetoanhonestlivinginthedecisiontobecomezama-zama.
If caught,policedemandbribes ranging fromR20-R1000,whichmeans it is
necessarytoalwayscarrymoneytobribethepolice,aminertellsus.Policearesaid
tobreakintostoreroomsandconfiscateequipment,personalbelongings,andeven
thesoilwhich theysell tootherminers.Somepoliceareevensaid to,on theiroff
dutydays,entertheshaftstominegoldthemselves.Participantssaythepolicehave
cometorealisethatthesoilitselfcontainslotsofmoney.Inthiswaytoo,thepolice
areentangledintotheminingeconomies,withsomesaidtoresisttransfertopolice
stations far away from the mining communities for fear of the loss of attendant
opportunity.
Confiscationofequipmentisahugesetbackfortheminers,whohavetostart
afresh. Thus, it is necessary for one to have savings somewhere.Whenpolice see
toolslikenylontowelsusedindrainages,chisels,hammersandmaperengende(rags
used asworkwear bymagweja) they take them and accuse the owners of being
illegal miners. When police see a ‘dirty-looking’ person, they ask them for an
ID/passportandlayachargeofillegalmining,evenifthereisnotangibleevidenceof
such. The social life of clothing,maperengende, is instructive here. It is enough
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reason forone tobearbitrarily stoppedandsearchedbypolice.Drainageworkers
buy nylon towels from shops in Roodepoort, and the shop owners aswell as the
itinerantsellerspreferanonymitytoavoidthepolice.
Thepolicealsoconfiscatesoil,whichtheythenselltogrindersfromwhichto
profit.When they stopandsearchpeople, they takepersonalbelongings like cash
and cell phones, orwhatever is on the person. The victims have no recourse and
cannot report it because they are undocumented. At police stations, the police
demanddocumentationwhen theminersare reportinga crime. Inone incident,a
police member had taken R5000 from a storeroom, which he claimed was from
proceeds of illegalmining. One participant told us that a policeman took her cell
phoneandtablet;whenshereportedthematterwithherdocumentation,shewas
toldtobringawitness.Thisunderscoresthesenseofvoicelessnessthatthezama-
zama attest to, where, since they are considered illegal and criminal, they have
nowheretoreporttheirgrievances.
Those arrested for illegal mining activities face legal challenges, because
manyhavenodocumentstoproveapermanentaddress.Thiscomplicateseffortsat
a bail application,where for example,we followed the story of threeminerswho
stayedsixmonthsinprisonbeforereceivingabailhearing.
A South African house owner related an incident where the amabherete
(members of Tactical Response Team) were investigating possession of an illegal
firearm at a house across the street. The police took R800 from a cabinet in the
house. One woman photographed them as they were doing so, at which they
remanded her phone, only to break it. There is a perception that police are
exploitingpeopleinthearea,especiallytheinformalminers.Relationsbetweenthe
policeandthecommunityaretenseasaresult.
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Relationships
Thereare complex relationshipswithinmining communities, a combination
of transactional sex, inequality, patriarchy, abuse, agency and a response to the
prevailingsocioeconomicvulnerabilitythatcommunitiesface.
ParticipantsstatedthatmigrantmenwhocometoSouthAfricaalonealways
findapartnerinthecommunity.Whentheirspousesfollow,theyfindthemanina
relationshipwithanother,leadingtohostility,physicalaltercations,andviolence.We
attended a court hearing of an arrested miner in central Johannesburg. A small
groupoffriendsandfamilyhadgatheredoutsidethecourtroomastheywaitedfor
themattertobescheduled.Itthenemergedthatthearrestedminerhadtwowives,
neitherofwhomhadknownabouttheother,leadingtoloudshoutsandarguments
betweenthetwowomenatthecourthouse.Thefirstwifewasadynamitesupplier,
whohadconsiderablemoneyofherown,andhadhireda lawyertorepresenther
husband.Weweretold itwaswomenlikethesewhowere“too independent”and
“nolongerrespectedtheirmen”.
Nevertheless, at all the research siteswe visited, thereweremorewomen
visible at all hours than men. Together with the money that miners make, the
protectionamancanprovide,andtheresultantaccesstogoldthatsurfaceworkers
cantapinto,thereisfiercecompetitionamongstwomenforrelationshipswithmen.
Afteryetanotherpoliceraidinonesite,whichincludedtheconfiscationofsoil,we
witnessedtheincreasedcompetitionamongsurfaceworkersforwork.Somewomen
providedsexualfavourstomagweja,whichallowedthemtobethefirsttoreceive
thesoil,sincethemagwejaprefertogivethesoiltotheirgirlfriends.
The woman enters a relationship with a man even if she knows he has
multiple sexual partners, or is “diseased”, which is the colloquial word used to
discuss a person livingwithHIVorAIDS.One female participant told us people in
mining communities live as if a “film” life, where female zama-zama sleep with
different kinds of men at a frequent rate, so that they could supplement their
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 33
income. The exposure to disease rotating in a sexual network, which is also an
economicworknetwork,isestimatedtobehigh,andadditionalresearchisneeded
tounderstandtheextentofHIVinthecommunity.
RelationsbetweenSouthAfricansandnon-nationals
Participants say xenophobia is almost non-existent in the areas we
researched.Thereasonismainlybecausenon-nationalshavecometoplayacrucial
economicroleinthesecommunities,whichsurvivefromthespin-offsofmining.For
example,amastaandinoneareaearnsuptoR5000amonthinrentalstomigrants;
thisislucrative,andmanyhaveorareextendingbackyardshackstoprovidefurther
housing. Another factor is that miners are physically tough, which provides a
measureofpotentialsecurity.Oneparticipantsaidtheminersare“heroes”,whoare
fearlessandhavethephysicalcapacitytofightbackagainstcriminals.However,one
female dynamite dealer told us that she had concealed her occupation from her
landlord, and that few Zimbabwean compatriots who were jealous of her,
subsequentlyinformedthelandlord,whopromptlyincreasedherrent.
WespokewithoneSouthAfricanmastaandwhohas lived inM for twenty
years. She has six lodgers from Zimbabwe, Malawi and South Africa who live as
“brothers and sisters” and prefer to rent to migrants, as they pay rent on time.
Migrants are perceived to be diligent, and are seen to be assisting in local
livelihoods,sothemastaandalwaysstrivetoprotectthemfromthepolice.Thus,if
any outsiders including the police attack migrant miners, the community rallies
behindthem.
A similar sentiment emerges amongst taxi drivers. Miners said that a few
years ago, they would find it difficult to get into a taxi as people and drivers
complained of their appearance,whichwas understandably dishevelled and dirty,
afterdaysunderground. This changedasminersbegan topaymore for taxi fares,
causing drivers to begin to compete for the lucrative opportunity of fetching the
magwejafromtheshafts.
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 34
Through close living arrangements, an integrated local economy, a shared
fear and risk of crime, police and poverty, and inter-marriages and relationships,
non-nationalsareseenaskin,in-lawsandfamily,soSouthAfricanstolerateandeven
openly accept them. During conversations with locals, the term amaborder was
used, which refers to non-nationals who temporarily stay in others’ houses, a
designation thatharksback to themoreestablished traditionof rural lodgers that
havecharacterisedtheinformalsettlementsandtownshipsacrossSouthAfrica.This
was an affinity of sorts tomigrants, and is welcome respite from the hostile and
derogatorySouthAfricantermmkwerekwere(atermofuncertainetymology).
Intheseways,lifegrindsby,markedbyspikesofwealthandthe“highlife”a
minermadewhonow“drivesaHummerand lives in town”,of loose relationships
builtonthesurfaceanddeeperbondsoftrustforgedunderground,andofnetworks
of affinity and convenience. There is as mentioned, the constant threat of police
brutality,ofjealousyandopportunisticallyspurredcrime,offamilyandfriendswho
socialise and argue, of family responsibility at home and here. There are
partnerships and sexual encounters as if “from the films” of flashy cars, the
omnipresenceofloansharksoncegoldisfound,andofcourse,allbalancedonthe
ever-presence of danger for the miner who goes underground and who might
indeednotcomebackup.
4.4.Health,WellbeingandHazards
Informalmining is highlyhazardous– fromundergrounddigging to surface
work.Therisksnotonlyemanatefromthenatureofthework,butalsofromfactors
surroundingthework,wheretheaccrualofmoneyitselfattractsrisk.
Respondentsfurthermorereportedarangeofillnesseswithwhichtheywere
burdened,including:STD’s,TB,andHIV/AIDS,rashes,allergiesandchestpains.
Ontheonehand,thereare injuriescausedbythework itself.Ontheother
hand, there are risks linked with and to the occupation. Thus, we see an
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 35
interconnectionbetweenwork and the social and legal environment inwhich it is
undertaken, including for example, crime, unfair treatment at health centres, and
arrestsinhospitals.
Undergroundwork is highlydangerous.Althoughmagwejawearprotective
gear like helmets, overalls and gloves, they sometimes neglect safety measures
because it leads to police to be able to identify them as zama-zama. Given the
narrowtunnels theyhave tonavigateunderground, somecrawlon their stomachs
forgreatlengthsuntiltheirbodiesarescratchedandbleeding.Therearethensome
peoplewho cookundergroundusing primus stoves,which release a toxic gas and
manycomeoutcoughing.Thereisaplaceattheendofthetunnelcalledphelamoya,
meaningthereisnoairoroxygeninthatparticulararea.Undergroundwaterisalso
dirty. Although themagweja believe this area is rich in gold deposits, it is also
dangerous.Theysendoneof their teamstodo thedigging,whileotherspumpair
usingapipeandplasticbag.
Concerns about safety underground lie somewhere between myth, belief,
the real and the pragmatic; in otherwords, between the sacred and the profane.
Whilemining companies left support pillars in the tunnels the constructed, some
magwejaaresaidtojustdigandtakerocksorsoilwithoutfixingthepillarsthathold
back loose rocks, so vigilance is always required. Since there is little order
undergroundbetweenteams,somezama-zamadodiggingthatendangersothers.If
there is an accident underground, tools are downed, and the injured or dead are
brought to the surface, after which no-one is allowed to continue working until
ritualsareperformedtocleansetheshaft.
Above ground, there are a number of factors thatmake thework difficult.
Inclementweather,especiallyduringtherainyseason,affectstheworkofprocessing
whatisbroughtupbytheminersforsale.Surfaceworkers,likegrinders,alsowork
withnomasks,exposingthemtolargeamountsofdust inhalation.Onbeingasked
whytheydon’twearmasks,participantssaidtheyarenotusedtothem,orexplain
that when there are police raids, the masks identify them to police as targets.
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 36
Grinders complain of chest pains, back aches andpainful joints. Themagweja are
susceptibletoTBaswell,becauseofundergrounddust.Theyreporttheirsalivato
bedarkenedbythedustthey inhalewhileworking.Participantstoldustheyoffset
theeffectsbydrinkingfreshmilk,whichtheybelievecleansthebody.Whenfemale
grindersfallpregnant,theirworkbecomesallthemoredifficult,butmostcontinue
working,which increases the risks to their unborn children, includingmiscarriage.
Femaleparticipantssaytherearenoclinicsnearbyatwhichtoseekoutassistance,
and that theyget contraceptives fromZimbabwe,which theyprefer to localones.
Sanitarypadsaremeanwhile soldby thehawkerswhodobusiness in thearea. In
oneofthesites,amobilepublichealthcarefacilityisavailableonceamonth,which
providesHIVtesting,andhealthcareadvice.
Participantscomplainabouttheunfairtreatmenttheyreceivewhenableto
attendhealthcentreselsewhere.Non-nationalsreportspendingmanyhoursbefore
they are helped.When one goes to hospital, they don’t give their address in the
mining communities,because thenursesdiscriminateagainst them, saying “zama-
zamaareaproblem”.Whenanartisanalminerisinjuredundergroundandistaken
toahospital,theyareobligedtosaythattheywereinjureddoingcontractwork,as
there have been reports of police arresting injured miners even from within the
confinesof thehospital.Nursesaresaid toberudeto them, forexampleaccusing
non-nationalsofhavingtoomanychildrenandburdeningthehospital.Aparticipant
told us that a woman was once stabbed and then taken to the hospital by her
mastaand, and wasn’t attended to until the following morning, where she was
stitchedupwithoutanaesthetic,merelytoldbynursestoclenchherteeththrough
the ordeal. Non-nationals are, wewere told,made to pay R310-R900 for women
deliveringbabies. Inaddition,documentationisdemandedbeforeanytreatmentis
provided,eveninemergencies.
To counter this, respondents turn to a range of alternative healthcare
solutions. Some participants, Zimbabwean doctors in particular, prefer private
medical practitioners.One female participant told us that she “googles symptoms
andsignsofdisease”.Othersconsulttraditionalhealers.
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 37
4.5.Myths,Mythologies,BeliefSystemsandPragmaticRealities
AsangomawespoketocalledNaZinhle,toldusthat,sincegoldisassociated
with spirits, when one comes into money, one is obliged to do a ritual of
thanksgiving– sprinkling snuff andofferingbeer – and should then let themoney
‘sleepover’,beforeusingit.
Beliefs andmyths are strongly embedded in perception of informalminers
and the practices of informal mining in Johannesburg. Many miners seek the
assistance and intervention of sangomas, traditional healers, and/or apostolic
churchestoreceiveprayersforhealthandgoodfortune.
This belief and its accompanying rituals is driven by an underlying
understandingoftheownershipovermineralresources.Miners,andthoselivingin
thefourresearchcommunities,allsharedtheconvictionthatgoldisassociatedwith
spirits,andownedandcontrolledbywaterspirits,callednzuzu.Thenzuzuemanate
from deep water pools, and enter the mines, controlling all that it contains. The
nzuzu move through the labyrinth of the underground mine followed by water,
whichexplainsthefloodinginthetunnelsthatminersoftenencounter.
Thesespiritsmanifestindifferentforms,liketheso-calledmissus,oraswhite
womenorchickens,andothermystical forms,althoughthemostcommonarethe
snakes,oramalinda.Thesecontrolthewealthofthemines.Particularritualshaveto
beconductedtoappeasethesnakes,includingmakingofferingsoffood,andabiding
by certain norms to avoid ill fortune, injury or death. Whenmagweja abandon
injuredordeadcolleaguesunderground,thisangerstheamalinda,whoaresaidto
consider itheartless,whoadminister theirpunishmentthroughrockfallsandother
disasters,thatleadtoaccidentsunderground.
Miningforgold isstronglyassociatedwithpurity;oneshouldnotbe“dirty”
when going underground and one should have a “pure heart” because the nzuzu
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 38
spiritsinsistoncleanliness.Thosewhoentershaftsinpossessionofmutiaresaidto
jeopardise others. Certain rules and regulations like refraining from pap ormeat,
wearingcharms,andnotsleepingwithawoman,needtobeobservedinorderfor
theartisanalminertobe‘pure’whenenteringthemines.Furthermore,snuffneeds
tobeplacedattheentranceofeachtunnelandsilvercoinsthrownonthefloorasan
offeringtothespirits.
We were told a story of huge snake called Mandela, whose head or tail
cannot be seen due to its enormous length. Mandela crosses the tunnels at
particulartimes.Onceunderground,onehastowaitfor ittopass.Theareathat it
leavesbehindisrichwithgold.Fourpeopleareknowntohavebenefittedfromthis
knowledge.
The sangoma NaZinhle insists that the snakewill, when upset or angered,
release an asphyxiating gas, known asphelamoya, which causes rocks to fall, and
thatthesnakehurlsrocksatminers,orevenbreathesfire.Minersknowthesmellof
the gas andwhen they sense it, they know the snake is nearby. They thus adjust
theirworkplansandjourneysaccordingly.
However,afewofourrespondentsreportedthatattimesitisnotpossibleto
retreatormoveawaysafelywhenthegasissmelt.Thegascausesthemtobecome
weak, lethargic, and affects their breathing. Some said that to counter this,water
mustbetaken,butotherssaythatmosttendtopanicand,inahastetoescape,are
indangerofsmashingtheirheadsagainstlow-hangingrocks.
Zama-zamabelievethat“strikingitrich”isdependentpurelyonluckandthat
fortunes are not granted equally. Some people use charms andmuti like one old
man,who, if positionedat the frontof the lineunderground,will get all thegold,
where thosewho follow find nothing. Themagweja have resolved that he should
alwaysbethelastinthequeue.Malawiansareforbiddenunderground,becausethe
Zimbabwean magweja, in particular, believe Malawians possess potent charms,
whichleadothersnottobeabletofindanythingwhentheymine.AlltheMalawian
malerespondentswetalkedtoworkonthesurfaceasgrinders.Thecompulsionfor
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 39
magwejatoreturnundergrounddespitetherisks,isdrivenbythebeliefthatfurther
riches await them. This is not dissimilar to the early pioneering spiritwhichdrove
miningexplorationinthecountryacenturyandahalfago.
Some participants told us that during the time of industrial mining
operations,thesnakeswouldwriteanamountofmoneyonthebackofaminer,and
theminemanagementwasobligedtoawardthatminerthatamountofmoney.He
wouldthenleavethemines.Ifoneisfavouredbythespirits,awhitewomanappears
in the shaft, takes their hand, and shows them a place richwith gold deposits. A
failure to act collectively, by hastening to get all the gold for oneself, leads to
accidents,andminersarenotallowedtotakeitall,butinsteadareobligedtoleave
somebehind,sincegreedisasourceofprovocationtotheamalinda.
Times of bad fortune, whether due to increased police patrols and
harassment,oralackofbuyers,areattributedtomamhepo/bhadi.Thisrequiresthe
minerstocleansethemselvesbygoingtoMasowe,orsangoma,orgettingcleansed
in their home country. Underground accidents happen especially whenmagweja
strikeabeltandgetgreedy,orwhenpeopleentertheshaftswithforbiddenmaterial
likedrugs,bottles,weaponsandguns.Theamalindadonotlikesmokeunderground,
and retaliate by letting off their own smoke, which, however, is sometimes is
harmless.
Minersliveundertheconstantthreatoffallingrocks.Inthiscase,ritualslike
sprinkling snuffon thegroundandpouring traditionalbeer arenecessary to avert
calamities.Somezama-zamasprinklesnuffontheground,offercoinsandtalkwith
their ancestors and the spirits of themines for protection and good fortune.We
were told some days were off-limits in mines when rituals were conducted.
Participantswhohadworkedinindustrialmining,suchasthewhitemanagersofthe
miningcompanies,understoodthenecessityofrituals.Theminingcompaniesused
to send young virgins draped in white dustcoats underground with offerings of
trunksofmoneytothesnakesthatwouldeatthem,andcontinuetogivegold.For
three days, the mines would be closed. This was usually done in September and
October.
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 40
NaZinhle, who offers spiritual services to the mining communities, said
amalindasometimesclosetheshaftsindemandofsacrifices,suchasagoat,money
and beer, which are then undertaken in appeasement. Not just any ordinary
sangomacandotheceremonies;theirdloziorspirit,hastobeinspiritualresonance
withthenzuzuspirit.Thesangomacanpredictdangerandwarntheminers,but if
theydon’theedthewarning,tragicincidentshappen.NaZinhletoldussheoncetold
theminers to sacrificeawhitegoat,but theydidn’t listen. Shortlyafterwards, the
LanglaagteincidenthappenedinSeptember2016,inwhichatleasttwominerswere
killed,while three remained trapped underground for twoweeks, and eventually,
threewerearrested.
Following the Langlaagte incident, therewas a clampdown on zama-zama.
Wevisited the shaftearlyonemorning,whenonlya zama-zamasecurityguard,a
gentle old man from KwaZulu-Natal, stood at the entrance. The area is accessed
throughapublicparkthatisnowinastateofdilapidation.Itisstrewnwithlitterand
usedcondoms,discardedbatterypacks,shoesfromminers,andtheairisheavywith
asenseofdeath.Afewmenfromthepolicedepartmentandminerescueservices
werealsoaround,distributingapoorly-writtennotice,statingthattheshaftwould
besealedinaweek’stime.Theymadeagreatshowofescortingusout,threatingto
arrestaZimbabweancolleagueforaskingtoomanyquestions,andlockingthegate
behindus.As themendroveaway in theiroff-roadvehicles,we lingerednear the
entrance. Gradually, the security opened a small gate on the side, zama-zama
emergedfromthebushes,andjumpedoverthehalf-brokenwall,andwefollowed
them inside toward the shaft. Theauthorities closed themine inaneffort to curb
informalminingactivities.Butthezama-zamaallegethatwhenashaft isclosed, it
suffocates the underground network, because the mine spirits need to breather.
Failuretoopenashaftcanleadtoitexploding,orcavingin.Withinaweek,theshaft
was sealed, amidst much medial attention. The DMR, mine rescue services, and
policecongratulatedeachotherona jobwelldone.Down the road, less than100
metres away, tuckedbehindadump, another shafthadalreadybeenopenedand
undergroundactivitycommenced,astheirfanfarecontinuedonthesurface.
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 41
5.Conclusion
Artisanal small-scalemining in Johannesburg is a complexwebof relations,
danger, and risk, operatingwithin and response to extreme conditions of poverty
and unemployment, of urban marginality, a sophisticated economy that provides
opportunity; a criminalisedactivitywith strong threadsof illegalityand informality
weavingthroughworkers,suppliers,buyers,andgoods.Thisreporthasexploredthe
surface of the sector, where, through personal narratives and extensive
ethnographicfieldwork,ithasmerelybeguntocaptureasmallpartofthiscomplex
economyandthecommunitieswhichconstituteandsurroundit,andaresustained
byit.Whilstinnowayconclusiveordeclaratory,afewtentativeassessmentscanbe
madehere.
First,ASMispoorlyunderstoodinpolicyframeworks,amongststakeholders
and in thebroaderpublicdiscourse inSouthAfrica.At itsheart, theworkdoneby
miners in the research is an informal livelihood, undertaken at enormous risk to
themselves. It is in response to limited employment opportunities, a restrictive
regulatoryenvironment,andeconomicneed.Inthis light,theinformaleconomyas
defined by Chen (2006) can be found to strongly resonatewith the nature of the
work,thewaysinwhichandconditionsunderwhichitisundertaken(viz.withbasic
equipment outside of regulatory framework, with no access to social security,
banking or financial services, andwith direct and indirect health and safety risks),
andisevidencedfurthermorebythestigmaattachedtoit.
Second, as an informal and largely individualised economic activity, there
exists strong structures, systems, organisations, and collective action which are
intriguing from labour relations, collective bargaining, and organisational systems
perspectives.Embeddedintheseprocessesaresocialandculturalnormsofgender,
nationality, work ethics and trust. For labour scholars, this provides a fascinating
insight into how modes of production in the informal economy are developed,
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 42
negotiated and maintained under conditions of extreme stress, and completely
outsideoflegalororganisationalframeworks.
Third, there is the longer and broader geography of ASM,which stretches
theimmediatephysicalareasinwhichitisdone,andthecontemporaryperiod.This
isreflectedinthesupplychainsoflabourandgoods,theknowledgepasseddownby
generations of industrial and small-scale miners, and the onward production and
saleofminedgold.Yet,italsoreflectstherelationshipandperceptionsminershave
of gold, as much as the environment in which gold is mined and sold. This
approachesanalmostKantianapproachtotheanalysisofASM,as itdescribesand
interprets peoples’ relationships with the physical environment and with one
another,inwhichthereexistsamoralgeographyofnormsandunequalrelationsin
theformofmentalmaps.
Fourth,ASMasacontemporaryurbanactivity is rooted in long-heldbeliefs
andtraditionsthatgovernitsoperations.Here,theroleofmythology,oftraditional
healers, and of spirits’ needs are understood in their contexts, as part of the
everydayrealityofminers.Inthissense,thebeliefs,andritualsassociatedwithASM
can be explained as a sort of culturalmaterialism, thatmake sense to thosewho
engage in it, andwhich canbe rationalisedbyexamining theunderlying causesof
theritualsandbeliefs(Harris1968).
In summary, the people, power, economies, places, practices and
perceptions we found in this study, relating to wealth, employment, natural
resources, policing, gender, social norms, violence, opportunity and risk are, we
argue, amicrocosm of life on the urban periphery in post-apartheid South Africa.
Facingmultiple levelsofexclusionandprecarityatsocial,physical,andlegal levels,
constrainedbyaneconomythatstubbornlyfailstokeeptrackofaburgeoningurban
population, living ina space thatoften fallsoff thegovernment radar for services,
theminers,theirfamiliesandthecommunityinwhichtheyliveareusingASMasa
tooltoclingonandsurvive.
SecurityattheMargins:www.theseamproject.org 43
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