An Early Refutation of Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb's Reformist ViewsAuthor(s): Samer TraboulsiSource: Die Welt des Islams, New Series, Vol. 42, Issue 3, Arabic Literature and IslamicScholarship in the 17th/18th Century: Topics and Biographies (2002), pp. 373-415Published by: BRILLStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1571420Accessed: 11/06/2010 00:31

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AN EARLY REFUTATION OF MUHAMMAD IBN 'ABD AL-WAHHAB'S

REFORMIST VIEWS*

BY

SAMER TRABOULSI Princeton University

Introduction

Being one of the most controversial movements in the history of Islam, Wahhabism managed to attract the attention of Western his- torians' and travelers2 from its early days. Obviously, the first to be interested in the new reforms, whether positively or negatively, were the people directly involved in them. These were the Muslims, and

especially the 'ulam', who lived in Nadjd, the region directly af- fected by the movement, or those who lived in Basra, Mecca, and Medina and wanted to prevent the winds of change from blowing in their direction.

It did not take these 'ulama' long to launch their attack against Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab (d. 1206/1791). The anti-Wahhabi "campaign" consisted mainly of sermons delivered in the several towns and villages of Nadjd; of letters exchanged with Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab himself and with his followers; and of epistles which in most cases consist of a systematic refutation of Ibn CAbd al-Wahhab's claims

* I would like to dedicate this article to Prof. Michael Cook who first located

Tandatawi's refutation in the Garrett collection of Princeton University and kindly drew my attention to it. This work would not have seen the light without his con- stant support. I should also acknowledge the useful comments I received from Prof. Maher Jarrar of the American University of Beirut, Prof. Dr. Werner Ende of Freiburg University, and Dr. Sumaiya Hamdani of George Mason University.

1 L.A.O. De Corancez, Histoire des Wahabis, depuis leur origine jusqu'a la fin de 1809 (Paris, 1810); trans. E. Tabit as The History of the Wahabis from their Origin until the End of 1809 (Reading, 1995).

2 Carsten Niebuhr, Beschreibung von Arabien (Copenhagen, 1772).

? Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2002 Die Welt des Islams 42, 3 Also available online - www.brill.nl

SAMER TRABOULSI

using evidence from the Quran and the Sunna.3 The present study is mainly concerned with the third tool of anti-Wahhabi propaganda, and especially with an epistle written in Mecca as early as 1156/ 1743.

The early history of the Wahhabi movement has received con- siderable attention in modern scholarship, especially in the works of al-Juhany,4 Cook,5 and Peskes. Considering the dearth of avail- able primary sources for that period, one can safely state that the above-mentioned scholars have exhausted all available material that could provide us with new information on the history of the reform- ist movement.6 As a result, this study does not claim to offer a new contribution to our understanding of the movement. Its main aim is to draw attention to an early epistle which has not hitherto been used by scholars. This epistle was written in Mecca when the da'wa of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab was still in its early stages. It will hopefully shed some light on the early reaction to what was to become the most controversial movement in the history of Sunni Islam. Placing this epistle in its historical context is therefore the sole aim of this paper. The legal and theological arguments will only be dealt with when they are relevant to the general scheme.

3 For an extensive survey of anti-Wahhabi refutations, see 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Muhammad al-'Abd al-Lat.if, Da'dwa al-Mundwi'in li- Da'wat al-Shaykh Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab (Riyadh, 1412/1991) and Esther Peskes, Muhammad b. 'Abdalwahhdb (1 703-92) im Widerstreit: Untersuchungen zur Rekonstruktion der Friihgeschichte der Wah- hadbya (Beirut-Stuttgart, 1993), 49-121. Both al-'Abd al-Latif and Peskes were un- aware of the Meccan epistle which will be studied in this paper.

4 Uwaidah Metaireek al-Juhany, The History of Najd prior to the Wahhdbis, Univer- sity of Washington, Diss. 1983. Al-Juhany's work is very useful for the study of the background and early stages of Wahhabism.

5 Michael Cook, "The Provenance of the Lam' al-Shihdb ft Sirat Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab," in Journal of Turkish Studies 10 (1986), 79-86; "The Expansion of the First Saudi State: The Case of Washm," in C.E. Bosworth et.al. (ed.), The Islamic World, from Classical to Modern Times (Princeton, 1989), 661-699; "The Historians of Pre-Wahhabi Najd," in Studia Islamica 76 (1992), 163-176; and "On the Origins of Wahhabism," inJRAS (1992), 191-202.

6 'Abd Allah b. 'Abd al-Rahman Al Bassam has recently published in his Khizanat al-Tawarikh al-Na4jdiyya a collection of early annals which were not previously avail- able to scholars outside of Saudi Arabia. Unfortunately, they do not add much to our knowledge of the period since they all belong to what Cook calls "an annalistic tradition of the most primitive kind." See Cook, "Historians of Pre-Wahhabi Najd," 165.

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The Historical Context

The early career of Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab remains fairly unclear despite the numerous studies available on it.7 Most of the "primitive" contemporary annals do not cover it. Obviously, Nadjdi historians had no interest in the life of an unknown young scholar. In the light of their writings, one could also assume that they only considered the later stages of his career worth preserving. This leaves us with the two official histories of the Wahhabi movement, namely Ibn Ghannam's (d. 1225/1810) Tdrikh Nad4d8 and Ibn Bishr's (d. 1290/1873) 'Unwan al-Madjdfi Tdrnkh Na4dd.

Three matters should be kept in mind when using these histo- ries for the early life of the Shaykh. First, they rarely mention exact dates of specific events such as the Imam's departure from al-'Uyayna and his return to it. Second, both authors were Wahhabis and as a result had a political and religious agenda in mind. Third, they were writing after the death of the Imam. In other words, they were writing with a long history of success and conquests in mind.9

As mentioned earlier the epistle under study was written in 1156/ 1743. This means that we have to think away all events that took place after this date. In the year 1156/1743, a Wahhabi movement did not yet exist. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab was still trying to

7 The best example on the contradictory nature of the historical material is the Shaykh's rihlafi talab al-'ilm. However, taking Michael Cook's analysis of the differ- ent accounts of the itinerary as a general approach to the sources will prove to be more of a hindrance to any argument that needs to be based on historical mate- rial. See Cook, "On the Origins of Wahhabism," 191-198.

8 Ibn Ghannam's Tarikh NaXjd al-Musammd Rawdat al-Ajfkr wa'l-Afham li-Murtad Hal al-Imam wa Ta'dad Ghazawdt dhawi al-Isldm is available in three editions. The first, a lithographed edition published in Bombay, 1337/1918, is difficult to use because of its format and the lack of indexes. The second, published in Riyadh in 1949, is the best available despite the fact that it lacks indexes. The text was com- pared with several manuscripts and reviewed by a Nadjdi authority (v. 2, p. 248). The third, edited by Nasir al-Din Asad and published in Cairo in 1961, is the least useful. The editor did not hesitate to tamper with the text by reshuffling its con- tents and "freeing" it from its rhymed prose in such a way that "the modern reader would enjoy reading it" (introduction, p. 6). The edition used in this paper is the second one.

9 Peskes argues convincingly that the two historians were highly influenced by the religio-political situation prevailing at the time they were writing. See her Muham- mad b. 'Abdalwahhab, 278-286.

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attract followers in the small town of al-'Uyayna. His weak position was challenged by Sulayman b. Muhammad al-Hamidi of the Banu Khalid, the chief of al-Ahsa' and Qat.if. The latter threatened the ruler of al-'Uyayna, 'Uthman b. Hamad b. Ma'mar, that he would not pay him the land tax (kharzdj) due for his landed properties in al-Ahsa' if he did not kill the Shaykh.10

If Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab was known outside of al-'Uyayna at that time, it was due to two actions he took. First, after his return to al-

'Uyayna,1l he persuaded 'Uthman to destroy the tomb of the com- panion Zayd b. al-Khattab and to cut down the sacred trees of the

Companions because of the people's veneration of these shrines.12

Secondly, he ordered the stoning of an adulteress (imra'a zaniya) after she confessed. This event, mentioned in most of the sources, seems to have been of great significance at the time,13 especially since the hadd for zind was rarely executed in Islamic history. Even the Prophet himself tried to avoid it in several incidents.14 The news about these two actions must have spread rapidly around Nadjd and the surrounding regions.

Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab was also known outside of al-'Uyayna thanks to his rihlafi talab al-'ilm. Cook argues convincingly that it is almost impossible to reconstruct the exact track of his itinerary with the

10 See Ibn Bishr, 'Unwdn al-Mardd, 20. 1 Al-'Uyayna was the Shaykh's hometown. He departed from it to start his itin-

erary when his father 'Abd al-Wahhab was still its Qadi. However, 'Abd al-Wahhab had to leave it after the 1138/1725 epidemic that took the life of its chief 'Abd Allah b. Ma'mar. 'Abd al-Wahhab could not get along with the new chief Muhammad b. Hamad, 'Abd Allah's grandson, who removed him from his post. He had to move to Huraymila' in 1139/1726 where he lived until his death in 1153/1740. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab returned to Huraymila' where he stayed until the death of his father which is considered by the sources to be the date of the start of the Wahhabi da'wa. Interestingly, this date appears in most of the sources and especially the "primi- tive" ones. See Ibn Bishr, 'Unwdn al-Madjd, 18; Ibn 'Isa, Tanrkh ba'd al-Hawadith al-

Wdqi'afi Nadjd, 101-102, 105; al-Haydari, 'Unwan al-Madjd, 233; Ibn Rabi'a, Tarikh, v. 3, 44-45; Ibn La'bfn, Trikh, v. 1, 155; al-Fakhiri, Trdnkh, v. 3, 95; and Ibn Turki, Tarzkh Nadjd, v. 4, 157-158.

12 See Ibn Ghannam, Tarnkh Nadjd, v. 1, 30-31; al-Haydari, 'Unwan al-Madjd, 233; al-Juhany, History of Najd, 282 and 288.

13 See Ibn Ghannam, Tarikh Nad4d, v. 2, 2; Ibn Bishr, 'Unwdn al-Madjd, 20; Kayfa Kana Zuhur Shaykh al-Isldm Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab, 34.

14 The Prophet is said to have tried to avoid four times hearing the confession of an adulterer before ordering his stoning. See al-Bukhari, Sahth, v. 6, 169-170.

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available sources. He concludes that "perhaps the best that can be said is that the Shaykh almost certainly spent some time in Basra: it is already named by Niebuhr, and appears prominently in both the Wahhabi and the non-Wahhabi sources."15 This is almost cer-

tainly the case but it is hardly imaginable that a young enthusiastic scholar living in the center of the Arabian Peninsula would not head first to Mecca and Medina to fulfill his religious duties before start-

ing his rihla. The two Wahhabi historians mention his visit to the Hidjaz, though not in the same chronological order.16 After per- forming the pilgrimage, he left Mecca for Medina where he spent some time studying with some of its scholars. Almost all the sources

agree that the formative period of his career was in Basra, where

seemingly his reformist ideas started to crystallize. He stayed there for a considerable period studying and debating with Basran schol- ars. He must have been quite well known there when he left the

city. As one can see, we do not have enough details about the early

career of the Imam. Dates are missing in most cases, which makes it difficult to reconstruct a general scheme or chronology of his life

up to 1156/1743, the date of the composition of the Meccan epistle.

Manuscript Garrett 3788

The text is part of a collection of short works written, compiled and copied by Ahmad b. 'All al-Shafi'i al-Basri al-Qabbani.17 It con- tains the following five works:

1- Ithaf al-Awwdh al-Munab bi-Ta'rif al-Mawatin allati Tushra'u flha al-Saldt 'ala al-HabIb (ff. 2a-12b) is a commentary on a poem by al-

Shaykh Ibrahim b. Hasan al-Hanafi al-Ahsa'i on the cases where it is lawful to say the blessings on the Prophet written and copied by al-Qabbani himself in Dhf al-Qa'da 1158/1745.18 The size of the

15 See Cook, "The Origins of Wahhabism," 197. 16 See Ibn Ghannam, Tarikh Nad4d, v. 1, 26; Ibn Bishr, 'Unwdn al-Madjd, 17; and

Cook, "The Origins of Wahhabism," 191. 17 The manuscript is part of the Garrett collection at Firestone library, Princeton

University. More will be said about al-Qabbani later on. 18 The sentence giving the date of the copying was added later on in a different

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text is 175x120mm and each page contains around 24 lines.19 The text is preceded by a title page (f. 2a) and followed by an empty one (f. 13a). It is written on a single fascicule, which ends with ff. 13a-b.

2- Abwab al-Sa'adaft Asbab al-Shahdda (ff. 13b-16a) byjalal al-Din al-Suyt.ti (d. 911/1505) is a collection of prophetic traditions on the causes of martyrdom copied by al-Qabbani in Dhu al-Qa'da 1158/1745. The size of the text is 175x120mm and each page con- tains around 24 lines. The text is not preceded by a title page and is followed by two empty ones (ff. 16b-17a). It starts on the last page of the previous fascicule and extends over a complete one.

3- Kitab Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-D4ahala (ff. 18a-23a), which forms the topic of the present study, was written by 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Ahmad Barakat al-Shafi'i al-Azhari al-Tandatawi on Saturday the 6th of Muharram 1156/1743 and copied by al-Qabbani on the 23rd of Dhf al-Qa'da 1156/1743. The size of the text is 155x95mm and each page contains around 19 lines. The text is preceded by a title page (f. 18a) and followed by seven pages of encomia (taqrizdt) by Meccan muftis and scholars (ff. 23b-26b). The size of the text of the encomia is 155x110mm.2?0 The number of lines varies because the encomia are separated by empty spaces. They are followed by an empty page (f. 27a). The text is written on a single fascicule.

4- Al-Djawdhir al-Zakiyya (ff. 27b-40b) is a commentary on al-Ur- djuza al-Rahbiyya-also known as Bughyat al-Bdhith 'an Djumal al- Mawdrath-in the science of inheritance composed by Ab-u 'Ali Muwaffaq al-Din Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah al-Rahbi (d. 579/1183).21 The commentary was written by al-Qabbani on the 12th of Rabi' al- Awwal 1129/1716, copied by Muhammad b. Yunus on the 20th of

D_jumada al-Akhira 1159/1746, and proof-read by al-Qabbani him- self on the 17th of Radjab 1159/1746. The size of the text is 150x85

pen. The similarities in the color of the ink and the style of writing indicate that Qabbani noticed this omission and made it good when he started writing the next epistle.

19 The number of lines is not consistent through the manuscript. 20 The width of the text varies between 100 and 120mm. 21 For more information on al-Urdjuza al-Rahbiyya and its different commentar-

ies, see Brockelmann, GAL, v. 1, 490-491, S. I, 675-676.

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mm and each page contains around 21 lines.22 The text is not pre- ceded by a title page and is not followed by an empty one. It is written on a separate fascicule.

5- Kitdb Naqd Qawa'id al-Dalal wa Rafd 'Aqa'id al-Dullal (ff. 41a- 63a) is a response to a letter sent by Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab to the 'ulama in Basra "where he claims that it is based on four rules mentioned by God in the Quran".23 The refutation was written and copied by al-Qabbani on the 22nd of Dumada al-Ula 1158/1745. The size of the text is 160xlOOmm and each page contains around 23 lines. It is preceded by a title page24 and followed by three empty pages. The text is written on a separate fascicule.

The first thing that draws our attention is the difference in the dating between the different epistles. The earliest, al-Tandatawi's, was copied in 1156/1743, and the latest, al-Djawdhir al-Zakiyya, in 1159/1746. The texts were copied in the following order: Kitdb Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, Kitab Naqd Qawa'id al-Dalal wa Rafd 'Aqa'id al-Dullal, Ithdf al-Awwah al-Munab, Abwab al-Sa'ada ft Asbab al-Shahdda, and al-Djawdhir al-Zakiyya. The differences in the num- ber of lines per page and the fact that most of the texts are written in separate fascicules confirm this fact.25 Thus, the five epistles were bound in one volume after 1159/1746. In other words, each text has its own history, and most importantly Tandatawi's Kitdb Rad' al- Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala.

22 The last page contains 26 lines. The copyist had to reduce the line spacing in order to fit as much of the text as possible. He ended up writing the last few sentences in the margin. Qabbani's date of proof-reading is written directly under the text.

23 See al-Qabbani, K. Naqd Qawa'id al-Dalal, 41b. 24 The title page also contains the name of the successive owners of the manu-

script, the last being Salih b. Isma'il Al Halal. The Al Halal is a renowned Basran family which inherited the position of Mufti for around three centuries. See al- Haydari, 'Unwdn al-Mad'd, 165; and 'Abbas al-'Azzawi, Tiirkh al-'Iraq bayna Ihtildlayn, v. 5, 310.

25 One can see that the Abwab al-Sa'ada was written immediately after the Ithaf al-Awwdh al-Munab because the Abwdb starts on the last page of the first fascicule. The two empty pages separating Abwab al-Sa'ada from Kitdb Rad' al-Dalala form the last and first page of the successive fascicules. The recto of each fascicule was al- ways kept empty of text. Some of them had a title on them. The copyist of al-Djawahir al-Zakiyya had to squeeze the last sentences because he had no more empty pages in his fascicule.

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Al-Tandatawi's Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-iahala

Al-Shaykh 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Ahmad Barakat al-Shafi'i al-Azhari al-Tandatawi's26 Kitab Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-D4ahala [the book of the prevention of error and the suppression of ignorance] is one of the earliest surviving refutations of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's da'wa. We know practically nothing about his life except that he wrote three books: Badhl al-'Asdjad f Shay' min Asrar Muhammad, 'Iqd al-Zabardjad min Hurff Muhammad,27 and al-TaysIr li-Murid al-Tafsr.28 However, we can infer from his nisba that he was an Egyptian scholar, origi- nally from the town of Tanta, who studied in al-Azhar. He also belonged to the sufi Ahmadi tariqa, which explains why he did not

appreciate Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's reforms. He must have moved at a certain point of his career to Mecca since he is referred to in the title page of the manuscript as nazil Makka al-musharrafa.29

As mentioned earlier, Tandatawi finished writing his epistle on

Saturday the 6th of Muharram 1156/1743. It was copied by al-

Qabbani, ten months later, on the 23rd of Dhu al-Qa'da 1156/1743. The encomia provided after the text seem to have been copied directly after the epistle,30 which makes us believe that Qabbani received both texts at the same time. It is also worth noting that the time span between the writing in Mecca and the copying in Basra is relatively short, especially given that the ten authors of the enco- mia read the epistle before it was sent to Basra.

26 Al-Baghdadi, and Kahhala after him, give him the nisba: al-Ahmadi al-Tantawi al-Misri al-Shafi'i. See al-Baghdadi, Hadiyyat al-'Arifn, v. 1, 643; and Kahhala, Mu'djam al-Mu'allifn, v. 6, 217. The nisba Tandatawi comes from Tandata', the medieval name of Tanta; see Ibn Diubayr, Rihla, 18; Muhammad Ramzi, al-Qamfus al-Djughrafi li-l'Bilad al-Misriyya, v. 2, pt. 2, 102-103; and article "Tanta" in E.I.2. Another form of this nisba is Tandata'i; see Kahhala, Mu'djam al-Mu'alliftn, v. 7, 199, and v. 10, 107 and 249. It is worth mentioning that Tanta is the place where the famous sufi Ahmad al-Badawi (d. 675/1276) is buried.

27 See al-Baghdadi, Hadiyyat al-'Arifin, v. 1, 643; and Kahhala, Mu'djam al-

Mu'allifin, v. 6, 217. 28 See Brockelmann, GAL, v. 2, 512. None of the three books provides us with

a death date. 29 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 18a. 30 Al-Qabbani does not provide a date of copying for the encomia. However, it

is clear from the color of the ink and the handwriting that they were both written at the same time.

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Actually, a close reading of the encomia sheds some light on the composition of this text in Mecca. Right after Tandatawi finished writing it, the epistle was handed to the 10 Meccan notables-most probably in the same order as in the text- with a blank sheet of paper where they were supposed to write their contribution. This is evi- dent in the answer of the Mufti of the Hanbalis that comes after that of the three other Muftis: "Praise be to God. Yes, my answer is similar to the ones of our lords [mawdlmna] and of al-Shaykh 'Abd al-Wahhab. God, Glory be to him, is the most knowledgeable."31 Not only does this answer shows that the Hanbali Mufti actually read the three other encomia prior to giving his own answer but also that he was trying to avoid stating his personal opinion on the ac- tions of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab. They both belonged to the same legal school and most probably shared some theological and legal opin- ions. A detailed answer to the epistle showing his personal point of view might not be well received by the opponents of the Shaykh and the Mufti did not want to place himself and his followers in a difficult position vis-a-vis the rest of the community.32

The short time span between the composition and the copying also suggests that Qabbani was among the first to receive or read this text in Basra. This is plausible because of the special role played at that time by Qabbani on the anti-Wahhabi scene.

Ahmad b. 'Ali al-Shafi'i al-Basri al-shahir bi'l-Qabbani is one of the noted scholars of mid-12th/18th century Basra.33 We know prac- tically nothing about his life and career except that he was among the forerunners in confronting the rising Wahhabi da'wa. The Nadjdi historian Ibn Turki (13t/19th cent.) considers him to be

among the four most prolific refuters of Wahhabism.34 After all, the fifth text in our collection is an anti-Wahhabi tract written by Qabbani himself and based on an epistle of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab.

31 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 24a. 32 The occurrence of similar themes in the remaining encomia, such as the le-

gality of the assassination of the Shaykh and doubts regarding his mental state, also shows that the authors read the preceding texts before writing theirs.

33 'Azzawi included him in a list of the 30 most famous Iraqi scholars of the time. See his Tdarkh al-'Irdq, v. 5, 310.

34 See Ibn Turki, Tanikh Na4dd, v. 4, 157-158.

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In the introduction to his refutation, Qabbani mentions two other works which he had already written on the same topic, the Fasl al- Khitab ft Radd Dalalat Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab [the unmistakable judg- ment in the refutation of the delusions of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab]35 and the Kashf al-.Hijab 'an Wadjh Dalalat Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhdb [lifting the veil from the face of the delusions of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab].36 Only the first seems to be extant.37 It is a rather large work of around 200 folios, which was written on the insistent demand of Sulayman b. Suhaym,38 one of the staunchest Nadjdi opponents of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab.39 Qabbani's refutation-most probably the Fasl al-Khitdb -was widely used and publicly read by the opponents of the Shaykh in Nadjd and al-Ahsa'. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab himself mentions this in two of his letters.40 Refutations were therefore an important tool, which was publicly used by the opponents to fight back the Wahhabi threat.

The fact that Ibn Suhaym was asking for refutations to be writ- ten shows the great demand for such a literature at that time. An

35 The title appears mistakenly in the Asafiyya library catalogue as al-Fadlfi al- Khi.tab ft Radd Dalalat Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab; see Fihrist-i Kutub-i 'Arabi, v.3, 538. It is also found in the same form in Brockelmann's GAL, SII, 532; and in Peskes, Muham- mad b. 'Abdalwahhdb, 67.

36 See Qabbani, Naqd Qawa'id al-Daldl, f. 42a. 37 The book seems to survive in two copies: The Asafiyya library copy, copied in

1282/1865; and a copy in 'Azzawi's private collection, see his Tdrnkh al-'Irdq, v. 5, 310. 'Azzawi gives the date of composition as 1155/1742 whereas the Asafiyya cata- logue gives 1157/1744.

38 Mashhfir b. Hasan Al Salman, who includes Qabbani's Fasl al-Khitab in his long list of books which Muslims should be aware of, seems to have had access to a copy of the book. See his Kutub Hadhdhara minhd al-'Ulama', v. 1, 261-262. Al-'Abd al-Latif also had access to a photocopy of the manuscript, which is kept in the li- brary of the University of al-Imam Ibn Sa'ud in Riyadh. This is most probably a copy of the Asafiyya manuscript. See al-'Abd al-Lat.if, Da'awa al-Mundwi'in, 44.

39 Ibn Suhaym is most probably the author of the first written refutation of the Shaykh. The epistle is preserved in Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's response to it recorded by Ibn Ghannam in his Tarikh, v. 1, 111-124. See also Peskes, Muhammad b. 'Abdal- wahhab, 49-50, and 70-78. Ibn Suhaym's original letter was omitted from the text of the Shaykh's letter published in the fifth part of Mu'allafat al-Shaykh al-Imam Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab, 62-76.

40 See Ibn Ghannam, Tdrikh, v. 1, 106 and 161; and Mu'allafat al-Shaykh al-Imam Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhdb, pt. 5, 20 and 206; Cook, "The Expansion of the First Saudi State," 696, note 169; and Mashhur b. Hasan, Kutub Hadhdhara minha al- 'Ulama', v. 1, 262.

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anti-Wahhabi epistle coming from Mecca, the center of the Islamic world, with encomia by the Muftis of the four legal schools and other noted Meccan scholars, must have had a big effect on the public scene. A public reading of such a text would surely be more con- vincing for the inhabitants of Nadijd than one coming from Basra, al-Ahsa' or any other small town in Nadjd. This would encourage us to suggest that a refutation was requested from Mecca. This is

why it was passed around the different Muftis and scholars to praise it before sending it out. In fact, Tandatawi mentions at the begin- ning of his epistle that he received letters (khututt) from Nadjdi schol- ars informing him about the situation there.41 These letters might have contained such a request.42

As mentioned earlier, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab visited Mecca only to

perform the pilgrimage. In contrast to the case of Medina and Basra, none of the sources mention that he stayed there for any length of time, or that he had any interaction with its 'Ulamd'. In other words, he had had no direct personal impact in Mecca. The Meccans must have first heard about his "reforms" after he destroyed the tombs of Zayd b. al-Khattab and other companions and ordered the ston- ing of the adulteress.43 Tandatawi's mention that he received his information through oral reports and letters from local "authori- ties" (al-'udul al-thiqdt) attests to the fact that Meccans lived far away from the developments in Nadjd.

Interestingly enough, Tandatawi does not mention the name of the Shaykh in his epistle. He refers to him as shakhs min al-nds,44

41 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 19a. 42 There is no evidence that Tandatawi actually read Ibn Suhaym's letter. The

latter mentions 15 of the Shaykh's innovations in order to entice the 'ulama' to launch an attack against him. Practically none of these points appear in the Meccan epistle. It even contains additional "innovations" that are not mentioned by Ibn Suhaym, such as calling 'Abd al-Qadir al-Djilani an infidel and prohibiting the visitation of the tombs of the Companions, with a specific mention of Abfu Dudjana (instead of the destruction of the tomb of Zayd b. al-Khattab that appears in Ibn Suhaym's). This attests to Tandatawi's claim that among his sources were "a group of just authorities (4dam' min al-thiqdt al-'udul). There is also no reason to believe that Ibn Suhaym wrote a different letter to Mecca since the original one was ad- dressed to 'ulama' al-muslimmn in general.

43 On these two incidents, see above. 44 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 18b.

383

SAMER TRABOULSI

which could be interpreted in two different ways: the author does not want to mention his adversary's name in order to humiliate him, or he does so in order not to shed more light on the Shaykh's movement. If a reader does not know who this shakhs is, then it is better for him to remain ignorant. But he should be aware of the adversaries' ideas in case he had to face them one day.45 I opt for the second interpretation.46

The arguments brought up in the epistle attest also to the fact that the author's knowledge of Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's ideas is not elaborate, and does not seem to be based on any writings of his.

The Refutation47

Despite the limited resources provided to Tandatawi by his in- formants, the Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala is a very well orga- nized text with clear points and argumentation. Tandatawi starts his refutation with an outline of five points brought up by the

Shaykh, which he will discuss in the body of the text:48 1- People, especially scholars and the pious, are not living accord-

ing to the rules of the sharf'a. They are therefore outside the com-

munity of Islam. 2- People are not allowed to ask the Prophet, his family, or his

Companions for intercession. 3- People should not visit the tombs of the Companions buried

in al-Yamama, and the local chiefs should take the land tax ('ushuir) from the inhabitants.

45 This device is regularly resorted to in Zaydi and Isma'ili refutations. 46 At the end of the epistle, Qabbani remarks that the name of the refuted per-

son will be revealed in the encomia, as indeed it is. See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 23a. One should also note that Ibn Suhaym, in his above men- tioned letter, also does not mention the Shaykh's name. He refers to him as radjul mubtadi' djahil (an ignorant innovator).

47 The dogmatic and legal discourses will not be covered in the present study. An approach comparing this text and others from the same period will form the topic of a future study. Such an approach will help us to have a better understand-

ing of the nature of the debate going on at that time. 48 Each of the five points-except for the first one-starts with the expression

"we have heard" (wa-sami'na).

384

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4- People do not need to imitate previous 'ulama', such as the founders of the four legal schools. Each person should refer to the Quran and the Sunna.

5-Various matters that could not be accepted by the human mind and that contradict the shari'a.49

Before beginning his refutation, Tandatawi states four "irrefut- able" postulates which form the basis of his argumentation: The shari'a survives through transmission from generation to generation; its ultimate source is the Quran and the Sunna; the 'ulama' are the heirs of the Prophets; and the Umma does not agree on an error.50 These postulates should be clear in the mind of the reader before he proceeds with the epistle.

Tandatawi does not discuss the four points in the same order as in the outline. He starts with the fourth one by championing the founders of the four legal schools. According to him, the Umma has agreed that these scholars derived (istanbatui) opinions from the Quran and the Sunna after they had mastered the sources of the

religion. The most illustrious scholars could not reach such a stage and did not dare do this.51 They were content with following the

example and teachings of the founders. The situation is no longer the same at the time of the author, since ignorance has spread and "minds have weakened." In these miserable circumstances, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab appears and challenges all his predecessors, disregard- ing centuries of religious scholarship. According to Tandatawi, this is a sign that 'ilm is starting to vanish. One should therefore follow the example of the predecessors (al-ittibd' li-man salaf) and not resort to religious innovations (al-ibtidd' li-man khalaf).

This argument shows that the author did not have a deep knowl-

edge of the Shaykh's teachings. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab did not disre-

gard the four founders of the legal schools. He was simply saying that every Muslim should compare legal judgments with the Quran

49 For the five points, see Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 18b-19a. 50 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 19a. 51 Tandatawi lists eleven well-known scholars belonging to the four legal schools.

Interestingly, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's most cherished Hanbali scholars, Ibn Taymiyya, Ibn al-Jawzi, and Ibn Qayyim al-DDjawziyya are among them. See his Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-QDahala, 19a.

385

SAMER TRABOULSI

and the Sunna in order to make sure that he is following the sharW'a in the correct way.52 After all, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab was a declared Hanbali and an avid admirer and follower of Ibn Taymiyya.

Next, he discusses the third point where he attacks the Shaykh for making the local chiefs take land tax ('ushur) from the inhab- itants. According to Tandatawi, the chiefs used to refrain from

collecting the tax out of respect for the Companions buried in the region.53 This is an act of devotion showing respect for the Com- panions, and a religious duty according to the Quran and the Sunna. By imposing the tax, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab is breaching one of the rules of the sharna.

From this matter, Tandatawi moves to the second point by dis- cussing the situation of the prophets in their graves, and how it is

religiously permissible to ask for their intercession. In the midst of his argumentation, he mentions the Shaykh's denunciation of al- Imam al-Bfisiri, author of the famous eulogy of the Prophet, as an infidel.54 The accusation appears first in the Kitdb al-Tawhid,55 to which Tandatawi had no access. This would lead us to infer that this issue was referred to Tandatawi by one of his Nadjdi informants who had access to the Shaykh's book.

The first point comes next. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's declaration that

52 See Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, Kitab al-Tawhid, 125-129, and especially Shakir's com- mentaries on this issue. The Kitab al-Tawhid is the safest representative of the ideas of the Shaykh around the time of the composition of the epistle. According to Ibn Ghannam, the book was written during the Shaykh's stay in Huraymila' before moving to 'Uyayna, see Ibn Ghannam, Tdrikh Nad4d, v. 1, 30. There is no evidence that Tandatawi had access to a copy of the Kitab al-Tawhid. One would expect him to quote it if he had one. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab appeals to the judgments of the four legal schools in some of his letters, but the use of this material is risky since the letters are not dated and might belong to a period long after 1156/1743, the date of the composition of Tandatawi's refutation. See Mu'allafat al-Shaykh al-Imam Mu- hammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab, pt. 5, 176-180.

53 I was not able to find a reference to the re-establishment of the land-tax in any historical source. Ibn Ghannam mentions that among the criticisms leveled by the opponents of the da'wa against 'Uthman b. Ma'mar were: punishing those who do not observe the daily prayers, taking the zakat, and other matters of religion, see Ibn Ghannam, Tarikh Nadjd, v. 1, 38; and al-Juhany, The History of Najd, 288. The collection of zakat might be the land tax that Tandatawi is referring to.

54 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-DQahala, 21a. 55 See Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, Kitab al-Tawhid, 145.

386

AN EARLY REFUTATION

saints, such as the famous mystic 'Abd al-Qadir al-Djilani, were in- fidels is a clear sign of his own unbelief (kufr sarih).56 The Umma has agreed (adjma'at) on the high religious standing of these per- sonalities. Contradicting its agreement would place the Shaykh out- side it. This leads the author to a discussion of the concepts of apostasy (ridda), swearing (hiq) and vows (nudhur).57

The author resorts to various methods of argumentation in his refutation. He quotes a considerable number of Quranic verses and Prophetic Traditions.58 Most probably, he did so in order to use the same tools as Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab. He also refers on several occa- sions to Hanbali legal rulings. The only Hanbali source he mentions by name is al-Hudjawi's Kitab al-Iqnd', which was popular at the time in Hanbali circles.59 Tandatawi's last method of argumentation is of a logical nature. He shows that, in addition to their religious ben- efits, vows are useful in preserving the shrines by providing for the costs of their maintenance.60

Conclusion

The arguments brought up by Randatawi in his epistle are not exceptional. They are found in practically all refutations of the Wahhabi movement in a more detailed form. The importance of the Kitab Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala is not in its contents but rather in the historical circumstances that led to its composition and brought it to the notice of al-Qabbani. Contrary to Peskes' conclusion,61 Mecca did take part in the anti-Wahhabi "campaign" in its early stages. We can even say that Mecca's role in the ongoing debate was a central one. This is shown by the fact that the epistle was written at such an early date, and that it was sent to Basra-and

56 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Diahala, 2la. 57 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 22a-23a. 58 In several cases, the Traditions as he quotes them are slightly different from

the ones found in the classical collections. 59 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 22a. The Kitab al-Iqna' is

mentioned by Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab in some of his letters and used by his various opponents, see Peskes, Muhammad b. 'Abdalwahhdb, 40 and 52.

60 See Tandatawi, Rad' al-Dalala wa Qam' al-Djahala, 22a-22b. 61 See Peskes, Muhammad b. 'Abdalwahhdb, 68.

387

SAMER TRABOULSI

most probably to Nadjd on the way-with encomia by the four Muftis of the Holy city.

Tandatawi's refutation also shows that the Shaykh was still a lo- cal Nadjdi figure at this early period. However his actions were not.

By destroying the tombs of the saints and stoning the adulteress, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab was undermining the authority of both 'ulama' and sufis. By declaring religious vows (nudhur) illicit, he was trans- gressing on a considerable source of income that allowed the reli- gious institutions, and consequently the authority of the 'ulama' and the sufis, to exist. However minor a figure he was at that time, the

Shaykh had crossed a red line and action was necessary to prevent such an "aggressor" from moving forward in his destruction of the established system. Tandatawi's was the Meccan response but much more was to come from Basra.62

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