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1969

An Empirical Study of Self-Reported Delinquencyand Occupational Values.Eugene Milton JohnsonLouisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College

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Recommended CitationJohnson, Eugene Milton, "An Empirical Study of Self-Reported Delinquency and Occupational Values." (1969). LSU HistoricalDissertations and Theses. 1549.https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/1549

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69 -17,113

JOHNSON, Eugene Milton, 1931- AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY AND OCCUPATIONAL VALUES.

Louisiana State University and Agricultural and M echanical C ollege, PluD., 1969 Sociology, general

University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, M ichigan

AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY

AND OCCUPATIONAL VALUES

A Dissertation

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty oF Louisiana State University and

Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

inThe Department of Sociology

by

Eugene Milton Johnson B.A., Louisiana State University, 1953

• D», The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1956 M.A>, Louisiana State University, 1960

January, 1969

Aux femmes qui m'entourent,

Esther and Lore,

Belinda, Jennifer, and Deborah

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The writer i* grateful to many individual■ for helping to make

this atudy poaaiblo and wiahea to m k a the following acknowledgements*

Particularly ia the writer indebted to hia advisor, Or* Vara

Andreasen of tha Department of Sociology at Louisiana State University,

for aasistance during the preparation of thia Manuscript* An expres­sion of gratitude goes to other members of tha graduate committee oho gave a general orientation to tha fields of sociology and psychology

and guidance in planning for thia study* Indebtedness is acknowledged to Doctors Walfrid Jokinen, Vernon Parenton, George Wilber, Robert Vidulich, and Rex Enoch*

In order to conplete this study it was necessary to enlist the

aid of a large number of persons* The author would like to express his

appreciation particularly to Mrs* Aunnie Lae Webb, Head of the Visiting

Teachers of the Baton Rouge Parish School Board, who made arrangements

for the researcher to give the questionnaire to eighth grade boys in

two parish schools| to Judge J* Lenton Sartain for permission to use the

facilities of tha Family Court of Baton Rouge; to Mr* C* Paul Phelps, Jr*, Chief Probation Officer of Family Court, and Mias Margarat Vick, assistant Chief Probation Officer of Family Court, who assisted in plan­

ning and executing that portion of the study concerned with the young men on probation at family court; and to the principals, guidance coun­

selors, and staffs at Glasgow Junior High end Glen Oaks Junior High

School, for their aid in administering the questionnaire to a number of

their students*

iii

For assistance in putting tha Manuscript in its final fora tha

aritar ia indabtad to Mias Linda Taylor, graduata assistant at Furaan Univaraity, and to Mrs* Margarat Garratt, typist, both of whoa Main­

tained a aonsa of good huaor and patisncs ahila attaapting to aaat an

iaposaibla schadula*A vary apaeial expression of gratitude goes to those, vary close

to the writer, who have inspired and givan encourageaent for Many yaara

in this educational quest — his parents, Mr* and Mrs* R* M* Johnson, and his beloved wife, Lora*

Greenville, South Carolina Eugene Milton JohnsonJuly, 1968

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PACEACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................... ill

TABLE OF CONTENTS ....................................... v

LIST OF T A B L E S ........................................... viiiA B S T R A C T ................................................. xii

CHAPTER PACEI. THE P R O B L E M .................................. 1

Introductory Statoaent • • • • • • • • • • • 1

Relevant Sociological Litaraturo • • • • • 4Tha cultural tranaaieaion tradition • • • 4Tha anoaia tradition • • • • • • • • • • • 14

Subcultura thaory ........... • • > • • • 19

Major contributora.............. • • . . 19

Two thaaaa ............................ 20

The poaition of delinquents in tha

aocial structure .................... 28

The group nature of delinquency • • • 35Tha delinquency aubculture • • • • 35An alternative view • • • • • • • • 39

Theoretical Schoaa • • • • • • • • • • • 43Neutralization of Values • • • • • • • • 43Juvenile delinquency and eubterranaanvalues • ......... • • • • • • • • • 48

Stataaant of tha Problem • • • • • • • • 55

v

CHAPTER PACE

II. METHODOLOGY « . . . 58Raaaarch daaign • • • • • • • • 58

Maaaura af valuaa . . . . . . . . . . . . 58Maaaura of aocio-aconoaiic laval • • • • • 64Maaaura of dalinquancy.......... 67Maaaura of attitudaa • • • • • • • • ■ • • 72

Attitudaa ralating to occupational choica and aork 74

Attitudaa toaard dalinquancy . . . . . . 74Quaationnaira daaign ........... . . . . . . 75Raaaarch procaduraa 79Salactad charactariatica of tha aaapla

population .......... • • • • • • • 83III. SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS LEVEL AND SELF-REPORTED

DELINQUENCY................................ 8 6

Socio-aconoaic atatua laval . • • • « • • • 8 6

Salf-raportad dalinquancy • • • • • • • • . 93IV. OCCUPATIONAL VALUES AND DELINQUENCY .......... 107

Occupational valuaa . . • • « • • • • • • • 107Valua oriantationa • • • • • . • • • • • 114

Occupational valuaa and aalf-raportdddalinquancy ............... • • • • • • • 118"Paopla-oriantacf valuaa and aalf-raportad

dalinquancy • • • . . 1 1 8

vi

CHAPTER PAGE

"Extrinaic-raaard" valuaa and aalf-raportad dalinquancy • • * • • • • • • 119

"Salf-axpraaaion" valuaa and aalf-

raportad dalinquancy • • • • • • • • • 1 2 0

"Eaay-aay-aut" valuaa and aalf-raportad

dalinquancy .............. 1 2 2

V. VALUES AND ATTITUDES 124Attitudaa toaard intarparaonal ralationa • • 124

Faith in paopla and accupational valuaa • 125Faith in paopla and aalf-raportad

dalinquancy........................ 131Attitudaa toaard dalinquancy • ......... 133

Attitudaa toaard auccaaa and tha futura • • 137Succaaa • • 137

Luck or Contacta .......... 144

Tha Futura ........... • • • • • • • • • 145VI* Suaoary and Concluaiona • . . . 147

Tha Problaa .............. • 147Nathodology • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 155Eapirical findinga and concluaiona • • • • • 157

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................. 172APPENDIX ................................................. 195VITA ..................................................... 215

vii

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PACE

I* Selected Occupationa by Dacila Rank andSocio-Economic Indax ......... • • • • • • • 6 6

II* Thraa Croupa Claaalfiad According to Ago • • • 84

III* Distribution of Rsapondsnts by Socio-

Econoaic Indax and Dacila S e a l s ............. 8 8

IV* Socio-Econoaic Indax for Major Occupation

Croups and Distribution of Thraa RasaarchGroqps in Each • • • • • • • • .......... .. 89

V* Distributisn of Rsapondsnts by Plus Collar -

Whits Collar Status Lavala ................. 92VI* Distribution of Raspondants by Thraa

Social Status Lavala • • • .......... • • • • 93VII* Distribution of Dalinquancy Scala Types

for Thraa Raaaarch Samples • * • • • • . • • 98

VIII* Dalinquancy by Schools and Adjudicated Delin­quents* Self-Reported Behavior as tha Cri­terion for Dalinquancy • • • • ............. 102

IX* Distribution of Respondents by Salf-Raportod

Dalinquancy and Socio-Econosiic Status • • • • 103X. Percentage of All Raspondants Ranking "Require­

ments for Choice of Occupation" According to Importance • • • • • • • • • • • • * • • . » 108

vlii

TABLE PAGE

XI* Distance Betaean Valuaa Coaputad byCoafflclant of Aaaoclatian ............... 112

XII* Occupational Valua Oriontation Madian

Scoras for Thraa Groupa • .............. 117XIII* Dlatribution of "People-Orientod" Median

Scoroa by Aaount of Self-Roported

Dalinquancy .............................. 119

XIV* Dlatribution of "Extrlnaic-Raaord" Median

Scoraa by Aaount of Self-ReportedDalinquancy • • • • • * • • • 120

XV* Dlatribution of "Self-Expraaeion" Median

Scoroa by Salf-Roportad Dalinquancy • • • • 121

XVI* Dlatribution of "Eaay-Way-Out" Median Scoraa

by Self-Reported Delinquency • • • • • • • 122XVII* Dlatribution of Reapondenta by "Faith

in People" ..................... 128

XVIII. Dletrlbutien of "Paopla Oriented" Median

Scoraa by "Faith in People" ............. 130XIX* Dlatribution of "Extrlnaic-Raaard" Median

Scoraa by "Faith in People" . . . . . . . 130

XX* "Faith in People" Median Scoraa by Degree

of Salf-Raportod Delinquency ............. 132

ix

TABLE PAGE

XXI* Distribution of Rsapondsnts by "AttitudeToaard Dalinquancy" • • • • • • • • • • • • 135

XXII* "Attitudo Toaard Delinquency" ModianScoroa « • * • * • .............. 136

XXIII* Self-Raportad Dalinquancy by Daaira to bs"Successful" in Tao School Saaploa • • • • 138

XXIV* Self-Reported Dalinquancy and AttitudesToaard tha "Means" for Getting Ahead inTao School Saaplea . * • • • • • • • • • • 142

XXV* Salf-Roported Delinquency by Daaira to be"Successful" in Tao School Saaplea • • • • 205

XXVI* Distribution of Responses to DalinquancyCheck Liat • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 206

XXVII* Coefficients of Association Aaong OccupationalValue Alternatives • • • • • * • ......... 207

XXVIII* Faith in People and "People Oriented"Occupational Values • • • • « • « • * • • 208

XXIX* Faith in People and Monay aa an Occupational

Value in Tao School Saaplea • • • • • * • • 209XXX* Desire to Gat Ahoad and "Monay" as Occupa­

tional Value • • • • • ......... • • • • • 210

x

TABLE PAGE

XXXI* Desire to bo Suceoasful and "Monay" aaOccupational Value ........... • • • • • • • 210

XXXII* "Halpful" Occupational Value and "Making PaoplaDo What You W a n t " ........................... 211

XXXIII* "Work With Paopla" Occupational Value and"Making Paopla Do What You Want" * • * • • . 211

XXXIV* Self-Reported Dalinquancy and Baliaf in"Who You K n o w " ................................ 212

XXXV* Self-Reported Dalinquancy and Qualities forGetting Ahead • • • * • • • * . 213

XXXVI* Self-Roported Delinquency and Attitudes Toaardtha Future • • • • ............ • • • • • • • 214

XXXVII* Salf-Raported Delinquency and Attitudes Toaard"Living for Today" ......................... 214

xi

ABSTRACT

Drawing froa tha theory of David Matza and Groahaa Sykoa* anattsapt aaa aada in thia atudy to axaaina tha relationship bataaanvaluaa cantaring around work and aalf-raportad dalinquancy* Thaatudy aaa focuaaed 143on ana aajor propoaitiont

Thara ia no difforanca bataaan thoaa ranking loo in aalf- raportad dalinquancy and thoaa ranking high in anlf-rapartad dalinquancy (all claaaaa) in adharanca to tha aat of valuaa cantaring around diadain for work and gatting ahead, nor in thalr attitudaa toaard thoaa participating in Juvanile dalin- quant activities*

A quoatiannaira daaignad to aaaaura aacio-aconoaic atatua, occupational valuaa and attitudaa, aalf-raportad dalinquancy, and

attitudaa toaard dalinquancy aaa tha data gathering instruaent* Thraa groupa of ahito, aala reapondenta coapleted tha questionnaire* Too groupa aara coopaaed of oighth-grada boya at tao Junior high achoola in Baton Rougo, Louisiana, tha third group aaa coapoaad of adjudicatod delinquent boya on probation at Faally Court*

1* Glasgow Junior High School aaa identified as an qppsr socio- eeoneaie statue greup, Gian Oaks Junior High School and tha adjudicated

delinquents as loaar status groups* A delinquency scale indicated that

aalf-raportad dalinquancy ranging froa low to high dagroo of involvoaont aaa found in each of tho thraa grotpa*

Salf-raportod dalinquancy lnvolveaent in tha tao status areas,

represented by tha tao achoola, differed significantly 1 a greater aaount

of aalf-raportad dalinquancy was faund in tha upper status araa* Whan

xii

tha adjudicated dallnquanta aara addad to tha respondents froa tha

loaar etatue araa there aoa no aignlficant difference in self-roported

dalinquancy by atatua araa* Further* ahen social claaaaa aara axaainad acroaa both social atatua areas* thara aaa na aignlficant difference in aalf-raportad dalinquancy by class*

2* Of four occupational value orientations axaainad — "people- oriented* " "extrinsic-reeard-oriented," "self-oxproasion-orionted*"

"eaey-aay-out-orientad" — a significant difference along tha aalf-

raportad delinquency diaansion aoa found in only ono* Loa aalf-roportod

dallnquanta aara aora likely than high aalf-roportod delinquents to be

"people-oriented*“3* Thara aaa a high dagraa of corralatlon bataaan tha respondent's

"faith in paopla" and hia dagraa of aalf-raportad delinquency* Loa faith aaa asaociatod aith high delinquency and high faith alth loa dalinquancy*

Thara ass also a relationship bataaan a respondent's faith in paopla and

hia occupational values* ^.*|*» those aith high faith stressed* "people- orientod" values* ahila thoaa aith loa faith chose "axtrinaic-raaard" values*

4* On the basis of a aaasura designed to dstaraine the attitudes

of tha respondents to paors oho coaaltted a series of offenses* it aaa

found that there aaa a significant difference bataaan tha attitudes of tha high and tha loa self-roported delinquent* The aost highly delin­

quent raspondants also had tha oost favorable attitudes toaard dalinquancy*

5* Both high and loa solf-raportad delinquents aora interested

in Material success and expressed a concern for the future*

xili

6 * On tha basis ef thaaa findings it sas concludsd that tha

first part of tha ganaral proposition is correct* Thara is an iapor- tant exception) tha high dalinquant ssoas to bo aotlvatod lass than tha las dalinquant by intsrporsonal valuaa in occupational choica* This is rafloctad in a ganaral visa of huaanity which is oxproasad in a graatar

lack of faith in paopla than is oxprassod by tha low dalinquant*

Tha aaeond part of tha propoaltian was found to bo invalid* Tha high aalf-roportod dalinquant expresses aora poraiaaivo attitudaa

toward thoaa participating in dalinquant bohavior than doss tha indivi­

dual low in aalf-raportad dalinquancy*

In attoapting to lsorn soasthing of tha dalinquant'a aiailarity to sociaty wo havs baan givsn soao cluoa to hia diasiailarityj a aajor probloa aaoaa to cantor around intsrporsanal relations*

xiv

CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM

I. INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT

The mushrooming problem of Juvenile delinquency has besn

described as "society's time bomb* " 1 At present juvenile delinquency

and crime as social problems in the United States are receiving a sustained interest at national and state levels that probably has been

unmatched in the history of this country* This is in particular con­

trast to the observation made by Walter Reckless only a fee years agotPractically all societies look upon crime as a critical phenome­non , no matter hoe infrequently it occure * * • Hoeever, crime and delinquency usually have a very loe priority, if you are rating the major social problems of modern societies • * * In the United States, crime and delinquency have high sensational value* The public gets stirred up* But very soon folloes the letdoen of unconcern* A sustained interest is not thsrs*^

The failure or inability of children and youth to live up to

standards set by adults is age-old* Ancient Egypt recorded the mes­

sage in hieroglyphics, "The times are out of joint, children do not obey their elders*”3 Early in the Old Testament there is the record

^Southwestern Law Enforcement Institute, Institute on Juvenile Delinquency (Springfield, Illinoiet Charles C* Thomas Publisher, 1962), p * 3 •

2Walter C* Reckless, The Crime Problem, third edition (New Yorki Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1961), p* 1*

^Quoted in Southwestern Law Enforcement Institute, Institute on Juvenile Delinquency, p. 5*

1

that "Cain rosa up against Abel his brother, and slaw him." (Canasis

4*8). Tha oldest known coda of laws, the Coda of Hammurabi, dating from 2270 B.C., takas account of many types of misconduct, some speci­

fically of youth. For example, Item 195 in the Coda states "If a son strikes his father, one shall cut off his h a n d s . S o c i e t i e s have always had the disturbing problem of socializing their children

and the rehabilitating or punishing offending ones. But a continuous concarn with these problems has not always characterized each society. In the United States, sustained public interest in juvenile delin­quency as a major social problem - - "a condition affecting a signi­ficant number of people in ways considered undesirable, about which it is felt something can be done through collective social action"- - is a recent phenomenon.^

^Albert Kocourek and John H. Wigmor, Source of Ancient andP r iB tt iv Lom> EvaluUan at U i> S alic t Raadinflg an Ihm Qrlaln ana.Development of Leoal Inetitutions. (Boston* Little, Brown and Com­pany, 1951), Vol. 1, p. 427, quoted in Ruth Shonle Cavan, Juvenile Delinquency (Philadelphia* J. B. Lipincott Company, 1962), p. 4.

5Paul B. Horton and Gerald R. Leslie, The Sociology ££ Social Problems. (New York* Appleton-Century-Crofts, Third edition, 1965), P. 4.

6The question of why this is so is an interesting one, but one which falls outside the major purpose of this paper. Perhaps expla­nation could begin with a statement concerning the shear increase in the amount of official delinquency and then work outward to more general social trsnds. Juvenlls delinquency has increased each year since 1949 with the exception of 1961. Approximately two per cent of all children aged ten through seventeen are referred to the Juve­nile courts. When traffic cases are included the percentage rises to 3.3 per cent. During the eight-year period, "the juvenile delin­quency years," in which the Juvenile court holds power over the

3

On tha other hand, interest in both delinquency and crime has

long claimed the theoretical and empirical attention of sociologists

in thia country*Lata in the nineteenth century, criminology was accepted as a field of atudy by tha growing university departments of socio­logy, and in tha United Statea since that time ayatematic studies of crime and criminals have been made primarily by sociologists* A survey made in 1901 Indicated that criminol­ogy and penology were among the first courses offered under the general title 'sociology* in United States colleges and universities, and tha American Journal Sociology Included articles and book reviews on criminology whan it was first published in 1895*7

A quick glance at professional sociological Journals, lists of research studies in progress, social problems text-books, the increa­

sing number of criminology and Juvenile delinquency text-books, and

even general theoretical works in sociology, indicate that there is a lively and vital contemporary interest in this problem* It is to

conduct of youth, the probability that a boy or girl will appear in court is considerably increased over the number who appear in any one year* "Allowing for repeaters, who ere involved in about one-third of the delinquency cases, it is roughly estimated that eleven per cent (or about one in nine of all children) will be referred to Juve­nile courts for an act of delinquency (excluding traffic) prior to their eighteenth birthday* Considering boys alone, the probability is much greater - - about one in every six; for girls alone, much less - - one in twenty-three*" The number of delinquent children may be expected to increaee* By 1970, it is estimated that youth, age ten to nineteen, will number forty million, and by 1980 about forty-seven million* In addition to the children referred to the courts, approximately three times aa many come to the attention of the police* Seet Juvenile Court Statistics. 1965 (U* S* Department of Health Education and Welfare, Children's Bureau, Wash*, D*C*)p*1*

7Edwin H* Sutherland and Donald R* Cressey, Principles Criminology, sixth edition (Philadelphiat J* B. Lippincott Company,1960), p. 57.

4

the nature and direction of thia contemporary sociological concern

with juvenile delinquency that are first turn our attention in this

dissertation. Specifically, attention will be directed to the theori­zation of David fflatza and Gresham Sykes.® Much of tha theoretical

literature of the last thirty years has had as a chief concern the "subculture of delinquency." Tha fflatza-Sykes theorization is, in part, a response to that literature, and thus is discussed only after a review of the earlier theoretical formulations has been presented.

Then, in the second place, the socio-psychological investi­gation conducted by the author in an attempt to test empirically

some hypotheses drawn from the theory of fflatza and Sykes is presented

and discussed. The major research hypothesis drawn from the fflatza-

Sykes formulation and the means used to evaluate it, are given on

page 56 of this paper.

II. RELEVANT SOCIOLOGICAL LITERATURE

JiUL Cultural Transmission Tradition"IDuch of the most exciting and potentially fruitful socio­

logical thinking concerning delinquency in recent years has dealt

with the empirical problem that has long been discussed in American

social science - - the problem of delinquency in

®Cf. David fflatza and Gresham ffl. Sykes, "Juvenile Delinquency and Subterranean Values, "American Sociological Revlew. 26 (October1961), 712-719; Gresham ffl. Sykes and David fflatza, "Techniques of Neutralization* A Theory of Delinquency," American Sociological Review. 22 (December 1957), 664-670; David fflatza, Delinquency and Drift (New York* John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1964).

5

populations characterized by loa socio-economic status. " 9 Although

the interest in the subject pre-dates the thirty year period suggested

as the limits for a review of literature* Bordua points out that "the problem of group delinquency has been a subject of theoretical inte­rest for American sociologists • • • for wall over a half century.""*0

In the course of that period, the group nature of delinquency has coma to be a central starting point for many theories of delinquency, and delinquency causation has bean seen by some sociologists as pre-eminently a process whereby the individual becomes associated with a group which devotes some or all of its time to planning, committing, or celebrating delinquencies and which has elaborated a set of lifewaya - - a subculture - - which encourages and justifies behavior defined as delinquent by the larger society.

Evidence indicates that in its more well-developed and extreme forms,

delinquency as a group phenomenon has bean haavily concentrated in the

low status areas of large cities. It is these two empirical phenomena

- - delinquency in its extreme forms concentrated in the male popula­

tion of the lower-class sections of urban areas and the group nature of delinquency - - which have served as themes for much sociological theorization and research in tha last three or four decades* Research and theorization springing from these data have centered primarily

9David J. Bordua, Sociological Theories and Their Tmni<rations for Juvenile Dellnouencv (U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Social Security Administration, Children’s Bureau, Washing­ton, D* C., 1960), p. 2.

10David J. Bordua, "A C f U l q W At Sociological Interpretations Gano Delinquency." in Marvin E. Wolfgang, at. al. (ads.), Tha Sociology of Crime and Delinquency (New Yorki John Wiley 4 Sons, Inc., 1962), p. 289.

6

around tha atudy of ganga and latar around tha concapt of "subculture*"In fact, "if there is one area of gang research that has been aost

'popular* of lata, it is research into the results of membership in a11delinquency subculture*"

The existence of segments of the population aith high dalin­quancy and crime rates is an old and widely known p h e n o m e n o n * ^ There

have always been reports of regions, rural communities, towns, and groups of people that are troublesome and predatory* The range of these phenomena is widet the criminal tribes of India, the nomadic

gypsy camps, the frontier communities in the United States, and some deteriorated areas are frequently cited examples*

The outstanding case of delinquency concentration causing

special concern in this country is the deteriorated area of the modern

city, which with other social problems, is characterized by excessive

crime and delinquency rates* This type of criminal development has

also been known for a long time, but the application of modern social surveys and social-science methods has given such areas national and world-wide attention* Although interest in modern city slums was on

Unalcolm III* Klein, ed*, Juvenile Genoa in Contexti Theory. Research and Action. (Englewood Cliffs, New Jerseyt Prentice-Hall,Inc*, 1967), p. 6 *

1^Peter P* Lejins, "The Field of Prevention" in William E* Amos and Charles F. Well ford, Delinquency Prevention I ItUBMEX flOd. PffljUCt (Englewood Cliffs, New Jerseyt Prentice-Hall, Inc*, 1967), p* 18*

the increase, the systematic and influential etudiea of the "Chicago

School" of American sociology ushered in a nee era of research and

action* These students of crime and delinquency - - particularly

Clifford R* Shae, Henry McKay and Frederick Thrasher - - all asso­

ciated with the University of Chicago, eere trained in the sociolo­

gical tradition of 111* I* Thomas, Florien Znaniecki, George Herbert

Mead, Robert L* Park and Ernest Ml* Burgess* In a series of important

monographs, based primarily on research in the city of Chicago, Clif­

ford Shae and Henry McKay attempted to account for the distribution13of delinquency in American cities* By applying the ecological survey

techniques developed in the 1920's under the leadership of Robert E*

Park and E* 111* Burgess, they identified the areas and characteristics of delinquency concentration ehlch led to the formulation of the con­

cept of the delinquency subculture*

Shae and McKay noted that the high delinquency rate areas in

Chicago in 1900-1906 eere also the high rate areas in 1917-1923,

^Clifford R* Shae, The Jack-Roller (Chicago* The University of Chicago Press, 1930){ The Natural History of & Delinauencv Caesar (Chicago* The University of Chicago Press, 1931); Brothers in Cri^g (Chicago* The University of Chicago Press, 193B); Clifford R* Shae, at* al*, Delinquency Areas (Chicago* Tha University of Chicago Press, 1929)f Clifford R* Shae and Henry D* McKay, Social Factors In Juvenile Delinquency. Volume II of National Committee on Lae Observance and Lae Enforcement, Report on tha Cauaaa of Crime (Washington* United States Government Printing Office, 1931)| and Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Araaa (Chicago* The University of Chicago Press, 1942)*

8

although the ethnic group composition of theee areaa had in the mean­

time been largely tranaformadi ae ethnic groupe mowed in and out of

theae areas tha delinquency rates of thoaa ethnic groupa correspond­

ingly rose and fall* They also observed that most delinquent offenses

occurred in small groups, usually of tao or threa, and they obtained

detailed life-history materials illuminating tha process of involve­ment in delinquent groups*

Daniel Glaser recently summarized the extensive literature on social disorganization and delinquency* Concerning the principal reeearch findings of pre-World War II sociological studies of delin­quency in the United States, he concludes that

Thess investigations yielded a set of interrelated and major conclusions on Juvenile delinquency and social disorganization which can be summarized as followsi

a . Spatial flrrana»B«ntDelinquency, as idsntified by juvenile court cases or

by police arrest records, was shown to be concentrated in the most physically delapidated areas of the city - - the slums* Theee are predominantly 'interstitial' segments of the city, for they are the remainders of areas once pri­marily designed for residential uee, but subsequently cut up by commercial districte, factories, warehouses, railroad yards, stockyards, and the mein arteries of automotive traffic* Sines thsse naw types of construction mads the older residential areas no longer desirable for investment in residential construction, tha averaga age of the housing in the slums is high and its physical condition has deterio­rated*

B. PflflUlflUgn flovamentBecause these high delinquency slum areas ara the

least desirable for residence, they are the areas where the newest and least-skilled immigrants to the city, who have the lowest social status, have bean able to make their first

9

settlements with thw least resistance* frequently they ovsr- crowd these areas far beyond normal room-space-per person ratios • • •

Perhaps the most striking finding of the Shaw and DtcKay research was that the sans slum areas had the highest delinquency ratee in the city even after the predominant national or racial identity of their residents changed com­pletely* furthermore, for each national or racial group taken separately, delinquency ratee declined as place of residence became more distant from the central business district of tha city* 1 4

Lois Ds fleur, commenting upon Glaser's conclusions, states that

demographic and ecological variables have assumed a central place in

the discussion of influence on juvenile delinquency in the United States cities* However, a general theory of the relationship between population characteristics and delinquency patterns remains to be

developed* "Students of delinquency have tended to drop the investi­

gation of these variables and turn to the study of culture variables

(gang culture, class values, youth culture, etc*) in their enthusi-1 asm to uncover the etiology of delinquency*” Nevertheless, the

discovery by sociologists of the "Chicago School" of the now common­

place knowledge that juvenile delinquency and many other social problems were concentrated with poverty in the central areas of

14Daniel Glaser, Social Disorganization and Dalinquancy(unpublished manuscript), University of Illinois, 1962, quoted in Loie De flour, Damooraohlc an4 Ecological Analysis Juvanile Delin­quency in Cordoba. Argentina (unpublished paper presented at the Bocond Annual Meeting of Kentucky Sociologists, March 14, 1964, Lexington, Kentucky), pp* 1-2*

15De fleur, oo* cit*. p* 2*

10

Chicago and othar large citias ia a landmark in bahavioral science* 1 6 Shaa and McKay concluded that in tha high rata areas, crime

and delinquency had become "more or leee traditional aspects of the social Ilfs," and that "these traditions of delinquency are trans­mitted through personal and group contacts* " 1 7 The chief agencies

for the transmission of delinquency are the play groups and gangs* Although delinquency satisfies desires for excitement, companionship,

security, etc*, this does not distinguish delinquency from nondelin­

quent activity* "While the standards and values" in the high-rate

and loa-rate areas "may be widely divergent, or even reversed, the

human motives and desires underlying the boy's participation in the

activities of his groups are perhaps identical in the tao neighbor­hood situations* 1,10 The thing that doea distinguish is the "stan­dards and values,” i.e., the delinquent and the non-delinquent cultural patterns through ahich these desires are satisfied*

Of major interest also mas the process by which the child living in a high-rate area became involved in delinquency, a process

which was identified as a usual learning process* Theories ahich

16Jemes F* Short, Jr* and Fred L* Strodtbeck, Group Process and Gano Delinquency (Chlcagoi The University of Chicago Press, 1965),p* 2 *

17Shaw and McKay, Social Factors la Juvenile Delinquency.p* 367*

1flIbid*. p. 391*

11

taka this approach - - callad "cultural tranaaleslon thaoriaa" - -

have been summarized by Cohan In the following mannert

Deviant behavior is determined by a aubsystem of knowledge* beliefs* and attitudes that make possible* permit* or prescribe specific forma of deviant behavior in specified situations*This knowledge* these beliefe* and these attitudes must first exist in the cultural surroundinga of the actor* and they are 'taken over' and incorporated into the personality in much the same way aa any other elements of the surrounding culture*

Edwin H. Sutherland's work*2 0 developed about the same timeand* which* like that of Shaw and McKay* "carries the stamp of the

'Chicago School*' represents the most systematic and ambitious

attempt to formulate a general theory of criminal behavior in cultu-91ral transmission terms*" His differential association theory

states that criminal behavior is learned; it is not inherited* con­

trived* nor invented by the actor* It is learned in a process of

communications with other persons in small* intimate groups* This

learning includes the techniques of committing the crime and the

"specific direction of motives* drives* rationalizations* and

19Albert K* Cohen* Deviance and Control (Englewood Cliffs*New Jerseyt Prentice-Hall* Inc** 1966)* p* 94*

2 0 Sutherland's theory of differential association was first presented in his influential textbook* Principles *£, Criminology, and has been extended by his student and collaborator, Donald R* Cresssy* See Edwin H* Sutherland and Donald R* Creseey, Principles of Crleinn- logy, sixth edition (Chicago; J* 6 * Lipincott* 1960); Albert Cohen* Alfred Lindesmith* and Karl Schuessler (eds), The Sutherland Papers (Bloomington; Indiana University Press* 1956); and Donald R* Cresssy* PtllnqumfiVi CUwa and Differential Association (The Hague; Martinus Nijhoff, 1964).

2 ^Cohen* oo» cit*. p. 95

12

attitudes*"22 The specific direction of motives and drivss is learned

from definitions of the legal rules as favorable or unfavorable* That

is, those with whom we associate define the legal rules favorably or

unfavorably* and we take over theee definitions* A person becomes criminal or delinquent because of an excess of definitions favorable

to violation of law over definitions unfavorable to violation of law*

This is the principle of differential association* Thus, it is the "content of learningn - - i*j*, in Shaw and McKay's terms, the values and standards of the deteriorated urban area - -, "not the process itself, (which) is considered as the significant element determining whether one becomes a criminal or a non-criminal*"23

A further landmark in the behavioral sciences stems also from

the "Chicago School*" the discoveries that most delinquent youngsters

committed their delinquencies in company with one or more peers and

that adolescent gangs were concentrated in much the same manner as was

delinquency* Here it is necessary to turn to another researcher of

the school, namely, Frederick M* Thrasher, who made what can be calledO Aa classic interpretation of the gang* Bordua, in his critique of

sociological interpretations of gang delinquency, states that "the best book on gangs, gang delinquency, and - - though he did not use the term

- - delinquent subcultures - - is The Cano by Frederick M* Thrasher*"23

^Sutherland and Cressey, oo* clt*. p. 76*23lbid*. p. 58*

2*Frederick M* Thrasher, The Gang, abridged edition with newintroduction, 1963 (Chicagot University of Chicago Press, 1927)*

23Bordua, "A Critique of Sociological Interpretations of Gang Delinquency,” p* 289*

13

Not that ha originstod the basic interpretative framework, says

Bordua, but his application of the theoretical Materials available at

the time, plus his sensitivity to the effects of social environMent

and his willingness to consider processes at all behavioral levels -

- from the basic needs of the child to the significance of the saloon, from the nature of city government to the crucial importance of the

Junk dealer, from the consequences of poverty to the nature of leader­

ship in the gang - - still distinguish his book*The Thrasher formulation can be analyzed by examining several

levels; in this way mors recent theories concerning the gang might be

clarified*1* At the level of the local adult community, the social struc­

ture is permissive, attractive, facilitative, morally sup­portive of the gang development process*

2* At the level of the adolescent and preadolescent groups themselves, the environment is essentially coercive of gang formation; the transition from spontaneous group to gang is largely a matter of participating in the struggle for life of the adolescent world under the peculiar con­ditions of the slum*

3* At the level of the individual, Thrasher assumes a set ofbasic needs common to all children; he leans heavily on ths four wishes of Ui* 1* Thomas, security, response, recognition, and new experiences, especially the last two* Gang boys come to choose different ways of satisfying these needs than do other boys* It is pointed out that the gang engages in many activities of a quite ordinary sort, ranging from baseball and football to rolling drunks and stealing cars*26

This gives the tenor of Thresher's formulations* There is the distinc­tive flavor of essentially healthy boys satisfying universal needs in

2 6 Ibld*. pp. 291-292.

14

a weakly controlled and highly seductive environment.Compared to the deprived and driven boys of more recent formu­lations with their status problems, blocked opportunities (or psychopathologies, if one takes a more psychiatric view), Thrasher describes an age of innocence indeod.

This is, perhaps, the most important single difference between Thrasher and some - - not all - - of the recent views. Delinquency and crime were attractive, being a 'good boy' was dull. They were attractive because they were fun and were profitable and because one could be a hero in a fight* Fun, profit, glory, and freedom is a combination hard to beat, particularly for the inadequate conventional institutions that formed the competition.2 7

Ibft Anomie TraditionA new emphasis was given to Juvenile delinquency theorization,

related to its concentration in deteriorated areas of modern cities

and related to its group/gang nature, beginning in the mid-1950's, due to new developments in criminological and general sociological

theory. In criminological theory, a return to cultural or subcul­

tural interpretations pushed from the foreground preoccupation with

psychiatric and psychological interpretations of personality problems leading to deviant behavior. "Perhaps in no other field were there more substantial gains in understanding made possible by the intro­duction of a sociological point of view to supplement and to correct

individualistic and moralistic interpretations."28 jn the late

1950's several authors indicated explicitly their return to the interpretational models of the "Chicago School" of the 1930's.^

2 7 Ibid.. p. 292.

28J. piilton Yinger, "Contraculture and Subculture," American Sociological Review. 25 (October 1960), p. 631.

2 ®Ses, for example, Albert K. Cohen, Delinquent Bovs. The

15

But in the procsss of this revival ths approach was changed; instead of emphasizing ths processes by which new converts are recruited into the criminalistic subculture* ths main interest was in exploring the origin and content of the subcultures*

From general sociological theory, the Durkheimian concept of "anomie," modified by Robert Merton, was retransplanted into American sociology.^ Forty-one years after the publication of ths first edi­tion of Durkheim's Suicide. Robert Merton published his Social Struc­ture and Anomie, a short paper, later revised and extended, which laid the foundations for a general theory of deviant behavior based upon the concept of "anomie," as Durkhsim had applied it to the division of labor and suicide.31 As was Durkheim's approach, so too was Merton's "a

Culture of ths Cano (Glencoe, Illinois! The Free Press, 1955); Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E* Ohlin, Delinquency and Qjportunitv. A Theory of Delinguant Cange (Glencoe, Illinois! The Free Press, 1960); Solomon Kobrin, "The Conflict of Values in Delinquency Areas, "American Socio- olcal Review. 16 (October 1951), pp* 653-661; Walter B* Miller, "Lower- Class Culture as a Generating Milieu of Gang Delinquency," Journal of Social Iaaues. 14 (1958), pp. 5-19.

30The meaning of "anomie," like many other sociological concepts has undergone many changes at the hands of different authors - - ranging in its use from a social structural fact to a personality trait. In fact, David Matza states that he refrains from using the term because of the many conflicting meanings it has acquired since Durkhsim. Matza uses instead the term "drift,” partly to avoid ths many implications of anomie, and also to suggest the episodic rather than the constant cha­racter of moral release. Seat Matza, Delinquency and Drift.

31 Robert K. Merton, "Social Structure and Anomie," American Sociological Review. 3 (October, 193B), pp. 672-682; revised and extended in Robert K. Merton, Theory and Social Structure.revised edition (Glencoe, Illinois! The Free Press, 1957), pp. 131-194.

16

radically aociological approach*"32 it focuaad not on tha charac-

tariatica of individuals, but on tha poaitions that individuala

occupy in tha aocial ayata*. It was concarnad with variations with

raapact to atrain within and batwaan systoas, and it locatad tha

aourcaa of atrain in tha cultural and aocial atructura* Hia aia aora apacifically waa to sxawlne tha wannar in which aocial atructuraa axart

a dafinita praaaura upon cartain paraona in aaciaty to angago in non- con foralty*

Marton bagan by aaking explicit a thraafold distinction that33waa iaplicit in Durkhaia'a analyaia of auicida* First, thara ara

tha culture - - tha wants or aspirations that aon aro taught

by thsir culture as "worth striving for**1 A second aapact of the

culture structure aro tha noraa praacribing tha naans that nan way lagitiaately oaploy in the pursuit of tha goals* Third, thara aro the institutionalized aaana - - the actual distribution of facilities and

opportunities for achieving the culture goals in a aannor coapatibia

with the noras* Marton shows that any actual sense of frustration and

despair or strain depends on tha relationship aaong those* "It is indeed ay control hypothesis that aberrant behavior nay ba regarded

sociologically as a syaptoa of dissociation batwaan culturally pre­

scribed aspirations and socially structured avanuas for realizing those aspirations*"3*

32Cohan, Davainca and Control, p. 77.

33lbid*. pp. 132-139.34ihid.. p. 134*

17

In our society, says Merton, thsrs is an exceptionally strong

smphasis upon specific goals, without a corresponding emphasis on

institutional procedures* When this process of attenuation reaches an extreme form, demoralization or a state of "anomie" develops* Con­temporary American culture is an extreme type in which groat emphasis

upon success goals occurs without equivalent emphasis upon ths insti­tutional means of achieving these goals*

In the acceptance of these success goals and the prescribed

means to them, Merton considers five possible types of individual adaptation.35 To the extent that a society is stable, conformity to

both cultural goals and institutional means is the most common and

widely diffused* Howevsr, where there is unusual smphasis upon success goals without equal emphasis on the means for achieving them,

as is true in America, the situation tends to change* Many indivi­duals may accept the success goals but not the institutional means; they are ths innovators* Under these circumstances, the line between business-like striving and shady practice may grow quite vague* A ritualistic adaptation, by contrast, accepts the institutional means

for achieving social goals in the given society, but avoids psycholo­gical strains by rejecting the social goals a society may prescribe*

Ratreatise is a type of adaptation to social life that rejects both

social goals and the means for achieving them* Rebellion, while

superficially similar to retreatism, is quite different, for it is

35Ibid.. p. 139-157

18

characterized by a combination of rejection and acceptance both of social goals and the institutional means for achieving then* The revolutionary mho eould both set up a new society and a new set of institutional means for achieving ths goals of the new society epi­tomizes the rebel in pure fora.

Thus, Marton revised Durkheim's formulation by asserting that anomie develops not because of a breakdown in the regulation of goals alone but, rather, because of a breakdown in the relationship between goals and legitimate avenues of access to them. His discussion of the relation between poverty and crime is especially appropriate at this point, and also is essential for a better understanding of certain of the delinquency subcultural theorists. Whatever the differential rates of deviant behavior in the various social strata, and we know from many sources that the official crime statistics uniformly showing higher rates in the lower strata are far from complete or reliable,^ it appears from Merton's analysis that the greatest pressures toward deviation are exerted upon the loser strata. Where the desire for conventional goals has been fully internalized and where, at the same time, socially structured "life-chancesM present the slimmest'oppor­tunity of achieving them, there - - most conceivably - - will exist the most powerful pressures toward deviant behavior. The social area most vulnsrabl- to these pressures will be the lower levels of society.

Concerning the situation in the United States, Merton saysi

36For a discussion of delinquency rates in different social strata, see below, pp. 28-35.

19

• • • Our egalitarian ideology deniea by implication the exis­tence of non-competing individuala and groups in the pursuit of pecuniary success* Instead, the same body of success symbols is held to apply for all* Goals aro held to transcend class line, not to bs bounded by them, yet the actual social organization is such that there exist class differentials in accessibility of the goals* In this sotting, a cardinal American virtue, 'ambition,1 promotes a cardinal American vice, 'deviant behavior*'

• • • Poverty as such and consequent limitation of oppor­tunity are not enough to produce a conspicuously high rate of criminal behavior* Even the notorious 'poverty in the midst of plenty* will not necessarily lead to tha result* But ahen poverty and associated disadvantages in competing for the culture values approved for all members of the society are linked eith a cultural emphasis on pecuniary success as a dominant goal, high rates of criminal behavior aro the normal outcome***7

SMbcultoira ThaocYWa lor Contributors. Cohen's theory of the delinquent sub­

culture36 also directs attention to the discrepancy between culture

goals and institutionalized means, the problems of adjustment which

this entails, and the utility of delinquency as a mode of adjustment

to these problems* Tha nature of tha problem of adjustment, however,

is conceived differently. "Cohen directs attention to characteristics

of delinquency in American society which appears to be less 'rationally'

and economically motivated than crime as it is conceptualized in the

Merton scheme*"3® Also, although labelled as a study of the culture

of the gang, Cohan does not overlook the psychogenic sources of delin­

quency*^6

37Werton, oo. clt.. pp. 146-147.38Cohen, Delinquent Bo y s *

3®Short and Strodtbeck, oo* cit.. p* 4*Cohen states, "However, we are eepocially interested in a

20

Cohan attoapts to account for tha aaarganca of tha "daXinquont

aubcuXture” in taraa af otatua problaaa which ara inveXvod in tha

diacrapaney batwaan cultura goaXa and inatitutionalizad aeana*JuvaniXo deXlnquoncy, ha pointa out, conaiata largoly of vioiancaand proparty doatructian or appropriation of goada which have littio

or no lntrinaic vaXuo to tha thiaf, iXXicit saxuaX bahoviar, and

conaunptian of aXceheX. Tha baaoa for cancoptuaXizing doXinquoncy aa

"subcuXturaX” are tha ocoXogicaX and doaagraphic findings that ware

discuseod oarXiar — it ia XargaXy a aaXa, werking-ciaaa phonaaenon,

and it takaa an organizad and coXXactiva fora*

Whan wo apaak of a daXinquont aubcuXture, wo apeak of a nay of Xifo that has soeohoa bocoao traditionaX aaong certain groupa in Aaorican secioty. Thaaa groups aro tha boya' gangs that fXeurish aost conapicuouaXy in the "doXinquoncy neighborhoods” in our Xorgar Aaorican cities* Tha aaabers of those ganga grow up, soee to baeoao Xaw-abiding citizens and others to graduate to aoro profossionaX and aduXt foraa of criainaXity, but tha deXinquent tradition is kapt aXivo by the age-groupa that succeed than.

According to this theory, tha delinquent aubcuXture is a roaponao to atatua probXaaa associated priaariXy with the aaXa

working-cXaas roXe**^ Tha granting of statua la governed in Xargo

third posaibiXity, naaeXy, that in the aajority of casos psychogenic and subcuitureX factors bland in a singXo cauaaX procosa, as poXXon and a particuXar bodiXy constitution work together to produce hoy fovar*If this is ao, than tha task of theory is to datoraino the ways in which tha two kinds of factors aaah or interact*” Cohan, jm* cit*, p*X7*

41Ibid.. p. 13.

42it is to bo noted that not aXX boys in tha working cXaaa respond in a daXinquont fashion to the atatua probXaaa of thoaa in that position. Tha aoat coaaon reapanaa aaong tha boys in tha working cXaaa, according to Cohan, is tha ”stabXa corner-boy response*” Tha stabXe earnsr-bay accepts his way of Xifo and triaa to sake tha bast of his prsdicaaent. Ha withdraws ”as far as poaaibXo into a shaXtaring

21

part by adult rapraaantativaa of tha middle claases in institutional contexts such as school, church, and businaas community. Evaluation

of young psopls is bassd upon middle-clase critsria* Thoso critsria include ths folloslngt ambition, a pattern of deferred gratification) a sense of pereonal responsibility for one's failures and achieve­ments) ths possession of skills of potential academic, economic, and

occupational value) the rational cultivation of manners, courtesy,

and personablenesa, which involves patience, eelf-dlscipline, and the

control of emotional expression, physical aggression, and violence.4^

By virtue of their socialization in working-class families

and communities, many youngatera are ill-equipped to succeed in terms of these criteria. As a result of failure to measure up to the stan­

dards of ths "middle class measuring rod," these youngsters experience

loss of status and of self-respect. The subcultural nature of delin­

quency arises by virtue of the fact that youngsters who are similarly disadvantaged join together to relect middle-class criteria of status

community of like-minded working-class children," pretty much avoiding delinquency. Some boys of the working class "desert a corner-boy way of life for the college-boy way of life," which means that they are willing to play the etetus game according to middle-class rules and values* Such boys do not gravitate toward delinquent subculture*(The corner-boy and college-boy are labels taken from William Foote Whyte's Street Corner Society.).

But there ie the "delinquency reeponse" of some working-class boys, who repudiate middle-claes standards. "Ths number of the delin­quent subculture plays truant because 'good' middle-class children do not play truant." The corner-boy way of life "temporizes with middle- class morality) the full-fledged delinquent subculture does not." Ibid.. pp. 124-133.

^ Ibld.. see especially Chap. IV•

22

and establish their own criteria in terns of which they succeed* Their

alternative status system, says Cohen, takes the forn of a "reaction

fornation” against the middle-class criteria in terms of which they are found wanting* "Reaction-formetion is stressed because it is not only a way of coming to terms with one's delinquent impulses! it helps to

account for the nature of the delinquent behavior itself*"4* It is this which accounts for the non-utilitarian, malicious, and negativistic

character of the delinquent subculture* Cohen notes that status is, by

definition, the granting of respect by others; hence the response of

these youngsters "makes sense" only as a group response*4^ He suggests

further that by virtue of their repudiation of convention and the conse­

quent loss of respect from others, participants in the delinquent sub­

culture become all the more dependent for status upon one another* The

extremity of gang behavior is related to the fact that "group inter­

action is a sort of catalyst which releases potentialities not other­

wise visible*"46

44Albert K* Cohen and James F• Short, "Research in Delinquent Sub­cultures, "Journal of Social Issues. Vol. 14, No* 3 (1958), p* 21*Cohen had indicated that he intended to combine psychogenic theory with sociological theory in his study of delinquency (See footnote 40 above)* Here he uses a radical psychodynamic defense mechanism - - reaction- formation* In a recent book, Cohen states that this aspect of this theory "has been mauled*" Cohen, Deviance and Control, p. 66*

^Albert K* Cohen and James F* Short, Jr*, "Juvenile Delinquency," in Robert marton and Robert A* Nisbet, (ads.), Contemporary Social Prob- IjUS&i second edition (New Yorkt Harcourt Brace & World, Inc., 1966), p*115*

Cohen, Delinouant Bova■ p. 136*

Cohan and Short, along with other theorists, have also attemp-

ted to account for the variety of patterna taken by gang delinquency.

Cohen and Short have recognized the existence of "more or less distinct

delinquent eubcultures," and have classified them asi (a) a subculture with a more rational, utilitarian, **semi-profeesional" style; (b) e

conflict-oriented or "bopping" subculture; (c) a drug-users* subcul­

ture; (d) and a "parent" aubculture, which is the common or garden

variety of delinquent subculture, more versatile and less specialized

than the others, and from which tha other subcultures develop. These are all primarily male, working-class subcultures. They have also distinguished a female "parent" subculture and drug-users' subculture

and a middle-class delinquent subculture*

A more ambitious and systematic theory to account for varieties of delinquent subcultures, however, is found in Delinouancv and Qooor-

lUfllt** A Theory fif, Delinquent by Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin.

These men add to Merton's basic premise concerning relative accessibi­lity of legitimate means the notion of differential availability of

illegitimate means, and they develop more fully the implications of the theory for subcultural delinquency. It is their contention that delin­

quent subcultures are formed by lower class youngsters who are blocked

in their ambitions for improvement in economic position* These

*7Cohen and Short, "Research in Delinquent Subcultures," pp.20-37.

48Richard and Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin, oo. cit.i See also,Richard Cloward, "Illegitimate Means, Anomie and Deviant Behavior," American Sociological Revlaw. 24 (April 1959), pp. 164-176.

24

youngsters are not orlantad toward changaa in U f a style, however*

Cohan's dalinquanta, thay say, seam likely to be drawn from young­

sters who ara oriented toward membership in the middle class and who

nay or may not ba orlantad toward improved economic goals* Nevertheless

thay, too, are blocked in their efforts*

From this basic typology, Cloward and Ohlin assume, with marton,

that legitimate means to success goals ara limited and, hence, that

intense pressures are exerted toward deviant behavior* Merton had

suggested that "A1 Capone represents the triumph of amoral intelligence

over morally-prescribed 'failure,' when the channels of vertical nobi­

lity ere closed or narrowed in a society which places a high premium

on economic affluence and social ascent for all its members*1,49

Cloward and Ohlin point to the fact, documented by Sutherland, that

illegitimate means are not equally available to all*^ Their avail­

ability is viewed as varying with the extent of integration of adult

carriers of conventional and criminal values in urban areas* Kobrin

had also discussed variations in delinquency areas along this dimen­

sion*^ In integrated areas, relations between legitimate and illegi­

timate adults are held to be accommodative} there is reciprocal parti­

cipation of each in the value system of the other* By contrast, in

^Merton, oo* clt*. p. 146*

50Edwin H* Sutherland, The Professional Thief (Chicagot Univer­sity of Chicago Press, 1937)*

Cloward and Ohlin, oo* cit*. pp* 150-160*

25

unintegratod areas tha alas of thaaa adults conflict, and neither

group is affectively organized* Opportunities for learning and per­forming criainal roles are available in integrated areas, unavailable in unintagrated araaa* In integrated areas, social control originatoa and, therefore, is affective in both logitiaato and illegal atructuroa,

COahila it is ineffective in unintegrated areas* *Mora specifically, Cleeard and Ohlin say that it is not enough

to point out that people hove problems of status frustration* Hoe paopla mill daal aith such problems dapanda on tha alternatives avail­

able in thoir social aattings* Aroas characterized by organized and

profoaaional crime (!»!•, areas share criminal adults aro financially

succoasful and posorful and participate also in conventional institu­

tions) produce one kind of delinquent opportunity structure* In thaaa

araaa, adult criminals aro available as role models and tha criminal

organizations offar a variety of attractive Jobs* Young people in these

areas knos of those Jobs and coma to aspire to them early* They knos also that tha criminal role, as defined by the adult criainal rafaranca groups, places value on criminal skills, loyalty, dapandebility, ehrsad­

ness, and other such traits, but has little uaa for mildness, irrespon­

sibility, and, in general, tha kind of behavior that imperils tha suc­cess of a coolly planned businesslike enterprise* In such araaa, young

people she aro disadvantaged in terms ef legitimsts opportunities are

reapensivo to the demands and expectations of tha adult criminals*

52&osard and Ohlin, an* cit*, pp* 150-160

26

Delinquent bahavior ia a kind of rehearsal and playing at forma of

adult crima and takea on a ralativaly raatrainad and diaciplinad

quality.53Thara ia a aacond kind of araa in which naither convantional

nor criminal alamanta ara wall organized, and in which crime ia indi­

vidual, patty and aporadic, rather than organized, and yialda little

income or praatiga. In thaaa araaa opportunitiaa do not exist either

to identify with criminal rola models or to learn appropriate skills.

Hare there are no affective controls arising from any part of tha

adult population. Thera are no positive attractions toward the more

diaciplinad, professionally oriented kinds of delinquency* In these

areas, therefore, youngsters seek status by participating in the mors

violent and extreme forms of gang activity. Violence comes to be ascendant, in short, under conditions of relative detachment from all institutionalized systems of opportunity and social control.^*

Third, there are individuals who, by reason of internalized moral inhibitions, the lack of necessary skills, or the objective unavailability of either criminal or violence opportunity structures,

can make use of neither of these patterns* Such individuals, "double

failures," so to speak, tend to form their own "retreatist" sub­

cultures, centering around the use of drugs, alcohol, or some other

"kick.”55

53ibid.. pp. 161-171. 54ibid.. p. 170.55ibid.. pp. 170-184.

27

Albert Cohen's Delinquent Bovs elicited a great many responses}

among thee ess a portrait of the delinquent subculture by Walter Miller*^

miller's theory* in contrast to that of Cohen and Short* and Cloeard and Ohlin* is simply that ehat the lae calls delinquent behavior and crime represents conformity not to a specialized youth subculture* but to the expectations and values of the more general lower-class subculture - -

"a long established* distinctively patterned tradition with an integrity of its own*"S'? This culture is characterized by a family structure typi­

fied by the female-based household* whose main trait is lack of reliance

on ths occupational performance of an adult male* Lower-class culture

attaches value to such personal qualities and experiences or "focal

concerns" as "trouble*" "toughness*" "smartness*" "excitement*" "fate"

or "luck*" and "autonomy*" There are* of course* different ways of

realizing these values - - none of them is intrinsically and necessarily

delinquent* but their pursuit* miller suggests* is highly conducive to delinquent behavior*

miller holds that the lower-class delinquent has internalized lower-class culture only* Without experiencing any ambivalence what­

ever towards the middle-class system of values* he inevitably collides with its power structure* He says* "following cultural practices which

56waltar miller* "Lower Class Culture as a Generating milieu of Gang Delinquency*” loc. cit. Also* William C* Kvaraceus and Walter miller* Delinquent Behavior Culture and tha Individual. (Washington*D*C*t National Education Association* 1959)* Chaps* 3* 4* 6* 9* 10*

S^miller, oo* cit*. p* 5.

26

comprise essential elements of the total life pattern of lower class

culture automatically violates certain legal n o r m s * I n addition,

even where law-abiding routes are available, he frequently takes the

shortcut illegal route to an objective simply because of the more immediate return and the smaller investment of energy*

In short, Miller has very heavily relied upon the cultural

"apartness” of the lower class* As several writers have indicated, by failing to distinguish adequately between lower class norms in general and delinquent norms in particular, he is forced into the position of implying that the lower-class way of life is intrinsi­

cally law violating*5®The entire lower class is seen as a delinquent

subculture*

t«q ibasaa*a • The Position Delinquents la tllfl SflfilPl SfrCUgtUM* In

each of the theories of deviant behavior and of juvenile delinquency considered thus far, ws find at least one theme tying them together - - they have each posited social class variation in rates of delinquency, particularly subcultural or gang delinquency, such that the lowest social stratum has the highest delinquency rate*^ For example,

5BIbld*. p. 10.S^Downes, oo* cit.. p. 70; Matza, oo* cit*. p* 36.

60Merton, BO.. &LL-» PP* 144-145; Cohen, Delinquent Bovs, pp. 36-44; Miller, oo* cit.. pp. 5-19; Cloward and Ohlin, oo. cit.i Delin­quency is commonly described in the literature as primarily a phenome­non of the lower class. See alsot William Kvaraceus, "Juvenile Delin­quency and Social Class," Journal of Educational Sociology 18 (June, 1944) pp. 51-54; Cletus Dirk sen, Egflnmic jjfijqre in Delinquency (Mil­waukee; Bruce Publishing Co., 1948); Ernest W. Burgess, "The Economic

29

Cohan's conclusion* "by no naans nowsi or startling*" is that juve-

nila dalinqusncy in gsnaral "and ths dslinquancy subculturs in parti­cular ara ovarahalmingly eoncsntrated in the mala* working class

sector of the Juvenile delinquent p o p u l a t i o n . I n fact* Raise and

Rhodes indicate that official delinquency rates for nost serious kinds

of delinquency wary inweraely with socio-economic status.6^

There are sona who argue that differential enforcement of the

law and handling of law violators from the socio-economic levels of

the population account for these observed differences in official rates of d e l i n q u e n c y . These critics demonstrate that the data of

Factor in Juvenile Delinquency*" Journal of Criminal Law and Crimi­nology. 43 (flay-June 1952)* pp* 29-401 Albert J* Reiss* Jr* and Albert L* Rhodes* "The Distribution of Delinquency in the Social Class Struc­ture*" American Sociological Review. 26 (October 1961)* pp. 720-732.

61Cohen, on. cit.■ p. 37. Cohen has said concerning the dis­parity between official delinquency rates and delinquent behavior rates in the general population) If many delinquenciea of upper-class chil­dren fail to find their way into the police and court records* the same is apparently true also of many delinquencies of working-class children* and conceivably more true." Ibid.. pp. 37-41. Although Cohen indicates that the best available evidence supports tha traditional and popularconception of the distribution of juvenile delinquency in the classstructure* he calls for research that will make known the extent ofdelinquency behavior in the population not judged delinquent. »pp. 170-171.

62Reiss and Rhodes* loc. cit. Note that the theories of Cohen* Cloward and Ohlin* and Miller have attempted to account for this rela­tionship in terms of subculture.

6^For a general discussion of ths problems in the use of criminal and juvsnils delinquency statistics* aeet Clement S. Mihanovitch* "Who Ia the Juvenile Delinquent?" Social Science. 22 (1947)* pp. 45-50; SophiaM. Robinson* Can Delinquency Be Measured? (New York) Columbia University

30

law enforcement or judicial agancias giva biasad estimates of a true rata of delinquency in tha population* Estimates of the extant of delinquent behavior in the general population indicates that ouch behavior may ba more evenly distributed in the various socio-economic strata than records lead one to believe* Porterfield, for example, found that college students committed many more delinquent acts than is commonly known and that these delinquent acts ware as serious as those which brought other young people, lass fortunate economically, into court.®^ Research by murphy, based on the case histories of ado­lescents, yielded similar results*®® Wallerstein and Wyle found that in a group of upper-income individuals ninety-nine par cent answered affirmatively to one or more offenses.®® Short's research on criminal behavior in selected groups likewise bears testimony to the fact that delinquent and criminal behavior are by no means limited to the lower

Press, 1936); Edward Schwartz, "A Community Experiment in the Measure­ment of Juvenile Delinquency, "National Probation Association Yearbook. 1945, pp* 157-182; Thorsten Sellin, "The 8asis of a Crime Index, "Journal sL Criminal JLflfi AOd Criminology find. PoUCl SClBRCB* 22 (Septem­ber, 1931), pp. 335-356; Jeremiah Shalloo, "Youth and Crime," Annals of UM, American Academy fit Political and Suclal SelanCfl. 194 (November, 1937), pp. 79-86; Henry D. Sheldon, "Problems in Statistical Study of Juvenile Delinquency," quoted in Edwin H. Sutherland and Donald R. Cras­say, fifi. fill*

64Austin L. Porterfield, Youth In Trouble (Fwrt Worth; Leo Potish- man Foundation, 1946).

®®Fred j. murphy, M. Shirley, and H. L. Witmer, "The Incidence of Hidden Delinquency, " Journal fi£ Qrtho-nsvchlatrv. 1616 (October, 1946), pp. 686-696.

®®James S. Wallerstein and C. J. Wyle, "Our Law-abiding Law­breakers," Probation. 25 (April 1947), pp. 107-112.

31

economic groups. The apparently higher rates of tha low socio­

economic status group is due to the fact that agencies of social

control are more likely to classify them as delinquents*88

The anonymous-questionnaire procedure (self-reported delin­

quency) has been utilized very effectively to obtain results reflecting

the rates and patterns of illegal behavior among juveniles from dif­

ferent social classes, ages, sexes, and ethnic groups in the generalegpopulation* Some of the most provocative findings have been those

that challenge the almost universally accepted conclusion that the

lower socio-economic classes have higher rates of illegal behavior

than do the middle or upper classes*78 For example, neither the Nye- Short study71 nor that of Dentler and Monroe7^ revealed any significant

67James F* Short, Jr*, "A Report on the Incidence of Criminal Behavior, Arrests, and Convictions in Selected Groups," Proceedings of the Pacific Sociological Society. 1954, pp* 110-118 (published as Vol* 22, No* 2 of "Research Studies of the State College of Washington” (Pullman, Wash*, 1954)*

88Walter Reckless maintains, for example, that delinquency rates designate categoric risks in the population of being reported to a juvenile court* See Walter C* Reckless, The Crime Problem (New YorktAppleton Century Crofts, 195Q)t p* 194*

^9The most outstanding are those by Porterfield, oo* cit* t F* Ivan Nye and Jamas F* Short, "Scaling Delinquent Behavior," American Sociological Review. 22 (June, 1957), pp* 326-331; Robert A* Dentlerand Lawrence J* Monroe, "Early Adolescent Theft," American SociologicalReview, 26 (October, 1961), pp* 733-743; Fred J* Murphy, et. al*, ££• cit.

^ T h e recent publication of the volume Middle Class Palinguancv. Edmund W* Vaz (editor), would seem to indicate a growing concern and attention given to the amount and causes of delinquency at levels other than lower-class*

71 James F* Short, "Differential Association and Delinquency," Social Problems. 4 (January, 1957), pp. 233-239; F. Ivan Nye, Family

32

difference in the incidence of certain illegal or "deviant" behaviors among occupational-status levels - - a finding quite at odds eith most

explanations of delinquent behavior* Therefore, there appears to be

a direct conflict between the formulations of Miller, Cohen, Merton,

Cloward and Ohlin, and those findings reported by Nye and Short and

Dentler and Monroe*Clark and Wenninger suggest, however, that this apparent discre­

pancy in the literature can be resolved, "if one hypothesizes that the rates of illegal conduct among the social classes very with the type of community in which they are found*"73 And in fact, their findings do

tend to resolve some of the conflicts in ths literature that have arisen from previous research concerning the relationship between the

nature of illegal behavior and socio-economic class* Their findings

are similar to those of Nye-Short and Dentler-Monroe in that they failed to detect any significant differences in illegal behavior rates among

the social classes of rural and small urban areas.74 However, in keeping

Relationships and Delinquency Behavior (New York* John Wiley, 1958); James F* Short and F* Ivan Nye, "Reported Behavior as a Criterion of Deviant Behavior," Soqial Problems. 5 (Winter, 1957-58), pp* 207-213;F* Ivan Nye, James F* Short, and Virgil J* Olson, "Socio-Economic Status and Delinquent Behavior," American Journal of Sociology 63 (January, 1958), pp. 281-389.

^Dentler and Monroe, oo* cit.

73John P* Clark and Eugene P. Wenninger,"Socio-Economic Class and Area as Correlates of Illegal Behavior Among Juveniles," American Sociological Review. 27 (December, 1962), p. 834*

*7 A'^Clark and Wenninger, SSL• cit*. p* 833. The studies of Nye- Short and Dentler-Monroe were limited to communities ranging from rural to small city in size* As Nye points out, "They are thus urban but not metropolitan*" Nye, et. al.. oo. cit.. p. 383*

33

with ths class-oriented theories, they did find significant differences,

both in quantity and quality of illegal acta, among communities or "status areas," each consisting of one predominant socio-economic

class.75 The lower class areas have higher illegal behavior rates,7(%particularly in the more serious types of offenses*

There are several other related matters which must be considered*

One of these is the natter of the size of the concentration of a single social class within a status area* Both the Reiss-Rhodas and Clark-Wenninger studies give consideration to this factor*77 further,

75ffiost studies of "delinquent gangs" and "delinquent sub­cultures" have been conducted in metropolitan centers where these phe­nomena are most apparent, and where greater involvenent by lower-class youngsters is reported* See James F* Short, Jr* and Fred L* Strodtbeck, oo* cit*. especially Chapter 7* From large cities, observational data from lower-class areas with high rates of official delinquency also sug­gest that the incidence of hidden delinquency in these areas is extremely high* See Walter B* miller, Mildred S* Ceertz, and Henry S* G* Cutter, "Aggression in a Boys' Street-Corner Group," Psychiatry. 24 (1961), pp* 263-298} James F* Short, Jr*, Kenneth I. Howard, and Ray A. Tennyson, "Behavior Dimensions of Gang Delinquency," American Sociological Review. 28 (June, 1963), pp* 411-420; and Andrew Greeley and James Casey, "An Upper Middle Class Deviant Gang," American Catholic Sociological Review. 24 (Spring, 1963), pp* 33-41*

75Bordue, reporting on a Children's Bureau Conference in 1960, states that the diecussion was focused largely on urban "lower-class" delinquency becauset

low-status, urban 'slum* delinquency is likely to be especially serious in terms of tha kind of offenses committed, the degree of violence often manifested, the degree of personal involvement on the part of the delinquent, the relationship of delinquency to adult criminal careera, and the cost of law enforcement and Judi­cial handling*

Bordua, "Sociological Theories and Their Implications for Juvenile Delinquency," p* 1*

77R»ies and Rhodes, oo* cit.: Clark and Wenninger, oo* cit.

34

thara ia obviously aora than ona "kind" of lower class and aach doas

not havs rataa or typas of illagal bahevior idsntical to that of tha others* For example, moat rural farm araaa, in which occupations,

incoaas, and aducational lavals ara indicativa of lowar class status, as aaasurad by most aocial class indsxas, conaistantly hava baan found

to hava low ratas of Misconduct - * in fact lowsr than most urban

middle class communities* S. M* Miller and F* Riessman propose that tha picture so often prasantad by sociologists of a mors or lass uniform

culture pattern shared in by tha lower classes in general is artificial*76

They emphasize the division of tha working classes into "working" - - "regular numbers of tha non-agricultural labor forces in manual occu­

pations" - - and "lower” - - irregular working people* They assart that tha "working" class subculture has mora in common with that of the "middle" class than with that of the "lowar" class; moreover, it can ba

seen as tha fulcrum for variations within the working class as a whole*

Social class occupies such an important position in theories of

delinquency that systematic, objective, and relevant data on the matter

are of importance* Reiss and Rhodes concluded as a result of a study of class and juvenile court rates by school district that "it ia clear,

that there is no simple relationship between ascribed social status and

delinquency*"79 Nevertheless, says Clark and Wenninger, "to suggest the

elimination of social class as a significant corrslats to ths quantity

™S. M* Miller and F* Riessman, "The Working Class Subcultural A New View, "Social Problems. 9 (Summer, 1961), pp* 86-97*

79Reisa and Rhodes, oo* cit*. p. 729*

35

and quality of illagal bahavior bafora it has baan thoroughly examined

in a variaty of caaaunity situationst saaas soaaahat premature*

b. Tha Crouo Mature Delinquency* Earliar in this papsr it

■as pointad out that by far tha largost aaount of dalinqusncy occurs in

groups* Sinco tho discovery of this phonoaonon a larga nuabor of ari- tars have turned to tho group nature of delinquency as a subject of interest and invastigatlon* Not all of this intorost has bson focused upon subcultural theorization and oapirical investigation, but this

phonoaonon lends itsolf so roadily to this approach and so auch atten­

tion has boon focusad of lata on this aspect of group delinquency rather

than analyais of delinquent acts or individual delinquent careers, thet

it sooas necessary to give aora detailed coneideration to ths concopt

of the "Delinquent Subculture*"1* Tha Delinquent Subculture* Sinco 1955, ahon Albert Cohan

first oaployad tha concopt of subculture in relation to certain fores

of juvenile delinquency, the tora "delinquent subculture" has bocoee

coaaon in criminological vocabulary* Doonss reminds us, hoaaver, that there ara difficulties in tho use of tho concopt of "subculture" ahich

are sometimes confused aith difficulties in the substance of a theory concerned aith a particular delinquent subculture*^ In fact, Barbara

Wooten raises tho question of ehat is to ba gained by using the sub-

8°Clark and Wenninger, oo* cit*. p* 327*

^Doanas, oo* cit*. p* 1*

36

culture concept***^ Downes concludes* after a thorough consideration of

the difflcultiee involved* that certain kinda of questions can most use**

fully be posed within the subcultural frawe of reference* Mlf the

resulting answers make sense* can be nullified or verified scientifi­

cally* or - - better - - are simply of use* then the weaknesses inherent

in the conceptual source are not crucially relevant*"B3

In his "General Theory of Subculture*”8* Cohen's basic premise

is that what people do depends upon the problems they contend with* He

points out that whatever factors and circumstances combine to produce

a problem derives from either the individual's "frame of reference" or

the "situation” he confronts*8^ All problems arise and are solved by

way of changes in one or both of these classes of determinants* The

really difficult problems are those to which no ready-made solution has

been provided by a'bulture*" If the "situation" remains inflexible*

any satisfactory solution to these problems entails some change in the

frame of reference itself* However* the solutions to the problems must

not impair a person's standing with those whose friendship and esteem

is valued most* his reference group* So strong is the need for reference

group support for our solutions* that if they prove unacceptable to the

group's standards* we are very likely to look for a group that will

B2Barbara Wooten, Social Science and Social Patholoov (New York! Humanities Press* 1959)* p* 67*

B^Downes* o p * clt*. p. 6*

BAcohen, Delinquent fiflxa* Chapter 3* pp. 49-72.

BSlbid*. pp. 51ff.

37

■••■nt. A aajar rNsoo is that roforenco group approval validatos our solutions*

Than Cohan aovoa to tha control thoorotieal probloa of tho booki tho anorganco of non cultural fores*®® Subcultural innovation doss not occur duo to tho Migration of an individual froa ona group to another* This occurs* says Cohan* only ohoro thoro axista* "ineffective intaraction aith ona another* a nuaber of actors aith oiailar probloas of adjustaent*" for ahoa no offactive solution as yat exists for a caaaon sharod probloa* Only an this basis is tha Joint elaboration of a non solution possible* It easrgas on a group basia* by nay af a pro­cess of autual conversion to a naa point af viea in ahich tho aoral fraaa of reference is not so auch obliterated as rapidly tranaforaad* This oaargonco of non "group standards" is synonyaous aith that of a non subculture***7

Doanos* in a vary porcoptiva fashion* ahoaa hoa one source of confusion in Cohan's general thoory of subcultures is found in his feil- urs to classify "subculture" into too aain kinds*

(a) Thooo ahich procodo* or ahich aro foraad outside the context of tha "doainant culture"t for axaapls* tho 'culture1 of laaigrant groups ahich bacons 'subcultures' in tho context of tho host cultural alas* regional aubcultures ahich pre­cede* but ceae to co-exist* sorgo aith or differentially respond to tha enveloping 'doainant culture*'

®®Ihli** pp* 59ff*®7In an oarlior section of this papar it was shoan that tho

aojor category of probloas aith ahich Cohen is dooling aro thoso of "status*" a status basod upon aiddle-class criteria*

38

(b) Those which originate within the context of the dominantculturet these fall into two sub-categoriesi(1) those which emerge in positive response to the demands

of the social and cultural structures; for example, occupational subcultures, age-group subcultures, and

(2) those emerging in negative response to the social and cultural structures' demands; e*g* delinquent sub­cultures; religlous-messianic-revivalist subcultures; political-extremist subcultures*Qa

In this classification, Cohen'a analysis would apply primarily to sub­category (2) of the second kind of subculture*

In a similar way Milton Yinger has distinguished three clearly different meanings for "subculture" in his review of over 100 sources, and he has located the source of confusion in the vague definition of "subculture" as meaning simply "culture within c u l t u r e s * S u b c u l t u r e , according to Yinger, has been used as an "ad hoc concept whenever the writer wished to emphasize the normative aspects of any bshavior that differed from some general standard*"^

Three usages of "subculture" are analyzed by Yinger* The first, found in some anthropological works, refers to "certain universal ten­dencies that seem to occur in all societies* This usage, however, is

only rarely found today* Two other definitions are currently used and

are ambiguous even when separated* The concept of "subculture" is applied both to the normative systems of sub-societies (e*g*, the

QQDownes, oo. clt.. p. 9*09J. Milton Yinger, "Contraculture and Subculture," American

Sociolooical Review. 25 (October, 1960), pp* 625-635*

90ifcid*, P* 625*

39

working-claaa subculture) end ths eeergont nsrss that appear in frus­tration or conflict situations (e*g«* tha delinquent subculture)* Tho firat usaga includes both vagus regional enclaves (e*g*t tha subculture of tha South) and transient occupational groups (e*g«* "the subculture aneng the faculty" cited by Rioaeen, or Cohan's "tha subculture of a factory and of a shop eithin tha factory")* Tha ascend usaga arises when the reference is to noma that arise free a frustrating situation or froe canfllet bateoen a group and tho larger society* To Yinger* tho second usaga iapliea a social-psychological as soil as a cultural dieansion* and atrsssas one particular kind of linkage bataeon norea and personalityi that is* "tha creation of a series of inverse or counter values (opposed to those of tho surrounding society) in fees of serious frustration or conflict*" Yinger has suggested that tho tare "contraculture" be adopted to refer to tha oeergont norea af a group in a conflict-laden situation* retaining "subculture" to describo traditional aubsociety nores* The aodel for such a "contraculturo*"as Yinger proposes they should bo ternod* would bo Cohan'a construct

91of tho delinquent subculture*2. An Alternative tfisei Tha Subculture af Delinquency. David

Matza takes tho position that thara is a subculture of delinquency* butit is net a delinquent subculture as defined by Cohen* Cloeerd and Qhlin*

92and Miller* In reviewing the theories of those holding tha "dalin-

91Ibid** pp. 626-627*92David fflatza* Daliaouancv and Drift. Chapter 2* pp. 33-67*

40

quant subculture” view, Matza finds thalr Interpretation of the

relation betseen delinquent subculture end conventional culture to

be the same* Whatever the underlying reason, reaction formation,

alienation and availability, or autonomous traditions, the delinquent

subculture stands in opposition to the conventions of middle class morality and inexorably leads its adherents to the breaking 'if laes.9^

Although the values and norms implicit in the subculture of

delinquency are obviously related to delinquency and these values and

norms obviously depart in some manner from conventional traditions,

Matza feels that for two reasons the relation between the subculture

of delinquency and the wider culture cannot be summarized in the term

opposition* A subculture is not simply oppositional because it exists within a wider cultural milieu which affects it and which it, in turn,

affects* More specifically, the subculture of delinquency cannot be oppositional because, in the first place, it is manned by children,

and children are influenced by the society of elders (including parents),

almost all of whom are united in their denunciation of delinquent deeds*

In the second place, conventional culture is not as simple as usually depicted* It is complex and many-sided, including a wide variety of

interrelated traditions*

The basic question and point of difference between Matza and the other theorists pertains, then, to the degree and character of differen­

tiation between the conventional culture and the subculture of delin-

93lbid*. p. 36.

41

quency* Does tha aubcultura of dalinquancy merely tolerate behavior,

or "require it as a demonstration of eligibility for membership or leadership status?"^* Clovard and Ohlin had stated that the delinquent must conform to the dictates of his world* "A member eho refuses to

perform further delinquencies must expect expulsion from the group»**®5

Matza indicates, however, that such strong formulations are misleading*

He examines a wide variety of extenuating conditions which excuse mem­

bers from delinquent activity, and then poses the question! can a mem­

ber remain in the subculture of delinquency, the world of public delin­

quency, and through proper extenuation refrain from delinquencies?

Matza1s answer is, "yes," and the existence and the character of these

extenuating circumstances indicate the substance of the subculture of delinquency* They indicate in a dramatic and forcible way the intrusion of conventional values, and thus the accommodating rather than the oppo­

sitional character of the subculture* This subculture of delinquency is a delicately balanced set of precepts doubly dependent on extenuating

circumstances* Both the commission of delinquent acts and abstinence

from them are approved only under certain conditions*

In order to determine whether or not the subculture of delinquency

is a delinquent subculture, Matza attempts to assess the posture of delinquents in a variety of circumstances* These situations include

(a) the situation of apprehension, (b) the situation of imputation!

^Cloward and Ohlin, op* cit*, p. 7*95ibid*. p. 13.

42

(o) the situation of aalocting vietias, (d) tha situation of childhood (a) tho intarvioa situation, and (f) tha situation of coapany* Having axoainod these, Matza concludosi "If in all situations tho dalinquant reveale a baaic aabivalanco toward his bahavior, a non coneoption af his subculture aay ba warranted, for this aabivalanco is strong indi­cation that his values ara not coapletely opposed to conventional values-"®®

Matza auaaarizas his visa in the following wordstTha subculture of delinquency consists of precepts and cuatoas that ara delicataly balanced botwoan convention and criae* Tho subculture posits objectives that aay bo attained through delin­quency but also by other aeons* Its custoas allow delinquency and even suggest it, but delinquency is noithsr daaanded nor necessarily considered a preferred path* Tha noras and senti- aents of the subculture ore beliefs that function as ths extenu­ating conditions under which delinquency is possible*The subculture of delinquency is one of aany • • • • The special characteristics of the subculture of delinquency which is of critical relevanca is the fact that it is aannsd by Juveniles who, because of their station, are encircled by the conventional order • • • • The subculture of delinquency is dependent on and integrated with tha conventional ordar wore than west others* Thus, ths key to tha analysis of tho subculture of delinquency aay be found in its considerable integration into the wider society and not in its slight differentiation*?7

96Ibid*, p. 59* See further discussion in tho noxt section of this paper of tho techniques uoed by delinquents to neutralize conven­tional values and noras, techniques which allow violation of conventional values and noras without surrendering allegiance to thaa*

?7Ibld.. pp. 59-60.

43

III. THEORETICAL SCHEME

NRMtrillttUgn sL V i A y gIt has bean nacaaaary to traca tha thinking of a nuabar of

thaeriata in ordar to arriva at tha thaory of dalinquancy aa davalapadQOby David Matza and Graahaa Sykaa. In coaprahanding tha viaaa that

hava baan praaantad aa ara battar abla to undaratand tha problaa to ahich thaaa aritars giva the*salvos* Thair thaory ia an attaapt to fill in cartain gapa and alao to aaka cortain corrections to soae of thoaa viaaa that have boon discussed.

For axaaplo, Sykoa and Matza agraa that delinquent behavior* like aost social behavior* la learned and that it ia learned in tha process of social interaction* Tho classic stataaent of thla position aaa found in Sutherland's thaory of difforontial association* ahich assarts that criminal or delinquent behavior involves the learning of (a) techniques of coaaitting criaos and (b) aotivas* drives* rationali­zations* and attitudes favorable to tha violation of las. Unfortunately* Matza and Sykoa indicate* the specific content of ahat is learned —

as opposed to the process by ahich it is learned — has received little attention in either thaory or research. They believe that tha "techniques of neutralization" that ara discussed herein aaka up a crucial component of Sutherland's "definitions favorable to tho violation of las."9®

96sykes and Matza, jg* cit.i Matza and Sykes* jg* git.5 David Matza, op. cit.

99Sykes snd Matza* jQEL* cit.. p. 667.

44

They raeogniza alaa that tha aingla atrongaat school of thought on tho naturo of tha cantont of ahat ia laarnad has contarad on tho idoa af a dalinquant eubculture, a subculturo ahoaa basic charactaristic ia a aystaa of valuoa that ropraaonts an invoraian of tha valuoa hold by respectablo, law-abiding aociaty. Admitting that this iaaga of Juvanila delinquency aa a fora af behavior basad an countarvailing valuoa and noras has soas virtue, thaaa aritars attoapt to corract tho aany dafacts thay sao and to offar an altarnativo explanation of dolinquancy*

Sykaa and Matza atata that tha difficultias in viooing dalinquant bahavior as springing froa a sst af doviant valuas and noraa — aa ariaing, that is to say, froa a situation in which tho dalinquant dafinos hia dolinquancy as “right" — ors both saplrieal and theoretical *^^Thay argua that if tho dalinquant subculturo in which tha dalinquant viowod his bahavior as "aorally corract'1 in fact existed, ho would exhi- bit no faolings of guilt or shaao at dataction and c o n f i n e m e n t * T h o ■ajor rooction would be, rather, that of tho conaciontious objector, tha nueloar diaarner or tha outragod raligioua Minority group. Yet a groat deal of ovidanco suggests that dalinquonta do axparisncs a aanss of guilt or ahawe, and that this is not a front to appaaaa authorities*In tho second place, "tho Juvenile delinquent frequently accords adwira- tian and raspoct to law-abiding persona," in particular tha "really honeat" parson* Honco, "whilo suppossdly thoroughly cowwittod to ths deviant ayataw of tho dalinquant aubculturo, ha would appear to recognize

pp. 664-667*^O^Thia point ia dovalapod ware fully by Matza, q u cit. and

diacusaad in this papor in tho eectien, "Tho Subculturo of Dolinquancy*"

45

the moral validity of the dominant normative system in many instances*"

In the third place, "Juvenile delinquents often draw a sharp line

between thoee who can be victimized and those who cannot;" the selec­

tion of target is often limited by variables of kinship, ethnic group,

social class, age, sex, etc* In the fourth place,"it is doubtful if

many juvenile delinquents are totally immune from the demands for con­

formity made by the dominant social order*" Sykes and matza hold that the greater probability is that the child internalizes these demands

for conformity, but can neutralize these demands when appropriate cir­

cumstances arise, and the ways in which he accomplishes this neutrali­

zation form the major part of the content of the delinquent "learning process” which is so central to the notion of "differential association*” This does not mean that the delinquent denies the validity of these demands for conformity, and substitutes a new normative system for them*

Rather, "techniques of neutralization" provide - - in advance of deviant behavior - - a psychological escape whereby the delinquent evades or

deflects the delinquency issue* The demands for conformity must be met

and answered* They cannot be ignored as part of an alien system of norms and values*

In short, Sykes and Matza doubt the subcultural process, "that

sees juvenile delinquency as a form of behavior based on the values and

norms of a deviant subculture in precisely the same way as law-abiding behavior Is based on the values and norms of the larger society*""*02

Yet the fascinating problem remains of why delinquents violate the laws

102lbid*. p. 666*

46

to which thay should conform and in which they believe outside the

operation of their own delinquency? The enabling process is at least partially a function of ths rarity with ahich social norms are "cate­

gorical imperatives," appearing instead as "qualified guides for action,"

limited in their applicability in terms of time, place, parson and

social circumstances* narked by "flexibility," ths rules are not felt

to be binding under all conditions* In criminal law, this "flexibility," appears in the guise of "mitigating circumstances," by which ths offen­

der avoids moral condemnation if it can be shown that criminal intent

was absent* Sykes and Matza argue that much delinquency is based on

shat is basically an unrecognized extension of defenses to crimes in the

form of justifications for deviance that are seen as valid by the delin­quent but not by the legal system or society at large* Unlike the mecha­

nisms of rationalization, "techniques of neutralization" precede delin­quent behavior and make it possible* Violations are thus seen as "acceptable" rather than "right," and the delinquent, far from repre­senting radical opposition to law-abiding society, appears rather as an apologetic failure*"^03

Five major "techniques of neutralization" are proposed*

1* The denial of responsibility. Here the delinquent sees himself as more acted upon than acting* He approaches a "billiard-ball" self-concept, seeing himself as help­lessly propelled into delinquency by forces beyond his control. Society is "stumbled against" rather than "kicked*" The delinquent also displays an acute aware­ness of the motivation ascribed to him by social

103lbld*. pp. 666-667*

47

eorkora, etc., aa steaming froa a "poor home," a "alua background," "bad companions," ate* By seeing hiaaalf aa aora "ainnad againat than sinning," "tha dalinquant praparaa tha aay for defiance froa tha doainant noraativa ayataa eithout tha nacaaaity of a frontal aeaault upon tha noraa thaaaalvaa*"

2* Tha denial of injury* Tha dalinquant makaa tha dia- tinction — again found in tha legal coda — beteeen acta erong in thaaaalvaa and acta ahich ara illegal but not iaaoral* For tha dalinquant, erongfulneas aay turn on tha quaation of ahathar or not anyone haa clearly baen hurt by hia deviance, and thie aattar ia opan to a variaty of interpratationa) vandaliaa ia daacrlbad aa "aiachiaf," auto theft for "joy ridaa*"

3* Denial of tho victia* Even if the dalinquant bothaccapta raaponaibility for, and racognizas tha conaa- quancas of hia act, ha aay frequantly aaaart that "tha injury ia not arong in tho light of the circuaotancaa*"In a revareal of rolaa, tho delinquent bocoaoa tho avenger, the victia tho erong-doer, a*o* aeeaulta on ainority groupa, vandaliaa at achool* Thia indulgence in acta defined aa MiJL nrnhlhita «« distinct from <■ 1 ■ in aa ia enhanced ahan tha victia ia abatract and preferably at a diatanca froa tho delinquent* Diainiohad aaaranaaa of tha victia additionally aaakana internalized controla*

4* Condemnation of tha condaanara* By concentratingattention upon tha "corrupt," "atupld" or "diacriaina- tory" practicaa of pollca, achool or aocioty at largo, tha delinquent ahifta tho focua of attention froa hia oan dalinquant act to tho aotivaa and bahavior of thoaa oho condean hia laa-violation*

5* Appeal to higher loyalties* Tha delinquent aooa hiaaalf in tha diloaaa of divided loyalties, and attributes his bahavior to a reluctant aacrifica of tha deoanda of tho larger society for thoaa of the eaaller aocial groups to ahich ho belongs* Hence "deviation froa certain noraa aay occur not because the noraa aro rajactad but because othor noraa • • • aro accorded precedence*"104

1Q*Ibld.. pp* 667*669

48Sykaa and Ittatze aaa these "techniques" exemplified in the

typically delinquent phrasest ”1 didn't mean it," "I didn't really

hurt anybody," "They had it coming to them," "Everybody's picking on me," and "I didn't do it for myself• " "These slogans and their vari­ants prepare the juvenile for delinquent acts, but they represent tan­

gential . • . blows at the dominant normative system rather than the creation of an opposing ideology," and are extensions of patterns of

thought already prevalent rather than radically new departures.

Juvenile Delinquency snA Subterranean Values

"Neutralization of Values" has centered its attention on how

an impetus to engage in delinquent behavior is translated into action* Many delinquents, Sykes and Matza have argued, are essentially in agree­

ment with the larger society, at least with regard to the evaluation of delinquent behavior as "wrong." Rather than standing in opposition to conventional ideas of good conduct, the delinquent is likely to adhere to the dominant norms in belief but render them ineffective in practice by holding various attitudes and perceptions which serve to neutralize

the norms aa checks on behavior. These "techniques of neutralization" free the individual from a large measure of social control.

There still remains unanswered tha question! What makes delin­

quency attractive in tha first place? As we have seen, Matza end Sykes

view former answers to this question as troubled by the assumption that

the delinquent is a deviant; that is, however commonplace the pressures

105Ibld.. p. 669

49

that driva him to deviance, hia ultimata poaition ia one of oppoaition to the dominant social order, I.e.. tha world of tha middle class* Thay assert instead that (a) tha values behind much juvenile delinquency arefar less deviant than is commonly supposed; (b) this faulty picture is

106due to gross over-simplification of the middle-class value system*Matza and Sykes indicate that the vast majority of accounts of

Juvenile delinquency and its underlying values agree in substance, if not in interpretation, that three themes recur with marked regularity.^?

First, delinquents are deeply immersed in a restless search for excite­ment, thrills, or "kicks*" The approved style of life, for many delin­quents, is shot through with adventurous exploits that are valued for the stimulation they provide* Second, delinquents commonly exhibit a disdain for "getting on" in the realm of work* Occupational goals involving a steady job or careful advancement are often lacking, and there is found in their place a sort of aimless drifting or grandiose dreams of quick success* Chicanery, manipulation, "smartness," are used to make the "big score;" he has no liking for the slow accumulation of financial resources* Third, aggression - - whether verbal or phy­sical - - is equated with virility and toughness*

iQ^Thrasher, op» cit* i Clifford R* Shaw and Maurice E* Moors, The Natural History aL A Delinquent .Casus. (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1931); Cohen, Delinquent Boys; Cohen and Short, £B* cit*; Millar, o p * cit.t Harold Finestona "Cats, Kicks, and Color," Social Problems. 5 (July, 1957) pp* 3-13; Kobrin, op* cit*: Cloward and Ohlin, £q* cit* t Dale Kramer and Madeline Karr, Tawn-Aoa Canos. (New York; Henry Holt, 1953); Harrison E* Salisbury, Tha Shook-Uo Generation. (New York; Harper and Brothers, 1958); Kvaraceua and Miller, £&* cit*; Bloch and Nisder- hoffer, u * cit*; Beatrice Griffith, American Me. (Boston; Houghton Mif­flin, 1948); Sheldon Glusck and Eleanor Clueck, Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency. (New York; Commonwealth Fund, 1950)*

50

In courting danger and provoking authority, the delinquent is

not simply enduring hazards, ha ia also creating hazards, in a delibe­rate attempt to manufacture excitement* Neither does his disdain for

■ork entail a disdain for money* On the contrary, the "big score" is

the delinquent's goal, end ha sees illegal means as his only way of achieving it* Also, the concept of reaching manhood by way of an abi­lity to "taka it" and "hand it out" is a familiar one to delinquents, and does not necessarily involve the extremities of street gang war­fare* This cluster of values - - excitement, disdain for "getting on"

in work, aggression - -, far from denoting tho delinquent's apartness

from the conventional world, connote his adherence to it*This emphasis on daring; the rejection of the prosaic discipline

of work; the emphasis on luxury and conspicuous consumption; the respect

paid to manhood demonstrated by force - - all find their counterpart in^nothe values of Veblen's leisured elite* Only the mode of expression

- - delinquency - - is unfamiliar* "The values are obscured by theircontext," e*o.. daring, if anti-social, is seen primarily as an act of

109deviance, not an act of courage* Yet all these values have theircounterparts in the dominant social order* The "stag" party, board­

room cynicism, fiercely competitive sports serve as parallels* More specifically, however, "the values of a leisure class seem to lie behind

108Matza and Sykes, oo. cit.. p. 715*

109lbid. ; Merton's comments on in-group virtues and out-group vices seem germane* Paraphrased, they might read; I am daring, You are reckless, Ha is delinquent* Merton, oo. cit*i pp* 426-430*

51

much dalinquant activity." Matza and Sykes sea adolescents in general

and delinquents in particular as the "last leisure class," and assert

that "in our haste to create a standard from which deviance can be

measured, we have reduced the value-system of the whole aociety to that

of the middle-class*" Thay prefer to view class value systems on the

model of the "distribution of frequencies" rather then as "distinct

groupings of specific values unique to tha social class in which they

are (allegedly) found." “Most values . . . appear in most social classes;

the social classes differ, however, in the frequency with which the 1 invalues appear." ,u

Further, Matza and Sykes state that all classes embrace certain "subterranean" values - - values which are in conflict or even contra­

diction with other deeply held values, but which are still recognized and accepted by many. These contradictory values may co-exist with con­

formist values within a single individual and give rise to feelings of

ambivalence in many areas of life* They are "deviant" values only inso­

far as they represent private as opposed to public morality* These values are generally held in abeyance until appropriate circumstances - - sports, holidays, recreation - - are present, but most societies

provide room for . . . a sort of periodic anomie, in which thrill- seeking is allowed to emerge* Gambling, night-clubbing, the "kicking

over the traces" at the businessman* conventions, all reflect the

espousal of subterranean values that often exist side by side with the

values of security, routinization, and stability. In expressing these

^°Matza and Sykes, loc. cit.

52

values, "it ia obvious that something more than the delinquents sense

of appropristeness is required, but . * . in many cases the delinquent suffers from bad timing.

Neither can the dominant society be viewed as unquestioningly

committed to the Protestant ethic of "hard work." Riesman's "inside- dopester," Whyte’s organization men, "Mills* fixer" are all concepts

undermining the Weberian sociologists’ affirmation of the work values

of society* In what Matza and Sykes term the "compromise between the

Protestant Ethic and a Leisure ethic," the delinquent appears "much more in step with his times*"H2 jf he pushes such an ethic to its

logical conclusion in a way that most of society's members might not

willingly do, he has not necessarily moved into a new realm of values* Via books, movies, TV, and magazines and via aggrandisement of the

profit-motive, the dominant society exhibits a widespread taste for violence and legitimizes the ruthlessness inherent in fortune-making*Not only do the mass media frequently act as vehicles for the dissemi­

nation of criminal techniques, there are also numerous examples of the acceptance of aggression and violence on the part of the dominant social

order - - in the glorification of armed combat skills, the punitive

aspects of much industrial conflict, and the actual treatment of delin­

quents themselves by the police*

111Ibid*. p. 716.

112lbld*. p. 717.

53

In brief, "the delinquent nay not stand aa an alian in tha body of society, but nay raprassnt inataad a dangsroua reflection or carica­ture*"^^ Far froa astablishing a ast of countor-values, tha dalinquant aharss ths subtarranaan valuoa af saciaty and this vary adharanca binds hia to tho doainant social order* Thia bond aith tha largar social order, "facilitates tho frequently observed 'roferaation* af delinquents aith tha eoalag of adult s t a t u s * * To tha objection that — if this aero tha case — auch Juvenile bahavior other than siaply dalinquant bahavior aauld ba analyzed aa an extension of tha adult aorld rather than aa a product of a distinctly adolescent subculture* Matza and Sykoa reply that this ia praciaaly their thesis*

They indicate that tho attractivonoss of delinquency — * and tha "techniques of neutralization" ahich oaka it possible as nodes of

113Jfcid*1^*Qthar arltars have indicated that theories of delinquency oust

taka into consideration the frequency aith ahich delinquents aora or lass rofora. Barnard states, "Most Juvenile delinquents outgrea their delin­quencies* Relatively faa bacoao adult offenders* They groa up, coae to taraa aith thalr aorld, find a Job or enter tha araod forces, gat aar- riod and indulge in • • • only an occasional aproa*" Jaaaia Barnard, Social Pr»nhl— ,t Midcan turv. (Noe York* Dr yd on, 1957), pp* 421 and 444* Sea alsoi billiaa McCord, Joan McCord, and Irving Zola Orjoins of Crlaa. (Noa York! Coluabia University Prosa, 1959), p* 21 \ Hi* H* Dunhea and M*E* Knauer, "Tha Juvenile Court and Its Relationship to Adult Crialnality," Social Farc o m. (March 1954), pp* 290-296* Matza states (Delinquency and Drift, p* 22) that anyahara froa 60 to 85 par cant af delinquents do not becoae adult violators* Moreover, this refora aoaas to occur irroapoctive of intervention of correctional agencies and irroapactivo of tha quality of correctional service* Soot Edain Poaars and Helen bitaar, Att Exnarl- jiiiA Aa ih i PrwmUan a l Daimouancvi Hu. CwbridM-Se— tv ilia. Tooth Study (Naa York! Coluabia Univareity Praaa, 1951)f Dunhaa and Knauer, loc. cit.i Joan McCord and billion McCord, "A Folloa-Up Report on tho Caabridge-Soaaerville Youth Study," Tha Annals of tha Aaarican Acadaav of Pni<tlcal and Social Scianca. (March, 1959), pp* B9-96*

54

bahavior - - applies with equal force to adoleacente "at any claea level*

for they novo in a limbo between earlier parental domination and future

integration with tha eocial structure through the bonda of work and

marriage*"115 They therefore postulate that "insofar as these (sub­

terranean) values do lie behind delinquency • • • delinquent behavior prevails among all adoleacente rather than those confined to ths lower

claes."116In support of this classless orientation, they turn to the data

which indicate that delinquency occurs frequently at upper and middle-

class levels as well as at lower-class levels. They assert that the degree to which this is true correspondingly undernines theorization based upon the structural location of most delinquency in the adoles­

cent, urban male segment of the working classes. They acknowledge the

failure of their propositions to account for the social class distri­

bution of delinquent behavior, and the degrees and types of delinquent

behavior which commonly exist as patterned variations* Nevertheless,

they suggest that "it seems worthwhile to pursue the idea that some forms of Juvenile delinquency - - and possibly the most frequent - - have a common sociological basis regardless of the class level at which they appear*"117

One such basis is offered, we believe, by our argument that the values lying behind much delinquent behavior are the values of a

1l5Ibid*. p. 718.

H 6 lbld.. p. 719.

117Ibid*. p. 718.

55

leisure class* All adolescents at all claaa lavala ara to aoaa axtant woMbors of a laiaura claaa, for thay aova in a llabo bataaan aarliar parantal dowinetion and futura inte- gration aith tha aoclal atructura through tha bonda of aork and Mwrriaga* Yat tha laiaura atatua of adolescents, aodi- fiad though it may ba by tha diaciplina of achool and tha lack of wealth, places thaa in ralatlonahip to tha aoclal atructura in a Mannar elailar to that of an ollta which con- auoaa without producing* In thia situation, disdain of work, an aMphaais on parsonal qualitias rathar than technical skills, and a atraas on tha wanner and extant of conauaption all can flourish* Insofar, then, aa these values do lie behind delin­quency, aa could expect delinquent bahavior to ba prevalent ^ g aaong all adolescents rathar than confinsd to tha lower class*

IV. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Tha problaa around which thia research waa planned and directed was suggested by tha papers of Matza and Sykaa and tha book by Matza, Delinquency and Drift* These theorists stressed that "we stand to learn more about Juvenile delinquency by exploring the delinquent's aiwilarlty to society rathar than hia diasioilarity*" With their total theoretical approach serving aa a frawework, tha Major working p Topo­

ls BIbid* . pp* 718-719* A nuabar of writers have discussed tha existence of a youth culture or an adolescent subculture* Sea, for exaaplei Jessie Barnard, "Teen-Age Cultural An Overview," Tha Annala of tha Awarlcan Acadaaiv of Political and Social Science. 338 (Novawbar, 1961), pp. 1-12j Jbmss S* Coleoan, Tha Adolescent Society. (Now York* Tha Free Preaa of Gloncoa, 1961) i Kingsley Davis, "Sociology of Parent- Youth Conflict," Awarican Sociology Review. 5 (August 1940); Kingsley Davis, "Adeloacenca and the Social Structure," Tha Annala of tha Awari- can AcadaMV of Political and Social Sclanca. 236 (Novoobar 1944); Tal-cott Parsons, LaMYl JLa StfilalBBlfitJl ThlMY &U£ft MUA AflflULld* ( Gloncoa, Illinoiai Free Press, 1949), Chaptar 5| J* Milton Yinger, .go,* cit.. pp. 630-631* Wastlay and Elkin have challenged tha concept af "adolescent culture*" Seat W. A* Wastlay and Frederick Elkin, "The Myth of Adoles­cent Culture." Awarlcan Sociological Review. 20 (DacoMber, 1955), pp* 660-684*

56

sitlan for tho prosont rosoorch oao apocificolly suggested by thoporogroph quotod in ite ontlroty In tho procoding ooction of thiapapor, and particularly tho hypothaoio ohich roodoi "Insofar, than,oa thaoo valuoa do lio bohind dolinquancy, aa could axpoct dalinquantbahavior to bo provalont ooong oil odolooconta rothor than confinodto tho loaor cloaa*"119

Tho gonorol propoaition dirocting tha prooont roooorch roodsiThoro is no difforanca botason thoso ranking high in salf- raportod dolinquancy ond thoso ranking loo in solf-raportod dolinquancy (oil cloosos) in odhoronca to tho throo valuoa — aoarch for oxcitaaiont, disdain for aork, and aggroasion — nor in thoir ottitudos tooord thoso participoting in Juvonilo dalinquant octivitios*

Although this study gavo sons conaidorotlon to tho ontiro clus­ter of values, primary attention oss given to ona sat — diadain for aork and gotting ahead — in its ralation to ottitudos tooord ond participation in Juvonilo dolinquancy* Thus, a spacific proposition was stated, as folloast

There is no difforanca botaoon thoso ranking high in aolf- roportod dolinquancy and thoso ranking loo in salf-roportad dolinquancy (all classes) in odhoronca to tha sot of voluos cantering around disdain for aork and gotting ahead, nor in thoir ottitudos tooord thoso participating in Juvonilo dalinquant activitloa*

Five sub-hypothosos aoro droan froa this statement and served as guldasfor tho roooorcht

1* Thoro is no difforanca in solf-roportod dolinquancy by social class*

2* Thoro io no difforanca botaoon thoso high in solf- roportod dolinquancy and thoso loo in solf-roportod dolinquancy in thoir occupational valua orientations*

119ibid*. p. 120

5?

3. There is no dlffsranco batsaan thoaa high in self-reported dalinqusncy and thoaa loa in aalf-raportad dalinqusncy in intsrpsraonal attitudes.

4* Thara ia no diffaranca batasan high aalf-raportad delin- quanta and low aalf-raportad delinquents in attitudes toward thoaa who participate in juvenile dalinquant behavior*

5* Thera ia no diffaranca between high solf-reportad dalin­quant a and low aalf-raportad delinquents in attitudaa toward success and tha future*

In order to evaluate theaa hypotheses, the following steps wars followedt

1 - The socio-economic class positions of two eighth-grade school groups and an officially adjudicated delinquent group were determined.

2* By means of a delinquency scale, tha degree of involve­ment in delinquent behavior of the three groups was deter­mined.

3* The occupational value orientatione of the three groups ware examined, and than the relation of those value orientations to delinquency involvement was determined*

4* The relation between specified attitudes, the major value orientations, and the delinquency involvement of each group was examined*

The specific techniques employed and a description of the groups studied

are discussed in the following chapter*

CHAPTER II

METHODOLOGY

In tha first chsptsr tha basic background matarial ahich served to establish the general operational theory and design of this study oas presented* In this chapter the ariter proposes* first* to describe the design af the research* including a description of the data gathering instrument; second* to indicate the research procedures that were used; and then to present selected characteristics of ths sample population*

I. RESEARCH DESIGN

Measure a £ ValuesAs is evident from the theories presented in the preceding chap­

ter* many social scientists have found the description of value patterns inescapable in their analyses of societal behavior* Nevertheless* "up until the present time tha direct empirical investigation of the values of men in different cultures has somehow seemed beyond the proper pro- vines of scientific inquiry • • • •"

Among the explanations advanced for this tendency of social scientists to avoid tha study of values* Cattail has suggested; "The wish that ths human mind should be untouched by science is father to

«1G* A* Lundberg* "Human Values - - A Research Program*" Proceed­ings At JLbfi. Sociological Society. Riaiflrch Studiee a £ Uttt. State Colleoa qf Washingtom, Pullman* September* 1950* cited by William R. Catton* Jr** "Exploring Techniques for Measuring Human Valuas*" American Sociological Review. 19 (February* 1954)* p* 49.

58

59

ths thought that It cannot bo treated scientifically*Lundberg,

on the other hand, feels that ee have tried to reach too high* He

attributes much of the failure to obtain objectives results in the

study of values, and the very assumption that scientific studies of

values are impossible, to the fact that the habitual approach to the

subject has involved highly abstract terms like truth, beauty, justice,

and goodness* For successful scientific value-ressarch he recommends3coming down the ladder of abstraction* Another explanation is pre­

sented by Demey and Humber who maintain in their social psychology text that inasmuch as ths social sciences are new and their legitimacy as sciences is still contested, social scientists tend to "worship1*

ths physical and biological sciences and strive to outdo them in renouncing values*4

Catton suggests, after looking at ths various explanations

given, that part of the resistance to undertaking the scientific study

of values arises from tha belief (among both philosophers and social

scientists) that qualitatively unlike values are not quantitatively

commensurable* However, on ths basis of three empirical tests of the

hypothesis of incommensurability, and retests of the same study, Catton

concludes that human values, including those which are regarded as being

^Raymond B. Cattail, An Introduction to Personality Study (Londoni Huchison, 1950), p* 14*

nG* A* Lundberg, o p * cit.. p* 9*

^Richard Dewey and Uf* J. Humber, The Development of Human Bahavior. (New Yorkt Macmillan, 1951), pp* 712-713*

60

of infinite worth,5 become measurable relative to each other in exactly the same manner aa other verbal stimuli*

The measurability of any claee of valuea, 'infinite* or othareiee, may thue be regarded as a function of the ingenuity of the experimenter in devieing techniquee for obtaining discri- minatory reeponaea to thoae valuea, of the eort described by the law of comparative Judgement. The mere fact that the stimuli in question are labelled 'values' does not make them non-measureble, nor does the fact that responses to such stimuli are called 'value Judgements' prevent them from displaying empirical regularities which may enable social scientists to make predictions.®

Part of the problem can be discovered in the very differences in the concepts of value. In an attempt to clarify the confusion surrounding the meaning of value, Franz Adler reduced these concepts to four basic types*^

1* Values are considered as absolute, existing in the mind ofGod as eternal ideas, as independent validities, etc.

2* Values are considered as being in the object, material, ornon-material*

3* Values are seen as located in man, originating in his bio­logical needs or in his mind* Man by himself or man in the aggregate, variously referred to as group, society, culture, state or class, is seen as 'holding' values.

4* Values are equated with actions*

^Among the "infinite" value categories, Catton listst (a) human life itself, (b) man's creative achievements, (c) human cooperation for a better life, (d) the worshiping of a power higher than the individual, (e) fullest possible developments of moral character, and (f) fullest possible development of human intelligence and abilities* William R. Catton, Jr*, "Exploring Techniques for Measuring Human Values," American Sociological Review. 19 (February, 1954), 53} and William R* Catton, Jr., "A Retest of the Measurability of Certain Human Values," American Socio­logical Review. 21 (June, 1956), p* 358*

®Cstton, "Exploring Techniques for Measuring Human Values," p. 55*?Frank Adler, "The Value Concept in Sociology," American Journal

of Sociology. 52 (November, 1956), 272-79*

61

In considering the empirical study of these four types, Adler states

that absolutes are inaccessible to science* Values in objects cannot

be discovered apart from human behavior relating to the objects, and internal states cannot be observed apart from action* “Thus," he con­

cludes, "what people do is all that can bs knomn about their values*"**Values, then, must be inferred from behavior - - from ehat

people say and/or from mhat people do* In this respect, "values are

constructs in the mind of the researcher mhich explain, or label, the

conceptual criteria people use as judgment standards when choosing from

a l t e r n a t i v e s * T h e patterned regularity of choices is the key notion

in a definition that is operationally useful* Since individuals can

verbally express their conception of the more favorable alternative from a eet of alternatives, it is possible to infer, from the pattern

of verbal choices over a series of situations, the underlying value structure influencing the direction of these choices* This idea is expressed in William Catton's adaptation of the mors well-known Kluck- hohn definitiont "A value is a conception of the desirable which is implied by a set of preferential responses to symbolic desiderata*

Catton's statement is clear and will serve, in this study, as a useful

definition of "values*" When value orientations are spoken of, we mean

6Ibld.. p. 272*

®H. K* Schwarzweller, "Values and Occupational Choice" (an unpub­lished paper read at the annual meeting of the Southern Sociological Society, Atlanta, April 7-9, 1960), p* 3*

m William R* Catton, Jr., "A Theory of Value," American Socio­logical Review. 24 (June, 1959), p. 312.

62

the empirically measured tendency to react favorably or unfavorably to

certain generalized conceptions, such as social status, security, crea-11tivity, helpfulness, and the like*

It sill be recalled from the general theoretical framework and the statement of the problem that a major objective of this research is

to determine the values of the respondents as they center around work*By analyzing the preferential reeponees to the symbolic desiderata, stated as requirements for an occupation, the subjects' values are deter­mined*

Morris Rosenberg in the book, Occupations and Values, tells of astudy at Cornell University which had as a chief focus the problem of

1 occupational choices and occupational values* In that study of college

students, items were included which were designed to shed light on the

determinants of occupational choices and on the special role which

values play in directing the occupational decision* Specifically, the

college students in the study were presented with a list of occupational values and were told to "consider to what extent a Job or career would

have to satiefy each of these requirements before you could consider it

11 for a more complete discussion of values and attitudes which can serve as a theoretical background for the problem of occupational values, seet Eugene M. Johnson, Values a q4 Occupational £hfii£A. la IfilUL Selected Occuations (unpublished master's Thesis, Louisana State University,Baton Rouge, Louisiana, 1960)*

12fflorris Rosenberg, Occupations and Values. (Glencoet The free Press, 1957)* for a review and discussion of the Rosenberg study and other studies related to the subject of occupations and values, see Eugene M* Johnson, op» clt*. pp. 50-56*

63

IDEAL*" They were instructed to rank these values as high, medium, orlow in importance, and then to indicate the relative importance of those

marked high* On the basis of the results, certain major "value-orien-tations" or "value-foci" ware distinguished, value orientations which

gave some indication of their view of work*

Since this writer had earlier utilized the Rosenberg method of

determining "value-orientations" with good results, it was determined1to make use of that technique in this investigation* Some modifica­

tions were necessary to account for the age of the respondents and to

better relate the technique to the study of delinquency* Several of the changes are discussed in the section, "Questionnaire Design*"

A question arisesi Is the junior high school student too young

to have given any thought to work or occupation? One writer suggests that "it is the male 'who must go into the market place,' it is the adolescent who undergoes the crucial process of occupational decision­making*"^4 Ginzberg and his associates suggest that occupational choice

is a process which is developmental in character, ranging through three 1 Speriods* 3 The first of these periods is one in which the individual

makes what can be described as a fantasy choice} the second period is

that in which the individual makes a tentative choice} and the final

13Ibld.lAoavid M* Downes, The Delinquent Solution (New Yorkt The Free

Press, 1966), p* 42*15Eli Ginzberg, fll*, Occupational Choice. An Approach to a

General Theory. (New Yorki Columbia University Press, 1951), See chapter 7.

64

period is that in which he makes a realistic choice* The first coin­

cides in general with the latency period between six and eleven, al­though reaidual elements of fantasy choices frequently carry over into

the preadolescent yeare* The second coincides by and large with early

and late adolescence* With few exceptions, realistic choices are made in early adulthood* Our interest lies in the second period, roughly

between the ages of eleven and seventeen, and described as one of tenta­

tive choice* During this period, says Ginzberg, choices progressively

change from those based upon interests to thoae based upon capacities

to those based on value* In this investigation we are not concerned pri­marily with what is the final choice of specific occupation* Rather we

are interested in the underlying values which would lead to the choice of an occupation and to the dismissal of another from possible acceptance*

Measure SPClfl-gfiflngPlU iBVBlIn this study interest was focused on the socio-economic status

structure of each of the school populations and of the delinquent popu­lation which then could be used as a basis for classifying the popula­

tion in a social class context* The measure of social status utilized

is a quantitative index of social position developed by Duncan*^ The

unit scored is an occupation} the score assigned to any occupation is a

function of both the education attained and the income received by all

^Otis D* Duncan, "A Socioeconomic Index for All Occupations" and "Properties and Characteristics of the Socioeconomic Index" in Albert J* Reiss, Jr*, Occupations and Social Status (New York* Free Press of Glen­coe, Inc*, 1962), pp* 109-161* The scale is presented on pages 263-275*

i

65

Mias so employed in ths civilian labor fores in 1950*^7 Duncan has providsd ths dscils rank of 425 occupations* indicating ths particular tsnth of ths labor fores into which ths position falls* A sslsctsd list of thsss is prsssntsd in Tabla I*

Using ths 1960 U* S. Cansus of Papulation classification system* ths occupation of ths father* as indicatsd by sach respondent, was placsd in ons of ton categories*18 In ordsr to offset a wore exact gradation* ths original indsx scorss dovolopod by Duncan woro onployod to cowputo a asdian socio-sconowic indsx score* Thsss scorss wors ussd to rank ths thras groups in ths population dscils seals*

I^Nyo* Short* and Olson suswmrizsd ths advantagas of using occupa­tion as a wsasura of socio-sconowic status* (1) Occupation corrolatas highly with othor critorla of class and status position* such as subjec- tivs class affiliation* incowa* oducational lovol* subjoctivs class rat­ings* and othors* (2) Occupation is rolatod not only to incows but to valuss, attitudos* and goals* to a cartain axtsnt it dotorwinss ths social ralations awong sociotal members* (3) Ths uso of occupation as a cri- torion of socio-sconowic status nkos it possiblo to corrslsto a child's dalinqusnt bohsvior with ths socio-sconowic lovsl of his iwwsdlats family rathor than with ths damographic aroa in which hs livss* (4) In addition* data on ths occupation of ths fathor aro gansrally obtainad woro accurata- ly frow adolssconts than incows* ysars of schooling of ths parsnts* valuo of ths hows* rsntal* and othsr ltaws with which ths adoloscant way not bs fawiliar* F* Ivan Nye* James F* Short* Jr., and Virgil J* Olson* "Socio- Economic Status and Delinquent Bohsvior," Ths Awsriean Journal of Soclo- loov. 63 (January 1958)* p* 384* For furthor discussion of occupation as a criterion of social class position, sso* Paul K* Hatt* "Occupation and Social Stratification." Awsriean Journal of Sociology. 55 (May* 1950)* 533-543* Albert J* Rsiss* Jr., ad*, a q * cit* * LaMar T* Cwpoy* "Social Class and Occupational Aspiration* A Comparison of Absoluts and Ralativs Maaaurawant." Awsriean fiflfil Hi Pfllgffl1! Review. 21 (Dscswbar 1956)* 703-709* National Opinion Research Cantor* "The Quarter's Polls * Occupations*” Public ttolnlon Quarterly. 11 (1947-48)* 138-171* Joseph A* Kahl and Jamas A* Davis* "A Comparison of Indexes of Socioeconomic Status*" Awsriean SBgifllflBlfill R « l f » 20 (June* 1955), 317-325*

^Table IV on page 90 indicates the distribution of occupations for sach of ths Croups in this study*

66

TABLE ISELECTED OCCUPATIONS BY DECILE RANK AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDEX*

OCCUPATION DECILESOCIO-ECONOMIC

INDEX

Lawyer 10 93Manager - banking and finance 10 85Electrical enginsar 10 84Accountant 10 78Social worker 9 64Real aetata agant 9 62Athlete 9 52Sales clerk 8 47Electrician 8 44Policeman 8 40TV repairman 7 36Plumber 7 34Piano tuner 7 33Bus driver 6 24Welder 6 25Shipping clerk 6 22Auto mechanic 5 19Bartender 5 19Operative (manufacturing) 4 17Waiter 4 16Cook 4 15Laborer (metal industry) 3 14Farm owner or tenant 3 14Elevator operator 2 10Taxi driver 2 10Janitor 2 9Construction laborer 2 7Porter 1 4

•Sourcei Otis D. Duncan's Socioeconomic Index in Albert J* Raisa, Jr., OCCUPATIONS AND SOCIAL STATUS (New Yorkt Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1962) pp. 263-75.

67

Thsss prscsdurss and ths rssults obtainsd ars prssantsd mors fully in ths nsxt chaptsr.

M f W Ot DelinquencyUntil rscsntly almost all afforts to discovsr charactariatics

that diffarantlata Juvanilss mho vlolata lsgal norms from thoas whodo not hava comparad Institutional and non-institutlonal populations*As Nye and Short point out, "Delinquency has, in fact, generally bsontrsatsd not as a variabla, but as an attributs. Croups and individualsars trsatsd as dalinqusnt or nondslinqusnt according to official judgs-msnt. Ths socio-aconoaic and othsr biaaas inhorsnt in ths dichotomyis wall k n o w n . T h o u g h many roaoarchsrs still employ a "dalinqusnt"

2flor "criminal" sample from institutions, thsrs is a growing awaronsss that ths process through which boys and girls are salacted to populate the "correctional" institutions may causa such comparison studios to distort ssriously the true picture of illegal behavior in our society. Therefore, conclusions based upon such studies are subject to conside­rable criticism of generalized beyond the type of population of the

21particular institution at the time of the study.A further problem in the institutionalized— non-institutionalized

dichotomy for etiological purposes is that it involves the unknown but

1®F. Ivan Nye and Jamas F. Short, Jr., "Scaling Delinquent Behavior," American Sociological Review. 22 (June 1957), p. 326.

20An example of this type of research design is Sheldon and Eleanor Gluack, Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency (New Yorki The Common­wealth Fund, 1950).

21 See Marshall B. Clinard, Sociolaov of Deviant Behavior, rev. ad. (New Yarkt Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1963), p. 123.

68

important effect of tha institutionalization process itself on the

relationship of the adolescent to his parents* siblings* school* and

other aignificant groups* Are these relationships the same after arrest*

probation* supervision* and incarceration? Indeed* there is the prob­

lem of the effect of the institutionalization process upon the self22concept of the youngster himself*

The pioneer work of Robinson and Schwartz* together with the

studies of Porterfield* Wallsrstein and Wyle* and murphy* Shirley and Witmer* have pointed up the problems and futility of basing etiological

research and theory solely on the institutionalized— non-institutiona-

lized dichotomy* The more recent work of researchers like Nye and Short* Clark and Wenninger* and Dentler and Monroe has added to the

findings of these earlier studies and indicates the feasibility of extensive research on reported delinquent behavior in non-institutiona- lized as well as institutionalized populations*^

In the present study* we are interested in the delinquent

behavior of boys who have been adjudicated delinquent by ths Court and

22por further discussion of these problems* see James F* Short,Jr- and F* Ivan Nye, "Reported Behavior as a Criterion of Deviant Beha­vior," Social Problems. 5 (Winter* 1957), pp. 207-213} and Nye and Short* op* cit** pp. 326-331*

23see the preceding chapter* pp. 28-35* for a review of theseworks*

Z^Short and Nye* oo* cit* t Nye and Short* oo. cit*i F* Ivan Nye* Family Relationships and Delinquent Behavior (New Yorks John Wiley* 1950); John P. Clark and Eugene P* Wenninger* "Socio-Economic Class and Area as Correlstes of Illegal Behavior Among Juveniles," American Socio­logical Review. 27 (December 1962), pp. 826-834} Robert A* Dentler and Lawrence J* Monroe, "Early Adolescent Theft," American Sociological Review. 26 (October, 1961), pp. 733-743*

69

are on probation* and also junior high school students who are not

adjudicated delinquents* Delinquent behavior is measured by means of

an anonymous delinquency check list administered to all the adoles-

cente in the study and by a delinquency scale constructed from it*This delinquency scale is an adaptation of that developed by Nye and Short*

An inventory of 15 items of criminal and anti-social behavior

was constructed*^ Several criteria were employed in their selectiont items were desired which would (1) provide a range from trivial to

serious crimes (this was modified by two factors: (a) there was an

attempt to keep the final scale as much like the scale developed by

Nye and Short as possible; so* although the list is designed to include a broad sampling of juvenile misconduct* it does not include several

of the more serious types of delinquency* e*g«* rape* breaking and entering, and armed robbery* which were also omitted in the Nye-Short

Scale; (b) the youth of the respondents in this study suggssted offenses of a less serious nature); (2) be committed by an appreciable segment

of the population; and (3) be admitted under favorable circumstances*

No questions concerning sex offenses were included in this

study* s restriction found necessary in order to gain entrance into the

school system* Since sex offenses are typically listed as a major

^Following Nye and Short* this writer accepts Tappan's arguments for legal definition of crimes and delinquencies* but takes exception to his insistence that only those adjudicated as criminals or delinquents are properly the subject of sociological inquiry* See Paul W. Tappan* "Who is the Criminal?" American Sociological Review. 12 (February, 1947), pp. 96-102.

70

category of offenses for female delinquents, it was felt that the exclusion of questions concerning sex was a reason for eliminating

females from the study* A more general reason, however, was the empi­rical fact - - verified by self-reported delinquency studies - - that officially recognized delinquent behavior is primarily a male pheno­

menon*The study of delinquent behavior by reported behavior raises a

number of methodological problems, some of which have been investigated

by Short and Nye.^® Regarding the question of the bias introduced by

reliance upon volunteers, the findings of Short and Nye support sug­gestions by Wallin?7 and Locke^® that such bias is not substantial

2 Qthough certain variations in response have been noted* They suggest

methods whereby the problems of response reliability and validity can

be dealt with by "building in" to the questionnaire items "designed to

catch the random respondent, ths over-conformiat, and the individual who

is out to impress the researcher with his devilishness, the truth not­withstanding. "30

Following the lead of Short and Nye, several reliability checks

2®Short and Nye, oo* cit. i Nye and Short, jo* cit*

^7Paul Walling, "Volunteer Subjects as a Source of Sampling Bias," American Journal of Socioloov. 54 (May, 1949), pp. 539-544.

?0narvey J* Locke, "Are Volunteer Interviewees Representative?"* Social Problems. (April, 1954), pp. 143-146*

2®Short and Nye, oo. cit*. p. 211.

3°Ibid.

71

were included In the questionnaire to dotoct the over-conforaer*Those behavior iteas, euoh as "pushing to ths head of ths line instesd of aaiting your turn,” "telling an untruth if it aeoaod necessary," "pulling pranks on Hslleeaan night," and "cooking," are generally con- sidared by the general public to be undeairable but coneidered by thie writer te be univareal eith the age group under conaiderstion* A response of "no" to all of theae see coneidered eufficient reaeon for ellalnation of the raapondent*

It wee anticipated that there would be a few individuala who would pretend to have eoaaitted "every criae in the book*" If a public school respondent indicated, as a fen did, that he had coaaittad all 15 delinquenciea a aaxiaua nuabsr of tiaas, it was considered that hs would be found in the state training school, or at least in detention, rather than being at large, and his data wars sliainated*

Short end Nye had warned about another type of response problea posed by the axtreaaly poor reader* Because the achoole would allow reepondents to give only one class period of 50 ainutes to this researchproject, careful attention was given to the aatter of the poor reader

31and the length of the questionnaire*For one or aore ef the abeva reasona approxiaately two per cent

of the public schoel atudent questionnaire ware coneidered invalid and eliainated* Thera were none eliainated in the case of the delinquenta*

^Even with tiae allewed for Introductory reaarka by a school official and introduction te the queetionnaira by the reaearcher, every atudent coapleted the queetionnaira in the tiae allowed, aoat in e ahorter tiae than anticipated by the reaearcher* Many quaatlons con­eidered iapertant to the reaoarch had been eliainated by the reaearcher in order te aeet the tiae requiroaenta* With the adjudicated delinquent

72

For the respondents retained, two further indications of reliability

were available* Scaling of the data (unidimsnsionality) provides one of these*^ Similarities in scale patterns in the studies of Nye and

Short and those derived by this writer provides another*

Two indications of validity are presented* First, all items

are violations of laws or are offenses on the basis of which adoles­cents are adjudicated* This is an indication of face validity.33

Second, the scale scores differentiate between groups "known to be different" on the delinquent behavior dimension*

The development of the delinquent scale according to the Gut- tman technique and the improvement of reproducibility coefficient by

use of Israel Gamma Image Analysis is so integral a part of the find­ings of this paper that these matters ars discussed in the next chapter*

Pleasure Attitudes

The concept of attitudes is very closely associated with that

of values* Following the theoretical approach of such social— psycho-*1 Alogists as Ellsworth Faris and George Herbert Mead, attitudes can be

group any problems of understanding could be solved by informal discus­sion with the individual delinquent, as explained in the section, "Research-Procedures*"

32" . • . If scalogram analysis shows that essentially only a single factor is operating in the responses, thus must mean that there cannot be many additional factors, including unreliability." Louis Gut- tman, "Problems of Reliability” in Samuel A. Stouffer, Louis Guttman, Edward A. Suchman, Paul F* Lazarsfeld, Shirley A* Star, and John A* Clau­sen, Measurement and Prediction.(Princetoni Princeton University Press, 1950), p* 305, quoted in Nye and Short, op* cit*,; p* 327*

33William J. Goode and Paul K* Hatt, methods in Social Research. (New York; McGraw-Hill, 1952), p* 237.

73

regarded generally aa tha individual axpraaaian of aocial valuaa (that iat in thoaa oaaaa ahara aocialization hoa boon successful)* Tha aocial attitudaa of tha poraon ara aaon aa tha aubjoctiva aapact of tha objactiva valuaa, and tha intarnalization of thaao valuaa ia a function of tha praeaaa af aocialization aithin tha huaan group* "Tha auccoaa of aocialization ia coaplata ahan tha valuaa of tha group

*XCbocoao attitudaa in tha personality*Mora apacifically, attitude ia coaaonly defined aa "the predie-

peaition to act."36 Thia iaplias a readiness, or a aat te act in a certain aay toaard an object* Attitudes are inferred froai observad behavior* Usually, if tha behavior is verbal, tha verbal response la terasd "opinion-" Although opinions "cannot bo taken aa direct exhi­bition or description of attitudes,"3? nevertheless attitudes are infer­red froa or bast knoen to us through tha expressions of opinions by inforaants* Harry K* Schworzaaller suggests that tha difference between attitudaa atudiad in this manner and values aa they ara usad

^Ellsworth faris, "Social Attitudes" and "Tha Concept of Social Attitudes," in Tha Mature of Huaan Nature (New York! McGraw-Hill Book Co*, 1937), pp* 127-31, 132-43* George Herbert Mead's lectures wars published in Mind. Saif, and Society. (Chicago! University of Chicago Press, 1934)*

35Delbart C* Millar and Wllliaa H. Fora, Industrial Sacioloov (Now York! Harper and Brothors, 1951), p* 563*

36Gordon W* Allport, "Attitudes," in C* A* Murchison, editor, HantiiBnk ef Social Psychology (Worcester! Clark University Proas, 1935), pp. 796-844*

37£Ugena L* Hartley end Ruth L* Hartley, Fundeaentele of Social Psychology (Now York* Alfred A* Knopf, Inc*, 1952), p* 657*

74

In sociology today is one involving the level of abstraction* Values

imply the deeper, closer-to-the-core type sentiments; attitude implies

more a tendency to act in a certain way in a particular situation* In

this sense, values are the more stable and more permanent aspects of"ZDpersonality.

Attitudes Related QfiCUBaUflflal ChPifiS JllflClt* Three atti­

tudes related to occupational choice and uiork are examined in this

study: attitudes are labeled "faith in people," "attitudes toward

success," and "attitudes toward the future*" Variations in techniques

of investigation are employed with each set of attitudes* Therefore,

a description of each technique is presented with the appropriate

findings*^

Attitudes Toward Delinquency* Matza and Sykes have suggested

that delinquents frequently express statements indicating a belief in

the law while at the same time they break the law* They have outlined

certain "techniques of neutralization" by which this becomes possible

for the individual delinquent.^ When asked how they felt about other

persons who break the law, some delinquents have replied, "Man, I'm not

that bad I"

3®Harry K* Schwartzweller, "Value Orientations, Social Structure and Occupational Choice" (unpublished Doctor's dissertation, Cornell University, Ithaca, 1958), p. 36*

39See pp* 125-130, 139-141, 144-146 for a discussion of these techniques and findings*

^See preceding chapter pp* 43-55 for a discussion of this phenomenon*

75

In an attempt to naaaura tha degree to which the respondents in thie study identify with delinquents or delinquent behavior, a Bogardus

type measure of social distance was developed*41 Ten items were taken from the delinquency check list} the respondent was asked his feeling toward someone who behaved in that fashion* These answers were then

weighted and the items scaled, using ths Guttman technique*4^

quMttgnnaira CuAoaThe questionnaire was tha basic data gathering instrument used

in this investigation* Several problems concerning the content of the

questionnaire and tha intent of its major sections have been discussed

in the preceding portions of this paper* Two other factors governed

the final design of the questionnaire! one, the age of the respondents, and two, ths amount of time available to the respondent for completing

the questions* The fact that the school subjects were eighth grade stu­

dents meant that tha questions needed to be geared to the interests and abilities of 13 and 14-year-olds* Ths fact that the researcher was

allowed one class period of the students' time meant that all questions must be completed by the slowest student in 35-40 minutes*

A copy of the questionnaire, in the final form in which it was

administered is reproduced in the Appendix of thie dissertation* There

41 This section of the questionnaire is introduced by question 19* For a discussion of Bogardus Social Distance Scales, see Goode and Hatt, oo* cit*. Chapter 16, pp* 243-260*

4^The next section of this paper, "The Questionnaire Design," gives mors specific information concerning the design of this measure of attitudes toward delinquency*

follows a description of it.

Ths first seventeen questions ask for general inforwation about

the individual and his socio-economic background* Also included here are several questions concerning his relations with others and his self concept.

Question 18 introduces a major portion of the questionnaire.It is designed to Indicate the importance of selected values in the respondents' choice of an occupation. In the Rosenberg study ten requirements for choosing an occupation were l i s t e d . j n the present

study two other requirements are included - - "Be easy" and "Have

short hours" - - because they seem to be appropriate for identifying

"delinquent" or "subterranean" values. Twelve requirements are listed,

as follows!"Whan I go into an occupation I sill do so because it will . •

1* Provide a chance to use my special abilities.2. Provide me with a chance to earn a good deal of

money.3. Permit me to be creative and original.4* Be easy

5. Give me a chance to work with people rather than

things.6. Have short hours*

7. Gauss people to look up to me as someone important.

8* Allow me to look forward to a secure future.

^Rosenberg, o p . cit.. p. 12.

77

9* Leave me free of eupervieion by others*10* Give me a chance to be helpful to others*11* Give me a chance to be a leader*12* Provide me elth adventure and excitement*"

Each pereon le asked to Indicate the Importance of each of the require­ments in his oen choice of occupation by writingt

H (high) next to the requirements coneidered highly Important to his choice*

ffl (medium) next to the requirements considered of medium importance*

L (low) next to the requirements considered of little or no importance*

Next, each person is asked to go back and consider the requirements he has rated "high*" He Is asked to rank them in the order of importance to him by writing next to each "H" a "1" for the most important, "2“ for the next in importance, and so on, for all the "H's" on the list* The "M's" and "L's" are not ranked*

A second major section of the questionnaire is found in question 19* Here the respondent is asked his feeling about someone whose beha­vior included the offenses listed in the question* Ten offenses which could be called delinquent by the court are listed, as followet

1• Ran away from home*2* Purposely destroyed property that did not belong to him*3* Defied his parents' authority*4* Took little things (worth less than $2) that did not belong

to him*

5* Skipped school without excuse*

6* Bought and drank liquor as a minor*

7a

7* Took things worth mors than $2*

8* Drove without a license*

9* Used narcotics*

10* Took an automobile*The respondent is asked to indicate his feeling toward someone who com­

mitted one of the above offenses by checking!"I would want him as a close friend or buddy*""I would not care if he attended my school* but 1 would not wanthim for a close friend*""1 would not want him in my school or want to be associated with him in any way*""1 would want him placed in an institution for juvenile delin­quents* "Questions 20-23 seek information about the respondents' views

concerning the future* getting ahead* and school attendance and partici­

pation. Also* the primary attitude of "faith in people" is determined

by the subjects' response to five statements planned according to the

Guttman method*44The last major portion of the questionnaire is introduced by

question 24* The introduction reads>Recent research has found that everyone breaks some laws* rules* and regulations during his lifetime* Some break them regularly* others less often. Below are some fre­quently broken* Check those that you have broken since beginning grade school*

Fifteen offenses are then listed* If the respondents admit commission

44Sea the next chapter* pp* 125-130 for an explanation of the design of this Guttman scale*

79

of an offense* they so indicate by disclosing how often they have done so - - once or twice* several tines* or very often*

At the beginning of the questionnaire there are several brief paragraphs of introduction and instruction* The subjects are asked not to sign their names* Other specific instructions are given in questions 18* 19* 21* and 24* The questions are "closed" in form rather than

"open-ended" so that the respondents might answer the questions ade­quately within forty minutes*

II. RESEARCH PROCEDURES

In designing the questionnaire* questions which would be appro­priate for this study were carefully selected from the Nye-Short papers and the Rosenberg report* Then other questions suggested by the theo­ries of Matza and Sykes suitable to the sample populations and to the purpose of the present study were added* This first draft was dis­

cussed with professors and fellow graduate students in the sociology department; particularly was it discussed by the members of a graduate

course in methodology at Louisiana State University. Administrators in the public school system and probation officers of the Family Court of

Baton Rouge offered pertinent suggestions* By utilizing these sugges­

tions and comments* by studying the Nye-Short and Rosenberg reports* and after examining the design of attitude questionnaires* deletions and additions were made to complete the final draft of the questionnaire*

Because two groups of respondents wers in two different schools in the same school system and the third group was related to Family Court

as adjudicated delinquents on probation* the plan far administration of

80

the questionnaire in each case was of necessity different* It eas

necessary first to discuss ths nature and purpose of this investigation

with administrators of the school system and then to seek their permis­

sion to enter the schools for purposes of this research* This permis­

sion mas granted, and several of these officials gave assistance in

identifying the schools that mould best serve the purpose of the investi­

gation and also in establishing contact mith the principal of each school*

It mas mith the principal and the guidance counselor at each school that

plans mere made for administering the questionnaire*At one school - - Glen Oaks Junior High School - - it mas pos­

sible to make arrangements for all the eighth grade boys present on a particular day to ansmer the questions during an extended home-room

period* All of these boys were asked, mithout advance notice, to report to the cafeteria, mhich also serves as a general meeting hall* There tha

guidance counselor of the school introduced the researcher mho then gave

a brief explanation of the research purposes of the questionnaire and emphasized the anonymity of each respondent*

At the second school - - Glasgow Junior High School - - it mas

necessary to administer the questionnaire at four periods throughout the

day rather than to all the eighth grade boys simultaneously* This led

to a certain amount of rumor and speculation, the effect of mhich is not

entirely known* However, it is felt by the writer that this mas not a

serious disadvantage* The method of introduction in each case mas very similar to that made at the first school*

With the third group - - the adjudicated delinquents on probation

- - another procedure was followed; a procedure worked out in consultation

81

■ith tha chiaf probation officer and hia assistant. Permission was

sought and granted by the Judge of Family Court to question all white

boys who were on probation at that time and whose parents would permit

such interviews. A letter introducing the research project and the

researcher was mailed to each family of a boy on probation by the pro-1Cbation officer in charge of his case. The parents were asked to

reply affirmatively or negatively to the request that the researcher

be allowed to interview their son. This was accomplished by checking

tha appropriate square at the bottom of the letter and returning it to

the probation officer in the stamped* self-addressed envelope provided for that purpose. The parents were also instructed to call the proba­tion officer if there were questions concerning the latter.

On Play 11* 1966* there were 62 whits boys on probation at the Family Court. Letters were sent to the families of 60 of these; two of the 62 were in psychiatric treatment at that time and so ware not includ­

ed. To those who had not returned the letter within two weeks* a post card warn sent reminding them of the request and asking again that per­

mission for an interview be granted. Of the 60 letters mailed* 41 were

returned* with 10 negative responses. Three other families called a

probation officer and gave affirmative replies.

The researcher then attempted to contact by phone ths 34 respon­

dents who had replied affirmatively in order to arrange a time at which

45a copy of thie letter is located in the Appendix.

82

the questionnaire could be administered*^ It was decided that it eould be very difficult to arrange a meeting with the delinquent at any

place away from his home* Therefore, the researcher requested permis­sion to interview tha boy in hie home* This might have affected the delinquent's perception of the questions* However, the disadvantages

of this procedure were overcome to a certain degree by the researcher's

visit in the home and his observations of the boy in his home environ­ment* Meeting with the boy away from the Family Court Center also

emphasized the fact that the reaearcher was not related to the Court*

At the boy's house the researcher Introduced himself and

explained something of the purpose of the interview* It was empha­

sized that other boys from various areas of the city were participating

in the study, and it was explained that a number of the boys at that

time on probation were participants* The respondents were reminded that the material was completely confidential and were asked not to sign their names* Usually the boy went to another room in order to complete the questionnaire*

There seemed to be no problems of rapport with the group of

delinquents* Of course, it was a highly selective group* There is no way to ascertain how those who did not return the letters or who re­

sponded negatively to the request for the interview might have behaved*

46two of these boys had been present at Glen Oaks on the day the questionnaire was administered, and thus had already given the informa­tion requested by the researcher* Since the chief probation officer had indicated that these boys would be with the eighth grade at Glen Oaks, the researcher asked the respondents there, after all had completed the queetionnaira, to write "yes" or "no" to the questions, "Are you now on probation at Family Court?" The two boys were identified in this manner and were included, for purposes of data analysis, in the adjudicated delinquent group*

83

This proves to be a weakness in such a study as this] and yet, the use of an institutionalized delinquent sample presents problems of as serious a naturer

All of the materials gathered from the three groups were coded and then processed at the Louisiana State University IBM Research

Center*

III. SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SAMPLE POPULATION

As noted in the preceding section, the questionnaires were

administered to two groups of white eighth grade boys at two junior

high schools, ^ and to a group of white, male adjudicated juvenile

delinquents on probation* Both of the schools are in the same school district. The Family Court serves the Standard Metropolitan Statisti­

cal Area in which the schools are located. According to the 1960 Census of Population report, the population of the SMSA was 230,058;

152,419 were in the central city and 77,039 outside the central city.Both of the schools used in the study are located in the central city

and all of the delinquents, except three, were in the central city.

To these three groups a total of 319 questionnaires were distri-

47This included all the eighth grade boys present in each school on ths day the questionnaire was administered* At the time of this inves­tigation there were no Negro students in the achools selected for study. Although this was not a criterion in ths choice of schools for investi­gation, the writer had decided to control for the variable of race by excluding Negro respondents* Their inclusion seemed to raise some cru­cial problems which could hardly be resolved in the limited scope of this research project.

84

buted. Five of the school questionnaires could not be used because they were improperly completed.^8 When these were discarded there

remained 134 from Glen Oaks Junior High School, 146 from Glasgow Junior High School, and 34 from the delinquent group* These 314 cases served

as the primary sources of data on which the investigation is based*

Aflft Composition OL RespondentsThe age composition of each group will vary; therefore, the

totals for each group are given separately in Table II*

TABLE IITHREE GROUPS CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO AGE

Group

M L __________________________ Klafififil_______ Glen Oaks_____ DelinquentsNo* % No. % No. %

Under 12 1 ( .8)12 10 ( 6.8) 4 ( 3.0)13 63 (43.2) 56 (42.1)14 63 (43.2) 51 (38.3) 8 (23.5)15 8 ( 5.5) 19 (14.3) 9 (26.5)16 2 ( 1-4) 2 ( 1.5) 12 (35.3)17 4 (11.8)18 1 ( 2.9)total ..■ CUUfQ) — 134 (IflQtQj- .JL4

4&See the section entitled, "Measure of Delinquency," for a discus­sion of this problem*

85

Tha largest number for both of the two schools population are

In the age brackete of 13-14* At Glasgow, there are 86*4 per cent

and at Glen Oaks there are 81*4 par cant in these two age groups* Glen Oaks has 15*8 per cent above the 13-14 age bracket and 3*87 per cent below* There are 6*9 per cent above and 6*8 per cent below in the

Glasgow population*

In the delinquent sample, 23*5 per cent are 14-years-of-age, the remainder, 76*5 per cent, are older* The largest number of delinquents are 16 years of age, with ages 15 and 14 following in that order* This

pattern fits the national pattern for ages of persons arrested in the United States as reported by the National Crime Commission.

49The President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administra­tion of Justice, The Challenge Crime Id. & Free Society (Commission's General Report, U* S. Government Printing Office, Washington, 0* C*, 1967. The Commission reports that fifteen-year-olds commit more serious crimes in the United States than any other age group* Sixteen-year- olds are a close second*

CHAPTER III

SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS LEVEL AND SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY

I. SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS LEVEL

In this study, ms Mare interested in the socio-economic status structure of each of the schools and of the delinquents which then could be used as a basis for classifying each of the groups in a social class context* The measure of social status used is a quantitative

■iindex of social position developed by Duncan* The unit scored is an

occupation} the score assigned to any occupation is a function of both the education attained and the income received by all males so employed in the civilian labor force in 1950* Duncan has provided the decile rank of 425 occupations, indicating the particular tenth of the labor force into which the position falls*2

Since a major objective of this study was to observe the class differences in delinouency and the occupational values which might under- ly this delinquency, a first step was to determine the social class

strata to which the respondents in the study belong* The socio­

economic index scores developed by Duncan were assigned to the occupa-

10tis Dudley Duncan, "A Socioeconomic Index for All Occupations," and "Properties and Characteristics of the Socioeconomic Index," in Albert J* Reiss, Jr*, jtfc. al*» Occupations and Social Status. (New Yorkt The Free Press of Glencoe, Inc*, 1961), pp* 109-161*

2Ibii*, pp. 263-275*

66

67

tion of the father of each respondent and then used to compute a median

aocio-economic score for each of the three groups studied* The resultsindicate that the groups receive the following scoresiJ

Glasgow 69*6Glen Oaks 3Q.3

Delinquents 30*0As indicated by Table III, Glasgow will receive a decile scale rank of ten, while both Glen Oaks and the Delinquents receive a scale rank of

six* This is not unexpected* Zn the first place, it had been suggested by leaders in the school system, on the basis of informal observation and

school records, that these two schools would probably represent popula­

tions at two extreme class levels* It was pointed out, however, that

because of the recent opening of new schools, regrouping of students and classes, redistricting, and population shifts in the last few years,

the more rigid class distinctions once found in these two schools is not now as evident*4 This is seen in Table III by the wide distribution of respondents in the socio-economic index from each group* Nevertheless,

there is a definite clustering of respondents around certain points in

the scale*

^Llsing the Median Test, the differences between the Glasgow median score and the Glen Oaks score is significant (P *001)* The difference between Glasgow and the Delinquents is also significant (P *001)* The difference between the median scores of Glen Oake and the Delinquent group is not significant*

40ne of the delinquents who recently had transferred to the upper status school commented on the problems he faced trying to arrange dates with girle in the school* "Moat of the girls there are too snooty I You can't make-out with them*"

88

TABLE IIIDISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY SOCIO-ECONOMIC

INDEX AND DECILE SCALE

Rang* of Socio-Econoalc Indax Scoras

Population Dacila Seal a

Diatribution of Each Croup by Dacila of_ _ _ _ _ _ SpclB-£spn«ic IntiiK_ _ _ _ _ _ _Claagoa Gian Oaka Dalinquanta

No. % No. % No. %

66-100 10 72 (53.3) 9 ( 7.8) 3 (10.3)50-65 9 26 (19.3) 14 (12.2) 3 (10.3)40-49 8 13 ( 9.6) 19 (16.5) 3 (10.3)32-39 7 14 (10.4) 29 (25.2) 8 (27.6)22-31 6 4 ( 3.0) 20 (12*4) 6 (20.6)18-21 5 2 ( 1-5) 11 ( 9.6) 3 (10*3)15-17 4 3 ( 2.2) 9 ( 7.8) 1 ( 3.4)13-14 37-12 2 1 ( 0.7) 4 ( 3.4) 2 ( 6.9)0-6 1 0

89

TABLE IV

SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDEX FOR MAJOR OCCUPATION GROUPS AND DISTRIBUTION OF THREE RESEARCH GROUPS IN EACH

Occupation Groups Soclo- Distribution of Rassarch Groups(1950) Economic

IndexGlasgow Glen Oaks Delinquents

No* % No. % No. %

Professional 75 62 (42.5) 7 ( 5.3) 2 ( 5.9)

Farmers 14 — ( — — ) — ( ~ ~ ) — (---")Managers 57 19 (13*0) 16 (12.0) 5 (14.7)

Clerical 45 a ( 5.5) 1 ( -a) 2 ( 5.9)

Sales Workers 49 17 (11.6) 9 ( 6.8) 1 ( 2.9)Craftsmen 31 16 (11.0) 42 (31.6) 9 (26.5)

Operatives 18 10 ( 6.8) 29 (21.8) 6 (17.6)Private Household

Workers 8 — — (---- ) — (---- )

Service Workers 17 3 ( 2.1) 9 ( 6.8) 2 ( 5.9)Farm Laborers 9 — (---- ) — (----) — (---- )

Laborers 7 — (---- ) 2 ( 1-5) 2 ( 5.9)No response

(Unclasslflable) 5 11 ( 7.5) 18 (13.5) 5 (14.7Total 146 (100.0) 133 (100.0) 34 (100.0

♦Computed by Duncan as a mean scors from the aggregate age, Income, and education data for males In the respective major occupation groups*

90

In tha second piece, e look at Table IV ahaee that In a classifi- cation of occupations, 55*5 par cant of the fathers in the Glasgow School are located in the professionals and Managers categories* Solas corkers represent the next highest percentage at Glasgow. Duncan Makes the coaaent that sales workers should probably be placed in a higher pres­tige position than clerical workers, as indicated by the socio-econoaic index score, but we are so accustoaed to seeing thaa in this order in the United States Census reports that there is e tendency to think of thea in the order printed* At Glasgow, 72*6 per cent are found in the occupations which can ba called White Collar (professionals. Managers and officials, clerical workers, sales workers).

At Glen Oaks, only 17*3 per cent of the respondents' fathers fall into the professionals and Managers categories* For this group, the highest percentages are craftsaen (31.6%) and operatives (21*8%), a total of 53*4 per cent* The third largest group is represented by the Managera-officiala* At Glen Oaks, 61*7 per cent are found in the occupations which can be called Blue Collar (craftsaen, operatives, service workers, and laborers)*

91

The adjudicated delinquent group parallels closely the Glen Oaks

group not only in socio-economic index score, but also in distribution in the occupational categories* The largest number are found in the craftsmen category (26*5%), followed by operatives (17.6^6) and managers-

officials (14*756)* For the delinquent group, there are 55*9 per cent in

the blue collar occupations*

No attempt was made to classify those respondents who omitted the "occupation of the father" question, or whose father was deceased, or

where there was divorce and no occupation was listed*

On the basis of the informal observation of school officials, the Duncan socio-economic index median score given to each school, and the

occupational classification, two status levels ware identified for pur­poses of this study; an upper or white collar level and a lower or blue collar level*® The white collar level is represented by Glasgow School and the blue collar level is represented by Glen Oaks School* The adju­dicated delinquent group also falls into the blue collar level* (See

Table V)

^The terms whits collar and blue collar seem appropriate to this study rather than upper and lower because increasingly there is a dis­tinction made by social class theorists between "laboring class" and "lower class*" See for example, the discussion by S* M* Miller and Frank Riessman, "The Working Class Structure! A New Vlew*” Social Problems. Vol* 9, No* 1 (Summer 1961), pp* 66-97* For both the lower status groups in this study, the respondents would certainly be listed as "laboring class" rather than "lower class*"

92

TABLE V

DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY BLUE COLLAR WHITE COLLAR STATUS LEVELS

STATUS LEVEL DISTRIBUTION OF THREE GROUPSGlasgow Glen Oaks Dalinquants

No* % No. % Na. %White Collar 106 (70.5) 33 (29.7) 10 (34*5)Blua Cellar 29 (21*5) 02 (71.3) 19 (65.5)

Total 135 (100.0) 115 (100.0) 29 (100.0)

It is rscognizsd, of courss» that thsro ars problems raised by tha fact that sach population ia not completely homogenous.*’ Thaaa era problems ahich hava baan conaidarad by others, but could not bo given primary conaidaration here* On thoaa occasions, however, ahsro it aaaaad nacaaaary for battar understanding to further divide the claaa groupings, thraa catagorlas vara usedt upper status, aiddle status, loaar status* Thaso status groups aara also dafinad in taras of tha occupa­tion of the father aa it ia located on the Duncan Socio-Econoaic Index*

^Riass and Rhodes and Clark and Wenninger hava studied the delin­quency probleaa of peraens froa one social status structure residing in a residential area with a coaplataly different social status structure*Seat Albert J* Raias, Jr* and Albert Lewis Rhodes, "The Distribution of Juvenile Delinquency in tha Social Class Structure," Aaarlcan Sociological Rawlaw. Vol. 26* (October 1961), pp* 720-732* Albert J* Reiaa, Jr* and Albert Lewis Rhodes, "Status Deprivation and Delinquency Behavior," Tha Socialaalcal Quarterly. Vol* 4 (Spring, 1963), pp* 135-149* John P* Clark and Eugona P* Wenninger, "Socio-Econoalc Claaa and Area as Correlates of Illegal Behavlsr Aaong Juveniles," Aaarlcan Socialnoleal Revlam. Vol* 27 (Deceabar 1962), pp. 026-34*

93

TABLE VI

DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY THREE SOCIAL STATUS LEVELS

Status

Socio-EconomicIndoxScmra

DacilaRank

Distribution by Croups*Clasgoa Cl on Oaks Delinquents

No* 1 31 No* % Vo. %

Qppar 50-100 9-10 98 (72.6) 23 (20*0) 6 (20.7)Middle 22-49 6-8 31 (23*0) 68 (59.13) 17 (58.6)Loaor 0-21 1-5 6 ( 4*4) 24 (20*9) 6 (20.7)Total 135 (100*0) 115 (100.0) 29 (100.0)♦This distribution doss not includo tho nonclsssifisblo occupations*

Tsbls VI indiestss tho distribution of tho rsspondsnts in thsso thrso classifications*

Again, Clasgoa's position as an uppar status school is saen, aith 72*6 par cant of thaao respondents in that position and only 4*4 par csnt at tha loaar status position* Gian Oaks and tho adjudicated dolinquente aro vary close in status position aith 59*1 par cant and 58*6 por cant of thair respondents at tho aiddle status level, and almost an equal per­centage in each of tha othor too positions*

II. SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY

A second major objective aas to determine by moans of tha aolf- roport approach tha degree of delinquency in each sample* Although Dentlor and Monroo quits correctly suggest that a distinction should bo medo betaaon reports of misconduct as daviant acta and as delinquent

94

behavior.7 this researcher chose to retain the term "delinquency"

rather than "deviancy" because extensive use was made of the "delin­

quency scale" as developed by Nye and Short.By using self-report data concerning delinquency, Nye and Short

developed a delinquency scale (following the Guttman scaling technique)

for use on hioh school students. From a pool of 23 items, Nye and

Short selected seven which reflected Israel Gamma image reproducibility

coefficients ranging from .97 to *99, for samples of boys aged 14 to 16

and over* Girls, however, were treated separately on a quasi scale with­out image analysis* The seven items ranged from "Driving without a

license," to "Defied parents' authority*" Whenever Nye and Short com-

7Dentler and Monroe refer to Cloward and Ohlin's statementi "Delin­quent acts are distinguished from other deviant acts by the very fact that they result, or are likely to result, in the initiation of official pro­ceedings by agents of criminal justice * * • • The anticipated official response to deviant actions is an extremely important element in the defi­nition of delinquency* A deviant act that is frowned upon but otherwise ignored by officials will not mean the same thing either to the community or to the offender as an act that would ordinarily result in delinquency proceedings * * * • Acts that do not ordinarily lead to the initiation of delinquency proceedings may constitute deviance from • • • norms • • • but these acts are not delinquent unless they are likely to be defined as such by agents of criminal justice*'1 (Cloward and Qhlin, Delinquency and Opportunity. (Glencoe, Illinois! The Free Press, 1960) pp* 4, 6-7, in Robert A* Dsntier end Lawrence J* Monroe, "Social Correlates of Early Ado­lescent Theft, American Sociological Review. Vol. 26 (October, 1961), p. 733* Following their lead, Dentler and Monroe chose to consider self- reports of misconduct as deviant acts, not as reports of delinquent beha­vior* The deviant acts investigated were ones which, on paper, may con­stitute delinquent acts, but lacking knowledge of how they might be acted upon by agents of criminal justice in particular situations, they believe that the researcher who uses the self-report technique should maintain this distinction*

95

bined data from public school and training school (officially delin­

quent) boys, four more delinquency items of a more serious nature wereg

utilized, making an eleven item scale*

As Dentler and Monroe state, most juvenile offenders embark onqdelinquency careers between the eges of nine and twelve* Since most

high school offenders reveal histories of deviance, this researcher

wished to examine the results of the self-report approach among junior

high school youths* As described in Chapter II of this paper, a fif­teen item delinquency check list was prepared* Table XXVI in the appen­

dix summarizes the distribution of responses to these items posed as

questions for each of the three groups* From the original 15-itsm

delinquency check list, ten items were selected for scaling on the cri­teria that (a) the items might measure a single dimension^ and (b) the

items be as much like the Nye-Short scale items as possible within the

aThe seven item scale developed by Nye and Short Included the fol­lowing items! (1) Driven a car without a driver's license or permit* (2) Taken little things (worth less than $2) that did not belong to you. (3) Bought or drank beer, wine, or liquor* (4) Skipped school without a legi­timate excuse* (5) Had sex relations with a person of the opposite sex* (6) Purposely damaged or destroyed public or private property that did not belong to you* (7) Defied your parents' authority (to their face)*

The eleven item scale added the following offenses! (1) "Run away" from home* (2) Taken things of medium value (S2 to S50)* (3) Tookthings of large value (worth more than (50)* (4) Narcotics violations*(F* Ivan Nye and James F. Short, Jr*, "Scaling Delinquent Behavior” Amer­ican Sociological Review. 22 (June 1957), pp. 326-331.

^Dentler and Monroe, oo. cit.. p. 733.

I^For a discussion of the possibility of measuring a single dimen­sion by means of a Cuttman scale, see Allen L* Edwards, Techniques of

Stale Construction (New Yorki Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1957), pp. 172-170.

96

limitations of this study* These ten items werei^1. Bought or drank beer* mine, or liquor? (Include drinking

at home) (1) No . . *, (2) Once or twice • • • * (3) Seve­ral times . . • * (4) Very often * * • •

2* Taken little things (worth less than $2) that did not belongto you? (1) No • • *, (2) Once or twice * . *t (3) Severaltimes . . .» (4) Very often . . • .

3* Driven a car without a driver's license or permit? (Do notinclude driver training courses) (1) Very often . • • » (2)Several times • • ., (3) Once or twice • . (4 ) No . . . .

4. Defied your parents' authority (to their face)? (1) No • •. f (2) Once or twice • • *» (3) Several times • • • »(4 ) Very often • • • •

5. Skipped school without a legitimate excuse? (1) No . • .»(2) Once or twice • • «, (3) Several times • • ., (4 ) VeryoTttfn • • • •

6* Purposely damaged or destroyed public or private property that did not belong to you? (1) Very often • • ., (2) Once ortwice • . *, (3) Several times • • . » (4) No . . . .

7. "Run away" from home? (1) No . * *» (2) Once • . • » (3)Twice • . *, (4 ) Three times • • .» (5) Four times . . .,(6) Five or more times . . . .

8* Taken things of medium value (between $2 and $50)? (1) Veryoften . • ., (2) Several times • • .» (3) Once or twice •* •» (4) No . . . .

9. Taken things of large value (worth more than $50)? (1) No. . . » (2) Several times . . . » (3) Once or twice . . . »(4 ) Very often . . . .

10. Used narcotics? (1) Very often . . . » (2) Several times • ••» (3) Once or twice . . . » (4 ) No . . . .

These ten items were then scaled* using the Cuttman scaling12method. By programming the Cuttman scale on the 7040 computer at the

nSince an adjudicated delinquent group was used in the study* it was decided to include in the scale more serious offenses* e.g. items 7,9, 10* which would better isolate the most serious offenders in all groups.

97

L.S.U. Research Center, It was passible to develop the scale on the

basis of the entire sample of 313 respondents* Trichotomizing these

items and employing the Cornell technique, a reproducibility co-effi-1 %cient of *79 was obtained* J This was improved to *96 by employing

the Israel Gamma image analysis*^^ Image analysis, a refinement of scale analysis, is designed to remove "idiosyncratic" elements from the

data "to predict what the response would be if the respondent were responding only to the common factor*"^

Delinquency scale typas isolated for the entire research sample

are presented in Table VII* Of the possible 16 scale types, 15 are

represented by the entire sample* The number and the cumulative per cent for each scale type broken down for each of the three samples are

included in the Table*

excellent description of the Guttman technique which brings together information found in many other sources, can be found in Allen L* Edwards, oo« clt*. pp* 172-200*

In the scale, all items were trichotomized by combining "several times" with "very oftenV This did not discriminate well on the more serious offenses, i.e.. items 7t 9, 10* These three scale items were dichotomized by combining "once or twice," "several times," and "very often*" See Note** accompanying Table VII for further explanation*

^This procedure, developed by Louis Guttman to minimize "idio­syncratic" elements, is described in Pi* Ul* Riley, J* W* Riley, and J* Toby, Sociological Studies in Scale Analysis (New Brunswicki Rutgers University Press, 1954), Chapter 18*

15lbid*. p. 400*

TABU VII

DISTRIBUTION OF DELINQUENCY SCALE TYPES FOR THREE RESEARCH SAMFUS*

ScaleType 1 2 3

Offense Nuaber$

4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Glasgow

emulative Nuaber X

Glen Oaks

emulative Nuaber X

Delinquents

emulative Nuaber X

1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 o** 27 18.5 38 28.6 1 2.9

2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 24 34.9 23 45.9 1 5.9

3 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 11 42.5 15 57.1 I 8.8

4 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 38 68.5 40 87.2 5 23.5

5 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 69.2 0 87.2 3 32.4

6 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 69.9 2 88.7 0 32.4

7 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 3 71.9 0 88.7 1 35.3

8 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 0 0 0 2 73.3 4 91.7 1 38.2

9 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 0 0 0 2 74.7 2 93.2 0 38.2

10 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 0 0 0 12 82.9 4 96.2 4 50.0

11 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 0 0 6 87.0 1 97.0 6 67.6

12 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 0 0 4 89.7 3 99.2 3 76.5

13 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 0 0 6 93.8 1 100.0 3 85.3

14 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 0 5 97.3 0 4 97.0

15 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 4 100.0 0 1 100.0vOoo

99

TABLE VII cont'd

DISTRIBUTION OF DELINQUENCY SCALE TYPES FOR THREE RESEARCH SAMPLES*

Notes:★The coefficient of reproducibility of this scele is .96.^Offense numbers refer to the following delinquent sets: (1) Drink­

ing. (2) Taken less than $2. (3) Driven without a license. (4) Defiedparents. (5) Skipped school without excuse. (6) Damaged property. (7) Run away. (8) Taken things of medium value (between $2 and $50). (9)Taken things of large velue (worth more than $50). (10) Narcotics.

★★In all cases "o" indicates that the offense has not been committed by boys in this scale type. In the case of trichotomlsed items the score "1" indicates cooMlssion of the offense once or twice and a score of "2" indicates commission of the offense s»re than once or twice. In the case of dichotomised items a score of "1" indicates commission of the offense one or more times. (Dichotomous variables: 7, 9, 10; Tri- chotomous variables: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8)

100

In order to provide cutting pointe for detereining high, aediua, end lew delinquency end elao te eexieize the differences beteeen the edjudicmted delinquents and the tee school aaaplea, the cutting points beteeen scale types 4 and 5 and beteeen 9 and 10 in Tablo VII eere selected* On the original tally ehest tha cluatering ef scores soaeed to indicate these as the eost natural cutting points beteeen categories* Also, by axaeining the table it can be eeen that those cutting points aaxiaizo tho differences beteeen the adjudicated delinquents and each ef the teo school soeples in involveeent in self-reported delinquent behavior* The difference at the first cut off point beteeen Glasgoe and tha delinquents is 45*0 per cent (the difference beteeen 68*5 per cent of the Clasgoe boys at scale type 4 and 23*5 of the delinquent boys)} the difference beteeen Glen Oaks and the delinquents is 63*7 per cent (the difference beteeen 87*2 per cent of the Glen Oak boys at scale type 4 and 23*5 per cent of the delinquent boys at this point on the scale)*Tho difference at scale type 9 for Glasgoe and the adjudicated delinquents ia 36*5 and for Glen Oaks and the delinquents is 55*0* Thus, for this research project, loe delinquency includes scale typos 1-4, aediua delin­quency includes scale types 5-9, high delinquency includes scale types 10-15* On soae occasions, for purposes of clarification and ehere saall nuabers prevent testing significance, tao classifications aill ba uti­lized! "beat Delinquent" (scale types 5-15) and "Least Delinquent" (scale types 1-4)* In this case, the aediua and high categories sro coabinsd. However, this cut-eff point represents the aaxiaua in differences in the entire series ef scale typos between the school groqpa and the adjudi­cated delinquents*

101When the respondents' delinquency scores are combined in this

manner, a clearer picture of the distribution of self-reported delin­

quency for each group is available* (See Table VIII)* There 1b a

significant difference in the distribution of the three groups in the1 6three delinquency categories*

In the first place, Table VIII indicates that self-reported delin­

quency ranging from low to high involvement is reported for each of the

three groups* It was expected that both of the school groups would have

a large per cent with low delinquency involvement* However, 23*6 per

cent of the adjudicated delinquents are less delinquent than are 31*5 per

cent (Mediums and Highs combined) of the Glasgow respondents and 13*4 per

cent of the Glen Oaks respondents* In the second place, an interesting

difference between the two schools is evident; the high status school

(Glasgow) also has the higher percentage of boys falling in the high

delinquency group (25*3^), while the lower status school (Glen Oaks) has

only 6*7 per cent falling in the high delinquency group* Both of the

schools have small percentages of medium delinquency respondents* If the

three groups are ranked according to degree of high delinquency involve­

ment, the adjudicated delinquents are first, Glasgow second, and Glen

Oaks, third*1

1®Using Chi-Square, differences among the three groups taken as a whole are found to be significant (Chi-Square is 53*74; P<*Q01.)* When differences between pairs, i*e*. Glasgow-Glen Qaksj Glasgow-Delinquents, Glen Oaks-Delinquents, are examined, all are found to be significant ( P ^ •001)* The following Chi-Squares were obtained! Glasgow-Glen Oaks, X*= 17*73; Glasgow-Delinquents, X?=15*11; Glen Oaks-Delinquents, X^=62*29

1?The same ranking is obtained when the mean Guttman scale score for each group is computed* Noting that there is a possible range of scores from 1 to 15, we find that the Delinquents have a mean score of 9*05, Glasgow has a mean score of 5*26, and Glen Oaks a mean score of 3*39* This places both Glasgow and the Delinquents in the medium delin­quency range, although at extreme positions in the interval*

102

TABLE VIII

DELINQUENCY BY SCHOOLS AND ADJUDICATED DELINQUENTS SELF-REPORTED BEHAVIOR AS THE CRITERION

FOR DELINQUENCY

Three GroupsSELF REPORTEDDELINQUENCY ----------------------------------------------Glasgow Glsn Oaks Delinquents

No* % No* % No. %Los (Scale types 1-4) 100 (60*5) 116 (86.6) 8 (23.6)

Medium (Scale types 5-9) 9 ( 6.2) 9 ( 6*7) 5 (14.7)

High (Scale types 10-15) 37 (25.3) 9 ( 6*7) 21 (61.7)

Total 146 (100.0) 134 (100.0) 34 (100.0)

This raises the question of differences in delinquency involve­

ment if the social status structure is viewed across both schools rather

than taking one school as representative of a status level* For this

purpose* a frequency distribution was obtained showing the ascribed

status distribution in each school and the distribution of self-reported

delinquency in these three status groupings* (See Table IX*) When the

significance of this distribution was tested, Chi Square was 2*79 with

a probability of less than *70. This suggests an insignificant rela­

tionship between self-reported delinquent behavior and socio-economic

level* There is little if any difference in delinquent behavior by

socio-economic level*

TABLE IX

DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS

SELF-REPORTEDDELINQUENCY

STATUS

Low Medium

GlasgowGlenOaks

Delin­quents Total Glasgow

GianOaks

Delin­quents Total

No. X No. X No. X No. X No. X No. X No. X No. XLow 4 (66.7) 20 (83.3) 3 (60.0) 27 (77.1) 28 (66.6) 76 (88.4) 6 (28.6) 110 (73.8)

Medium 1 (16.6) 1 ( 4.2) 0 (— -) 2 ( 5.4) 1 ( 2.4) 5 ( 5.8) 2 ( 9.5) 8 ( 5.4)

High 1 (16.6) 3 (12.5) 2 (40.0) 6 (17.1) 13 (31.0) 5 ( 5.8) 13 (61.9) 31 (20.8)

Total 6 (100.0) 24 (100.0) 5 (100.0) 35 (100.0) 42 (100.0) 86 (100.0) 21 (100.0) 149 (100.0)

TABLE IX continued next page

TABLE IX, continued

SELF-REPORTEDDELINQUENCY STATUS

High Totals

GlasgowGlenOaks

Delin­quents Total

GlenGlasgow Oaks

Delin­quents Total

No. X No. X No. X No. X No. X No. X No. X No. XLow 68 (69.4) 20 (87.0) 1 02.5) 89 (69.0) 100 (68.5) 116 (87.2) 10 (29.4) 226 (72.2)

ffediun 7 ( 7.1) 2 ( 8.7) 1 (12.5) 10 ( 7.8) 9 ( 6.2) 8 ( 6.0) 3 ( 8.8) 20 ( 6.4)High 23 (23.4) 1 ( 4.3) 6 (75.0) 30 (23.2) 37 (25.3) 9 ( 6.8) 21 (61.8) 67 (21.4)Total 98(100.0) 23 (100.0) 8 (100.0) 129 (100.0) 146 (100.0)133 (100.0) 34 (100.0) 313 (100.0)

104

105

In ordar to examine this relationship further, Kendall's Tau

was employed ae a measure of the degree of association between status 1Aand delinquency* For the two school samples combined, s Tau of *06

was obtained* This proved to be insignificant* When Tau was computed

for the three samples combined, it was *04, and was considered insigni­

ficant. The small degree of relationship between socio-economic level

and delinquency probably occurred by chance* This gives further weight

to the argument that delinquency is spread across all socio-economic

levels, particularly in a city of the size investigated*

The data yield two basic conclusions* In the first place, self-

reported delinquency involvement in the two status areas, represented by

the two schools, differs significantly* “Social status area" is used

here as Reiss and Rhodes define the concept, i.e.. although the school

is somewhat heterogeneous, one social class is dominant enough to treat

it as representative of a rather homogeneous social status area*^®

Second, when social class differences (what Reiss and Rhodes call

"ascribed social status") are examined across tha social status arsas,

there is no significant difference in degree of self-reported delinquency

in the various social classes* This finding corresponds to the general

^Kendall's Tau is a nonparametric measure of the correlation or degree of association between two ranked sets of attributes or objects, particularly useful when the measurement requirement and normality assump­tion of parametric statistics are not met* One advantage of this measure is that it can be generalized to a partial correlation coefficient* For a discussion of this measure, see Sidney Siegel, Nonoarametrlc Statistics (New York* McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1956), pp. 195-229.

t^Reiss and Rhodes, oo* cit.. p. 722*

106

conclusions of Nye-Short, Dentler-Monroe, and o t h e r s , a n d seems to

confirm one hypothesis drawn from Matza and Sykes* The implications

of these reeults are discussed in the final chapter of this paper*

2^Nye and Short, Dentier and Monroe, like Clark and Wenninger, were considering illegal behavior rates among the social classes of rural and small urban areas*

CHAPTER IV

OCCUPATIONAL VALUES AND DELINQUENCY

I. OCCUPATIONAL VALUES

Matza has suggested that delinquents, and indeed the adolescent

leisure class, are characterized by a particular cluster of values

centering around work* In order to explore this hypothesis, the occu­

pational values of the three research groups were examined and then

related to self-reported delinquency*

The range of occupational values which boys in the eighth grade

hold is quite wide* For example, each of the boys in this study was

presented with a list of occupational values and was told to "consider

how important each of these requirements is for you in deciding which

job you want*'1 The requirements were introduced by the statement!

"Ufhen I go into an occupation I will do so because it will * * ■" They

were instructed to rank these values as high, medium, or low in impor­

tance, and then to indicate the relative importance of those values

marked high* As Table X shows, the total group placed greatest emphasis

upon security and material rewards, self-fulfillment, and interpersonal

relations*

Considering those who selected various values as their "first

choices," we find that 33 per cent of the respondents considered "Allow

me to look forward to a secure future" most important and 18*5 per cent

chose "Provide me with a chance to earn a good deal of money*" Thus,

over one-half placed the strongest stress upon what might be called

107

TABLE XPERCENTAGE OF ALL RESPONDENTS RANKING "RE*UIRE>CNTS FOR

CHOICE OF OCCUPATION" ACCORDING TO IMPORTANCE _________________________

"Consider how important each of these requirements is for you in deciding which job you want.

MostImportant

(HI)Per Cent

*HlghlyImportant

(H)Per Cent

MediuaImportant

(M)Per Cent

Little or Mo ImportancePer Cent

Total Per Cent

"Provide a chance to use my special abilities." 16. n 70.8X 24.7X 4.5X 100.0X

"Provide as with a chance to earn a good deal of aoney." 18.5 58.5 36.7 4.8 100.0

"Permits as to be creative and original." 1.6 30.4 47.9 21.7 100.0

"Be Easy." 0.4 10.6 28.1 61.3 100.0"Give as a chance to work with people rather than things." 5.2 47.6 35.1 17.3 100.0

"Have short hours." 0.4 12.5 39,6 47.9 100.0"Cause people to look up to me as someone i^yortant.” 4.4 35.1 37.1 27.8 100.0

"Allow as to look forward to a secure future." 33.0 80.8 14.7 4.5 100.0

"Leave as free of super­vision by others." 2.0 24.0 44.7 31.3 100.0

"Give ae a chance to be helpful to others." 10.0 60.1 31.9 8.0 100.0

"Give as a chance to be a leader." 3.2 27.8 50.8 21.4 100.0

"Provide me with adventure and excitement."Total (HI) 44.1 34.8 21.1 100.0

*Students first ranked the values as highly important (H) and then ranked one of the values as most important (HI). Thus, all Hi's are also counted as H's. All students checked each value as (H)» aediua (M), or low (L) in importance. Thus, H, M, and L for each value equals the total saaqile, or 100 per cent. In addition, HI for all values equals 100 per cent.

109

extrinsic rewards. In addition* 16.9 per cent of the boys gave the

greatest emphasis to "provide a chance to use my special abilities*"

indicating that the use of their innate or acquired potentialities in

work is important to some of these students. Interpersonal relations

is also considered of importance to them* for 10 per cent placed the

strongest stress upon "permit me to work with people rather than things*"

and 5.2 per cent upon "give me a chance to be helpful to others." A

relatively small proportion gave top priority to prestige* excitement

and adventure* leadership* lack of supervision, creativity, short hours,

and easy work. However* since several of them are of particular interest,

and since they each were ranked "high" (though not High-1) by a substan­

tial number of respondents, they were retained in the list for further

consideration.

The picture presented above is for all respondents regardless of

school or delinquency involvement. Our primary interest, however, was in

the comparison of the three groups* and then in determining the correlation

between these values and delinquency. After obtaining a weighted average^

for each "occupational value,” the "values" were ranked from most impor­

tant to least important as seen by each group. Agreement in the ranking

among the groups of respondents was relatively high. Kendall's coeffi-2cient of concordance shows a W of .96# This may be interpreted as

iThe weighted average was arrived at in the following wayt A weight of 4 was assigned to people selecting a particular value alter­native as first choice* 3 for second choice, 2 for all other high choices*1 for medium choice, and 0 for low choice. The weights for each person in tha sample were totaled and then the average score for each require­ment was obtained.

^Using Chi-square, it was found that tha coefficient of concord­ance (#96) is significant. (P*c*OO0

110

meaning that these groups saw, to a large extent, the same values as

being important in choosing an occupation*

Since persons tend to consider more than one value as impor­

tant to them in making an occupational choice, the question arose

whether the values eere entirely separate and distinct, or whether

they might be related to one another in a fairly orderly chain of

values* One way to examine this problem was to determine whether peo­

ple who considered one value highly important to them also tended to

consider another specific value important* In order to examine this

question, a coefficient of association, Q, was computed between every 3pair of values* From these results, it became possible to order these

values along a sort of value spectrum.

Similar methods have been successfully developed and used in

communications research*^ This same approach has been applied here to

^See Appendix, Table XXVII for matrix of coefficients of asso­ciation*

4By way of example, Paul Lazarsfeld and Helen Schneider found that radio daytime programs could be classified into the following five groupsi serial dramas, music, audience participation programs, women commentators and news broadcasts* An effort was made to find out to what extent women who like one type of program would show preferences for certain other types* For instance! Do women who listen to serial dramas show a greater preference for music than for news? Or do they prefer other programs? These authors found that there was a very strong affinity between certain types of programs* Listeners to serial dramas were most likely to listen to women commentators and less likely to listen, in this order, to audience participation programs, news broad­casts, and music* No matter the point of departure, the analysis of the data showed that the order "serial dramas - - woman commentators - - audience participation - - news broadcasts - - music" remained*(Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Helen Schneider, "The Social Psychology of the morning Radio Audience,1' a study prepared by the Bureau of Applied Social Research for tha National Broadcasting Company, cited in Hans Zeieel, Sav It jiLLth Figures (New Yorkt Harper & Bros. Publishers, 1947), pp. 27-29.

111

the affinity and distance among values* On the basis of the values

matrix shown in the Appendix* Table XXVII, the values are ordered so

that each occupational value will be most likely to be related to the

values adjacent to it and decrsasingly likely to be related to values5increasing in distance from it. Upon examination of Table XI it seems

possible to establish the fallowing value sequence!

1* Permit me to be helpful to others*2. Permit me to work with people rather than things*3* Use my special abilities*4* Permit me to be creative and original*5* Secure future*6* Status and prestige (Be looked up to)*7. Chance to earn a good deal of money*6* Short hours*9* Easy*

This indicates that "helpful" is positively related to "people,"

"people" is positively related to'Abilities," "abilities" is positively

related to "creative" and so on down the list* It will be observed,

however, that "helpful" is very negatively related to "easy," which is

most distant from it* The larger the gap between any two numbers, the

less is an individual likely to want to satisfy both values*^

^At this point, we do not deal with the value alternatives of "freedom," "leadership," and "excitement*11 This is due to the fact that they are not included in the four major value-orlentatione as developed in the next section* Since "prestige" logically falls into the "extrin- six-reward-orientation," it is included here* Rosenberg had used "pres­tige" as one part of the "extrinsic-reward-orientation" rather than "security*" However, since the measure of association between money and security was much higher than that between money and prestige, the combination of raoney-security was made* Note that security is highly associated with several other "requirements*"

6lt is pointed out that the measure of the adequacy of the matrix in Table XI is the degree to which the figures in any line or column grow progressively less positive (or more negative) as they proceed away from the diagonal dashes* (morris Rosenberg, Occupations and Valuaa. (Glencoe* The Free Press, 1957), p* 150) Theoretically, "the values on the base

TABLE XI

DISTANCE BETWEEN VALDES COMPUTED BY COEFFICIENT OF ASSOCIATION

Help­ful People

Abili­ties

Crea­tive

Secu­rity Status Money

ShortHours Easy

Helpful — +.613 +.134 +.124 +.325 -.088 -.296 -.465 -.235People +.613 — +.086 +.173 -.145 +.088 -.359 -.435 +.199

Abilities +.134 +.086 — +.183 +.329 +.148 -.019 +.106 -.246

Creative +.124 +.173 +.183 — +.443 +.136 -.199 +.011 -.169

Security +.325 -.145 +.329 +.443 — +.238 +.325 -.521 -.669

Status -.088 +.008 +.148 +.136 +.238 — +.135 +.365 +.362

Money -.296 -.359 -.019 -.199 +.325 +.135 — +.576 +.266

Short Hours -.465 -.435 +.106 +.011 -.365 -.521 +.576 --- +.798

Easy -.235 +.199 -.346 -.169 -.669 +.362 +.266 +.798 —

112

113

The sequence enables us to see the degree of probable mutual

exclusion and inclusion of various occupational value alternatives*

The more distant people are on the scale* the more radically opposed

are their occupational values likely to be* The strongest value dif­

ference* as indicated by these boys* is between those who emphasize the

satisfactions they will get from interpersonal relations and those who

center upon the easiest way out of work* Eighth grade boys* then* who

would accept "permit me to be helpful to others" as a value would tend

to reject strongly "be easy" or "short hours" as a value requirement for

entrance into an occupation.

line (the diagonal adjacent to the dashes) would be high* and these values would progressively decrease* proceeding toward the point of the pyramid (extreme upper right- and lower left-hand corner)*'1 at which point the most negative relationship would appear* (Qebette Kass* "Overlapping Magazine Reading*” in Communications Research. 1948-1949,P* F* Lazarsfeld and F* Stanton* editors (New Yorki Harper* 1949), pp* 130-51.

When the matrix in Table XI is examined* it is seen to be an approximation of this model* although it is not perfect* If we assume that a failure to decrease positively* or increase negatively, as one move away from the diagonal dashes, represents an error* then we find that there are 23 errors out of a possible 72* an error of 32 per cent* Kass (Ibid*. pp* 140*142) has noted that the pattern can be highlighted "by taking the averages of the diagonals parallel to the dashes* Were the correlation perfect* the diagonal immediately adjacent to the dashes would yield the highest average* the next diagonal the next highest* and so on to the most distant diagonal whose average would be the lowest*" Going from the innermost to the outermost diagonals* we obtain the fol­lowing avaragesi

Diagonal adjacent to the dashes +*384♦ *247 -.039 -.068 -.127 -.326 -.133

Diagonal farthest from dashes -.235As one proceeds away from the diagonal adjacent to the dashes* the degree of positive relationship decreases (or negative relationship

114

If only tho first oovon values arc conaidarad (oaitting "easy" and "short hours"), tho strongest valuo difference is beteaen those ■ho aaphasize the satisfactions they oill get froa interpersonal rela­tions and those oho center upon the records they will receive for the ■ork they do* This can be contrasted «ith Resanberg's findings ohich indicated that hia college respondanta tandod to show the greatest dif­ference betoeen self-fulfilInant values and the values dealing nith renarda received for nork, nith interpersonal values coning batman those.7

Value PrlantatlanaBecause pereons >ho considered one value highly inportant to

then also tended to consider other values inportant, the question arose ■hether certain mjor "valua-orientationa" or "value-foci" could be distinguished froa the results, Rosenberg and his associates, noting the coefficient ef association (Q) coaputed betieen every pair of values,

afound that tho three highest positive relationships m r s tho following*1* "Opportunity to mrk vith people rather than things" and

"opportunity to be helpful to others" (0 * +.500). This nas called the

increases) nith the exception of the sixth diagonal froa tho dashes (average ■ -*326)* Tho ressen far this oxtrsna negative average is that it includes the vary streng negative relationahip existing betneon a desire te "mrk nith peeple" and "short hours*" The grant nuaber ef negative relationships saans to be a function of the extrone negative relationships betman "assy" and "short hours" and tha other values*

7Rosenberg, jg.» cit*. p* 14*Slbld*. pp* 11-13*

115

"people-oriented" value complex and was described as the values chosen

by those who tend to view work largely as an opportunity for obtaining

the gratifications to be derived from interpersonal relations*

2* "Chance to earn a good deal of money" and "give me social

status and prestige" (Q = +.594). This is referred to as the "extrin­

sic reward-oriented" value complex* Those selecting these values tend

to view work in instrumental terms; they tend to emphasize the rewards

to be obtained for work* rather than the gratifications to be derived

from work*

3* "Permit me to be creative and original" and "opportunity to

use my special abilities or aptitudes," (Q = +*470). This is called the

"self-expression-oriented" value complex. Respondents selecting these

values are described as persons who tend to view work chiefly as an end

in itself, as an opportunity for expressing their talents and creative

potentialities*

By utilizing this suggestion by Rosenberg and his associates in

the present investigation, there was found a strong tendency for persons

who considered one value highly important to them also to consider another

specific value important* In two cases, however, Q was lower than in the

Rosenberg study* The coefficient of association between the two require­

ments "opportunity to work with people rather than things" and "chance to

be helpful to others" was +*613* The coefficient of association between

"permit me to be creative and original" and "chance to use my special

abilities or aptitudes" was +.163* Since the coefficient of association

between "chance to earn a good deal of money" and "secure future” (Q =

+•325) was higher than that between "money" and "prestige", (Q = +.135)»

116

those two values with ths greater amount of association were combined*

Since there was this tendency to accept or reject these pairs of require­

ments together, the valus-orisntations or focit "extrinsic-reward-

oriented," "people-oriented," and "self-expression-oriented,M plus one

other value foci described below, were used throughout this study*

Facing the problem of making an occupational choice, one person

will tend to askt What rewards will 1 get for my work? Another person

poses the question: Will it be a challenge, creative experience? And

a third person will inquire: Will I enjoy working with the people? On

the other hand, there are some who ask: What is the easiest way out? or,

How is it possible to get the most for the least effort? Recognizing

this, and in order to better relate the Rosenberg approach to the study

of delinquency, a fourth value orientation was identified* The coeffi­

cient of association between "easy" and "short hours" was + *798* This

value orientation or foci is called "easy-way-out-orientation*"

From the viewpoint of the occupational value orientations deve­

loped in the preceding paragraphs, Table XII summarizes the data con­

cerning the three groups by giving the weighted median score for each ggroup* Each of the three groups ranks highest in ths "extrinsic-

reward" scores* Glen Oaks places second in "people oriented values,"

while Glasgow and the adjudicated delinquents rank second in "self-

expression values*" The three groups are in agreement in placing least

emphasis upon "easy-way-out” values in occupational choice*

^The weighted median was arrived at in the following way: Aweight of 4 was assigned to people selecting a particular value alternative as first choice, 3 for second choice, 2 for all other high

117

TABLE XII

OCCUPATIONAL VALUE ORIENTATION MEDIAN

SCORES FOR THREE GROUPS

OCCUPATIONAL VALUE ORIENTATION*

Group PeopleOriented

ExtrinsicReward

SelfExpression

Eaey-wayOut

Glasgow 2.91 4.40 3.30 .93

Glen Oaks 3.66 4.17 3.01 1.13

Delinquents 3*24 4.38 3.30 .61

•Possible range of scores! 0-7

Whenever differences within value orientations are noted, we find

that Glen Oaks has the highest median score for the "people-oriented11

values (3.66), followed by the adjudicated delinquents (3*24), and finally

by Glasgow (2*91). The Median Test indicates that the differences among

the three samples' scores in this orientation are significant*^

Another statistically significant difference was noted among the

choices, 1 for medium choice, and 0 for low choice* Since each value complex consisted of two value alternatives, it was possible for each individual to choose one value alternative as first choice and another as second choice; this produced a weighted median for each value complex ranging from Q to 7.

^Chi-square was 8*61 (Pc«02). Whenever the two schools were considered separately from the adjudicated delinquents, it was found that they differed from each other only in the "people-oriented-value" scores (Chi-square was 7.67; P«=:.01). They did not differ significantly in "extrinsic-reward," "self-expression," and "easy-way-out" value scores*

11811three groups In the "extrinsic-reward" scores* Glasgow has the

highest median score (4*40)* with the Delinquents (4*38) and Glen Oaks

(4*17) ranking second and third respectively*

Differences among the three samples for the "self-expression"

and the "easy-way-out" value orientations are not statistically signi­

ficant.

II. OCCUPATIONAL VALUES AND SELF-REPORTED DELINUUENCY

In the process of examining the occupational values of the

three samples* some attention has been given to the relationship of

those values to delinquency* Since the adjudicated delinquent sample

is small* however, and intended principally as a comparative group to

check the findings based upon self-reported delinquency, this section

of the paper will be concerned primarily with an analysis of the occu­

pational values of self-reported high delinquency* moderate delinquency

and low delinquency in the two schools*

"People Oriented" V,alUB,B &Q4 Sslf-ftBBPftBd PBllnaPBPfiJr*On the basis of sub-hypothesis two* it was expected that there

would be very little difference in "people-oriented" median scores

between those who rank high and those who rank low in self-reported

delinquency* By applying the Median Test to the distribution of median

scores as found in Table XIII* a significant difference wes found to

exist* For the two schools combined* a Chi-square of 6*94 resulted

When the Median Test is employed* a Chi-square of 7.55 is obtained (P = *05)*

119

TABLE XIII

DISTRIBUTION OF "PEOPLE-ORIENTED MEDIAN SCORES

BY AMOUNT OF SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY

Degree of Delinquency

People Oriented Median Scores*

Glasgow Glen Oaks Delinquents

Low 3.00 3.76 3*50

Medium 2.17 1*50 2.25

High 2.63 2.38 2.75

•Range of scores! 0-7

12(P-<r.05). Since a relation was indicated by this test, a measure was

taken to determine the intensity and direction of thB relationship*

Kendall's Tau.computed for the two schools, was found to be -*10, which

was significant at the *008 level* This can be interpreted to mean that

there was a definite tendency for those respondents who were high in

self-reported delinquency to be low in "people-oriented" values*

"Extrinslc-Reward" Values and Self-Reported Delinquency*

Table XIV indicates that those respondents who rank high in

self-reported delinquency have lower "extrinsic-reward" value scores

than do those who rank low in delinquency* The Median Test shows signi­

ficant differences, both for the two schools combined (Chi-Square is

^When the adjudicated delinquent scores were added, Chi-square became 8*61, (P«=^.02).

120

TABLE XIV

DISTRIBUTION OF "EXTRINSIC-REWARD" MEDIAN SCORESBY AMOUNT OF SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY

Degree of Delinquency

Extrinsic Reward Madian Scoroa*Glasgow Gian Oaks Delinquenta

Low 4.74 4.14 4.90Medium 4*66 4*50 5.00High 3.79 4*13 4.79*Range of ocoroot 0-7

6*27t P<*05) and for tha thraa aanplas coabinad (Chi-Square ia 7.55; pc.05). Thus, thara ia tha indication that tha "axtcinaic-raaard" values acoraa ara not indapandant of tha amount of aalf-raportad delin­quency. However, Kendall's Tau of -.01 haa a probability of laaa than •41, indicating that thia alight negative ralationship ia not aignifi- cant, and tharafora ia not intanaa in terms of dagraa. Tha high median acoraa for all catagorias furthar auggaat that high aalf-raportad dslin- quanta aa wall as low aalf-raportad dalinquante value extrinsic reward*

"Salf-Exoraaaion" Valuaa flnd Salf-Raoortad Dallnouancv.Table XV indicates that for tho two schools thara ia an inverse

relationship between dagraa of aalf-raportad delinquency and "self- expression" value orientation* However, whenever the Median Tast is applied to these acoraa tho relationship is found to bo non-significant* Computation of Kandall'a Tau indicates that there is a negative relation­ship of -*10 for the two schools which is significant at tha *006 level*

121

TABLE XV

DISTRIBUTION OF "SELF-EXPRESSION" MEDIANBY SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY

Degree of Delinquency

Self-■Expression Median Scores*

Glasgow Glen Oaks Delinquents

Low 3*50 3.26 3.75

Medium 3.33 3.06 2.75

High 2.68 2.77 3.25

"Range of acorest 0-7

Here again, however, this low correlation coefficient plu8 the lack of

differences found among the medians along the self-reported delinquency

dimension raises serious question about the meaning or importance of the

differing emphasis placed upon "self-expression" as an occupation value*

Itlhen the very high "self-expression" scores of the adjudicated delin­

quents are examined, there is further reason to believe that there is

little significant difference between delinquent and nondelinquent

(self-reported) in emphasis given to this value* For example, the

"self-expression” score for the highest delinquency rank among the adju­

dicated delinquents (3*25) is approximately the same as that of the

highest "self-expression” score for Glen Oaks (3*26)*

122

TABLE XVI

DISTRIBUTION OF "EASY-WAY-OUT" MEDIAN SCORESBY SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY

Degree of Delinquency

Easy-Way-Out Median Scores*

Glasgow G1 en Oak s Delinquents

Low .89 1 .05 .50

Medium .90 2.50 .75

High 1.22 1 .40 .75

•Range of scorest 0-7

"Eaev-Wav-Out” Values ££4 Self-Reported Delinquency.

All three groups show low median scores in the "easy-way-out"

value orientation. As might be predicted from the Matza theoretical

framework and ae seen in Table XVIt higher median scores are found with

the highest rather than with the lowest self-reported delinquency rank.

However, the Median Test applied to each sample, the two schools com­

bined, and to the three groups combined, indicates that the differences

around the median are not significant. Therefore, from a statistical

viewpoint, we cannot reject the null hypothesis that the "easy-way-out"

oriented value scores are independent of the amount of self-reported

delinquency. This is further borne out by the computation of Kendall's

Tau. There is a small amount of correlation between high self-reported

delinquency and high evaluation of an "easy-way-out," (Tau is >06), but

the probability of even this small amount of correlation is not signi­

ficant.

123

As the data of this chapter are reviewed, one major point stands out* There is clear indication that the person ranking high in self-

reported delinquency is less interested than the person ranking low

in self-reported delinquency in only one of the value orientations

which normally motivate persons in the desire to work and in the choice

of an occupation; that is, in his orientation to people* The high self-

reported delinquent is less likely to want to work with people or to be

helpful* This raises a question concerning his "faith in people,” a

problem considered in ths next chapter*

CHAPTER V

VALUES AND ATTITUDES

Two sets of attitudes, both related to the general topic of

occupational values and delinquency, are examined in this chapter*

The first group of attitudes concern interpersonal relations, the

second group center around "success'1 and "the future*"

I. ATTITUDES TOWARD INTERPERSONAL RELATIONS

In the preceding chapter it was discovered that the respondent

ranking high in self-reported delinquency differs from ths respondent

ranking low in self-reported delinquency in an essential manner; he

places less value upon "working with people" and "being helpful to

others" in the choice of an occupation than does the non-delinquent or

less-delinquent. As it was stated there, he is less "people-oriented."

This finding raises several questions, which are examined in Part I of

this chapteri (1) Is this lack of orientation toward people in the case

of the delinquent a general attitude, or is it related only to occupa­

tional choice? (2) Is there variation between high sslf-reportBd delin­

quents and low self-reported delinquents in the acceptance of those who

engage in delinquent behavior? (3) In what waysare inter-personal atti­

tudes associated with occupational values? The last question is consid­

ered first.

124

125

Faith in People and Occupational ValueBRosenberg, In hie study of Occupations and Values, points out

that occupational activity is more than just a matter of doing one's

job; it is a social system as Hell. Interpersonal relations are

tightly uoven into the fabric of occupational activity. Relationships

of employer and employee, professional and client, teacher and student,

manager and technician, all involve interpersonal relationships and

skills of various sorts. Assuming that interpersonal relations are

an important aspect of one's occupation it seems relevant to consider

how interpersonal attitudes may influence the individual's perception

of work.

Perhaps the broadest and most basic interpersonal attitude might

be one's view of human nature, or "faith in people." This concept is

defined as the individual's degree of confidence in the trustworthiness,

honesty, goodness, generosity, and brotherliness of the masB of men.’1*

The suggestion that "faith in people" be used as an indication of inter­

personal attitudes, is incorporated into this study.

In an earlier chapter, it was stated that an attitude implies a

tendency to act in a certain way in a particular situation, whereas

values imply the deeper, closer-to-the-core type of sentiments — they

are the more stable and more permanent aspects of personality. It was

suggested, further, that attitudes are inferred from or best known to

Morris Rosenberg, Occupations and Values. (Ths Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois, 1957), p. 25.

^Ibid.. p. 26.

126

us through ths expressions of opinions by informants* In an attempt

to determine the respondents' attitudes, labeled "faith in people,” a

scale, consisting of five items reflecting the manifest content of the

concept, ess constructed by Rosenberg, using the Cuttman method* The

reproducibility was found to be a high *92; in the present investiga­

tion the reproducibility was *91* The items used were the following!

(1) Some people say that most people can be trusted* Others

say you can't be too careful in your dealing with people* How do you

feel about it?

Most people can be trusted*

_____ You can't be too careful.

(2) Would you say that most people are more inclined to help

others, or more inclined to look out for themselves?

_____ To help others.

To look out for themselves*

(3) If you don't watch yourself, people will take advantage of you*

A ? D4

(4) No one is going to care much what happens to you, when you

get right down to it.

A ? D

(5) Human nature is fundamentally cooperative*

A ? D

**For the description of the method used by Rosenberg to develop this scale, see Ibid.. pp* 151-53*

4"A" etands for "agree," "?" for "undecided," and "D" for"disagree*11

127

Tha five items yialdad six groups, making it possible to combine these

into three categories of two groups eacht low, medium, and high "faith

in people*"^ The number and percentage in the thrse categories are

given in Table XVII* By far the largest percentage for the two schools

and the adjudicated delinquents are found in the moderate "faith in

people" category*

By utilizing this scal% Rosenburg found that there is a correla­

tion between "faith in people" and occupational choice* Obviously there

are some occupations in which attitudes toward other human beings would

not appear to be a relevant factor in choice* There are specific cases,

however, where one's feelings about interpersonal relations are clearly

of importance, ja*a* * social work* Therefore, it would appear that "there

is a tendency for those with different degrees of faith in human nature

to select occupational areas involving a 'quality' of interpersonal

reactions consistent with this attitude*"^ This relationship was also

found to exist in a study of four professions conducted earlier by the

^In order to obtain the six groups, the relatively few "undecided" answers were considered agreements* This gave the six groups, as follows!

1. AAAAA2. AAAAO3. AAADD4* AADDD5. ADDDO6* DDDDO

Individual scores were obtained by giving two points to those "agree­ments" which indicated "positive" faith, one point to each "undecided," and zero to each "disagreement*"

^Rosenberg, p* 27*

128

TABLE XVII

DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY "FAITH IN PEOPLE"

Throa GroupsFaith inGXaagoa Gian Oaka Dalinquanta Total

No* i No. i No. % No. ... i --------

Lob 38 (26.0) 23 (17.3) 6 (17.6) 67 (21.4)Msdiua 83 (56.8) 80 (60.2) 21 (61.6) 184 (58.8)High 25 (17.1) 30 (22.5) 7 (20.6) 62 (19.8)

Total 146 (100*0) 133 (100.0) 34 (100.0) 313 (100.0)

7praaant invastigator. In tha prsaont invastigation, tha nattor of apacific occupational choica or caraar choica aaa not axplorad dua to tha youth of tha raspondants. It aaa fait that ahils valuaa undsrlying a final choica aight ba oxaminad, tha actual choica of an occupation ■ould not havs baan oada at this point*

Rosanbarg alao obaarvad that it is possibla to study tha rale- tionship bataaan faith in psspls and tha intarparsonal factors in aork ■ora diractly through tha study of occupational valuaa* Ho had aug- goatad that thoao aith high faith in paopla aora aoat likaly to aant to satisfy "paopla-oriantad" occupational valuoat i»a*. thay aant to aork

7Soo Eugana m. Johnaon, Valuaa ntf Qcciaiatlonal ia £sU£Salactad Qccuoatlona. (unpublishod aastor's thssis, Louisiana Stata Univarsity, 1960)*

129

with people rather then things and they want the chance to be helpful

to others* Further, he showed that those with low faith tend, rela­

tively, to choose an impersonal value, namely, "the chance to earn a

good deal of m o n e y T h i s tendency was clearly seen in the large collage

sample used by Rosenberg; it was suggested also by the data from thegjunior high school respondents employed in this investigation.

It is important to note, in this context, that a statistically

significant correlation is found between "faith in people" and the two

occupational value orientations, "people-oriented" and "extrinsic-greward*" The size of the interpersonal occupational value score

increases as one moves from low to high faith in people. The size of

the "extrinsic-reward" value score decreases as one moves from low to

high faith in people* (See Tables XVIII and XIX.)

®See Tables XXVIII and XXIX in the Appendix* The data there are presented in the form utilized by Rosenberg*

^The "people-oriented" scores along the "faith in people" dimen­sion are significantly different* Ths Median Test indicates a Chi-square of 21.19 (P^c .001•) Kendall's Tau of *50 indicates a high degree of correlation in a positive direction (P *001)*

The "extrinsic-reward" scores along the "faith in people" dimen­sion are not found to be significantly different when the Median Test is employed (Chi-square is 1*54; P<*50). However, Kendall's Tau indicates that there is a negative correlation of -*26, which is significant at the •001 level*

130

TABLE XVIII

DISTRIBUTION OF "PEOPLE-ORIENTED" MEDIAN SCORES BY "FAITH IN PEOPLE”

Faith in Paapla-Oriantad Madian Scoraa4Paopla Claagoa Clan Oaks Dalinquanta

Loa 2.42 2.33 2.50

Msdiua 2.93 3.89 2.88

High 3.86 4.20 3.33

4Ranga of Seorast 0-7

TABLE XIX

DISTRIBUTION OF "EXTRINSIC-REWARD" SCORES BY "FAITH IN PEOPLE"

MEDIAN

Faith in Paopla

Extrinalc-Raaard Madian Scoras4Claagoa Clan Oaks Dalinquanta

Loa 4.42 4.90 5.00Modiua 4.43 4.12 5.08High 4.25 3.67 4.804Rangs of acoraat 0-7

131

Rosenberg had ooncludad that "tha aatiafaction of an occupa­

tional value appoora to ba a apacific axpraaaion of a nora ganaral

value cooplax revolving about one's viaa of humanity*" Tha data of

thia invaatigation aaaa to confira this, at laaat with ragard to

"pooplo-oriented” and "extrinsic-reward" valuaa*

Faith la Panola £04 Salf-Raoortad Dalinouancv

By utilizing tha "faith in paopla" acala acoraa,^0 tha madian

acala acora for oach group waa conputad to ba, aa followat

Glasgow 3*36

Gian Oaka 3*62

Dalinquanta 3*54

Thara ara alight diffarancos in thoaa madian scoraa, but tha ganaral

similarity ia striking*^

Whan, howovar, "faith in paopla" ia axaminad in tarns of sslf-

raportod delinquency, decldad diffarancos ara noted* Table XX indi­

cates thet in tha case of Glasgow and tha adjudicated dalinquanta there

^Scores ranged froa 1 - 6 *

11Tha Median Tost indicates that thara is no significant dif­ference in tho three nedian acoraa*

132

TABLE XX

"FAITH IN PEOPLE" MEDIAN SCORES BY DEGREEOF SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY

Degree of Faith in People Median Scores*Delinquency

Glasgow Glen Oaks Delinquents

Low 3.66 3.66 4.22

Medium 3.22 2.50 4.00

High 2*66 2.90 3.42

*Range of scores! 1-6

is an inverse relationship between "faith in people" scores and degree

of delinquency; , low faith in people is associated with high delin­

quency, and high faith is associated with low delinquency* For Glen Oaks

the relationship is curvilinear if the "faith" score for medium delin-12quency rank is retained, inverse if it is deleted*

To measure the degree of relationship between faith in people

and self-reported delinquency, Kendall's Tau was computed for each sample

separately and then for the two schools combined* All three samples

showed a negative association between high faith in people and high 13delinquency*

I^Using the Median Test, differences in "faith in people" median scores along the degree of delinquency dimension were determined to be significant for both schools combined (Chi-square is 5*99; probability is *05)* Differences in median scores for the Delinquents were not sig­nificant (Chi-square is *90; probability is less than *40)*

for the two schools combined as -*14 (P~=**001). For the Delinquent group Tau was -*10 but this correlation was not significant (P=*2Q)•

133

On the basis of this data we may conclude that the value com­

plex revolving around one's view of humanity or one's faith in people

is associated also with his delinquency potential* To conclude that

a lack of faith in people leads to delinquency or that high faith in

people serves as an insulator against delinquency certainly goes beyond

the evidence; nevertheless, these possibilities are certainly suggested

by the evidence and await further study*

Attitudes Toward Delinquency

The examination of interpersonal attitudes was extended further

to include attitudes toward those who engage in delinquent behavior*

In order to measure this variable, which here is called "attitude

toward delinquency," the ten items comprising the delinquency scale

were presented to each respondent with the instruction that he should

indicate his feeling about someone who took part in each of those 1 4offenses* On the basis of these responses toward persons committing

offenses, the items were scaled, utilizing the Cuttman technique* The

reproducibility was found to be *81* It was possible to obtain a

higher reproducibility coefficient by employing the Image Analysis pro­

cess and also by dichotomizing the possible responses* Response state­

ments one and two and statements three and four were combined to

^The ten offenses serei (1) Ran away from home* (2) Purposely destroyed property. (3) Defied their parents' authority. (4) Took little things* (5) Skipped school* (6) Bought and drank liquor* (7) Took things worth more than $2* (8) Drove without a license* (9)Used narcotics* (10) Took an automobile*

13415become simply "favorable" and "unfavorable" attitudes* The repro-1 6ducibility then was found to be an extremely high *99* This forced

combination of responsesy plus a seemingly illogical arrangement of

offenses (see footnote 16), necessary in order to achieve the high

reproducibility coefficient* raises some question about the validity

and usefulness of the "attitude toward delinquency" scale* Therefore,

any conclusions reached based upon its use are regarded as only tsntative<

^The original response alternatives were:1*1 would want him as a close friend or buddy*2* I would not care if he attended my school, but I would not

want him for a close friend*3* I would not want him in my school or want to be associated

with him in any way*4* I would want him placed in an institution far juvenile

delinquents*

^Scale types for "Attitude toward Delinquency" are given belowsOffense Number*Scale

ype 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 a 9 101 U U U U U U U u U u2 F u U u u u U u U u3 F F U u u u u u U u4 F F F u u u u u U u5 F F F F u u u u U u6 F F F F F u u u U u7 F F F F F F u u U u8 F F F F F F F u U u9 F F F F F F F F u u10 F F F F F F F F F u11 F F F F F F F F F F

*0ffense numbers refer to tha following delinquent actst(1) Damaged property* (2) Took things of medium value* (3) Took an automobile* (4) Narcotics* (5) Drank* (6) Drove without a license* (7) Skipped school* (8) Ran away from home* (9) Took little things* (10) Defied parents*

indicates an unfavorable attitude* JF indicates a favorableattitude*

135

TABLE XXI

DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY"ATTITUDE TOWARD DELINQUENCY"

AttitudeToaardDllJjlBUtnBY

Thraa Croupa

UnfavorablaModeratelyFavorableFavorabla

HilL

Claagoa Clan Oaka DalinquantaNo. %

78 (53.7)

25 (17.2)22 (15.1)

Na. % No. % 111 (63.4) 13 (38.2)

15 (11.2) 14 (41.1)7 ( 7.2) 7 (20.5)

TotalNo. % 202 (64.7)

54 (17.3)36 (11.5)

125 (100.0) 133 (100.0) 34 (100.0) "292 (100.0)"Thara aara a larga nunbar of raapondanta aho did not follaa diractioni in thla section and ahoaa raapanaea could not be uaad.

Thraa categories aara derived froa tho eleven scale typest

"unfavorabla attitudes" (acala types 1-4), "aodarataly favorable"(scale types 5-7), and "favorabla attitudes" (scale types 8-11). Tha distribution of raapondanta in ths thraa categories is given in Table XXI.

An attaapt aaa aada to dateraina tha statistical relationship bataaan "attitude toaard delinquency" and each of tha four occupational

values, but in no case aaa there a significant relationship. In tho eaae aay an attaapt aaa aade ta aoaauro tho relationship bataaan "atti­tude toaard delinquency" and "faith in paopla." Again thara aaa no

statistically significant result.

Whan this aaaa approach m axtandad to daoraa dallnQuancv. hooever, a highly aignificant atatiatical rolationahip aaa found-17 Again tha question concorna relationships aith otherst for in dster- aining the attitude toaard delinquency, the respondent, in effect, is asked for inforaation concerning the nature of the association he aight be ailling to have aith a delinquent* In each of the three groups — ■Claagoa, Clan Oaks and adjudicated delinquents — the aost highly delinquent respondents also hove the aoet favorable or positive atti­tude toaard delinquency* (See Table XXII) The respondent oho ranksloa in delinquency is not likely to Identify aith or aant to associate aith those aho engage in delinquency*

TABLE XXII"ATTITUDE TOWARD DELINQUENCY" MEDIAN SCORES

BY SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY

Degree of Delinquency

"Attitude Toaard Delinquency" Median Scores*Glaegos Glen Oaks Delinquents

Loo 3.52 3.32 4.00Mediua 5.75 3*28 4*00High 8*24 5.74 6*83"Range of acorost 1 - 1 1

In the first portion of this chapter consideration has been given to those attitudes and values centered around interpersonal ralatione*

17The Median Test for the data presented in Table XXII indicatesthat for the too schools coabined or for tho three groups coabined thescores are significantly different* For the three groups coabined Chi-square la 51*56 (P-'C'-OOl)* Kendall's Tau Indicates a positive relation­ship of *75 (P^.001)*

137

It m s found that tho satisfaction of an occupational valus appears to ba apacific coaplox revolving around one's visa of huaanity. Those aith high faith are aoro likely to aant to sotiafy people-oriented values than thoao aith loa faith* Those aith loa faith are aora likely to hold extrinsic-roMrd values than aro thosa aith high foith*

Faith in poeple, or one's visa toMtd huaanity is also related to his delinquency involveaont. Those aith loa delinquency rank have aora faith in people than thaaa aha rank high in delinquency*

To further exaaine the probloa of interpersonal relations, atten­tion m s focused on "attitude toMrd delinquency*" Thosa aho aare highly delinquent rMcted favorably toMrd delinquents ahilo thosa loa in delinquency reacted unfaverably.

II. ATTITUDES TOWARD SUCCESS AND THE FUTURE

Su c m hA second aajor group of attitudes sxplorsd are those concerning

success and the future* When asked questions concerning their desire to succeed, by far the largest percentage froa each group indicated that this m s iaportsnt* For exaapla, to the question, "Hoe iaportant is it for you to got ahMd?" approxiaataly 90 par cent of eech group indicated that this m s fairly iaportant or very iaportant* When asked, "What do you M n t aost to be — Independent, Successful, or Wall-liked?", tho largaat percentage in M C h group chose "Successful." (See Table XXV in the Appendix)

When the prebloa of self-reported delinquency end success is explarecl it is found that success is aost often the choice of both

13B

TABLE XXIII

SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY BY DESIRE TO BE "SUCCESSFUL" IN TWO SCHOOL SAMPLES

Self-Reported "Which would you most like to be?"Independent Successful Well-Liked Total

Low 29 (13.4) 111 (52*4) 76 (35.2) 216 (100-0)

Medium 4 (23*5) 6 (35.3) 7 (41.2) 17 (100.0)

High 8 (17.8) 22 (48*9) 15 (33.3) 45 (100*0)

Total 41 (14.8) 139 (50.0) 98 (35.2) 270 (100.0)

delinquent and nondelinquent alike* Table XXIII indicates that 52*4 per

cent of those rated low in self-reported delinquency chose "success while

4B.9 per cent of those rated high in self-reported delinquency also chose 1 fl"success*" "Independence" and being "well-likBd" ranked second and

third respectively in the number giving these as preferences*

This interest in "getting ahead" or "success" found in both the

highly delinquent and the less delinquent individual leads to the ques­

tion of uihat is meant by success* Most analysts of American values tend

to assume that the desire for success is chiefly expressed in the desire

to acquire a great deal of money* It is clear, however, that the desire

to get ahead and the desire to earn a large amount of money are not

necessarily identical* People may wish to get ahead because of the

prestige elements involved, because of the opportunities for self-

^8Chi-square indicates that differences in concern for success,

139

fulfillment which a position offers, etc., without being motivated

by the desire for wealth.

In light of these considerations, it is interesting to discover

that the school respondents in this study tended to link success with

money. Tables XXX and XXXI in the Appendix indicate that there is a

statistically significant relationship between "success1' and money nnd

"desire to get ahead" and money. Monetary success appears to be inter­

preted as a common and important type of success, although it is clearly

not the only one.

Assuming that an individual is strongly imbued with the desire

for success, a question arises concerning the means he might adapt to

achieve it. The range of proper and improper ways of getting ahead is

very wide. An effort was made to measure attitudes toward a few of these

ways by asking the respondents to agree or disagree with the following

three statements!

1. "In order to get ahead these days . . . you can't afford to be particular about the means you use."

2. "In order to get ahead these days . . . you have to make peo­ple do what you want."

3. "In order to get ahead these days . . . you really have to love your work."

The first of these statements, " . . . you can’t afford to be

particular about the means you use," is a rather blunt statement

regarding the relationship between success and the necessity for using

independence, and being well liked along the self-reported delinquency dimension are not statistically significant.

140

institutionally dubious means to achieve the desired end* The first

fact to be noted is that the largest number disagreed with the state­

ment in high as well as low delinquency groups* (See Table XXIV)

However, if the number who were doubtful about the matter are added to

those agreeing with the statement, there would seem to be some real

question of whether or not the idea expressed in it is socially disap­

proved, for then there would be approximately the same number agreeing

as disagreeing* Perhaps this might be regarded as one of the "subter­

ranean" values which Matza speaks of as lying alongside the generally

recognized and accepted social values* This interpretation is further

indicated by the fact that almost one-half of those ranking low in

self-reported delinquency either agreed or were undecided concerning

the statement, while almost one-half of those ranking high in self-19reported delinquency disagreed with the statement.

In the Becond statement there is a question of just what is

understood by "making people do what you want." Is it an interper­

sonal skill which students understand to be necessary to influence

others — an extremely important skill for success in certain occupa­

tions — or does it imply manipulation of persons for less socially

approved reasons such as self-aggrandizement at the expense of others?

One way to approach this question is to determine whether there

19Chi -square indicates that the differences are significant at the *01 level* However, the large number of respondents who were "unde­cided" make this difficult to interpret. When the "undecided respon­dents are combined with those respondents who "agreed" with the state­ment, the differences are insignificant.

141

ia a ralationahip bataaan "Making paopla da ahat you want" and tha tao intarparaanal occupational valuaa, "helpful to others” and "aorking a.lth paopla*" According to Tabloa XXXII and XXXIII in tha Appendix, thara ia a atriking tandancy for thoaa ovaluating highly tha inter- paraonal occupational valuaa to diaagroo aith tha atataaant* Thia aould aaaa to indicata that “waking paopla do ahat you aant" ia intar- pratod in aavaral ways, but priaarily in aaya connoting aocially diaap- provad aanipulation of paraona* Aaauaing that thia ia tho caae, it ia not surprising to find that 66*5 par cent of thoaa ranking loo in self- raported dolinquoncy as coaparod to 41*9 par cant of thoaa high in self-roportod dolinquoncy disagreed aith "aaking people do ahat you aant" in

20order to got ahead* It ia interesting to note, however, that thereera approxiaatsly tho aaaa nuabor of high delinquents oho disagree asagree aith "asking paopla do ahat you aant*" (Sea Table XXIV)

To tha third atataaant, "In order to got ahead these days • • •you really hava to lova your aork,” tha largest proportion agreed inovary caao* Novarthalasa, thara ia clear evidence of leas agroeaent andaora disagroeaent of tha atataaant aaong tha high delinquents than aaongthe loa delinquents* Thirty-seven per cant of thoaa high in salf-raportod dolinquoncy diaagroad with the atataaant, while only 14 par

21cant of thoaa low in salf-roportad delinquency disagreed with it*

20Chi-square indicates that thia distribution of frequencies ia significant at the *01 level*

21 Chi-square indicates that tho differences are significant at lass than tha *01 level*

TABLE XXIV

SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY AND ATTITUDES TOWARD THE "MEANS" FOR GETTING AHEAD IN TWO SCHOOL SAMPLES

DEGREE OFSELF-REPORTED "In order to get eheed these deys . . .DELINQUENCY______________________________________________________________

You can't efford to be particular You have to sake people do vhatabout the weans you use."_________ ________________you want."_________

Agree Undecided Disagree Total Agree Undecided Disagree TotalNo. X No. X No. X No. X No. X No. X No. X No. X

Law 54 (25.6) 47 (22.3) 110 (52.1) 211 (100.0) 35 (16.6) 36 (16.9) 141 (66.5) 212 (100.0)Medium 10 (58.8) 1 ( 5.9) 6 (35.3) 17 (100.0) 4 (23.5) 4 (23.5) 9 (52.9) 17 (100.0)High 19 (42.2) 4 ( 8.9) 22 (48.9) 45 (100.0) 19 (44.2) 6 (13.9) 18 (41.9) 43 (100.0)Total 83 (30.4) 52 (19.0) 138 (50.6) 273 (100.0) 58 (21.3) 46 (16.9) 168 (61.8) 272 (100.0)

TABLE XXIV, continued

DEGREE OfSELF-REPORTED "In order to get eheed these deys . . .DELINQUENCY______________________________________________________________

________ You really have to love your work."Agree________ Undecided Disagree________ Total

NO. Z No. Z No. Z No. ZLow 157 (72.7) 28 (13.0) 31 (14.3) 216 (100.0)Medium 12 (70.6) 3 (17.6) 2 (11.8) 17 (100.0)High 24 (55.8) 3 ( 7.0) 16 (37.2) 43 (100.0)Total 193 (69.9) 34 (12.3) 49 (17.8) 276 (100.0)

144

Luck, sl CgfltictiIt is sonatinas alleged that Anerleans fssl that Justice in the

occupational raala conaiats in tha Matching of Merit and reaard* Tha Man at tho top should ba tha one with the aost intelligence or initia­tive or assiduity, not tho one oho has gotten ahera ha is by knoaing tha right paopla or by luck* The delinquent, on tho other hand, is pictured as holding the obverse view* The preceding paragraph gives seas sup­port to that idea in that the individual ranking loa in delinquency to challenge the visa that hard aork loads to success* A quastion arises concerning the delinquent's belief in tha use of "contacts" and Inside influence an the one hand and fate or luck on tho other*

Respondents ears asked to agree or disagree aith the atatenentt "It's aho you knoa aora than ahat yeu knoa that counts theao days*" Tho differences betaeen high and loa delinquency respondents aers not statis­tically significant* In fact, it can be noted in Table XXXIV in the Appendix that approxiaately tha saae percentage in high end loa delin­quency groups disagreed aith the stateaent*

To further detaroine the tendency far high self-reported delin­quency persons to stress the iaportanca of "contacts" or "luck" for getting ahead, respondents aero presented e list and askedt "What tao qualities on this list do you think really get a yeung parson ahead fastest today? (Check tao)" Tha alternatives aaret hard aork} having a pleasant personality} brains} knoaing tha right people} good luck} being a goad politician* When the less socially applauded qualities,

145

emphasizing contacts, being a good politician, or good luck were con­

sidered, they were chosen more frequently by respondents ranking high

in delinquency than those ranking low* However, the differences were

slight and not statistically significant* (See Table XXXV in the

Appendix) The most highly delinquent as well as those ranking low in

self-reported delinquency seem to recognize the importance of the

socially advocated qualities of hard work, intellect, pleasant perso­

nality.

The Future

Although there has been some emphasis in the literature upon the

role of luck or fate in getting ahead as expressive of delinquency, this

does not show up in a very vivid manner in this data* In fact, very few

respondents chose it even as one of two possibilities* This might be

explained by the fact that this alternative, like the alternative of

"being a good politician," is phrased in a manner that is much too

obvious and cynical* Wherever an association between delinquency and

belief in luck or fate is found, then questions concerning the respon­

dents' attitudes toward the future become pertinent. It would seem

that a person who strongly subscribed to a belief in luck would have

little concern in planning for the future*

Having noted above that very few in this study subscribed to a

belief in luck for getting ahead, there arose e question as to whether

there would be a corresponding concern about the future in both delin­

quent and nondelinquent alike* Respondents were asksdt "How important

is it for you to have plans for the future known?" By far the largest

146

proportion in each of the self-reported delinquency categories con­

sidered this important to them. (See Table XXXVI in the Appendix)

Only a small percentage in each category considered this to be unim­

portant. The high delinquency category had a significantly larger

number who were not concerned with the future (Chi-square is 9.74; P

s .05). However, the low degree of relationship between self-reported

delinquency and concern for the future (C is .17), and the very small

number who indicated that the future is important, raises some question

about the consideration to be given to this slight observed difference*

A related statement given to the respondents helps to clarify

the matter. The respondents were asked to agree or disagree with the

statement! “Nowadays a person has to live for today." In this case,

the differences observed among the delinquency categories are not sig­

nificant. (See Table XXXVII in the Appendix) fiost respondents high in

delinquency as well as those low in delinquency disagreed with the

statement or were undecided about taking a "live for the day" attitude.

These statements taken as a group seem to indicate that the

highly delinquent individual, in the status groups investigated, is

concerned about the future and that he does not subscribe to a belief

in fate or luck to bring him the success that he and the less delinquent

individual desire.

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The purposes of this pspsr sere* first, to rsvies thet litera­ture of the sociology of delinquency of the last thirty years to which the theorization of David Metza and Greshea Sykes is a responsej end second, to present the findings of a socio-psychologicsl investigation conducted by the author to test eapirically sons hypotheses drawn froe the theory of Metza and Sykes*

I. THE PROBLEM

Juvenile delinquency and cries have long daiaed both tha theo­retical and eapirical interest of sociologists* Much of the attention in rocsnt ysere has been focussd upon ths subcultural aspects of delin­quency* In part, this subcultural interest was proapted by two eapiri­cal findings of the Chicago School of ths 1930's that (1) delinquency in its extreee foras is concentrated in ths aals papulation of the lower- class sections of urban areas and (2) aost of this delinquency takes a group fora*

In the 1950's there was a return to cultural and subcultural analyses in both general sociological theory and criainological theory* This tended to push froa the foreground preoccupation with psychiatric and psychological interpretations of personality probloas loading to deviant behavior* Several writers indicated rather explicitly their return to tho interpretations! aodels ef tho Chicago School of the

147

148

1930*3. But in the process of this revival the approach was modified.

Instead of emphesizing the processes by which new converts are recruit­

ed into the criminalistic subculture, the main interest wss in explain­

ing the origin and content of the subculture.

At this point, criminological theory received a new impetus from

general sociological theory. Modified by Robert Merton, the Durkheimian

concept of "anomie" was retransplanted into American sociology and influ­

enced the thinking of recent delinquency "subcultural" theorists. (Merton

revised the Durkheimian formulation by asserting that anomie develops not

because of a breakdown in the regulation of goals alone, but rather,

because of a breakdown in the regulation between goals and legitimate

avenues of access to them. His aim was to examine the manner in which

social structures exert a definite pressure upon certain persons in

society to engage in nonconformist rather than conformist conduct.

In 1955 Albert Cohen first employed the concept of subculture in

relation to certain forms of juvenile delinquency. Since that time

"delinquent subculture" has become common in criminological vocabulary,

utilized by such theorists as Cloward and Ohlin, James Short, Walter

Wilier, and others* The views of these theorists can be summarized in

terms of absolute and relatlve position in the social order* (Merton,

Cohen, and Cloward and Ohlin theorize that universal goals of American

society are responsible for problems of adjustment of lower class, and

thereby disadvantaged youths. Relative position in the social order is

a major contributing factor to the delinquent solutions chosen. Walter

(Miller takes strong issue with this point when he argues that lower

class culture exerts the most direct influence on delinquency — that

149

absolute position in the social order rather than position relative

to others in a universal and competitive system of goals and means to

their achievement.

Nevertheless, as David Matza points out, whatever the underlying

reason, reaction formation, autonomous traditions, or alienation and

availability, the relation between delinquent subculture and conven­

tional culture is the same in the theories of all the men listed in the

preceding paragraph. It stands in opposition to the conventions of

middle-class morality and inevitably leads its adherents to the break­

ing of laws.

While admitting that the image of juvenile delinquency as a form

of behavior based on countervailing values and norms has some virtue,

Sykes and fflatza attempt to correct the defects as they see them and to

offer an alternative explanation of behavior. They argue that the dif­

ficulties in viewing delinquent behavior as springing from a set of

deviant values and norms which are viewed as being "right" are both

empirical and theoretical. In thB first place, if the delinquent sub­

culture in which the delinquent viewed his behavior as "morally correct"

in fact existed, he would exhibit no feelings of guilt or shame at

detection or confinement. Evidence suggests, however, that delinquents

do experience a sense of guilt or shame, and that this is not a front

to appease authorities. In the second place, the juvenile delinquent

frequently accords admiration and respect to law-abiding persons, thus

indicating the moral validity of the dominant normative system in many

instances. In the third place, juvenile delinquents often draw a sharp

line between those who can be victimized and those who cannot. In the

150

fourth place, Sykes and Matza find it doubtful if many juvenile delin­

quents are totally immune from the demands for conformity made by the

dominant social order* They hold that the greater probability is that

the child internalizes these demands for conformity, but can neutralize

these demands when appropriate circumstances arise, and the ways in

which he accomplishes this neutralization form the major part of the

content of the delinquent "learning process," which is so central to

Sutherland's notion of "differential association." This does not mean

that the delinquent denies the validity of these demands for conformity

and substitutes a new normative system for them. "Techniques of neu­

tralization" — the denial of responsibility, the denial of injury, thB

denial of the victim, condemnation of the condemners, appeal to higher

loyalties — provide in advance of deviant behavior a psychological

escape whereby the delinquent evades or deflects the delinquency issue.

Unlike the mechanisms of rationalization, "techniques of neutralization"

precede delinquent behavior and make it possible. Violations are thus

seen as "acceptable" rather than "right," and the delinquent, far from

representing radical opposition to law-abiding society, appears rather

as an "apologetic failure." In short, these writers doubt the subcul­

tural process that sees juvenile delinquency as a form of behavior

based on the values and norms of a deviant subculture in precisely the

samB way as law-abiding behavior is based on the values and norms of the

larger society.

Having centered attention on how an impetus to engage in delin­

quent behavior is translated into action, hatza and Sykes then turn to

the question of what makes delinquency attractive in the first place.

151

They view former answers to this question as troubled by the assump­

tion that the delinquent is a deviant whose ultimate position is one

of opposition to the dominant social order, > the world of the

middle class* Instead, they assert that (a) the values behind much

juvenile delinquency are far less deviant than is commonly supposed,

and (b) this faulty picture is due to an over-simplification of the

middle-class value system*

Matza and Sykes indicate that the vast majority of accounts of

juvenile delinquency and its underlying values agree in substance, if

not in interpretation, that three themes recur with marked regularity*

First, delinquents are deeply immersed in a restless search for excite­

ment, thrills, or "kicks." Second, delinquents commonly exhibit a

disdain for "getting on" in the realm of work* Third, aggression —

whether verbal or physical — is equated with virility and toughness*

This cluster of values, however, far from denoting the delinquent's

apartness from the conventional world, connote his adherence to it;

for, this emphasis on daring, the rejection of the prosaic discipline

of work, the emphasis on luxury and conspicuous consumption, the

respect paid to manhood demonstrated by force — all find their counter­

part in the dominant social order* More specifically, these values

seem to be the value of Thorstein Veblen's leisured elite* Only the

mode of expression — delinquency — ■ is different. s and Matza

remind us that most values appear in most social classes; the social

classes differ, however, in the frequency with which the values appear*

Further, Matza and Sykes state that all classes embrace certain

"subterranean" values — values which are in conflict or even contra­

152

diction with other deeply held values, but which are still recognized

and accepted by many. These contradictory values may co-exist with

conformist values within a single individual and give rise to pro­

found feelings of ambivalence in many areas of life. They are deviant

values only insofar as they represent private as opposed to public mora­

lity and they are generally held in abeyance until appropriate circum­

stances are present. In many cases the delinquent suffers from bad

timing.

In this view, the delinquent may not stand as an alien in the

body of society, but may represent instead a dangerous reflection or

caricature. Far from establishing a set of counter-values, the delin­

quent shares the subterranean values of society and this very adherence

binds him to the dominant social order, and facilitates the frequently

observed "reformation" of the delinquents with the coming of adult

status.

tfatza and Sykes indicate that the attractiveness of delinquency

— and the "techniques of neutralization" which make it possible as

modes of behavior — applies with equal force to adolescents at any

class level, for they move in a limbo between earlier parental domina­

tion and future integration with the social structure through the bonds

of work and marriage. They therefore postulate that insofar as these

subterranean values do lie behind delinquency, delinquent behavior pre­

vails among all adolescents rather than those confined to the lower class.

They suggest that it seems worthwhile to pursue the idea that most forms

of juvenile delinquency have a common sociological basis regardless of

153

ths class level at which they appear* One such basis is offered by

the argument that the values lying behind much delinquent behavior are

the values of a leisure class, a temporary leisure by sufferance rather

than by virtue of n permanent aristocratic right* Yet the leisure

status of adolescents, modified though it may be by the discipline of

school and the lack of wealth, places them in relationship to the

social structure in a manner similar to that of an elite which consumes

without producing* In this situation, disdain of work, an emphasis

upon personal qualities rather than skills, and a stress on the manner

and extent of consumption all can flourish. Insofar, then, as these

values do lie behind delinquency, fflatz:. and 5ykes expect delinquent

behavior to be prevalent among ::11 adolescents rather than confined to

the lower class*

These conclusions of flatza and Sykes served as the framework for

the propositions guiding the empirical research of this writer* Primary

attention was given to that cluster of values centering around work and

the relation of these values to juvenile delinquency. A major proposi­

tion was stated, as follows:

There is no difference between those ranking high in self- reported delinquency and those ranking low in self-reported delinquency (all classes) in adherence to the set of valuescentering around disdain for work and getting ahead, norin the attitudes toward those participating in juvenile delin­quent activities*

five sub-hypotheses were drawn from this statement and served as guides

fcr the research:

1. There is no difference in self-reported delinquency by social class*

154

2* Thoro is no diffsrsnco botsson thoss high in aelf-roportod dolinquoncy and thooo loo in solf-roportod dolinquoncy in thoir occupational valua orientations*

3* Thoro ia no difforonco botooon thooo high in solf-roportod dolinquoncy and thoaa loo in oolf-roportad dolinquoncy in intorporoonol attitudes*

4* Thoro ia no difforonco botooon high solf-raportod dolin­quanta and loo solf-roportod delinquents in attitudoo tooard thooo oho participato in Juvonilo dolinquant behavior*

5* Thoro is no difforonco botooon high aelf-roportod delinquents and loo solf-roportod delinquents in attitudoo tooard ouccoos and tho future*

155

IX. METHODOLOGY

In order to evaluate thoaa four hypotheses* a quoationnai.ro firat ■as doalgnad to naaeure the respondent's occupational values* hia socio- aconoaic atatua level* hia self-raported dolinquoncy involvaaant* and apacific attitudoo tooard aork* tha future and getting ahead. Hie occupational valuea* hia aocio-aconoaic atatua level and hia attitudaa ■ora than related to hia delinquency invelvoaent.

Tho aeaaura of occupational valuaa used in thia roaaarch n o b deve­loped by Morris Rosenberg* .ti* jLL* » «t Cornell University and saa daaignad to dascriba three value orientations* "people-oriented*" "extrinalc-roward-orianted*” and "aelf-expreesion-orientad." Bacauaa it saaaad aoroooa to tha theoretical fraaaaork of thia paper* a fourth value orientation «as added — "easy-aey-out."

Tho aeaeura of aocio-aconoaic level wea an adaptation of tha Otia Duncan aocio-aconoaic index. The unit scored was tha occupation of tha father of tha respondents. In this wanner* tho three aaaplea could ba classified according to aocio-aconoaic atatua.

In an attaapt to aeaaura aalf-raportad delinquency* an anonyaous check liat hob edainisterad to all respondents in tha study and a delin­quency scale constructed froa it. Proa the invantory of 15 itaas of criainal and anti-social behavior ten wars choaan for scaling according to tha Guttaan tachniqua. Tha final scale was vary aiailar to that utilized by Nye and Short.

Finally* iteas Indicating a respondent's attitudes in several related areas wars included in ths questionnaire. Firat* since it

156

aasuaed that a paraon'a faith in paopla la ralatad to both hia occupational choico and to hia delinquency involvaaant, a Guttaan seala coaposod of fiva itaas was doaignod to aaasure this attribute* A Gutt- aan seala to aeaaura attitude toaard delinquency aas also davalopad* Further pertinent attitudoa, such as attitudes toaard ths future, toaard getting ahead in life, toaard tho aaans of gatting ahead, aara included* Thoaa aara not scaled according to tho Guttaan technique, but aora utilized in an atteapt to gat a general picture of delinquent and non-dalinquent attitudes*

Tha questionnaire aas adainistarad to throe groups in Baton Rouga, Louisiana* Tho firat included all of tha aala aaabars of an all-white eighth grade of a junior high achool ahich had been desig­nated by several of the Pariah School Board officials as predoainantly an upper class school* Tha second included all of the aala aaabars of an all-ahito eighth grade class of a junior high school which had bean designs tod as predoainantly a loner claaa school* Tha third group m a coapoaad of all tha whits boys who warn adjudicated delinquent by tha Faaily Court, but who wars on probation at tha tiaa of the study and whoso parents would psrait thoa to ba interviewed* Although tha schedule of questions was presented to tha achool groups in a claesrooa situation, tha adjudicated delinquents wore intarviowad singly and on a voluntary basis*1 Ths total nuabor who coapleted questionnaires waa 319* Of

those, fiva ware discarded because they wore iaproperly coapleted or

4There wars two oxcaptions to this* Two of tha adjudicated delinquents ware at Clan Oaks School on tho day the questionnaire waa presented there*

157

otherwise failed to aaaaura up to tha atandarda aat for their inclusion.

Thara remained a total of 314 respondents; 146 from Glasgow Junior High School, tho upper claaa achool; 134 froe Gian Oaka Junior High School,

tha lawar claaa acheol; and 34 fraa tha adjudicated delinquents.

III. EMPIRICAL FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS

On tha baaia of tho eapirical data preaanted in tha preceding

chapters ef this aork, an attoapt is aade now to evaluate tha state­

ments which have served as tho working hypotheses of this research.

Tha five sub-hypotheses ara examined first, and than an evaluation of

tha general hypothesis will be made.

Hypothesis 1i Thera is no significant difforance in aolf-rsportad delinquency by aocial class*

On tha baaia of tho informal observation of achool officials, a Duncan socio-aeonomic index median score given to each group, and an

occupational classification, the two schools ware identified as upper

socio-economic level or white collar (Glasgow) and lower socio-economic

level or blue collar (Glen Oaks). This does not mean that each of these

schools waa completely homogeneous; only that theaa groups wars statis­tically distinct. Each waa treated as a "social status area" as Reiss

and Rhodes define ths concept, A..J*, although the achool is somewhatheterogeneous, one social class is dominant enough to treat it as repre­

sentative of a rather homogeneous social atatua area. Tha adjudicated

delinquents parallel Gian Oaks vary closely, falling into ths blue collar

or lower status group.

158

By utilizing a delinquency seala, prepared according to the Cuttean technique, self-reported delinquency ranging fro* loe to high degree of invdveaent eas ascertained for eech of tho three groups*

When the three groups sere ranked according to "high" self-reported

delinquency, the adjudicated delinquents ranked first, Glasgoe second, and Glen Qaka third*

The date yield teo conclusions pertinent to the hypothesis

stated above* In the firat place, self-reported delinquency involva-

eent in the teo atatua areas, represented by the teo schools, differs

significantly* In the second place, when social desses are exaainsd

across both social status areas, there ia no significant difference in

the degree of self-reported delinquency aeong the high, Middle or loe claaa levels*

These teo findings taken together sees to suggest that the obser­vations of Reiss and Rhodes end Clark and Wanningar are correct* Clark and Wanningar state* "In keeping eith the class-oriented theories, ee did find significant differences, both in quantity and quality of illegal acts, anong coaaunities or 'status areas,' each consisting of one pra-

doainant aocio-aconoaic clasa*"^ Those findings seeaingly do not agree

eith Clark and Wenninger at one point* They found that the loeer d e s s

areas have higher illegal behavior rates, particdarly in the aore

serious types of offenses* In the present study of self-reported delin­

quency, the highest delinquency rate eas found in the upper dasa group

2j* P. Clark and E* P* Wenninger, "Socio-Econoaic Class and Area as Correlates of Illegal Bahavlor Aaong Juvenilaa," Aaarlcan Sociological Reviaa. 27 (Dec* 1962), p* 833*

159

in tha high status area*All of this auggssts soaa intsrssting relationships* As Clark

and Wanningar point outtTho pattarn of illagal bahavior aithin saall coaaunitios or aithin 'status arsaa' of a largo aotropolitan cantor ia dotor- ainod by tha pradoainant class of that arsa> Social claaa dlfforontiatlon aithin thoaa araaa ia apparantly not rslatod to tha lncidancs of illagal bahavior* This auggasta that thara aro coaaunity-sido noras ahich ara rslatod to illagal bahavior and to ahich juvsnilos adhars rsgardlosa of thair social dasa origins*3

In Matza*a tsraa thosa noras sould includa thoaa of an adoloacant lai-

sura class*Too intorrslatsd quostions auat bo aakod concarning tho rela-

tionahipa notad in tho studyt (1) Why tha high solf-roportad delin-

quancy rata at tha high status school? It sill ba rocallsd that at this achool thara aara vary faa boys aith loa "ascribed social status*"

(2) Why tho loa self-raportod dalinquancy rata at tho loa status school? Evan thoaa aho aara loaost in aacribod socio-sconoaic status conforaad to tho pattarn of loa dalinquancy found in tho "status aroa*"

Tho suggaations of Matza soaa particularly portinant in conside­ration of tho first quostion* Tho upper class toan-agor certainly sould

aaaa to caae close to characterizing tho leisure class aan as Matza

doseribos his, particularly aith regard to access to leisure and tha

asans to "laplsaent" thia leisure, A* A*, access to aonay, cars, trips,

aovias, salts, snappy clothes, ate* On the other hand, it has boon sug­

gested that tho loser claaa represents tha other category of parsons

3Ibid.

160

■oat likely to hava laiaura tiaa and attitudes* In thia eaaa, hoaavor, thara aould ba no acoaaa to tha aaana of iaploaonting thia laiaura* In tha aorda of Cloaard and Ohlin, thara ia Mdiffarantial acoaaa" to thaaa ■aana*

Uhlla, aa Sykes and Matza hava auggaatad, tha laiaura goala of thrill aaaking, violanoa and roManca ara c o m on to adolaacant and adult aga lavala, tha adolaacant ia fraar to puraua thaa to tha extent to ahich ha ia fraa froa adult raaponaibilitiaa* Alao, if aa aaauaa that adolaacanta at all claaa lavala aabraca thaaa valuaa — honca tha foeter- ing of "youth culture" and tha coMarcializad craation of tha "cult of adolaacanca" — parhapa tha uppar and loaar claaa adolaacant ia fraar than hia aiddla claaa orlantad countarpart to puraua thaa* Tha saift- naaa aith ahich uppar claaa adolaacanta iaitata cartain aodaa of baha­vior of loaar claaa adolaacanta, aapacially "axpraaaiva" aodaa of baho- vior, ia indicativa of thalr Joint involvaaant in tho purauit of laiaura goala coaion to both claaa lavala on a uni-ganarational baaia* Yet, aa indicated above, tha loaar claaa adolaacant doaa not aharo tha apparatua aith ahich to utilize laiaura poaaaaaod by tho uppar claaa adolaacentj ha lacka tha faat car, tha aavoir-faira, tha aurplua "apanding" aonoy aith ahich to indulge hia laiaura inclinetiona* In ahort, the laiaura goala for ahich tho loaar claaa boy ia aoat available ara praciaely thoaa to ahich ho aoat lacka accaaa*

David Doanaa auggeata that*Tho loaar claaa adolaacant oxperiencea a double aotivation toaard dalinquancy if ha ia frustrated both in tho sphere of aork auccass goala and in tha roala of leisure auccesa goals*Tho aiddla claaa doalnated youth agency is saan aa a barrier

161

to tho pursuit of loisura-goala in ouch tho u n say as tho occupational opportunity atructuro rostriots Job potential.Tha ehannalo for tha axprossion of 'subterranean' valuoa ara not availablo for tho lowor class adolascont aa thay ara for tha eenventional-aorld adult. Tho looor claaa delinquent ia also llkaly to vloo 'excitenant' over ooopotitiva sports, tho faolly ear, gadgets and cultural nodia aa distinctly 'taaa.'As Sykea and Natza note, ho la pressurized into tho 'aanufac-turo' of oxeitaaenti ho overcomes tha constrictions of hiaailieu by ohallonging those conatrictiona. Soaking out aeons to oxproas 'subterranean' values In tho purault of leisure* goals iaplles an aloaent of frustration to tha aainto-nanca of delinquent subcultures, but also applias aora gener­ally to 'fringa* delinquency ahlch oaergaa as a by-product of thrlll-aeaking adolascont behavior.AThis auggaats, in anseer to tho aocond qusation raiaad by tha

soplrlcal data, that tha loeer otetus group, elth its rslativoly lou aelf-roportad delinquency rata, is not truly representative of the loner claaa, aa typically presented, nhother Judged by the occupationsof tha fnthsra, or by the delinquency pattern. Tha aoclo-aconoaicstatus scores have Indicated that this is indeed the case* These roapondanta ara aora nearly representative of tho "narking claaa" as distinguished froa tha "loner class” by Millar and Rioaaaan. Thay atetot

Our definition of sorking class ia siaplat regular aeabors of tha nen-agrlcultural labor force in annual occupations. Thus, no exclude tha 'loner claaa,' irregular norking people, although tha analysis has sons relevance to tha loner class * * * It ia especially iaportant to distinguish the segaent ehich has irreg­ular eaployaant (and 'voluntary* nithdranala froa tha labor force), unskilled Joba in aarvlca occupations (and is largely Nogro and Puerto Rican non) froa the other groupings, nhich are larger end hove aoro of a eoaaonneaa to thoa.This lattsr group of regular sorkaen no call 'norking class' despite tho reluctance of aany social scientists today to use

*David M. Donnas, Tha Dalinouant Solution (Non York! Tha Fran Proas, 1966), p. 246.

162

this historic torsi ths opprobrious tors 'lower clsss1 sight bs applied to tha irregular sagsant although it aould probably ba all around if a lass invidious tars (perhaps 'tha unskilled') sera oaployod*^Perhapa tho picture of tha eorking class subculturo drasn by

Millar and Riosssan ia a good description of ths losar atatus area represented in tha school aaaplo studied in this research* If ao, boss of tha basic theses aould aid in explaining tha loa self-reported delinquency rats in that area* Tha values certainly do not appear to ba thoao of a laisura class*

Thors is an alternative explanation that is possible, and indood probable, of tho relationship noted bataeen status-ares and salf- raportod delinquency* If tha adjudicated delinquents ara added to tho status group which thay aost nearly parallel, and froa which aost cosa, than there is vary little differanca in solf-raportad delinquency ratss for tha two status areas under consideration* This suggests that those who would have eada for a higher rata of self-roportad delinquency have boon "reaoved" froa tha lower status area by arrest or court action) thay have acted on their "subterranean" values in delinqusnt fashion snd havs been approhandsd for it* This loavss at tho school a residua of tho aora non-dolinquont aoabors of tho status group* This further suggests that there is a bias on tha part of tha polica court in favor of tha

5S* M* Millar and F* Riaaaaan, "Tha Working Class Subculturo* A Now View," Social Problsaa. 9 (Suaaor 1961) pp* 86-97* Those writers identify tha theaes basic to working-class U f a os (1) stability and security, (2) traditionalisa, (3) intensity, (4) porson-contsred, (4) pragaatiaa and anti-intollactualisa, and (5) oxcitoaant*

163

upper status individual, sxprssssd in differential definition or treat­

ment of delinquency by seciel status***If this assumption la oorrect then me can conclude that there

ie not only a lack ef difference beteeen eeclml cleeeee in self-reported

delinquency but elao e leek of difference beteeen social statue arses*Hypothesis 2» There is no difference beteeen those ranking high

in self-reported delinquency and those ranking loe in self-reperted delinquency in their occupational value orientations*

By employing a scheme marked out by Rosenberg, four value orien­

tations or value foci mere delineated — a "people-oriented" complex, an "oxtrinsic-reeerd" complex, e "self-expression" complex, and an "easy­

ne y-out" complex* The first three of these had been suggested by Rosen­

berg, the last nee included as e possible "subterranean" occupational

value orientation* The teo values ehich composed this "eesy-nay-out"

orientation, "Short hours" and "Be easy," mere highly correlated*In each of the value orientations, nith the exception of one,

there nas a similar pattern expressed by both those ranking high end

thoae ranking loe in self-reported delinquency* Although there mere some slight differences noted along the delinquency dimension, there

nas clear evidence that the person ranking high in self-reported delin­

quency ie lees interested than the person ranking loe in ealf-raported

delinquency only in his orientation to people* The high self-reported

®To the objection that the teo adjudicated delinquents eho had been returned to the loeer status school mould certainly indicate that the lees conservative portion of the school ees represented, it might be suggested that the knoeledge of the arrests and handling of these youngsters might have a deterrent effect*

164

delinquent is Isas likely to wont to oork with psopla or to bo helpful*Tho roapondonts high in doXinquoncy oars liks thosa loo in dslln-

qusney in thair ranking of aach of tha raaaining occupational valueorientations* Both thoso loo and high in salf-roported dslinquoncyrank highoat in "oxtrinaic-rowerd" valua scores, folloosd by ths "aalf-axprasalen" valua scores, and both groqps placod loaat valuo upon"easy-eay-out*" Tho fact that thara ia littls diffsronea in high salf-raportad dalinquoncy and loo salf-rsportad dalinquancy in tho too valuaoriantatlons ohich noraally aotivato parsons in tho dasira to oork andin tho choico of an occupation — "oxtrlnsic-rooard" and "aelf-axpres-slon" — ia indirsct ovidanco that tha dalinquont dooa not reject thaprosaic discipline of oork — at loaat aa axprosasd in what ha dasiraain an occupation* Mora diractly thoro is ovidanco of this by hia loorating of tho subterranean value, "easy-eey-out*"

Of particular interest, hooevor, la tho significant diffarancoalong tho delinquency diaonsion noted in tho "peoplo-orientad" valuooriantation* Tho fact that tho high aolf-roported dalinquont placessignificantly looar valua upon oorking oith paople and baing holpful toothors in hia oork raiaoa questions concerning his general vioo of huaan-ity or hia faith in people*

Hypothesis 3t Thoro la no diffsronea between thoso ranking high in self-raportad dalinquoncy and thoaa ranking loo in salf-roportad dalinquoncy in interpersonal attitudes*

Whenever the eeasuro of tho roapondonts' vioo of hunenity or thoir "faith in psopla" oaa taken thoro was found to ba a strong correlation botoaon that visa and tho dograo of aolf-roportad delinquency* Loo

165

faith in paopla was aaaociatad with high delinquency and high faith waa aaaociatad with low dalinquoncy* Thus, it aaama that tho valuo complex revolving around an individual'a viaw of humanity ia linked with hia delinquency potential or involvement* Tha hypothasia cannot bo accepted*

Thia ia further indicated in tha empirical finding that there ia a ralatianahip between a respondent1a "faith in people" and hia occupational valuaai that is, those with high faith in people strasa intarporaonal or "people-oriented” valuas, while thoso with low faith tend to chooaa an impersonal valuo, namely, "tho chance to earn a good deal of money*"

Thoaa findings taken together lead to questions concerning the nature of tha social relationships experienced by tha delinquent which would load to this perception of others and to thia relative lack of emphasis upon paopla-orlantad occupational values* Those ara tha fac­tors which distinguish tho "high" self-reported delinquent from tho "low" self-reported dalinquont in thia study and pariiaps give soma clues to tha delinquent behavior*

Hypothesis 4* There is no difference between high solf- raportod delinquents and law salf-raported delinquents in attitudes toward those who participate in juvenile dalinquont behavior*

Closoly related to hypothesis three is the problem of personal reletionshipe with persons who engage in delinquent behavior* On tha basis of a measure designed to determine the attitudes of the respon­dents to peers who committed a aeries of offenses, it was discovered that there ia a highly significant difference in the attitude of the

166

high salf-raported delinquent and tha laa self-reported delinquent*Tha raapendenta ranking highaat in delinquency alao have tha aoat favor­able or positive attitude toaard delinquency* The respondents aho rank loa in delinquency ara net likely to aant to identify aith or aant to associato aith these aha engage in delinquency*

Metze and Sykee had indicated that delinquents tand to neutra­lize their behavior by aeens of five techniques* Richard A* Ball, in an attoapt to operationalize tha idea of neutralization found seao sup­port far tha assertion that delinquents aill accept neutralization aora

7than non-delinquonts* The problea is extended in this study to include tho delinquent's perception of others as delinquent* Can ha neutralize or rationalize for thoa? Hob far or to ahoa doos ho extend this ration­alization? Albert J* Reiss has shoan hoa aaong certain greqps in Aaeri- can society a boy nay engage in sex relations aith a porson of the sane sex aithout being defined by his group as hoaosexual or "queer*"fl If a loaor class boy engages in fellatio aith adult sales in exchange for aonetary payaont, if this is casual and sporadic, if it is incidental to his priaary involveaent in, and attachaent to, the "strest-comarN group, if he does not take the "passive" or "foainina" rola in tha act of fel­latio, and if his felloes are persuaded that ha does not do it bacauso he derives satisfaction froa it but only to obtain soao ready cash, than

^Richard A* Ball, HBHtaaliMUan U A. Saif Factor ia Delinquency Risk (unpublished Ph*D* dissertation, Tha Ohio State University)*

^Albert J* Reiss, Jr., "Ths Social Integration of Poors and Queers," Social Problaas. 9 (1962), pp* 102-120*

167

ha ia nat Marked out aa a apaeial aort of a parson — a queer* If this is trua froa tha viaapoint of tha actor* than it aould aaaa that tho actor aould look at tho actiona of hia group aaabars in a recipro- cal fashion* that ia, ha aould ba ablo to noutralizo thair action by aoana of tho aaaa taehniquaa ha utilizes for hinsolf*

Thia problaa is not doalt aith diractly by tha praaant invasti- gation* In fact, a aajor aoaknasa in tha doaign of tha quaationnaira ia found in tho failura to dataraino aho tha roapondant aas using as rafarant ahan ha aas aaksd to indicata hoa ho aould foal about soaaona aho angagad in cortain offenses* Wo con assuaa that attitudas toaard rafaranoa group aaabars aould diffor froa attitudas toaard chancs acquaintances* In fact, rathar than ssrving as aodals of bshavior to bo avoidod, soao individuals aight ssrvs as aodals of bshavior ahich ara adairad and desired*

Tha individual ranking high in dalinquoncy is prosaotsd thus far as ono aho doss not cars to aork aith psopla or to ba holpful in his occqpation, aho has loss faith in paoplo than tha individual ranking loa in dalinquoncy, and aho has a favorabla or poraissivo attitudo toaard thsss aho angaga in dalinquont behavior* Tho fact that ho doos not aant to aork aith psopla and expresses a lack of faith in paoplo ahilo boing quits ailling to aasociato aith dslinquonts suggosts that ha is boing aaloctiva in tha groups ho usoa for raforanco in tha psrcaption of salf as non-dolinquant* Parhaps ha sants to associate aith thoso aho ara aora openly accepting of "subterranean" values, and his lack of faith suggests that ha is vary such aaaro of tho conflict bataoan tho real and tha ideal cultura — an aaarsnosa that aany hold "subterranean" values

168

which ara covarad over by overtly approvad valuaa or ara axpraaaad"discreetly" laada to a lack of trust*

Hypothaala 5i Thsrs la no dlffsranca batwasn high aalf-raportsd dalinquanta and loa aalf-raportad dallnquanta in attitudaa toaard auccaaa and tha futura*

In a furthar attsapt to dataralna tho respondents' aork valuaa, a briaf axaaination aas mads of thair attitudaa toaard auccaaa, thair definition of auccaaa, thair understanding of tha naans to succass, and thair concern for the future*

By far tha largest group in both high salf-raportad dalinquoncy and loa self-reported dalinquancy categories axprassad an interest in getting ahead or in achieving "success*" Succass aas generally inter­preted to naan aonatary success although this aas clearly not the only definition given*

Whenever questioned about tha aeans thay might uss to achieve success, about one-half of thoso ranking XJUL in self-reported delinquency indicated that they could not agree with the statement! "You can't ba particular about ths means you use*" However, it is significant that tha other half of tha low delinquents asra either undecided or agreed with ths statement* Almost half of tha hioh self-reported delinquents disagreed aith the statement* It is vary difficult to conceptualize a "subterranean value;” perhaps this statement comes closer to delineating one than any othar in the study* If this can be called an attitude expressing a subterranean valua, then it becomes mere interesting to note that one-half of those low in delinquency were either undecided about or agreed aith getting ahead by any means*

Those ranking high in delinquency were more likely than those

169

ranking low in dalinquoncy to agraa with tha statement that "you haveto aaka paopla do what you want in order to gat ahead these days.""Making people do what you want" saaas to have been defined as Manipu­

lation of parsons far lose socially adwlred reasons* That wore high

delinquents than low delinquents agreed with this approach to success

seams to fit the general pattern of intarparsonal attitudes noted above*

On the other hand, high aelf-raported delinquents as well as low self-reported delinquents recognize the importence of the socially advo­cated qualities of hard work, intellectual ability and pleasant perso­nality, as opposed to contacts and luck in achieving* In like manner, high delinquents and low delinquents were concerned about planning for the future rather than taking a "live for today" attitude*

major Hypothesis! There is no difference between those rankinghigh in self-reported delinquency and those ranking low in self-reported delinquency (all classae) in adherence to the sat of values cantering around disdain for work and getting ahead, nor in the attitudas toward those par­ticipating in juvenile delinquent activities*

In order to make some evaluation of this major proposition, five sub-hypotheses have been examined* On the basis of the findings and dis­cussion of these sub-hypotheses, we can conclude that tha first part of this hypothesis —“ the part dealing with occupational values and self- reported delinquency in all classes — has bean validated* There is an important exception! the high self-reported delinquent aeoms to be moti­vated less than tha low salf-roportod delinquent by interpersonal values in a choice of occupation* This is reflected in a general view of human­ity which is axprassed in a greater lack of faith in people than is axpressed by the low delinquent*

170

The second port of tho proposition oos found to bo involid for tho ststus groups investigated* Tho high aalf-raportad dolinquont oxprossos ooro positive or permissive sttitudos tossrd those partici- poting in dolinquont bohevior then doss tho los self-roported dolinquont*

Netza end Sykes hove strsssod that "me stand to loom ooro about Juvonila dalinquoncy by exploring tho delinquent1s similarity to soci­ety rather then his dissimilarity*" This study roprssonts one attempt to approach the problem of dalinquoncy in that manner* In doing so, oo hove found that tho occupational values of those ranking high in delin­quency ore not completely opposed to thoso ranking loo in delinquency in ths status groups studied, and else that soma oho era loo in delin­quency shoro values ohich night bs defined as "subterranean*" Further, in attempting to losrn something of tho delinquent's similarity to society oo hove boon given some clues to his dissimilarity; there is sons indication that port of ths problem cantors around interpersonal relations* This is not to ssy that tho values held by tho dolinquont are different from the nen-dolinquont; it is to say that ths delinquent, in his social interaction, lsarns to make use of commonly accepted values in a differing manner and to set upon "subterranean" values at times ehen others mould not* Having found this, there is still tho basic problem of understanding ths interaction processes mhieh mould produce the resultsi delinquent end nen-dolinquont, or, as in this study, high solf-roportod delinquency and lorn solf-roportod dalinquoncy*

Several major problems have been oncountsrod in this rssoaroh project* A primary difficulty lay in tho nature of tho subject matter

itealf and tha difficulty in concaptualizing "subterranean valuaa*"Thia auggaata that auch aora aapirical data concarning tha valuaa ahich aaka up a portion of Aaarioan cultura and tha diatinct eubculturea eith­in it ara needed* It auggaata, further, that tha theory of Matza and Sykea naeda greater conceptual clarification, particularly in ragard to tha aubtarranaan valuaa ehich are auch an integral part of tho theory*

Froa an operational point of viaa, tha raaaarchar encountered undue difficulty by coaaitting hiaaalf to tha Roeonborg technique for axaaining occupational valuaa* Parhapa another approach, aora relevant to and carefully coordinated aith tha apeclfic theoretical problea, aould have produced aora definitive raaulta*

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194

UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS

Beilin, Harry* "Factors Affaeting Oooupational Choica in a LowerSecia-Eeonoaic Croup*" Unpubliahad Doctor*a diaaortation, Coluw- bia University, Now York, 1952*

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Donald, Eroaat P. "Self-Concept of Sixth-Grade Bayat A Study of Delin­quency Pronenese*" Unpubliahad Doctor*a diaaartation, Tho Ohio Stato Univaraity, Coluidiua, 1963*

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Scarpitti, Frank R* "Differential Socialization* Tha Delinquent voraua the Non-Dolinquont*" Unpubliahad Doctor'a diaaartation, Tha Ohio Stato Univaraity, Colunbua, 1962*

Schwarzwallor, Harry K* "Valuo Oriontatione, Social Structure andOccqpational Choica*" Unpubliahad Doctor'a diaaortation, Cornell Univaraity, Ithaca, 19BB*

» "Valuaa and Occupational Choica*" Paper read at tho annual wooting of tho Southern Sociological Society, Atlanta, April 7-9, 1960.

Snail, Leonard* "Personality Nooda as a Deteminent of Vocational Choica and Thoir Relationship to School and Work Achiovoaent." Now York* Vocational Advisory Service, 1954* (Miwoographod*)

0

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

QUESTIONNAIRE ON SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY AND OCCUPATIONAL VALUES

By anaaoring tha quoationa contained aithln thaaa pagaa, yau ara taking part In a atudy of vhat yaung paapla ara faaling and thinking abaut cartain aubjacta, and alao ahat thay do in cartain aituetions*Wo ara aaaking your cooparatian in hoiping ua undaratand aaao of thoaa nattora* Would you ploaao anaaar oach quaation aa accurataly aa yau can*

Do q qI n f .Thank you for your coaporation*

(1) What ia your grada in achool?1. Seventh2 ._____ Eighth3*_____ Ninth4* Tanth

(2) Your ago at laat birthday?1 ._____ Undor 122 * ____________ 123 ._____ 134. 145 ._____ 156 * 167, 178 ._____ 18

(3) If ay gradaa in achool aoro coaparad aith tho gradoa of all tha othor atudanta in tho aighth grada, thay aould probably bai1*____ Above average2* Avarena3* Baloa avorago

(4) Hoa aould you aay you faal aoat of tha tiaa * in good apirita or in loa apirita?1 * Vary good apirita2. Fairly good apirita3* _ Naithar gaod nor bad4* Fairly loa apirita5* Vary loa apirita

195

196

(5) Would you ooy that you oco tho sort of person who finds it oosioror hordor to oaks frionds than oost pooplo?1* Easier2* About tho ooos3* Hordor

(6) How important is it to you, for you to bo wall likod by difforont kindo of pooplo?1. _ Vary important2» Folrlv ioportont3* Folrlv uniaportont4*__ Vary uniaportont

(7) How ouch doaa it bothar you to havs to give ordars to othor pooplo?1» It bothars aa vary auch2> It bothara aa a llttla3* It dossn' t bothar aa at all

(8) How auch doaa it bothar yau to bo givan ordora by soaoono also?1» It bothara aa vary auch2* It bothara aa a littlo3. It dooan't bothar aa at all

(9) How iaportant ia it for you to havs your plana for tho futuro rathorclaarly known to you in advancs?1* Vary iaportant2* Fairly iaportant3* Mot vary iaportant4* Not at all iaportant

(10) Ara you tho sort of parson who lata things worry you or don't you lot things worry you?1• Lot things worry aa vary auch2* Lot things worry as quits a bit3* Lot things worry as soaswhat4* Don't lot things worry as

(11) Soao pooplo say that aaat pooplo can ba trusted* Others say you can't bo too caraful in your dealings with paopla* How do you foal about it?1» Most paopla can bo trusted*2* You can't ba too careful*

(12) Would you say that aoat pooplo are aors Inclined to help others, or aoro inclined to look out for theasslvas?1* Ta help othars2* To look out for thoasalvss

19?

(13) Hon iaportant to you, poroonally, Is it to got ohood in lifo? 1* Worv iaportant2* Fairly iaportant3* Wot vory iaportantAt Vorv uniaportont

(14) If you had your choica, which of tho following would you llko to bo?(Chock only ono)1 * Indanondont21 Succaawful3. Mall likod

(15) Whan you ora in a group, do you prafor to aako tha dociaiona youraalf, ar do you profor to hovo othora aako tho dociaiona? 1* Uauallv prafor to aako dociaiona ayaolf2# Uauallv prafor to havo othara aako dociaiona3. Mot aura which I prafor

(16) What doaa your fathor do for a living?Spocify occupation»

(1?) Hon aany yaara did your fathor attond achool?1# 1 to 4 yoora2. 5 to 8 yoara3* 9 to 12 yoara (High School)4*_____ 13- to 16 yoora (Callogo)5* 17 yoora and ovor (Profaaaional and Graduate work)

(18) Uhon thay roportod thair roquiraaonta for an IDEAL JOB, atudontaaaid it would hava to aatiafy cortain roquiraaonta* Soaa of thaaa roquiraaonta aro liatad below* Aa you road tho liat, canaidor how iaportant aach of thaao roquiraaonta ia for you in deciding which Job you want*Indicate your opinion by writingi

H (High) noxt to tha roquiraaonta you conaidar highly iaportant in your choice*

M (Hodiua) next to tho roquiraaonta you conaidor of aodiua iaportanco*

L (Low) next to tha roqulroaonta you canaidor of little or no iaportanco*

196

WHEN I CO INTO AN QCCIPATION, I WILL DO SO BECAUSE IT WILL * • * (Indict. H. Mt L)1• "Provide a chance to uso oy apaoiol ebilitiea*"2* "Provide ■■ aith • chance to earn a good daal of aoney*"3*___ "Parait aa to bo crootiva and original*114. "Ba aaay*N5* "Give aa a chanca ta aork with paopla rathor than thinga*"6* "Hava abort houra*"7. "Cauaa paopla to leak up to aa aa aoaaona iaportant*"a. "Alloa aa to look feraard ta a aoeuro future*"9* "Leave aa free of auparviaion by othora*"10»._ "Give aa a chance to ba helpful to othora*"11* "Give aa a chance to be a laador*”12. "Provide aa aith advantura and axcitaaant*"

Naa CO BACK and look at tho roquiraaonta you rated "High*" Rank thaain tha ardor af iaportanco to you by ariting next to each Hi1 for tha aoat iaportant2 far tha next in iaportancoand ao on, for all tho H'a on your Hat* Do not rank tha M'a and L'a*

(19) Below are listed soae types of behavior that are often called offenses by the courts, if you knew soaeone who took part in one of these offenses, how would you feel about hia? Four ways of feeling are listed beside the offenses. Place a check under the feeling that best expresses your reaction to each of the offenses.

Iff FEELING

I would want hia placed in an institution for juvenile delin­quents

1. Ran away froa hoae

2. Purposely destroyed property that did not belong to thea

3. Defied their parents' authority

4. Took little things (worth less than $2) that did not belong to then

5. Skipped school without excuse

6. Bought and drank liquor as a ainor

1 would want hia as a close friend or buddy

IF I KWV SGWONE WHO:

I would not care if he attended uy school, but I would not want hia for a close friend

I would not want hia in ay school or want to be associated with hia in any way

7. Took things worth nore than $2

I would want him as a close friend or buddy

8. Drove without a license

9. Used narcotics

10. Took an autoaobile

1 would not care if he attended my school, but I would not want him for a close friend

I would not want hia in my school or want to be associated with hia in any way

I would want hia placed in an Institution for juvenile delin* quents

201(20) What two qualities an this H a t do yau think raally gat a paraon

ahaad tha faataat today? (Chaok tao)1 ._____ .Hard aork2. Pleasant paraanality3. Intallaetual ability4» Knoaino right poapla5 > Caod luck6* Baino a good politician

(21) In tha folloaing group of atataaants, oirda tha A if you agraa, circlo tha 0 if you disagree, and circla tha ? if you ara unde­cided*A ? D 1* If yau don't aatch youraalft paopla aill taka

advantaga of you*A ? D 2* No ana ia going to cara auch what happens to you,

ahan you gat right doan to it*A ? D 3* Moat paopla ara cooperative*A ? 0 4* It'a who you knoa aoro than ahat yau knoa that

counts those daya*5* In ordar to gat ahead those days . * *

A ? D (a) You can't afford to bo particular about thoaaana you usa*

A ? D (b) You have to ba able to aako paopla do ahatyou aant*

A ? D (c) You raally have to love your aork*(22) Do you agree or diaagrae aith those criticiaaa of the aay things

ara today?A ? D 1* Noaadaya a paraon has to live pratty auch for today

and lat toaorroa taka cara of itself*A ? D 2. I think aost atudento aould cheat on an oxaaination

if thay aaro aura of not getting caught*(23) Do you agraa or diaagroo aith thaao atatoaonts about achool?

A ? D 1* A paraon aho aorrioa about aaking highor than pas­sing gradaa in achool is seating hia tiaa*

A ? D 2* School saaaa to bo a good aay to prapara for thofuture*

202A ? D 3* If school moro not compulsory, ond if It ooro

conplotoly loft up to mo, 1 mould leave school boforo grsduoting*

A ? 0 4* It's not mhot you loom but tho grsdos thot youmoke thst rosily count*

(24) Rocont rosooreh hos found that everyone brooks sons loms, rules, snd regulations during his lifotino* Sons brook than regularly, othora loss ofton* Balom oro sons frequently broken* Chock those that you havs broken sines beginning grads sohool*

HAVE YOU EVER * . *1* Driven s car mitheut s driver's license or permit?

(Da not include driver training couraos)1* Vsrv often2* Several times3. Ones or tmice4 ._____ No

2* Told on untruth if it sssnod necessary?1*_____ No2* Ones or tmice3* Several tioss4* Vsrv eftan

3* Taken little things (morth less than $2) that did not belong ta you?1.______ N«2* Once or tmice3*. ■ Several tines4. Vsrv often

4* Purposely damaged or destroyed public or private property thst did not belong to you?1* Vsrv often2* Once or tmico3* _ Several times4*_____ No

5* Skipped school mithout a legitimate excuse?1._____ No2 * Once or tmice3* Several times4* Vsrv often

203

6* Bought or dronk boor, oino, or liquor? (Includo drinking ot hoao)1 ._____ No2. Oneo or taica3. Sovorol tiaoa4» Vary ofton

7. Dafiod your paronta' authority (to thair faca)?1 ._______ No2. Onca or taica3« Savaral tiaoa4> Warv oftan

0* Saokad?1» Vary oftan2« Souoral tiaas3. Onca or taica4*_____ go

9* Takan aoaaona*a car aithout tha oanar'a paraiaaian?1 —^ ^ _ N o2. Onca or taica3. Savaral tiaaa4« Vary oftan

10• Puahad to tha haad of a lino inataad of aaiting your turn? Warv ofton

2. Savaral tiaaa3 ._____ One. or taica4 ._____ No

11* Takan thinga of aadiua value (botaaon $2 and S50)?1» Vary ofton2« Savaral tiaaa3. Onca or taica4. _____ No

12* “Run aaay“ froa hoao?1» No2. Onca3 » Tal ca4> Thraa tiaoa5> Four tiaaa6« Fiva or aoro tiaaa

13* Takan thinga of larga valuo (aorth aora than S50)?1._____ No2» Savaral tiaoa3. Onca or taieo4. Warv oftan

204

14* Uitd narcetlca?1. tfarv often2. Sw r t l tiaaa3. Onca or taica4. Me

15. Pulled aoaa pranka on othera on Halloaoan night?1 .______No2. - Onca or taica3. Several tiaaa4. Vary often

205

TABLE XXVSELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY BY DESXRE TO BE

-SUCCESSFUL" IN TWO SCHOOL SAMPLES

Dogroo of -Which rauld you ooot liko to b«7‘Solf-Roportod Dalinquancy Indopandant Succosaful Woll-Likod Totol

--WET i No. % No. i No. iLoo 29 (13.4) 111 (52.4) 76 (35.2) 216 (100.0)Modiuo 4 (23.5) 6 (35.3) 7 (41.2) 17 (100.0)High 8 (17.8) 22 (48.9) 15 (33.3) 45 (100.0)

Total 41 (14.8) 139 (50.0) 98 (35.2) 278 (100.0)

206

TABLE XXVI

DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONSES TODELINQUENCY CHECK LIST

FraqusneyOffansa Nov or

Onca orTalea

SavaralTiaaa

VaryOftan

DrIvan 112 (35.8) 80 (25.6) 77 (24.6) 44 (14.1)Untruth 24 ( 7.7) 112 (35.8) 122 (39.0) 55 (17.6)Takan laaathan $2 126 (40.3) 110 (35.1) 59 (18.8) 18 ( 5.8)DaaagadProparty 193 (61.7) 79 (25.2) 27 ( 8.6) 14 ( 4.5)SklppadSchool 227 (72.5) 47 (15.0) 28 ( 8.9) 11 ( 3.5)Drinking 127 (40.6) 86 (27.5) 64 (20.4) 36 (11.5)DafiadParants 186 (59.4) 75 (24.0) 31 ( 9.9) 21 ( 6.7)Saokad 114 (36.4) 83 (26.5) 53 (16.9) 63 (20.1)Takan Car 277 (88.5) 27 ( 8.6) 7 ( 2.2) 2 ( *6)Hand of Lino 56 (17.9) 104 (33.2) S3 (26.5) 70 (22.4)Takan S2-S50 246 (78.6) 50 (16.0) 10 ( 3.2) 7 ( 2.2)Ran Aaay 248 (79.2) 50 (16.0) 7 ( 2.2) 8 ( 2.6)Takan aorathan S50 289 (92.3) 19 ( 6.1) 5 ( 1 *6) 0 ( o)Narcotics 298 (95.2) 9 ( 2.9) 5 ( 1*6) 1 ( *3)Pranks 97 (31.0) 90 (28.8) 67 (21.4) 59 (18.8)

Nuabar of Raapondontoi 313

TABLE XXVII

COEFFICIENTS OF ASSOCIATION AMONG OCCUPATIONAL VALUE ALTERNATIVES

Abili­ties Money

Crea­tive Easy People

ShortHours

Pres­tige

Secu­rity

No Super­vision

Help­ful

Leader­ship

Excite­aent

Abilities — -.019 +.185 -.246 +.086 +.106 +.148 +.329 -.081 +.134 +.140 +.111Money -.019 — -.199 +.266 -.351 +.576 +.135 +.325 +.151 -.296 +.460 +.371

Creative +.183 -.199 — -.169 +.173 +.011 +.136 +.443 +.090 +.124 -.268 -.150Easy -.246 +.266 -.169 — +.199 +.798 +.362 -.669 -.151 -.235 +.571 +.418

People +.086 -.359 +.173 +.199 — -.437 +.008 -.145 -.039 +.613 +.055 +.104

ShortHours +.106 +.576 +.011 +.798 -.437 ^ +.365 -.521 +.323 -.465 +.384 +.230

Prestige +.148 +.135 +.136 +.362 +.008 +.365 — +.238 +.243 -.088 +.554 +.108

Security +.329 +.325 +.443 -.669 -.145 -.521 +.238 — +.191 -.325 +.255 -.023

Free of Supervision -.081 +.151 +.090 -.151 -.039 +.323 +.243 -.191 — -.179 +.173 +.206

Helpful +.134 -.276 +.124 -.235 +.613 -.465 -.088 +.325 -.179 — +.058 +.084

Leadership +.140 +.460 • .268 +.571 +.055 +.384 +.554 +.255 +.173 +.058 — +.329

Exciteaent +.111 +.371 -.150 +.418 +.104 +.230 +.108 -.023 +.206 +.084 +.329 —

Q - Coefficient of Aaeocietion

208

TABLE XXVIII

FAITH IN PEOPLE AND "PEOPLE-ORIENTED" OCCUPATIONAL VALUES IN TWO SCHOOL SAMPLES

"Paopla-Qrian tad"OccupatianalValuaa

LoaFaith1

I

2

Faith in Paopla

3 4 5HighFaith6

N. (43) (24) (108) (76) (41) (21)Firat Choica - "Halpful ta othara" 2% 0% 8* last 10% 14%Firat Choica - "Work aith pooplo rathar than thinga" 2 4 0 4 12 0Loaoat valua - "Halpful to othara" 21 8 10 4 2 0Loaaat valua - "Work aith paopla rathar than thinga" 33 25 16 16 5 19

209

TABLE XXIXFAITH IN PEOPLE AND MONEY AS AN OCCUPATIONAL

VALUE IN TWO SCHOOL SAMPLES

Occupational Valua* • • » chanea to oarn a good doal of aonay"

Loa HighFaith Faith

1 2 3 4 5 6N - (43) (24) (100) (76) (41) (21)

Firat Choica 19% 29% 14% 9% 12% 5%Loa Choica 2 4 5 5 2 14

210

TABLE XXX

DESIRE TO GET AHEAD AND "MONEY" AS OCCUPATIONAL VALUE

"Important te Gat Ahead"

Money Aa ValueFiratChaiea

HighChaiea

MadiuaChoice

LaoChoice Total

No. i No. % No. % No. % No. %

Vary Important 28 (18.2) 87 (S6.S) 32 (20.8) 7 ( 4.5) 154 (100.0)Fairly Iapor- tant 7 ( 6.9) 28 (26.5) 32 (31.4) 35 (34.3) 102 (100.0)Nat Vary Iapor- tant ar Vary Uni op or tent 4 (16.7) 11 (45.8) 6 (25.0) 3 (12.5) 24 (100.0)

X2 « 34.11C * .49

P .001

TABLE XXXIDESIRE TO BE SUCCESSFUL AND " I HONEY" AS OCCUPATIONAL VALUE

"Which aould you aoat like to bo?"

Monoy As ValueFirstChoice

HighChoice

MadiuaChoice

LooChoice Total

No. % No. % No. % No. % Na. %

Successful 20 (14.4) 70 (50.4) 36 (25.9) 13 ( 9.6) 139 (100.0)Independent or Well-Liked 19 (15.5) 56 (39.7) 34 (24.1) 32 (22.7) 141 (100.0)

X2 - 9.65C » .18

P .05

211TABLE XXXII

"HELPFUL" OCCUPATIONAL VALUE AND "MAKING PEOPLE DO WHAT YOU WANT"

"Helpful"OccupationalValue

"Hava to eeke people do ehat you want."

Agrao Undecided Diaaoree TotalFirst Chaiea 2 ( a.3) 5 (20.8) 17 (70.8) 24 (100.0)High Choice 30 (21.3) 20 (14.2) 91 (64.5) 141 (100.0)Madiua Choice 19 (22.4) 17 (20.0) 49 (57.6) 85 (100.0)Loa Choica 9 (37.5) 4 (16.7) 11 (45.8) 24 (100.0)

X2 > 40.654C « <

P>36

.001

TABLE XXXIII"WORK WITH PEOPLE" OCCUPATIONAL VALUE AND

MAKING PEOPLE DO WHAT YOU WANT"

"Work aith People1OccupationalValue

9**Hava to oaks people do ehat you aant."

Agree Undecided Disagree Total

First Choica 1 ( 7.7) 2 (15.4) 10 (76.9) 13 (100.0)High Choica 25 (21.0) 16 (13.4) 78 (65.5) 119 (100.0)Madiua Choice 20 (21.7) 20 (21.7) 52 (56.5) 92 (100.0)Loa Choica 13 (26.5) 8 (16.3) 28 (57.2) 49 (100.0)

X2 * B.B02 P .30C - .17

212

TABLE XXXIVSELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY AND BELIEF IN "WHO YOU KNOW

Degree ofSelf-ReportedDelinquency

"Ite eho you knoe thet counts those deys"

Agree Uhdecided Disegree Totel

Loe 51 (23.6) 44 (20.4) 121 (56.0) 216 (100.0)MediuM 4 (23.5) 6 (35.3) 7 (41.2) 17 (100.0)High 19 (42.2) 3 ( 6.7) 23 (51.1) 45 (100.0)

X2 » 4.670* P .10C > .13

*Plodiue end High Delinquency cetegorlee combined*

TABLE XXXV

SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY AND QUALITIES FOR GETTING AHEAD

DEOtEE OFSELF-REPORTEDDELINQUENCY

"Qualities that get a person ahead fastest"

Hard Pleasant Intellectual Knowing Good Being GoodWork Personality Ability Right People Luck Politician Oaitted Total

Low 192 (44.4) 62 (14.4) 109 (25.2) 31 ( 7.2) 4 (0.9) 16 ( 3.7) 18 (4.2) 432* (100.0)Medlua 13 (38.2) 7 (20.6) 7 (20.6) 4 (11.8) 0 2 ( 5.9) 1 (2.9) 34 (100.0)

High 35 (38.9) 11 (12.2) 20 (22.2) 11 (12.2) 4 (A.4) 4 ( 4.4) 5 (5.6) 90 (100.0)*Note that each person could choose two of these qualities. The nuaber represents the actual miaber of tiaes that a quality was chosen.

214

TABLE XXXVI

SELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY AND ATTITUDES TOWARD THE FUTURE

Degree ofSelf-ReportedDelinquency Not

InportantFolrlyInportent

VeryInportent Totel

Lew 29 (13.4) 64 (29.6) 123 (56.9) 216 (100.0)Nediun 5 (29.4) 5 (29.4) 7 (41.2) 17 (100.0)High 12 (26.7) 15 (33.3) 18 (40.0) 45 (100.0)

X2 * 9.740 P * .05

TABLE XXXVIISELF-REPORTED DELINQUENCY AND ATTITUDES

TOWARD "LIVING FOR TODAY"

Degree ofSelf-ReportedDelinquency

"Nowedeye e person hoe to live for tedny."

Agree Undecided Dieegree Totel

Lew 72 (33.3) 45 (20.a) 99 (45.8) 216 (100.0)Mediun 9 (52.9) 5 (29.4) 3 (23.5) 17 (100.0)High 21 (46.7) 8 (17.8) 16 (35.5) 45 (100.0)

X2 « 5.590 P .10

C « .14

TH E FAM ILY COURT CENTERK A B T B A T O N K O I 7O K P A R I S H

C. P a u l Phelps. Jr C h i e f P r o b a t i o n o f f i c e r

Rtak aiipoit Hatow Rocoi, Lodieuna

70807 T e l e p h o n e 3S6 324I

In an effort to understand the attitudes and behavior of young people a little better, Mr. Eugene M. Johnson, of the Sociology Department of Louisiana State University, is seeking to interview several groups of boys in Baton Rouge. Per­mission has been granted for Mr. Johnson to use the facilities of the Family Court in order that this study might be as meaningful as possible.

Would you be willing to cooperate in this study of the way young people are thinking about work, the law, and related subjects by allowing your son to be interviewed by Mr. Johnson? The answers to the questions asked will be strictly confidential, and in fact, your son's name will never be used. The information received will not affect his relationship with the Family Court in any way.

Please indicate whether or not you give such permission by checking the correct block and returning this letter to the Family Court in the enclosed envelope. If you have further questions please call me at 356-32^1. Please return this form as soon as poss ible.

Thank you for your assistance.

S i nee rely yours,

Probation Officer

I give permission for my son to participate in the study of attitudes and behavior. I understand that his name will not be used and all information will be kept confidential.

/ / I do not give permission for my son to participate in this study.

VITA

The author see b o m August 28, 1931, st Prarisville, Louisians,

in Ascsnsion Pariah* Ha received hia alaaentary and high school train­ing in tha public schools of tha parish, and graduated froa Gonzales

High School, Gonzalos, Louisiana, in April, 1948* Froa Soptaaber, 1948 ta June, 1950 tha author attended Louisiana Collage in Pineville, Loui­siana* In June, 1950 ha enrolled in Louisiana Stats Uhivsrsity, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, ahoro ha received tha Bachelor of Arts degree, with aaajor in auaie, in June of 1953*

In Saptaabar, 1953 the author aatriculatsd at the Southern Bap­tist Theological Seainary, Louisville, Kentucky, and racaivad a Bachelorof Divinity dagrss in bay, 1956* Froa June of 1956 until Dscaabar of

1957 ho served as associate pastor at the Heapton Baptist Church, Hsap- ton, Virginia* Ha then re-antared tha Southern Baptist Theological Saai-

nary for one aaaestar of graduate study*

Froa Juno, 1958 to August, 1961 the author pursued graduate

study at Louisiana Stats University, aith a aajor in sociology and a

ainor in psychology* Ho received tha degree of Master of Arts in August, 1960.

In Soptaaber, 1961 the oritsr joined tha faculty of Punahou

School in Honolulu, Hasail, shore ho taught a Bible course until 1963, at shich tiao ha bscaaa a aoaber of the sociology dopartaont of Gaorge- tosn Collage, Gaergetosn, Kentucky*

The year 1965-66 sas spent at Louisiana State University, share the author coaplstod the course sork for tha Ph.D* degree in sociology

215

■ad gatharad tha data for tha dissertation* Froa 1966 until ths prossnt tins ha has baan a aaaber of tha sociology faculty at Furaan

University, Greenville, South Carolina* He is noa a candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy*

EXAMINATION AND THESIS REPORT

Candidate:

M ajor Field:

Title of Thesis:

E u g e n e M i l t o n J o h n s o n

S o c i o l o g y

An E m p i r i c a l S t u d y of S e l f - 2 e p o r t e d D e l i n q u e n c y a n d O c c u p a t i o n a l V a l u e s

Approved:

■ FMajor Professor and Chairman

Dean of the Graduate School

EXAM INING COMMITTEE:•7

3

.-■/L f c ^ 7T .

/V : ^

D ate of Exam ination: