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TheGeographicImaginariesofEmpire:Migration,Tourism,andConstructionsofDifferenceinPanamanianTravelNarratives
By
KylaEgan
AthesissubmittedinconformitywiththerequirementsforthedegreeofMasterofArts
DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning
UniversityofToronto
©CopyrightbyKylaEgan2018
TheGeographicImaginariesofEmpire:Migration,Tourism,andConstructionsofDifferenceinPanamanianTravelNarratives
KylaEgan
MasterofArts
DepartmentofGeographyandPlanning
UniversityofToronto
2018AbstractPanama’stourismindustryhasflourishedsince1990tobecomeoneofthepremiere
traveldestinationsinCentralAmericaasdescribedbytourismliterature.Using
historicalgeographyasitsmethodology,thisthesisoffersananalysisofhow
coloniallogicsofempireremainembeddedinthePanamaniantourismindustryand
nationbuildingagendas.Inparticular,thediscourseanalysisofPanamaniantravel
narrativesinarchivalandcontemporarytravelliteraturehasrevealedboth
substantialtransformationsandpersistentcongruitiesofimperialdiscoursefrom
1880-2017.ThefindingsofthisprojectdemonstratehowhegemonicEuro-
Americangeographicimaginationshelpconstructtourismmaterialsandinfluence
touristbehaviorinPanama.Inparticular,themesofwildernessandnature,white
supremacy,andAmericanexceptionalismemergedfromtheanalysisoftourism
literatureastheprimaryfactorscontributingtotheconceptualandmaterial
organizationofPanamanianspaceintravelliterature.Thesethemesare
contextualizedwithinbroaderdiscussionsofempirestudiesandamenitymigration
literature.
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AcknowledgementsThankyoutomysupervisor,SharleneMollett,forherguidanceandsupport
throughoutthisprocess.Iamgratefultohavegrownacademicallyandpersonally
duringthetwoyearsIhavebeenunderhersupervision.Inparticular,Iamgrateful
fortheexperience,knowledge,andwisdomProfessorMollettofferedasa
supervisorandcontributedtowardmyproject.Iwouldalsoliketoextendmy
gratitudetomycommitteemembers,MichelleBuckleyandSusannahBunce,for
takingthetimetooffermeconstructiveandthoughtfulfeedback.
Thankyoutomyfamilyandfriendswhohaveofferedtheirendlesssupportand
love.Inparticular,Iwouldliketothankmyfather,Ronaldo,forhisenthusiasm
towardsmyresearchprojectandunwaveringdedicationtothepursuitof
Panamanianknowledge.Iwouldalsoliketothankmymother,Sondra,forthe
infiniteencouragement,insight,andsolacethatshehasofferedthroughoutthis
process.Iamgratefultohavehadsuchawonderfulsupportsystemduringmy
thesisproject.
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TableofContentsAcknowledgements iiiTableofContents ivListofFigures viChapterOne:Panamaas‘Place’:TheConstructionofPanama’sGeographicImaginaryintheContextofAmericanNationBuilding 1ChapterTwo:ImperialLogicsoftheTourismIndustry:Empire,AmenityMigration,andConstructionsofDifference 172.1TheGeographicImaginationofthe‘NewWorld’:EuropeanandAmericanExpansioninLatinAmerica 172.2HistoricalRepercussionsinGlobalMobilities:TheCaseofNorth-SouthAmenityMigration 202.3MarketingCulturalDifference:TheRoleof“Other”intheTourismIndustry 232.4HistoricizingthePresent:ThevalueofHistoricalGeographyasaMethodologicalApproachtotheStudyofEmpire 262.5ResearchMethods:TheDiscursiveAnalysisofArchivalandModernTravelNarratives 28ChapterThree:“PanamaUndertheStarsandStripes”ArchivalNewspapersandMagazinesfrom1880-1950 333.1TheFunctionofNewspapersinTransnationalNationBuilding 333.2“PanamaAwaitsAmericanizing”:GeographicImaginariesofAmericanGovernanceinthePanamaCanalZone 383.3Overcoming“TheWhiteMan’sGraveyard”:HygieneandInfrastructureInitiativesinthePanamaCanalZone 473.4GovernanceinaTropicalLandscape 523.5“LinkingtheAmericas”:TheDevelopmentofUS-PanamaTourism 523.6TheimportanceofTourismtoAmericanNationBuilding 553.7“Taming”aNewFrontier:ResourceDevelopmentandLandOwnershipinPanama’sRuralCountryside 563.8FrontierConstructionsofthePanamanianCountryside 61ChapterFour:“ShinningSummerLands”AutobiographicalTravelNarrativesofEliteMigrantsandTouristsfrom1851-2017 634.1LifeintheIsthmus:TheRepresentationalPracticesofEliteMigrantsandTourists 634.2“PanamaisBelowtheMasonDixonLine”:theRacialImaginariesofLaborinPanamaCanalZone 664.3“NoSuchThingasaGoodIndianWorker”:NarrativesofLabourandRaceinAmenityMigrantEnclaves 714.4Laborersas“Other”:TheRacialImaginariesInformingEmploymentPracticesinPanama 75
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4.5“TheBushNative”:TheIndigenousRepresentationsofWhiteZonianResidents 764.6“LikeDisney’sVersionofPocahontas”:TheIndigenousRepresentationsbyAmenityMigrants 804.7Savage,Civilized,orNoble:ConstructionsofIndigeneityandNature 834.8TheMakingofAmericanSpaceinPanama 844.9CommunitySpaceMakinginAmericanEnclaves 90ChapterFive:“SteppingBackintothePast”:TheGeographicImaginariesofModernPanamanianTravelLiterature:1990-Present 935.1ProducingImaginaries:ThePracticesandProcessofModernTourismLiterature 935.2“Discovering”Panama:ColonialNarrativesofExplorationAmongTourists 945.3ReconstitutedImaginariesoftheNewWorld 995.4UrbanImaginaries:TheComparisonofThePanamaCanalZonetoPanamanianCitiesinTravelLiterature 1015.5NarrativesofManagementinPanama’sUrbanCenters 1095.6SearchingforSanctuary:NarrativesofWildernessandEscapeamongPanamanianTourists 1105.7ConstructingValuein‘Wild’Spaces 115ChapterSix:Conclusion 117References 120
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ListofFiguresFigure1-MapofPanamainNationalGeographicarticle“Panama,BridgeoftheWorld” 5Figure2-PhotographofMirafloresLocks,Panama 16Figure3-PhotographofDockinOldBank,BocasdelToro,Panama 25Figure4-AerialPhotographofBocasdelToroArchipelago 32Figure5-PhotographofPresidentTheodoreRooseveltinPanama 35 Figure6-“PanamaAwaitsAmericanizing”Headline 43Figure7-“PanamaBiddingforaSpanking”headline 45Figure8-“TheRepublicUncleSamMade”Headline 47Figure9-“UncleSam’sPanamaHomes”Headline 51Figure10-“NewLinetoPanama”Headline 54Figure11-“Money-MakingonIsthmus”Headline 57Figure12-AdvertisementforPanamaRealEstate 59Figure13-“TheArmchairTouristandTheSightseer”Headline 66Figure14-ParagraphfromtheCanalZonePilot 68Figure15-SketchofWestIndianWorkers 71Figure16-IllustrationofCrocodile 77Figure17-PhotographofHighTea 85Figure18-PhotographinNationalGeographicofAmericanZoneResidentsShopping 90Figure19-“TropicalEdenRichinLoreDatingFromColumbus’Time”Headline 94Figure20-“VisittheCunabeforethe20thCenturyDoes”Headline 95Figure21-PhotographofPanamaCitySkyline 101Figure22-PhotographinNationalGeographicofFamilyinColón 106Figure23-PhotographofDockinIslaBastimientos 112
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Chapter1:Panamaas‘Place’:TheConstructionofPanama’sGeographicImaginaryintheContextofAmericanNationBuilding
InApril2018NationalGeographicpublishedaspecialissueonthetopicofrace.In
anefforttoexaminetheNationalGeographic’shistoricalcomplicityintheperpetuationof
racialdiscourse,ProfessorofHistoryJohnEdwinMasonfromtheUniversityofVirginia
washiredtoanalyzethemagazine’spastrepresentationsofpeoplefromtheGlobalSouth.
ProfessorMasonconcludeduntilthe1970sNationalGeographicportrayed“everytypeof
cliché”inreferencetoracializedpopulations(2018,p.4).PeopleoftheGlobalSouthwere
picturedas“famouslyandfrequentlyunclothed,happyhunters,andnoblesavages”while
alsobeingdescribedaspossessingthe“lowestinintelligence”(2018,p.4).Thepracticesof
NationalGeographicwereespeciallyinfluentialformassaudiencesinthenineteenthand
twentiethcenturies,asthemagazinewasunderstoodasabastionofscientificand
academicauthorityinpopularculture.In2018,EditorinChiefSusanGoldbergreflectsin
thisnewissueonNationalGeographic’sinfluenceineducatingreadersacrosstheglobe.
Goldbergwrites,
“NationalGeographicwasn’tteachingasmuchasreinforcingmessagestheyalreadyreceivedanddoingsoinamagazinethathadtremendousauthority.NationalGeographiccomesintoexistenceattheheightofcolonialism,andtheworldwasdividedintothecolonizersandthecolonized.Thatwasacolorline,andtheNationalGeographicwasreflectingthatviewoftheworld”(Goldberg,2018,p.4).
WhileGoldbergandNationalGeographicadmittoracistrepresentationsasanelementof
themagazine’spast,scholarsofcolonialdiscourse(Stoler,2016)arguethatitisdifficultto
identifythetemporalandspatialbreaksofcolonialnarrativesfrompasttopresent.
Imperialnarrativescontinue,oftenun-noticed,astheyhavebeentransformedfromthe
abruptandseeminglytransparentrhetoricofarchivespastandrearticulatedthrough
“processesofpartialreinscriptions,modifieddisplacements,andamplifiedrecuperations”
(Stoler,2016,p.27).AstheNationalGeographic’s“apology”soaptlyexemplifiescolonial
narrativescontinuetopermeatecontemporarywriting,particularlywithregardto
disruptionsandrepresentationsof“other”peopleandplaces(Said,1978).
Thisthesiscriticallyanalyzeshowcolonial-imperiallogicsofempireremain
embeddedinthecontemporarynationaldevelopmentagendasinPanama.Idrawfromthe
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caseofPanamatodemonstratehowhegemonicEuro-Americangeographicimaginations
shapethepastandpresentthroughthethemesofmigration,constructionofdifference,and
tourism.ThisthesisfocusesontheimperialconstructionofplaceandspaceinPanama
throughgeographicimaginariesthatareshapedbywesternnotionsofnatureand
wilderness,whitesupremacy,Americanexceptionalismandformsof“othering”embedded
intravelliteratureandadvertising.Throughthediscursiveanalysisofavarietyoftravel
narratives,foundinnewspapersandautobiographicalaccounts,Iarguethattouristsand
affluentmigrantsreproduceparticularunderstandingsandgeographicimaginariesof
Panamanianspace,place,andpeople.Suchrepresentationslinkpresentandpastinthe
contextofnationbuildinginPanamafrom1841tothepresent.
MymethodologicalapproachfocusesonthehistoricalgeographiesofPanamanian
travelliterature.IdosotoinvestigatetherelationbetweenPanamaniantravelnarratives
andimperiallogics.IusediscourseanalysistoexamineAmerican,Canadian,British,and
Panamaniannewspapers,magazines,andautobiographicalnovels,aswellasasmall
numberofcontemporarytravelmaterials.Findingsfromthisprojectillustratethat
constructionsofempirecontinuetoexistwithinthePanamaniantourismdiscourseand
revealthewaysthatresidentialtouristsoraffluentmigrantsarecomplicitinthe
reproductionanddisseminationofimperiallogicsthatshapethepast,presentandlikely
thefuture.
Panama’stourismindustryhasflourishedoverthepastthreedecadestobecome
oneofthepremieretraveldestinationsinCentralAmericaasdescribedbytourism
literature.Labeledasthe“NextLuxuryHotSpot”byForbesmagazine(Kester,2015)anda
“favouritetouristdestination”byTheGlobeandMail(Selkirk,2018)publicityforPanama
hascontinuedsinceInternationalLivingdesignatedthecountrythenumberoneretirement
destinationin2014.TourismliteratureandmarketingmaterialsemphasizePanama’s
naturallandscapes,colonialhistory,andgrowingcapitolcityasthemainattractionsforthe
country.ThesuccessofPanama’stourismindustryhasalsobeenusedasamodelfor
tourismdevelopmentinCentralAmericaandtheGlobalSouth.ForactorsinPanama’s
federalgovernment,thetourismsectorisanimportantsourceofforeignexchangeand
economicgrowthinthecountry.Specifically,tourismisthoughttoplayanimportantrole
intheoverallgrowthstrategy,povertyreduction,increasedemployment,improvedwages,
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anddevelopmentofrelatedindustriesinPanama(Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2013,p.71).
Therecentsuccessofthetourismindustryinthecountry,asillustratedthroughincreased
travelratesandtourismspendingoverthepastthreedecades,illustratesthecommitment
bythePanamanianfederalgovernmenttodevelopingthetourismindustry(Dorosh&
Klytchnikova,2013).EncouragedbytheWorldTradeOrganizationandTheWorldBank,
tourismdevelopmentstrategyhasbeenpropagatedintheGlobalSouththroughavarietyof
initiativessincethemidtwentiethcentury.Originatinginthe1960s,increasedtourist
spendingisassumedtoalleviatepovertyatavarietyofscalesandgivefederal
governmentsrevenuetobuildnecessaryinfrastructureandimplementsocialservices
(Wintersetal.,2013,p.177;Hawkins&Mann,2007,p.350).Panama’sinterestintourism
emergedinthe1990s,astheshifttoademocraticstate,demilitarizationofthe
government,andimpendingtransitionofpoweroftheCanalbacktoPanamaniancontrol
wasthestartofanewchapterinthecountry’shistory.Supportedbythedevelopment
strategiesofinternationalactors,thePanamaniangovernmentviewedtourismasaviable
strategyforthestrengtheningofitseconomyandasawaytorepresentitselfasapeaceful
nation(Guerron-Montero,2014).ThegovernmentofGuillermoEndara(1989-1994)
declaredtourismanationalpriorityin1993andin1994PresidentPerezBalladares(1994-
1999)signedanagreementtocreateaTourismDevelopmentMasterPlan(Guerron-
Montero,2014).Thenationaltourismstrategywastopursuethedevelopmentofheritage
andeco-tourism,aswellas“rebrand”Panama’simageamonginternationaltourism
markets(Guerron-Montero,2014).SubsequentgovernmentleadersincludingMoscoso
(1999-2004),Torrijos(2004-2009),andMartinelli(2009-2014)expandeduponthe
nationalMasterPlanbyalsodevelopingtheresidentialtourismsectorinPanama
(Guerron-Montero,2014;Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2009).Residentialtourismisdefinedas
thespatialmobilityofaffluentindividualsfromtheGlobalNorthtoGlobalSouthwhoarein
searchofabetterwayoflife(Benson&O’Reilly,2009).AsthePanamaniangovernment
pursuedtourismpolicythroughoutthefollowingdecades,thenationrebrandeditselfto
wealthytouristsasasafeandattractivenationtovisit,live,andwork.Studieshave
illustratedthatresidentialtouristsareattractedtoPanamaduetoitsrelativelyinexpensive
livingcosts,tropicalclimate,andaccessiblehealthcare(Benson,2013;Watts&Ruff,2012).
ThePanamaniangovernmenthasalsofacilitatedthemobilityofaffluentmigrant
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populationsbyprovidingspecialvisasandcitizenshippathwaystoenterandresidewithin
thecountry(Benson,2013,Guerron-Montero,2011).ThesepolicieshaveallowedPanama
tocompetewithotherresidentialtourismdestinationsandemergeasoneofthemost
popularcountriesforNorth-Southmigration(VanNoorloos,2011).
AlthoughtourisminPanamaisoftendescribedintravelliteratureasanew
developmentforthecountry,residentialtourism’sfoundationisrootedintheimperial
relationsofPanamaandtheUnitedStates,aswellasahistoryofSpanishcolonialism.
LiteratureonthistopicrevealsthataffluentmigrantsfromCanada,TheUnitedStates,and
Europeexperiencethemigrationprocessdifferentlyduetoprivilege,wealth,racial
hierarchies,andtheimpactsofcolonialhistories(GuerronMontero,2011;Guerron
Montero,2014;Janoschka&Haas,2013;Spalding,2013,Mollett,2017).Specialpolicyand
lawscreatedforNorthAmericanandEuropeanpopulationsarereflectiveofracialbiasin
immigrationprocesses,suchasspecialvisas(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.609).Although
Panamahashadhighratesofmigrationthroughoutitshistory,migrantsfromChina,The
WestIndies,andAfricanpopulationshavebeenstigmatizedbythegovernmentand
employers,despitebeingessentialtonationalinfrastructureprojects(Noxolo,2009).
Alternatively,thegovernmentofPanamahascreatedspecialvisapathways,residential
laws,andcitizenshipforlifestylemigrants.However,theseprocessesarefundamentally
supportedbyassumptionsthatlifestylemigrantswillpositivelyimpactareceivingnation
solelybecauseoftheiraffluence(Ferguson,2011;Wilson,2008).
Inaddition,migrationscholarshaveassertedthatcolonialnarrativesandimagery
alsoinfluencetheactionsofmigrantsintheirnewhome(Benson,2012,Mollett,2017).The
ideologicaldominanceofNorthernmigrantsintheGlobalSouthhasmanifestedspatially
throughthecontemporarydisplacementandmanagementofracializedcommunities
(Janoschka&Haas,2013).Inparticular,lifestylemigrationliteraturearguesthataffluent
populationsareabletoreinforceandlegitimizeproblematicnarrativesduetotheir
economicandsocialpositioningataglobalscale(Benson,2012,p.1689).Residential
touristscontinuetosettleinareasmarkedbyhighinequalitybecausetheseissuesdonot
negativelyaffecttheirlivelihoodsduetothephysicalandsocialsegregationofmigrants
fromimpoverishedlocals.Infact,manyresidentialtouristsbenefitfromlowhousing
prices,illegallandpurchases,andalackofgovernmentalprotectionforcertain
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Panamaniancitizens(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.619;Mollett,2016;Thampy,2014).
Alternatively,thereceivingcommunitiesoflifestylemigrantsareoftenburdenedby
changingsocio-spatialrelations,landscapedeterioration,andlimitedaccesstoresourcesas
aresultoftherapidandunregulateddevelopmentofresidentialtourism(Spalding,2013,
Guerron-Montero,2011,Mollett,2017).Scholarsinthefieldoftransnationalmobilities
havedemonstratedtheenduringcharacteristicsofimperialknowledgeproductionon
North-SouthmigratorypatternstoPanama.Theinter-spatialmobilitiesandsettlementof
affluentresidentialtouristsmirrorasymmetricstructuralrelationshipsbetweenimperial
actorsduringSpanishcolonialismandtheestablishmentoftheUSEmpireduringthefirst
halfofthetwentiethcentury.Panama’shistoricalpasthasinformedthedevelopmentof
tourismthroughtheenduringpresenceofimperiallogics(Guerron-Montero,2014;Mollett,
2017).
Figure1:FromNationalGeographic’s“Panama,BridgeoftheWorld”(Marden,p.594,1941)
ForthepastfivecenturiesPanamahasbeenanimportantzoneofboth
transportationandtrade,whichhasattracteddifferentempiresfromaroundtheworld.
Colonialsettlementintheregioncommencedintheearly16thcentury.Spanish
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conquistadorRodrigodeBastidaswasthefirstEuropeantovisittheisthmusin1501,
followedbyChristopherColumbusayearlater,andVascoNunezdeBalboa’sAtlanticto
PacificcrossingofPanamain1513(Gordon,etal,2018).By1519,permanentEuropean
settlementswereestablishedonbothcoastsoftheIsthmus(Gordonetal,2018).Forthe
Spanish,Panama’sgeographiccentralitywasanimportantfactorintheexpanding
economicinterestoftheempire,byfacilitatingthetemporarystorageofgoldandminerals
fromPeru,Ecuador,andBoliviabeforebeingtransportedtoEurope(Marrin,1999).
AlthoughPanamaremainedunderSpanishrulefornearlythreecenturies,itsgeo-political
boundarieschangedfrequently.OriginallydesignatedasterritoryintheViceroyaltyof
Peru,in1538theregionbecamepartoftheRealAudienciaofPanamagoverningbodyas
designatedbyHenryV(Gordonetal,2018).AlthoughtheSpanishhadcolonizedcitiessuch
asPortobello,ColónandPanamaCity,muchofPanamanianterritoryremainedincontrolof
Indigenouspopulations.ThisregionalautonomyfacilitatedthemobilityofEnglish,Dutch,
andFrenchpiratesinPanama,whowereinterestedininterceptinggoldandsilverthat
cametoPanamafromPeru(Marrin,1999).Fromthemidsixteenthtolateseventeenth
centuriesavarietyofillfatedandshort-livedBritishcolonieswereestablishedinrural
Panama.
Duringthistimeperiod,BritishpiratessuchasSirFrancesDrakeandSirHenry
MorganworkedinconjunctionwiththeBritishcrowntodisrupttheSpanishempireinthe
NewWorld(Marrin,1999).TheconflictbetweenEuropeanimperialpowerswasreflective
ofgreatertensionsinregardtotheCaribbeanandLatinAmerica.Inparticular,aseach
empireexpandedintotheNewWorld,territorialdisputeswereafrequentoccurrenceand
especiallyprominentinregardtoPanama’sstrategiclocation(Gordonetal,2018).Under
ordersfromtheBritishCrown,privateersfrequentlyinterceptedgoldtransportation
routesanddestroyedSpanishsettlements(Marrin,1999).Motivatedbyrevengeafter
beingattackedbySpanishwarshipsandthequestforgold,Britishslavetraderand
privateerSirFrancesDrakeattackedthePanamanianportofNombredeDiosinJuly1572
andMarch1573.Aftersuccessfullycapturingthetownandnearlytwentytonsoftreasure
DrakereturnedtoBritainasanationalhero(Gordonetal,2018).Nearlyacenturylaterin
1669,QueenMarianaofSpainorderedthatSpanishwarshipsattackEnglishtradeships
overrisingtensionsintheregion.Asanactofretaliation,SirHenryMorgansailedalongthe
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SpanishMainfrom1670to1671slowlycapturingsmallsettlementssuchasOld
Providence,SantaCatalina,andChagres(Marrin,1999).InJanuary1671SirHenryMorgan
attackedtheOldPanamaCity,successfullycapturingthesettlement’streasureandburning
theporttotheground.Morgan’sactionswereconsideredastrongblowtotheSpanish
empire,“WhennewsofPanama’sdestructionreachedSpain,millionsofordinarypeople
putonblackarmbandsandflockedtotheirchurches”asanactofnationalmourning
(Marrin,1999,p.199).
Panamawasalsoshapedinthisperiodbythetransatlanticslavetrade,asEuropean
powerstransportedAfricanpopulationsinhighnumbersthroughouttheCaribbeanand
LatinAmerica.ThefirstAfricanslavesarrivedinPanamain1513withVascoNunezde
Balboa(Gordonetal,2018).Slavepopulationswereimportanttoinlandtransportation
routesandwereresponsibleformovingcargofromPortobellotoOldPanamaCityin
preparationforthetrans-Atlanticvoyage(Sigleretal,2015).TheSpanishempirealsoused
Africanslavesformining,textileproduction,domesticlabor,andtradework.The
dependencyoftheSpanishempireonslavepopulationsresultedinthesubstantialincrease
ofAfricanslavearrivalsovertheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies(Lasso,2013).This
practicedrasticallyinfluencedchangingdemographicsintheregionandby1607,70%of
PanamaCitywascomprisedofAfro-colonials(Lasso,2013,p.560).Thispatternofgrowth
continuedwithAfricanpopulationsinPanamanumbering3,500in1610to23,000in1789
(Lasso,2013).Forcedmigrationpracticescontinuedwellintothenineteenthcenturywhen
independencefromSpainin1821broughttheendtolegalslaveryinPanama(Sigleretal,
2015).
From1821-1903PanamavoluntarilybecamepartofTheRepublicofColombia
(Gordonetal,2018).SoonafterPanama’scolonialemancipationfromSpainin1821,
nationalinfrastructureprojectsandregionaleconomicgrowthspurredasecondwaveof
migrationinthemid-nineteenthcentury.AstheUnitedStates’expandedintoitsWestern
frontier,AmericanactorsgrewinterestedinestablishingaroutethroughPanamathat
wouldallowfastertransportationforsettlersfromtheEastCoastoftheUnitedStatesto
CaliforniaandOregoninordertofacilitateeconomicgrowthandsettlementontheWest
Coast.Initially,AmericansusedsubsidizedpassengershipstotraveltoandfromPanama,
whiletraversingtheterrestrialportionoftheisthmusonmuleoverroutesfirstestablished
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bytheSpanish.Remarkably,thisroutewasconsideredfasterandlessarduousthan
travellinginternallythroughtheUnitedStates(McCullough,1977).Howeverin1848,
WilliamAspinwallcreatedthePanamaRailroadCompanyandcommencedconstructionfor
theTrans-IsthmianRailroad(Gordonetal,2018).Inordertosuccessfullycompletethe
project,Aspinwall’sPanamaRailroadCompanyneededlaborfrom1880-1885.Thissizable
projectattractedlaborersfromSouthernEurope,China,theWestIndies,andotherareasof
LatinAmerica.However,byfarthelargestdemographicofmigrantscamefromtheWest
Indies,withapproximately200,000blackWestIndiansarrivinginPanamafrom1849to
1910(Lasso,2013).Atthistime,economicmigrationforworkingclassWestIndianshad
becomeincreasinglycommonduetothegrowthinthemechanizedsugarindustryinthe
Caribbean.Specifically,technologicaladvancesinagricultureandcropproductioncaused
widespreadunemploymentinJamaica,Barbados,Trinidad,Grenada,andSt.Kitts(Sigler,
2014;Sigleretal,2015).TheconstructionoftheTrans-isthmianrailroadcoincidedwith
thestartoftheCaliforniagoldrushintheUnitedStates.Forthisreason,prospectorswere
abletoquicklytravelfromtheEasttoWestcoastoftheUnitedStatesbytraversingthe
Panamanianisthmusonrailroad(McCullough,1977).Thisphenomenonresultedin
substantialprosperityforPanamaalongtheoldSpanishtrailsandtherailroadtrack,as
travellerscontributedtoaneconomicboom.InotherpartsofPanama,corporationssuchas
TheUnitedFruitCompanyalsostartedtoestablishAmericanenclavesinthelate
nineteenthcentury(Gordonetal,2018).Thecombinationofthesehistoricalfactors
illustratespresenceofAmericaneconomicandpoliticalpowerpriortothedevelopmentof
thePanamaCanal.
ThelatenineteenthcenturyinPanamabroughttheattempteddevelopmentand
initialconstructionofthePanamaCanalbytheFrenchcompaniesLaSocieteduCanal
InteroceaniqueandtheCompagnieNouvellefrom1881-1894.Theprojectfailedandwas
subsequentlyacquiredbytheUnitedStatesin1903(Gordonetal,2018).Althoughthe
UnitedStatesinitiallyattemptedtogaincontroloftheCanalthroughdiplomaticmeans
withColombia,theColombiangovernment’sfailuretoratifytheyHay-Bunau-VarillaTreaty
inthesameyearresultedinPresidentTheodoreRooseveltsupportingaPanamanian
rebellionagainsttheColombiangovernment.In1903,Panamasuccessfullyseparatedfrom
theColombianRepublicandgrantedtheUnitedStatesrightstothePanamaCanalZonefor
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ninety-nineyears(McCullough,1977).AstheUnitedStatespursuedtheconstructionofthe
PanamaCanalSpanish,Italian,Chinese,andWestIndianmigrantscametoworkaslaborers
ontheinfrastructureproject.Thelabourandremunerationofthesemigrantpopulations
andAmericanworkerswerespatiallydistributedintheCanalZone.Highpayingjobswere
reservedfortheapproximately4,800whiteAmericancitizensthatimmigratedtoPanama
intheearlypartofthecentury.Americanpopulationsbenefittedfromatourtieredlabour
systems,whichgrantedsuperioremployment,housing,andbenefitstowhiteAmericans.
Fortheprojectdevelopers,ahomogeneouscompositionofthewhite-collaremployeesand
heterogeneouscompositionoflaborerswasviewedasanessentialtooltoprevent
unionization,afactorthatwasconsideredpotentiallydisastroustoinfrastructureprogress
(Lasso,2013;Mckillen,2011,p.58,Sigleretal,2015).ForWestIndianmigrants,thepoor
qualityandovercrowdingofstateroominghousesexacerbatedthedeficienthealthand
safetystandardsalreadyfacedbymigrantlaborersintheCanalZone(Franck,1913).
UnlikethehousesofAmericanworkers,poorlybuilttenementsallowedforthe
proliferationofmosquitos,whichcontributedtotherapidtransmissionofmalariaand
yellowfeveramongtheblue-collarpopulation(Cohen,1971;Lasso,2013).Stateofficials
remainedindifferenttohighratesofmortalityamongracializedworkers,asothermigrant
populationscouldeasilyreplacetheperishedindividuals.Asaresponsetothepoorquality
oflivingconditions,manymigrantschosetoleavegovernmenthousingandconstructtheir
owndwellingsinperipheralspacesofTheCanalZone.Thedevelopmentofprecarious
enclaveswasincrediblychallengingformigrantsduetotheloweconomicearningswithin
thecommunity(McCullough,1977,p.578).Inparticular,segregationintheCanalZonewas
facilitatedbyatwo-tieredpayscale,withWestIndiansandAfricanAmericansassignedto
the“SilverRole”andwhiteAmericansandEuropeanstothe“GoldRole”.Besidesa
substantialpaydisparity,theSilverRolealsohinderedWestIndianmigrantsfrom
accessing“white-only”spaces,suchasrestaurants,shops,andcommunitycenters.Similar
ideologiesandtreatmentofracializedpopulationsexistedthroughouteconomicand
politicalenclavesoftheAmericanempire.AsdiscussedbyFrenkelinGeographic
RepresentationsoftheOther:TheLandscapesofThePanamaCanalZone(2002),astringent
laborhierarchywasusedinconjunctionwithsanitationinitiativestocreateaphysical
boundarybetweenwhiteAmericansandothernon-whitelaborerslivingintheterritory.
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ThisgeographicorganizationoftheZonewasrepresentativeofAmericanpoliticaland
racialideologiesofthetimeperiodthatplacedwhiteAmericanpopulationsinasuperior
positiontoWestIndian,Chinese,andPanamanianpopulations(Frenkel,2002,p.88).The
urbanlandscapesofthePanamaCanalZonewereconsideredsosuccessfulbythe
Americangovernment,thattheterritorywasusedasamodelforothercoloniesinthe
tropics.Inparticularthe“plans,ideas,andofficialhousingreports”weresharedamong
urbanplannersandadministratorsthroughoutAmericancoloniesoftheearlytwentieth
centuryfromLatinAmericatothePacific(Frenkel,2002,p.88).Althoughtheself-
containedenvironmentwasconsideredapillarofasuccessfulimperialagendabythe
UnitedStatesgovernmentandpubliccommentators,whiteZoniansresidentsoften
describedtheirlifeinPanamaasisolating.Oneadministrativeworkercomparedthe
enforcedsegregationofthePanamaCanalZoneto“amaninafortsurroundedbyenemies”
(Frenkel,2002,p.92).
ThepresenceoftheUnitedStatesinPanamacontinuedtoinfluenceeconomic,
political,anddemographicfactorsinthecountrythroughoutthenineteenthcentury.A
strongwartimeeconomyinthe1940sattractedapproximately22,000laborersfromthe
CaribbeanandCentralAmericatoworkoninfrastructureprojects.Ruraltourban
migrationpatternswithinthecountrywerealsoinfluencedbyemploymentopportunities
inPanamaCity,withsubsistencefarmersandagriculturalworkersleavingthecountryside
toworkinfactoriesandconstructionprojects(Biesanz&Biesanz,1964).Thispatternof
economicgrowthandmigrationcontinueduntilthe1980s,whenthemilitarydictator
ManuelNoriegaseizedpower.
ThepoliticalandeconomicinitiativeslaunchedbytheUnitedStatesinPanama
duringthelatenineteenthandfirsthalfofthetwentiethcenturywascloselyaccompanied
bypublicdocumentationofUSimperialexpansion.Inparticular,publicactorsrecordedthe
social,geographical,economic,andpoliticaltransformationofthePanamaCanalZone
throughtheactoftravelwriting.Thedevelopmentoftravelwriting,agenreofwriting
whichdescribesanauthor’sexperiencesofpeopleandplaceswhiletravellingabroad,has
longbeenrelatedtotheexpansionoftheUnitedStatesempireinAmericanhistory(Pratt,
1994).ThisphenomenonincloselyanalyzedinLeGrandandSalvatore’santhologyClose
EncountersofEmpire:WritingtheCulturalHistoryofUS-LatinAmericanrelations,where
11
Salvatorediscussestheemergenceofpopulartravelwritingduringthenineteenthcentury
(1998).AlthoughtravelnarrativesinCentralandSouthAmericaduringthistimeperiod
werestilluncommon,authorssuchasJohnLloydStephens(1841)gainedsignificant
notorietybyrecordingtheiradventuresintheregion.Attheturnofthetwentiethcenturya
varietyofeconomicandtechnologicalfactorsinfluencedtheriseoftravelwriting.In
particular,theincreaseofinternationalinvestmentintheAmericas,incombinationwith
technologicaladvances,andthemassproductionofcommoditiesleadtothedevelopment
ofmainstreamtravelliterature(Salvatore,1998,p.76).Newtechnologicalsystemsthat
facilitatedthemassproductionofliteraturefedAmericanaudiences’curiosityregarding
TheUnitedStates’newesteconomicfrontier.Forthefirsttime,travelphotography,
advertisements,andmagazineswerewidelycirculatedamonganAmericanpublic.Infact,
theintroductionofphotographstotheNationalGeographicmagazineincreased
subscribersfrom3,400in1905to107,000in1912(Salvatore,1998,p.82).Travelwriting
wasalsousedasapoliticaltoolfortheUnitedStatestoinvestigatethepossibilityof
imperialismintheAmericas,withdifferentactorsassumingresponsibilityforthe
procurementofthisinformation.Inparticular,Salvatorestatestherewerethreedifferent
kindofAmericaninvestigatorsduringthisperiod:themerchantadventurer,scientific
explorer,andthemissionary(1998,p.77).Eachactorwasresponsibleforgathering
differentformsofinformationinCentralandSouthAmericaanddisseminatingthis
knowledgetoawideraudience(1998,p.77).However,thenarrativesthatemergedfrom
scientific,economic,andsocialtravelliteraturewereoftenrepetitiveandinaccurate.In
particular,authorsemphasizedthatLatinAmericawasinapersistentstateofchildhood,
characterizedbyeconomicandsocietalbackwardness.Thedemographicsoftheregion
werealsocommonlydiscussed,withsignificantcommentarydedicatedtotheregion’s
racialmixture(Salvatore,1998,p.82).Thesepopularnarrativeshadavarietyof
consequences,resultinginfurtherinvestigationoftheAmericasbyphilanthropicand
academicactorsfromtheUnitedStates.Inparticular,imperialistsimaginedCentral
Americaasfamiliarterritorythatwasfilledwithpassiveandmanageablepopulations.This
imperialsentimentwasalsoreplicatedinregardtoscientificexplorationandacademic
interestinCentralAmerica.Inparticular,thepopularityoforganizedresearchtripsby
AmericanuniversitiestoLatinAmericansignificantlyincreasedduringtheearlytwentieth
12
century(Salvatore,1998,p.82).Inbothcontextsofphilanthropicandacademicresearch,
scientistsandeducatorsbecameactorstoassembleinformationfortheUnitedStates
government,whichneededknowledgeontheregioninordertoeffectivelycarryoutits
imperialistambitions.Theactivityofscientists,educators,andadventurerswaswidely
circulatedintheAmericanpressandwasresponsibleforshapingtheperceptionsofthe
publicregardingCentralAmerica.Forthisreasonthecollection,modification,and
disseminationofknowledgeencouragedbytheUnitedStatesgovernment“madereaders
participantsintheexpansionistproject”throughthecirculationofpopulartravelmedia
(Salvatore,1998,p.82).
AstheempireoftheUnitedStatesexpandedabroadtoencompassGuam,the
Philippines,Hawaii,andthePanamaCanalZoneduringthelatenineteenthandearly
twentiethcenturyagreaterportionoftheAmericanimaginarywasdedicatedtoimperialist
expression.Inparticular,thephysicalcelebrationofthenewempirewasseeninthe
establishmentofworldfairs.AsdiscussedinthebookEmpireonDisplay:SanFrancisco’s
Panama-PacificInternationalExpositionof1915,theUnitedStatesimperial
accomplishmentsandfutureambitionswerepresentedtoanationalaudiencethroughthe
mediumofbuiltform,includingdisplays,models,andstructures(Moore,2013).Theworld
fairillustratedthetechnologicaladvances,newcommodities,andscientificachievements
thatwereresponsibleforAmerica’ssuccessfulexpansionofcoloniesandconstructionof
thePanamaCanal(Moore,2013,p.4-6).Theorganizationoftheexhibitwasessentialto
illustratingimperialistprogress,asAmericaninventionsandcommoditieswerecontrasted
againstexhibitsshowingIndigenouscultureandpeoples(Salvatore,1998,p.85).However,
thedominantnarrativeoftheexhibitionwasdedicatedtotheactorsofAmericanexpansion
abroad.Inparticular,imperialismwasinscribedonthebodiesofAmericanmen,whowere
understoodtobebothphysicallyandideologically“vigorous,muscular,innatelysuperior,
powerful,andradiant”(Moore,2013,p.4).Thiscelebrationofmasculinitywasnotan
unusualinreferencetoexpansionbothwithintheUnitedStatesandAmericanterritories
abroad.AsdiscussedinMartin’sworkBecomingBananaCowboys:White-CollarMasculinity,
TheUnitedFruitcompany,andTropicalEmpireinEarlyTwentiethCenturyLatinAmerica
(2013),AmericanworkersforTheUnitedFruitCompanyperceivedtheirendeavorsin
CentralAmericaandtheCaribbeanassimilartothatofsettlersontheAmericanfrontier.
13
AmericanmenlivingineconomicenclavesofTheUnitedFruitCompany,considered
themselvestobehardworking,purposeful,andmasculine(Martin,2013,p.335).In
addition,thehierarchyofTheUnitedFruitCompanyplacedwhiteAmericanmenincontrol
ofWestIndianandlocallaborers,allowingthemtodisciplineanddominateblack
populationsthroughraciallogics(Martin,2013,p.322).Infact,Americanadministrators
oftenusedthelargepopulationofWestIndianandLatinworkersontheplantationsasa
definitivecharacteristicindescriptionsofdangerthatpermeatedtravelnarratives(Martin,
2013,p.322).Racializedlaborerswerealsousedinrepresentationsthatportrayedtropical
spacesasbeingontheedgeofcivilization,athemethatfirstoccurredinAmericantravel
narrativesduringtheearlynineteenthcentury(Martin,2013;Salvatore,1998).
RepresentationsofAmericanworkersasessentialactorsintheimperialexpansionofthe
UnitedStatesshapedtheself-imageofthesemen,aswellasthedomesticcelebrationof
thesepopulationsillustratedduringthePanamaPacificExhibition(Martin,2013;Moore,
2013).
TherepresentationalbinaryevidentintourismliteraturebetweenwhiteAmerican
workersandracializedmigrantlaborerswasessentialtostrategiesofAmericannation
buildinginboththeUnitedStatesandthePanamaCanalZone.Althoughthehierarchical
positioningofracializedmigrantsinregardtowhiteAmericanswasshapedbysegregation
policyimposedbytheUnitedStatesgovernment,narrativesintheAmericanpress
supportednotionsofmoral,intellectual,andadministrativesuperiorityofAmerican
migrantsover“other”populations(Frenkel,2002).IngeneralmigrantsfromtheGlobal
SouthwerecharacterizedasamenacetoAmericanidentityandnationalprogress,while
particularsubgroupssuchastheChineseandWestIndianpopulationswereconsidered
criminalandblamedforinfectiousdisease(Cohen,1971;Lasso,2013).Inparticular,
scientificracism,thepseudoscientificstudyofracialsuperiority,promotedthebeliefthat
migrantlaborerswereinherentlyproblematictothecanalbuildinginitiative,astheydid
notpossesstheadmirablequalityofdisciplineanddevotionseeninwhiteAmerican
workers(McCullough,1977).Thus,foreignmigrantswerewidelyacknowledgedinpopular
mediaasthereasonforanydelaysorfailuresinthecanalbuildingprocess,despitetheir
essentialcontributiontotheconstructionoftheproject(Lasso,2013;McCullough,1977).
ThenegativerepresentationsofWestIndian,Chinese,andLatinAmericanmigrants
14
functionedasabinarytothatofthevirtuousAmericanworker.Theprogressionofcanal
constructionandthepossessionofsuperioremploymentinthezonewerethetwofactors
usedtomeasureAmericanprosperityandsuccess.Forjournalistsandtravelwriters,the
laborhierarchyinPanamareflectedanaturalorderbetweennations;ifAmericanworkers
werethemostintelligentandcapableintheZonetheywouldnaturallyholdthemost
importantandseniorpositionsontheIsthmus(Frenkel,2002;McCullough,1977).Thus,
theidentityofwhiteworkersandtheirportrayalinpopularmediawasinherentlylinkedto
discoursesofempirefromtheUnitedStates.Workersstoodasarepresentationof
America’svaluesandconvictionsasasuperiornation,particularlyinrelationtothecontrol
andmanagementofracializedpopulations(Martin,2013).ThespatialityoftheZone,a
boundedareapreviouslycontrolledbytheFrench,functionedasatestcentertoillustrate
thecompetencyofAmericanimperialisminthetropics.Unfortunately,thesenarratives
alsoerasedthecontributionsmadebyforeignresidentsandpeopleofcolorinthe
developmentoftheCanal(Lasso,2013,McKillen,2011).Thebinarybetween
representationsofwhiteworkersandmigrantlaborersfunctionedtoabolish“un-
American”bodiesfromnation-buildingnarrativesandgeographicimaginaries(Frenkel,
1992;Frenkel,2002).ForthesereasonstherepresentationofAmericanworkerswithin
travelliteraturewasnotapolitical,butinfluencedbybroaderstructuresofempiresuchas
whitesupremacyandnationalism.Americanworkerswereabletophysicallycontrol
racializedpopulationsthroughsegregationlawsthatinfluencedthespatialmobilityof
laborersaswellasconceptuallydegradethecontributionsofmigrantworkersinCanal
development.Asaresult,Americancitizensweregivensolecreditfortheprogressofthe
PanamaCanal,transformingwhiteworkersintoanimportantsymbolofAmerican
imperialisminthetropics(McCullough,1977;Martin,2013).Therepresentationofwhite
Americansbywriters,tourists,andcanalresidentssupportedideologicalnarrativesthat
linkedwhitenesstoTheUnitedStates’identityandsupportedraciallogicsinnation
buildingagenda.
InthisthesisIillustratethewaysinwhichimperialnarrativesandeuro-American
geographicimaginariesshapetourismdevelopmentinPanama.Buildingontheinsightsof
scholarsofempire,Ianalyzetravelandtourismnarrativesandtracetheconceptualand
materiallinksbetweentourismandimperialexpansioninPanama.Specifically,Iexamine
15
imperialnarrativesfoundamongNorthAmericanandEuropeannewspapers,magazines,
autobiographicalnovels,andonlinematerialsfromthe1880s,until2017.Inorderto
analyzetravelandtourismdiscourse,thisthesisemployestheuseofhistoricalgeographic
methodologytodemonstratethepervasivenatureofimperialnarrativesinthe
reproductionofhistoricalrepresentationsandlogics.Findingsillustratethatthese
representationshavere-emergedasnewnarrativesandimperialunderstandingsin
modernforms(Stoler,2016).Tosummarize,historicalsourceshighlighthownarrativesof
Americannationbuildingandimperialexpansionhavebecomeembeddedindiscussionsof
migration,constructionofdifference,andtourisminthecontextofUS-Panamarelations.
Theanalysisofarchivalmaterialsrevealedanumberofthemesrelatedtonationbuilding,
includingthecelebrationofAmericangovernanceintheZone,particularlythroughthe
discussionsofhygieneandbuiltform.InruralareasofPanama,nationbuildingwas
constitutedthroughthesettlementof‘wild’landandthedevelopmentofthenatural
resourceindustry.Discoursefrommodernpublicationsalsofocusedontheestablishment
ofSpanishandAmericanempiresinPanama,whilesimultaneouslyperpetuatinga
geographicimaginaryofPanamaasavacantanduntouchedspace.Inconjunctionwiththe
examinationofthemesappearinginpopularnewspapers,magazines,andonlinemediums,
thisprojectalsoexaminedautobiographicaltextswrittenbyAmericanslivinginthe
isthmusoverthepastcentury.Findingsfromthisanalysisillustratethecommonalityof
race-baseddiscourse,includingdiscussionsoflocalIndigenouspopulations,WestIndian
labour,andmestizoPanamanianincompetency.ThemesofAmericanandwhitesuperiority
supportedthesediscussions,whichhavealsoleadtothehistoricalandcontemporary
resistanceofNorthernmigrantstointegratewithinbroaderPanamaniansociety.As
illustrated,thethematicfindingsofthisstudyrevealavarietyofconnectionsbetween
temporal,spatial,andconceptualelementsofthetourismindustryandtheexpansionof
bothNorthAmericanandEuropeanempiretoPanama.Theextensiveanalysisof
Panamaniantravelandtourismliteratureoverthepastcenturyhasprovidedinsightinto
theprocessesofempire,whichhaveplayedanintegralroleinthehistoricdevelopmentof
Panama’stourismindustryaswellasthecontemporaryrepresentationofpeopleandplace.
Theanalysisoftourismliteratureoffersdynamicinsightintoimperialknowledge
productionanditsinfluenceongeographicorganizationatbothtransnationalandregional
16
scales.Sincethemid-twentiethcentury,thetourismindustryhasbecomeoneofthe
world’sfastestgrowingeconomicsectorsandoneofthelargestindustries(WorldTourism
Organization,2018).Thisthesisilluminatestheperpetuationofimperialideologyasan
importantfactoringlobalmobility,communityplacemaking,andtheformationof
geographicimaginariesinrelationtoPanama.Bytracingthederivationoftravelnarratives
overanextendedtemporalperiod,thisprojectcontributestoacademicdiscussionsthat
investigatethehistoriesandcongruitiesofempireembeddedincontemporarycontexts.
SimilartoNationalGeographic’srecentattempttoconfronttheinequitiesofrepresentation
thathavepersistedasessentialelementsofthemagazine’scharacter,imperialnarratives
continuetoexistintravelliteratureasapalpablefoundationtotheindustryitself
(Goldberg,2018;Kaplan,1996).Thetransformationalnatureofimperialdiscourseover
thepastcenturyhasresultedintheappearanceofmodifiednarrativesthatoftenremain
unacknowledgedduetotheimperceptiblecharacteroftheirnewform(Stoler,2016).For
thisreason,theidentificationandexaminationofnarrativesinPanamaniantravel
literatureisessentialtodiscussionsofimperiallegaciesandtheirresultingmaterialeffects.
17
Figure2:MirafloresLocks,Panama:KylaEgan(February2018)
ChapterTwo:ImperialLogicsoftheTourismIndustry:Empire,AmenityMigration,and
ConstructionsofDifference
2.1TheGeographicImaginationofthe‘NewWorld’:EuropeanandAmerican
ExpansioninLatinAmerica
Scholarsofempirehaveassertedthattheproductionofgeographicimaginariesby
imperialactorswasanessentialfacetinthespatialexpansionandinter-personal
subjugationofLatinAmerica(Smith,2003;Grandin,2006;Pratt,1992;Frenkel,2002).
Geographicimaginaries,definedasthespatializedculturalandhistoricalknowledgeof
distinctsocialgroups,facilitatedabinaryofrepresentationbetweenimperialactorsand
citizensofthenewlyformedempire(Gregory,1994).Inparticular,EuropeanandAmerican
18
empireswereabletoshapetheirownnationalidentitiesanddefinegeo-political
boundariesthroughdiscursivemeans(Pratt,1992;McKlintock,1995).McClintock
supportsthisassertionwhendescribingtheprocessofdocumentationasamechanismto
formalizeactionsofdiscovery,“madeforrealafterthetravelerreturnshomeandbringsit
intobeingthroughtexts”(1995,p.29).Forthisreason,empiresfrequentlydiscussed
“other”placesandpeopleasawayofcontrollingnarrativesimportanttonationbuilding
andimperialidentity(Said,1978;Frenkel,2002).Forcitizensofempirenotdirectlyrelated
toexpansioninitiatives,geographicimaginarieswereaparticularlypowerfultoolusedby
elitepopulationstocharacterizeLatinAmericaasaspaceinneedofcolonization(Pratt,
1992;Smith,2003).AsPrattdiscusses,geographicimaginarieseasilyfacilitatepersuasive
discourseasit“alterspeople’sexperiencesandthewaypeopleimagine,feel,andthink
abouttheworldtheylivein”(1992;p.4).Interestingly,scholarsofempirehavealso
demonstratedtheevolutionofLatinAmerica’sgeographicimaginaryinrelationtothe
shiftingimperialmotivationsandpowerintheregion(Grandin,2006).Stolercontendsthat
imperialism’s“tenaciouspresence”formedthrough“refashionedandsometimesopaque
andobliquereworkings”helpscontextualizetheefficacyofimperialgeographic
understandingsinregardtobothEuropeanandAmericaninterests(2016;p.4).The
followingdiscussionofempireconsidersthemalleablecharacterofspatialgeographies
andtheinfluentialrelationshipbetweenunderstandingsofLatinAmericanspaceandthe
materialcontingenciesofgeographic,political,andeconomicexpansionofcontested
empires(Smith,2003;Grandin,2006).
ThefirstgeographicimaginaryofLatinAmericaemergedfromthetextsof
Europeanimperialactors,whopurportedtheregionasaspaceonthe“rimoftheknown
world”(Smith,2003,p.55).ThecharacterizationofLatinAmericaasanunknownland
facilitatedtheerasureofIndigenouscivilizationswhilesimultaneouslyobscuringthe
absenceofimperialknowledgeregardingthehistoriesandgeographiesofthe“NewWorld”
(Pratt,1992;McKlintock,1995).Instead,imperialactorsturnedtheirfocustothe
“extraordinarynature”thatwasunderstoodtodominatethelandscapesofSouthand
CentralAmerica.Describedas“capableofoverwhelminghumanknowledgeand
understanding”thegeographicimaginationofvirginnaturesupportedimperialinitiatives
ofeconomicandpoliticalexpansioninLatinAmerica,byrepresentingLatinAmericaas
19
malleableandemptyland(Pratt,1992,p.118).Smithcommentsuponthemutually
constitutingdynamicofvirginspacesandimperialmotivationsinthefollowingpassage,
“TheytoowroteAmericaasaprimalworldofnature,anunclaimedandtimelessspace
occupiedbyplantsandcreatures(someofthehuman)butnotorganizedbysocietiesand
economies;aworldwhoseonlyhistorywastheoneabouttobegin”(2003,p.123).The
ideologiesofimperialactorsfromEuropealsoinfluencedthegeographicimaginaryofLatin
AmericainrepresentationalpracticesfromtheUnitedStates(Grandin,2006;Smith,2003).
SimilartotheexpansionofsettlersacrosstheUnitedStates,geographicimaginaryofthe
frontierwasalsoextendedtotheterritoryofLatinAmerica.AsSmithdiscusses,“…the
continentalsoincludedlargestretchesthatwerestillmarginallyintegratedintothelarger
world,andtheseweretheareasthatattracted[interest]”(2003;p.54).Thecuriosityin
“unknown”partsofLatinAmericafacilitatedthemobilityandinvestmentofactorsfrom
theUnitedStateswhoperceivedsometerritoriesofCentralandSouthAmericaasaspaces
tore-enactsettlement,resourcedevelopment,andsubjugationthatcharacterizedfrontier
expansiondomestically(Frenkel,1992;Frenkel,2002;Grandin,2006;Smith,2003).In
bothEuropeanandAmericanimperialcontexts,thegeographicimaginaryofLatinAmerica
asa“blankspotontheworldmap”wasaresultof,anddeterminingfactorin,imperial
expansion(Smith,2003,p.2).
ScholarsofempireattestthatthecompetinginterestbetweenEuropeanandNorth
AmericanactorsinLatinAmericawerecausedbyideologicalandrepresentational
deviationsinformedbybroadernationalisticdiscoursesofeachempire(McKlintock,1995;
Smith,2003,Domosh,2006).Inparticular,theendofSpanishcolonialisminLatinAmerica
wasaccompaniedbygrowingpoliticalandeconomicinterestofimperialactorsinNorthern
Europe(McKlintock,1995;Pratt,1992).Theshiftingpowerdynamicsofcontestedempires
inLatinAmericaalsoinfluenced“relationsofrepresentationandimagination”byactorsin
eachnation(Pratt,1992,p.110).McKlintockdescribedthisprocessas“thereinventionof
America”thatwasinformedbythe“energiesandimaginationsofintellectuals”suchas
scientists,entrepreneurs,andauthors”(1995,p.110).AsNorthernEuropeannationssuch
asBritain,France,andtheNetherlandsexercisedincreasingcommercialandbureaucratic
controlofLatinAmerica,theUnitedStatesalsobegantopenetrateSouthandCentral
AmericanmarketsthroughprivateinvestmentsupportedbytheAmericangovernment
20
(Domosh,2013;Smith,2003).Smithcommentsthatduringthenineteenthandtwentieth
centuries,“U.S.expansionismtookanincreasinglygeo-economicratherthancolonialform”
inLatinAmerica(Smith,31).ScholarsassertthattheUnitedStatesdifferentiatedits
nationalidentityfromEuropeannationsbyemphasizingeconomicandcommercial
practicesasasuperiorandmodernformofcolonialism(Domosh,2013).Prattexplains
that,“CentraltothisconfigurationwasthebeliefthatAmericaneconomicexpansion
beyonditsnationalborderswasdifferentfrom,andbetterthan,themilitaryandpolitical
manoeuvresofimperialEurope.Inotherwords,Americancommercialexpansionwasa
greatworkofpeace,anoblecause”(1992;p.2).AlthoughtheUnitedStatesconceptualized
AmericanimperialismasdistinctfromthearchaicpracticesofEuropeanempires,manyof
thenarrativesandimaginariesutilizedbytheUnitedStateswereinformedthrougha
sharedcolonialhistory(Grandin,2006;Domosh,2013).Inparticular,imperialactorsfrom
theUnitedStatesperceivedfreetradeandeconomicintegrationaspracticalmethodin
“subduing”and“civilizing”the“natives”ofLatinAmerica,similartoreligiousandlinguistic
impositionsoftheSpanishandPortuguese(Pratt,1992,p.2).Temporalandspatial
imaginariesofLatinAmericanpopulationswerealsoinfluencedbybinariesofmodernity
andpowerbetweenNorthernandSouthernhemispheres.Inparticular,American
imperialistspossessedageographicimaginaryofLatinAmericaas“recapitulatingthe
courseofUShistory”througheconomicdevelopment(Domosh,2013,p.947).Thepeople
andspacesofLatinAmerica“wereseenasrepresentingapasttime,inthiscase,atimein
therecentpastoftheUnitedStates”,whichencouragedbothpublicandprivateAmerican
actorstopenetratethemarketsandspacesofLatinAmerica(Domosh,2013,p.947).In
bothEuropeanandAmericancontexts,thenarrativesandimaginariesrelatedtoimperial
expansionwerejustifiedthroughnationalisticdiscoursesthatprivilegedparticularaspects
ofnationalidentity(Gregory,1994;Domosh,2013,Frenkel,2002).Distinctreligiousand
culturalpracticeswerethecentralfocusofEuropeancolonialsubjugationinLatinAmerica,
whiletheAmericancelebrationofeconomicfreedomwasusedastheprincipaljustification
forexpansioninitiatives(Pratt,1992,Smith,2003).
2.2:HistoricalRepercussionsinGlobalMobilities:TheCaseofNorth-SouthAmenity
Migration
21
Amenitymigration,knownasthemovementofpeoplebasedonthe“drawofnatural
orculturalamenities”,hasbecomeofgrowinginterestinthefieldoftourismmobilities
(Gosnell&Abrams,2011;Sheller,2015,p.145).Discussionsofamenitymigrationinitially
focusedonEuropeancontexts,includingresearchthatanalyzedvacationersfromNorthern
EuropethatresidedinMediterraneanregions(Jackiewicz&Craine,2010).However,inthe
pasttwodecadesacademicshaveshiftedtheirattentiontootherareasoftheworldthatare
affectedbyNorth-Southmobilitypatterns.ResidentialtourisminCentralAmericahas
grownexponentially,withCostaRica,Mexico,Panama,andNicaraguaemergingasthetop
destinationsformigrationamongaffluentpopulations(VanNoodoos,2011).Avarietyof
connectionsexistbetweenamenitymigrationandintersectingfieldofresidentialtourism,
definedasthesemi-permanentorpermanentmigrationofpopulationsthatbuyorrent
privateresidenceinanothercountry(VanNoodoos,2011,p.429;Benson&O’Reilly,2009).
Inparticular,leisure,lifestyle,costofliving,andthegeographicimaginationsofreceiving
countriesaretheprincipalfactorsinfluencingbothamenityandresidentialmigrations
(VanNoodoos,2011,Benson,2013).StudieshaveillustratedthatNorth-Southmobility
patternstoLatinAmericawillcontinuetoincreaseoverthenextdecades,demonstrating
theneedforscholarlyattentiontothisburgeoningmigratoryphenomenon(Hayes,2015,
p.8).
TheImpetusformobilityisakeyfacetindiscussionsofamenitymigrationand
residentialtourismliterature.Residentialtouristschosetomoveawayfromtheirhome
countryandselecttheirnewhostnationbasedonthevarietyofmythspropagatedby
tourismliteratureanddisenchantmentwiththeirlivesintheGlobalNorth(Sheller,2015;
Benson,2013).Inparticular,amenitymigrantshavecitedgrowinglevelsofcrime,
unemployment,alackofcommunity,andhigh-pressurecareersasthereasonsforleaving
EuropeandNorthAmerica(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.610.).Asamenitymigrantsmake
thedecisiontomove,theirselectionofanewhostcountryisfullyinformedbyboth
collectiveandpersonalconstructionsofthenationalidentityforspecificdeveloping
countries(Guerron-Montero,2014;Janoschka&Haas,2013;Jacobs,2009).Theimaginary
of“ArabianNights”,anareafilledwithluxuriousgoodsandsexualfreedom,has
encouragedEuropeantouriststoliveinMorocco(Janoschka&Haas,2013).InPanamaand
CostaRica,theconstructionofaneco-paradiseisusedtoenticetouriststhatwantto
22
mentallydisassociatefromthe“rat-race”(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.610&Guerron-
Montero,2014,p.427).InEgypt,femaleamenitymigrantshavecitedtheirattractiontothe
‘masculinity’oflocalBedouinmen,whichisunderstoodthroughactsofchivalryanda
closenesstonatureasanimpetusformigration(Jacobs,2009).AroundtheCaribbean,
scholarshaverepeatedlydiscoveredthatimagined‘remnantsofconquest’suchas
feminizedlandscapesandservitudeofblackworkershashelpedconstructresidential
tourists’imaginaryofplace(Guerron-Montero,2014,Mollett,2017,Sheller,2015).Within
theUnitedStates,theconceptof“TheAmericanDream”inspiresresidentialmigrantsto
pursueabetterwayoflifeabroad(Spalding,2013).Despitethedifferencesincultural
imaginaries,eachhostnationservesasaspaceoffantasyforamenitymigrantsand
residentialtourists.Forthisreason,studieshaveillustratedthatthemobilityofaffluent
migrantsisinformedbyageographicbinary,whichoverstatestheshort-comingsofthe
amenitymigrantshomecountry,whilesimultaneouslypromotingunrealisticandattractive
depictionsofthenewreceivingnation(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.610).
Thesecondthemeemergingfromscholarlyresearchistheprivilegedmigration
pathwaysofaffluentamenitymigrants.Whencontrastedwiththelegalandsocialobstacles
ofmigrationexperiencedbyeconomicmigrantsandrefugeepopulations,scholarshave
assertedthatamenitymigrantsfrequentlyreceivepreferentialtreatmentbyreceiving
nationsintheGlobalSouthduetotheirwealth,racialidentity,andcitizenshipstatus
(Benson,2013;Spalding,2013;Barrantes-Reynolds,2011).Inparticular,migrantsfromthe
GlobalNortharenotconsideredarisktonationalmodernityandidentityofreceiving
nations,duetotheperceptionofwhitenessamongaffluentpopulations(Escher&
Peterman,2013;Mollett,2016,Sigler,2015).Asaresultofthisperception,national
securitizationmeasuresenforcedthroughimmigration,investment,andownershiplaws
arenotimplementedevenlyacrossthebodiesofdifferentmigratorypopulations.In
Panama,retiredforeignersareabletoqualifyfora‘Pensionados’visaiftheyreceivea
pensionthroughagovernmentprogramorprivatebusinessequaltoatleast$1000a
month.Aspartofthisprogrampensionersareallowedaone-timetaxexemptionon
importedgoodsandareabletoreceivediscountsoncommercialpurchases(Sigler,2015;
Dorosh&Klytchnikova;2013).InthecountriesofMoroccoandThailand,amenitymigrants
andresidentialtouristsareabletopurchasehomesandbusinesseswithoutobtaining
23
officialresidency(Janoschka&Haas,2013).Althoughtourist,work,andresidencyvisasare
available,federalgovernmentsfacilitatetheundocumentedmigrationofamenity
populationsfromtheGlobalNorthbyonlychargingasmallfeeifaffluentmigrantsoverstay
thestipulatedtimeframewithoutavisa(Janoschka&Haas,2013).InthecountryofCosta
Rica,foreignpopulationswithoutdomesticcitizenshipareallowedtoownpropertyintheir
ownnameorthenameofacorporation.Asaresultofthispractice,foreignpopulationsare
giventhesamerightstopurchasinglandascitizensofCostaRica(Barrantes-Reynolds,
2011).Thepurposeofthesepoliciesistoencouragetouriststoinvestinthesecountriesby
reducingthecomplicatedbureaucracyprocess(Benson&O’Reilly,2009,p.619;Jackiewicz
&Craine,2010).However,scholarshaveassertedthatavarietyofnegativeenvironmental,
economic,andsocialeffectsfrequentlyoffsetthebenefitsofamenitymigrationtoreceiving
nations.Amenitymigrantenclaveshavebeenresponsibleforincreasedpollution,reduced
accesstoresourcesforlocalpopulations,andthedestructionofvariousecosystemson
CostaRica’sPacificcoastandPanama’sAtlanticcoast(VanNoorloos,2011;Barrantes-
Reynolds,2011;Spalding,2013;Mollett,2016).Foreigninvestmentandthegrowthof
tourismenclavesinCentralAmericahaveresultedinthedisplacementoflocalpopulations
duetotherisingcostofliving(Spalding,2013,Benson,2013).Environmentaldegradation
inconjunctionwithincreasedprivatizationinBocasdelToro,Panamahasmade
sustenancecultivationandfishingmoredifficult,forcinglocalresidentstobecome
increasinglyreliantonamenitymigrantsforemployment(Mollett,2016;Mollett,2017,
Spalding,2013).Powerrelationsintheregionthathavebeeninformedbyraciallogicsand
socio-economicinequalityhavealsofacilitatedthesexualandphysicalabuseoflocal
femaleworkersbyaffluentforeignmigrants(Mollett,2017).Forthesereasonsscholarsof
tourismandmigrationhaveassertedthatwithoutproperregulationandoversightbythe
federalgovernment,amenitymigrationcannegativelyinfluencelocaleconomiesandsocial
relations,disproportionatelyaffectinglowincomeandracializedpopulations(Dorosh&
Klytchnikova,2013).
2.3MarketingCulturalDifference:TheRoleof“Other”intheTourismIndustry
24
Withinthetourismindustry,constructionsofculturaldifferenceremainaprincipal
factorthatinfluencesthedestinationselectionandmobilityofspecifictouristpopulations
(Sheller,2015).Theintersectionsofidentityandculturaldifferentiationrenderplacesand
peopledesirableorundesirableforvariouskindsoftourists(Urry&Sheller,2004).As
discussedbyscholarsofsextourism,differencesingender,sexuality,andpowerhelps
constructgeographicimaginariesofplaces,people,andinteractionsbetweenvisitorsand
locals(Jacobs,2011;Morgan&Pritchard,2000;McKlintock,1995).Researchonfemalesex
tourisminEgyptillustratesthat“thatwestern(mostlywhite)womenwhosleepwithlocal
meninthirdworldtouristresortsexploittheirfirstworldandracialprivilegesintheir
searchforasexualisedandracialised‘other”(Jacobs,2011,p.44). ThedesertinEgyptis
essentialtogeographicimaginariesofsextourists,whounderstandthenaturallandscape
toexistoutsideof‘timeandplace’(Jacobs,2011,p.44).InthearchipelagoofBocasdel
Toro,femaleAfro-Antilleanworkersarefrequentlyharassedandexploitedbythewhite
EuropeanandNorthAmericanemployers(Mollett,2017).Thepersistentrepresentationof
racializedwomeninPanamaasbeing“lessthanhuman”,supportedbylegalandcultural
frameworks,isgroundedincoloniallogicspersistentlyexercisedinPanama’sCaribbean
coast(Mollett,2017,p.4).Althoughrace,gender,wealth,andmobilitycaninfluence
conceptualunderstandingofthe“other”andtouristbehaviourinplace,sotoocanpolitical
andsocialtransformationstoparticularregions(Urry&Sheller,2004).Inthecontextof
Nicaragua,tourismmarketingco-optedthecountry’shistoryofsocialismandtwentieth
century‘revolution’asamarketablestrategytoenvironmentallyandsociallyconscious
tourists(Babb,2004,p.542).TherefashioningofNicaragua’sconflictfortourismdollars
demonstratesabroadertrendintheindustrywithrevolutionary,war,anddisastertourism
becomingincreasinglycommon(Babb,2004).InthecontextofEgypt,Panama,and
Nicaragua,specificandoftenintersectingaspectsofculturaldifferentiationarea
marketable‘product’foreachtouristattraction.
Scholarsoftourismhaveassertedthathistoricallogicscontinuetobeaprincipal
factorintheconceptualunderstandingandmaterialcontingenciesoftourismplaces
(Sheller,2015;Urry,2004).Byexaminingrepetitivenarrativesthatappearintravel
discourse,scholarshavebeenabletoidentifytherelationbetweencolonialismand
contemporarypatternsofshortandlong-termmigration(Guerron-Montero,2014;Benson,
25
2013).AsdescribedbyEchtnerandPrasad,the“mythoftheunchanged”and“mythofthe
unrestrained”remaintwoofthemostcommondiscoursesincontemporarytravelmedia
(2003,p.669).Tourismregionsarecategorizedas“unchanged”whentheirnaturaland
builtenvironmentsascribedtoidealsofaparticularhistoricalperiod(Urry,1992,p.183).
Forthisreason,tourismdestinationsareimaginedinbothspatialandtemporalrealms
(Urry,1992,p.184).ThecelebrationofthePanamaCanalandAmericanZonecanbe
understoodasthecelebrationofadefinitiveeraintheimperialistexpansionofTheUnited
States.Theseconddiscourseofrepresentationintourismliteratureisthemythofthe
unrestrained(Echtner&Prasad,2003,p.672).Thisnarrativeisdependentontheconcept
ofamodernparadisethatisdistinctandremovedfromcurrent,everydayprocessesand
burdens.Intheunrestrainedparadise,sensuality,sexuality,andthesubmissivenessof
racializedbodiesandcalmingnaturalenvironmentsareessential(Echtner&Parad,2003,
p.672;McKittrick,2006;Morgan&Pritchard,2000,p.117).Intrinsictothisrepresentation
isaromanticizedversionofcolonialexploitationthatreliesonsharedperceptionsof
gender,sexuality,andpersonalrelations(Echtner&Parad,2003,p.672;Morgan&
Pritchard,2000,p.117).Inparticular,statementsarethatdescribetheareaas“paradise”
drawonromanticizedcolonialdiscourses,despitehighincidenceofpoverty,displacement,
andracismintheregion(Guerron-Montero,2011).
26
Figure3:PrivateDockinOldBank,BocasdelToro,Panama:KylaEgan(March,2018).
InthecontextofPanama,therepresentationofparadiseisanextremelycommonin
travelliterature.Inparticular,academicsassertthatthecolonialrelationspresentonthe
isthmusoverthepastfivecenturieshavebeenaccompaniedbythegeographicimaginary
ofparadisewiththebodies,landscape,andcultureofPanamaasrepresentedbycolonial
actors(GuerronMontero,2011;GuerronMontero,2014;Janoschka&Haas,2013;Spalding,
2013).Inparticular,thethemeofparadiseiscomposedandintersectswithother
Eurocentricnarratives,includingexoticism,bodilypleasures,andromanticizednostalgiain
tourismliterature(GuerronMontero,2011,p.28).Touristscontinuetoviewtropical
destinationspacesascarefree,tranquil,and‘giftsofnature’(GuerronMontero,2011,p.4).
27
Despitetheseimaginingsofparadise,areaswithextensivetourismmarketsoftenhavehigh
ratesofpovertyandinequality(Ferguson,2011;Wilson,2011).Lowerincome
communitiesintheseareasarenotconsideredessentialtogrowthandarethustreatedasa
superfluouspopulationthatcanbedispossessedinthenameofeconomicdevelopment
(Nixon,2011,p.151;Mollett,2016).Forthisreason,scholarsarguethataffluent
populationsjustifytheirownmigrationpracticesbyrelyingonsociallyconstructednotions
ofparadise;despiteclearevidencethatcontradictsthesenarratives(Benson,2011,p.
1689).Thetourismindustry,hostcountries,andmigrantsfromtheglobalNorthwork
togethertoperpetuatethese‘imaginings’inordertosupporteconomicallyandindividually
beneficialpracticesforprivilegedtouristsfromtheGlobalNorth,attheexpenseoflocal
populations(Benson,2011,p.1684-1689).
2.4:HistoricizingthePresent:ThevalueofHistoricalGeographyasaMethodological
ApproachtotheStudyofEmpire
Thisthesisutilizesthemethodologicalapproachofhistoricalgeography,whichis
definedas“geographicstudyofaplaceorregioninthepastorthestudyofgeographic
changeinaplaceorregionoveraperiodoftime”(EncyclopediaBritannica,2017).Scholars
ofgeographyhaveassertedthathistoricalgeographyasamethodologicalpracticecan
facilitategreaterunderstandingofspaceandplaceasitallowsforbothhistoricaland
spatialdiscernmentwithinthediscipline(Domosh&Morin,2003;Schein,2011;Salda
Portio,2016).Historicalgeographyisusefultoscholarsasitfacilitatesspatial
understandingsofthepast,aswellasthecontinuationofhistoricallogicsinthepresent
(Stoler,2002;Mollett,2017;Raghuram&Clare,2006).Stoler(2016)commentsuponthe
lingeringeffectsofimperialknowledgeproductionasanexampleofthisphenomenon,
“Colonialpasts,thenarrativesrecountedaboutthem,theunspokendistinctionsthey
continueto“cue”,theaffectivechargestheyreactivate,andtheimplicit“lessons”theyare
mobilizedtoimpartaresometimessoineffablythreadedthroughthefabricof
contemporarylifeformstheyseemindiscernibleasdistincteffects,asifeverywhereand
nowhereatall”(p.5).AsStoler(2016)illustrates,theinvestigationofimperialnarratives
andotherformsofhistoricallogicsrevealsthepersistenceofparticularunderstandings
betweenandwithindifferenttemporalandspatialperiods.Thepracticesandapproaches
28
ofhistoricalgeographyfacilitatetheidentificationoftheseprocesses,aswellasthe
historicizationofthepresent(Mollett,2017;Raghuram&Clare,2006;SaldanaPortio,
2016).InthecontextofLatinAmerica,Mollett(2017)illustrateshowcolonialknowledge
productioninfluencesthematerialcontingenciesofracialdifferenceinmoderncontexts,
“Indeed,colonialandpostcolonialpowerinLatinAmericaiscomprisedofbothmodernity
andcoloniality,whereracialsubjugationandsuperiorityarematerializedthroughthe
entangledprocessesoflandappropriation,religioushegemony,andtheforcedlaborof
indigenousandblackbodies”(p.6),Byexaminingtheinfluencesofhistoricalrelationson
modernspacesandbodies,historicalgeography“continuestoemphasizeitsunique
perspective”byusingthe“historicalrecordtodevelopatheoreticalargumentthrough
whichtotellastory”(Birge-Liberman,2010;Mitchell,1996).Forthisreason,historical
geographyisthemostappropriatemethodologicalpracticetocontextualizediscussionsof
affluentmigrationtoPanamawithinbroaderdiscussionsofAmericannationbuildingand
imperiallogics.
Inthefieldofhistoricalgeography,methodologicalpracticepredominantlyrelieson
thearchiveasaprimarysourceofdata.Ashistoricalapproacheswereincorporatedmore
fullyinthefieldofgeography,theacceptanceofthearchiveasanappropriatespaceequal
toethnographicresearch“Signalledalegitimacyofhistoricalscholarshipthatextended
beyondgeographytootherdisciplines,historyinparticular”(Schein,2011,p.13).For
scholarsofgeography,avarietyofmethodologicalquestionsemergedastheuseof
historicalarchiveswasmorewidelyacceptedwithinthediscipline.Firstly,geographers
wereencouragedtoexaminethearchiveasitsown“siteofknowledgeproduction”where
differentvoiceswereprivilegedorsilenceddependingonavarietyofgeographic
landscapesandpowerhierarchies(Schein,2011;Stoler,2002,p.87).Stolercontendsthat
thiscanbeachievedbyexaminingthearchiveascolonialprojectthatcontains“both
transparenciesonwhichpowerrelationswereinscribedandintricatetechnologiesofrule
inthemselves”(2002,p.87).Secondly,Domoshalsointerrogatedthemethodological
practicesofhistoricalgeographyinregardtoarchivalresearch.Inparticular,Domosh
contends,“theepistemologicalandmethodologicalassumptionsofhistoricalgeography
havenotbeenseriouslychallenged”inregardtoconstructionsofdifferencesuchasgender
withintheinvestigationofthearchivaldocuments(Domosh,1997,p.226).Addressing
29
theseconcerns,geographersencouragedthatextractivearchivalactivitybeusedin
conjunctionwiththeanalysisofdiscursivelyconstructedconceptsandtheapplicationof
theoreticalperspectives(Stoler,2002;Domosh&Morin,2003,Schein,2011).The
combineduseofthesemethodologicalpracticescomplimentsarchivalresearchasameans
of“interactionbetweentheresearcherandpastvoicesembeddedinthedocuments”
(Birge-Liberman,2010).Thus,scholarsinthefieldofgeographyhavecontendedthat
discourseanalysisisausefulmechanismforarchivalanalysis,asitis“concernedwiththe
constitutionofknowledgeontheonehandandpowerrelations,subjectivities,and
identitiesontheother,”whichhelpstorevealvoicestraditionallyprivilegedorhiddenin
historicalarchives(Birge-Liberman,2010,Schein,2011).Forthisreasonthemethodology
ofhistoricalgeography,inconjunctionwiththeuseofarchivaldiscourseanalysisisan
appropriatemethodfortheexaminationofNorthAmerican,European,andPanamanian
historicalpublicationsinthisthesis,aswellasthepersistenceofthesediscursiveelements
inmoderntravelsources.
2.5ResearchMethods:TheDiscursiveAnalysisofArchivalandModernTravel
Narratives
Datacollectionforthisprojecthasbeendividedintotwoseparatetimeperiods.
First,historicaldatawascollectedfromarchivalnewspapersandmagazinesinTheUnited
States,Canada,Britain,andPanamafrom1880-1950.Articlesfromthistimeperiod
coincidewiththeFrenchconstructionofthecanal,Panamanianindependencefrom
Columbia,legalandmilitarycontrolofthePanamaCanalZonebytheUnitedStatesandthe
earlydevelopmentofthetourismindustryinPanama(McCullough,1977).Inparticular,
TheAmericannewspapersthatwereusedfordatacollectionwerechosenfortheir
geographiclocationinTheUnitedStates,aswellastheirpopularity.TheNewYorkTimes,
TheBostonGlobe,TheChicagoTribune,TheLosAngelesTimes,TheSanFranciscoChronicle,
TheAtlantaConstitution,andTheWashingtonPostwerechosenfordatacollection
purposes.NewspapersinCanadaandBritainwerealsousedincludingTheTorontoStar,
TheGlobeandMail,TheObserver,andTheGuardian.ThePanamaSunandHeraldwasthe
mostpopularEnglishnewspaperinTheCanalZoneandoftenusedasasourcefor
American,British,andCanadiannewsstories.ForthisreasonTheSunandHeraldwasalso
30
includedinthedatacollectionprocess.Allnewspapersmentionedwereaccessedusing
ProQuestandarticleswerefoundusinganinternalsearchengine.Termsusedwithinthe
searchengineincludedbutwerenotlimitedto:travel,tourism,TheUnitedStates,
American,workers,labour,steamer,immigration,migration,BocasdelToro,white,black,
native,Indigenous,inhabitant,race,andTheUnitedFruitCompany.Inaddition,magazines
thatwerecirculatedwidelyinNorthAmericasuchasHarpar’sBazaarandNational
Geographicwerealsousedinthedatacollectionprocessandaccessedthroughthe
magazines’onlinearchives.
Inaddition,historicaldatacollectionwasalsocompletedusingautobiographical
novelsofAmericanslivingandvisitingPanamaduringthistimeperiod.Mostofthese
autobiographicalnovelsalsofunctionastravelguidesforAmericantourists,whowere
interestedinvisitingtheCanalZonefrom1907-1914duringconstruction.Thesehistorical
novelsincludedTheCanalZonePilot:GuidetotheRepublicofPanamaandClassified
BusinessDirectory(Bienkowski&Haskins,1908),TheZonePoliceman88:ACloseRange
StudyofthePanamaCanalanditsWorkers(Franck,1913),GlimpsesofPanamaandthe
Canal(McCarty,1913),FiftyYearsatPanama:1861-1911(Robinson,1911),andIncidents
ofTravelinCentralAmerica,Chiapas,andtheYucatan(Stephens,1841).Autobiographical
novelswereselectedfromthereferencesofDavidMcCullough’s1977bookThePath
BetweentheSeas:TheCreationofthePanamaCanal1870-1914,aswellasscholarlyarticles
thatfocusedonthehistoricaldevelopmentofthePanamaCanalZone(Frenkel,2002;
Frenkel,1992;Scott,2016).
Thesecondperiodofdatacollectionfocusedoncontemporarytravelliteratureboth
inprintandonline.Inparticular,thecontemporarytimeperiodfortourismemergedin
PanamaaftertheUnitedStatesgovernmentremovedPresidentNoriegafrompowerin
1989.Forthisreasonthecontemporarydatacollectionoftravelliteraturefocusedonthe
years1990topresent.Thesamenewspapersourceswereusedasthehistoricalperiodin
ordertofacilitateacomparisonoftravelnarratives.Thesesourcesinclude,TheNewYork
Times,TheBostonGlobe,TheChicagoTribune,TheLosAngelesTimes,TheSanFrancisco
Chronicle,TheAtlantaConstitution,TheWashingtonPost,TorontoStar,GlobeandMail,The
GuardianandTheObserver.Inadditiontothesesourcesavarietyofotherprintsources
werealsoutilized,suchaspopularmagazinesHarpar’sBazaar,NationalGeographic,Conde
31
Nast,InternationalLiving,andTravelandLeisure.Accesstomagazineandnewspaper
articleswasprovidedthrougheachpublication’swebsiteandinternalsearchengine.Data
collectionalsofocusedontravelguidesspecifictoPanamaincludingFodors,RoughGuides,
andTheLonelyPlanet.OnlinesourcesfocusedontravelblogsincludingNomadicMatt,The
BlondeAbroad,WikiTravel,andTripAdvisor.LocalPanamaniannewsandblogsitessuchas
TheBocasBreeze,ThePanamaGuide,PanamaNewsroom,TheBulletinPanama,andThe
VisitorPanamawerealsoutilized.Finally,datawascollectedfromtheofficialtourism
websiteofPanama(Visitpanama.com)aswellasbothtourismwebsitesforBocasdelToro
(bocasdeltoro.com&bocasdeltoro.travel).Magazine,blogs,andguidebookswerechosen
duetotheirbrandpopularityandinclusioninvariousacademicjournalarticlesand
discussionsontravelliterature.Inallcasesthecontemporarydatacollectionfocusedon
thedescriptionsofpeopleandplaceinPanama,aswellasadvicefortravellersand
potentialexpatriatesonwhattoexpectintheIsthmus.
Inaddition,contemporaryautobiographicaltravelnarrativeswerealsocollectedfor
thisstudy.TheauthorsofthesetextswereoftenresidentialtouristsbasedinPanamaCity
orBocasdelTorothatwantedtosharetheirexperiencesandadviceregardingthe
migrationandsettlementoftouristsinPanama.Thesebooksinclude,Yourcomplete
PanamaExpatGuide:TheTellItLikeItIsGuidetoRelocate,Escape,andStartOverin
Panama2016(Acero,2016),Don’tKillTheCowTooQuick:AnEx-Pat’sAdventures
HomesteadinginPanama(Henderson,2004),Superstition,Pirates,Ghosts,andFolkloreof
BocasdelToro,Panama(Henderson,2012),IslandExperiences(Matrishon,2013),The
GringoGuidetoPanama:WhattoknowBeforeYouGo(Murphy,2013),ParadiseDelayed:
OurNewLivesinthewildofBocasdelToro,Panama(Usher,2013),andEuriskoSailsWest:A
YearinPanama(McBride,2012).Theseautobiographicalbookswereselectedfromthe
AmazonwebsitewithsearchtermssuchasPanama,LifeinPanama,BocasdelToro,
Boquete,PanamaCity,andtourisminPanama.
Articlesthatwereselectedfrommodernandarchivalsourceswerecodedfor
themesusingamanualdiscourseanalysis.Firstly,passagesofdiscoursedeterminedtobe
importantwerehighlightedbytheresearcherandplacedintoaworddocument.Secondly,
discoursewasmanuallycodedforthemesconsideredtobeimportanttobroader
discussionsofmigration,tourism,racism,spatiality,andidentityasinformedbyacademic
32
discussioninthefieldofgeography.Thisresultedinthefinalthemesofgovernance,
hygiene,infrastructure,tourism,resourcedevelopment,labour,Indigenousrepresentation,
culturalimperialism,escapism,andthemoderncelebrationofcolonialism.Thepurposeof
thematicanalysisinthiscircumstancewastoillustrateacongruentrelationshipbetween
thediscoursespresentinarchivalandcontemporarypublications,andhowthese
discoursesmayinfluencetheexpectations,perspectives,andactionsofmigrant
populationsfromthe1880suntil2017.Thisformofanalysiswasselectedbecauseitallows
foracomparisonacrossdatasetstoidentifypatternsandrelationships.(Pettyetal.,2012,
p.381).
InFebruaryandMarchof2018,IconductedaresearchtriptoPanamaCityand
BocasdelTorooveratwo-weekperiod.Duringthistrip,Ivisitedvarioussitesthatwere
consideredimportanttonarrativesofPanamaniannationbuildingsuchastheMiraflores
Locks,PanamaCanalMuseum,Ancón,andPanamaViejo.InBocasdelToro,Ivisitedthe
TourismAuthorityOffice,BastimientosTown,andTheRedFrogBeachResort.Mydata
collectionmethodsincludedparticipantobservation,photography,informalunstructured
interviews,andthecollectionoftourismliterature.Fieldnotesweretakenattheendof
eachday,withspecialattentiondirectedtowardsinterpersonaldiscussionsandthe
presentationofPanama’snationalhistoryingovernmentsponsoredtourismsites.Imetall
oftheparticipantsforinformalunstructuredinterviewsattheseandotherlocations
popularwithinternationaltourists,includingtheBocasdelToroairportandCascoViejo.
Forthisreason,participantsfortheinterviewsweregatheredthroughunplanned
encounters.InallcircumstancesIidentifiedmyselfasaresearcherandaskedforverbal
consentbeforeengaginginaninterviewwithparticipants.Interviewslastedfrom15
minutesto60minutes.TourismliteraturewascollectedfromtheTourismAuthorityoffice,
airports,hotels,andmuseums.Thedatacollectedfrominterviews,participantobservation,
andtourismliteraturewasalsocodedusingathematicanalysis(Pettyetal,2012).The
samemanualprocessofdiscourseanalysiswasusedtoidentifyandorganizerelevant
discourseintothemesfrominterviewsandfieldnotesasthediscourseanalysisofarchival
andmoderntravelliterature.
33
Figure4:AerialViewofBocasdelToroArchipelago:KylaEgan(March,2018)
34
ChapterThree:“PanamaUndertheStarsandStripes”ArchivalNewspapersandMagazinesfrom1880-1950
3.1TheFunctionofNewspapersinImperialNationBuilding
Archivalnewspaperswerechosenforthisstudyduetotheirroleasthe
predominantpublicmediumduringthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.Inparticular,
federalpoliciesinstitutedduringthenineteenthcenturyestablishedthesubsidizationof
newspapertransportationthroughthenationalpostservice(John,2000).TheUnited
Statesgovernmentalsopromotedcommunicationamongnationaleditorsbyimplementing
thefreeexchangeofnewspapersbetweencompanies(John,2000).Asaresultofthese
initiatives,reportsfromgeographicallydistantcitiesandstateswereincludedin
newspapersthatpreviouslyfocusedonlocalevents(John,2000).Forthefirsttime,
Americancitizenswereregularlyinformedoneventsandopinionsfromotherareasofthe
UnitedStates(Schudson,1991).By1840,approximately40millionnewspaperswere
transmittedthroughthemail,althoughresearchersindicatethatthenumberofreaders
weremuchgreaterduetothecommunaluseofeachtext(John,2000).Thenewspaperhad
becomeasourcetojoinAmericanreadersacrossthenation.Thegrowthofthenewspaper
industryduetothetransformationofprintingtechnologyanddevelopmentofthenational
postservicealsochangedthewaycommunitywasunderstood.Previously,newspapers
wereusedtodeveloplocalcommunitiesbysupportingtheconnectionbetweenthe
individualreaderandtheregioninwhichtheylived(Nord,2001).Inparticular,
newspaperspromotedevents,news,andevengossipthatjoinedindividualsincommon
interest(Nord2001).
ForcoloniesoftheUnitedStates,asimilarprocessofconnectionandcommunity
tookplace(Schudson,1991;Nord2001).InthecontextofPanama,reportsfromthe
Isthmusallowedreaderstofeelincludedindiscussionsofeconomic,political,andsocial
affairs,despitetheirgeographicaldistancefromtheseeventsathomeintheUnitedStates
(Schudson,1991).Asaresult,readersofdomesticnewspapersimaginedPanamaaspartof
theUnitedStatesandwhite-collarworkersinTheCanalZoneasmembersoftheir
Americancommunity.Theprogressionoftransportationtechnologyanddevelopmentof
nationalsystemsfacilitatedtherapidtransmissionofmessagesfromPanamaacross
35
geographicdistances.Forexamplein1906,threeyearsaftertheacquisitionofThePanama
CanalZonebytheUnitedStates,PresidentTheodoreRooseveltcompletedadiplomatic
tourofPanamaandPuertoRico.ThiseventwasthefirststatevisitoutsideoftheUnited
Statesbyasittingpresident(McCullough,1977).Journalistsandphotographersfollowed
PresidentRoosevelttotheIsthmus,documentinghisencouragingwordstowardsthestill
strugglingengineeringproject.OnNovember15,aphotographwaspublishedthatshowed
PresidentRooseveltmanningalargesteamshovelinawhitelinensuit(McCullough,1977).
ThecirculationofthisphotographinconjunctionwiththepublicationofPresident
Roosevelt’sencouragingspeechesinmajornewspapersacrosstheUnitedStateswas
consideredessentialtoboostingthemoraleoftheAmericanpublicinregardstoslowly
progressingPanamaCanalproject(McCullough,1977).
36
Figure5:PresidentTheodoreRooseveltPosingForaPhotograph(McCullough,1977,p.
430)
Duetothesefactors,thejournalisticdisseminationofPanamanianinformationwas
essentialinthepublicsupportofTheCanalZoneasterritoryoftheUnitedStatesboth
materiallyandconceptually.TheconstructionoftheCanal,migrationofAmericanworkers,
andsubsequentdevelopmentofAmericantourismtotheregionwasportrayedpositively
innationalnewspapersformassaudiences(McCullough,1977;Nord,2001;Salvatore,
1998).Forthisreason,thestoriesthatappearedinAmericannewspapersregarding
PanamaandAmericancitizensoftheisthmuswereanincrediblyimportantfactorforthe
geographicalimaginationsunderpinningnationbuildingintheUnitedStates.
37
Newspaperswereresponsibleforthetransmissionofimagesandnarrativesfrom
PanamatotheUnitedStatesfosteredpublicsupportforthePanamaCanalZoneproject.In
particular,thepowerofthenewspaperwasincrediblyimportanttoelitepopulationswho
wereabletodiscussandencourageavarietyofactionsthroughtheprintingpress(John,
2000).InrelationtoPanama,newspapersallowedgovernmentofficialsandnationalistic
reporterstoportraythestrugglingCanalZoneasasuburban‘paradise’,aperfectsettingto
raiseafamilyandfindwellpayingworkforwhiteAmericanmen.Forbusinessinterests,
newspapersoftenincludedinformationthatspeculatedupontheresourceslyingin
Panama,“TheRepublicisalmostentirelyundevelopedandintheevolutionofthefutureI
thinktherecouldbemanychangesforAmericansandotherstomakemoney”(Carpenter,
1905).AstimeprogressedandTheCanalZonebecameincreasinglyhabitable,newspapers
publishedadviceonhowtotraveltoandwithinthePanamanianisthmusforupperclass
tourists.AtravelwriterfortheNewYorkTimeswritesaddressestouristsin1949,
“ThefundamentalconfusionconcernsSouthAmericaitself,itsbasicgeographyandcharacteristics.Thebestadviceforpotentialtravelersbeingthis:getoutyourmapandtakeagoodlookatitbeforeyoupackupallyouroldmisconceptionsandsetoutforSouthAmerica”(NewYorktimes,1949).
Tourismdevelopedinconjunctionwithstreamlinersandaccommodationintheisthmus,
withadvertisementsfortheseservicesbeingincreasinglycirculatedaroundtheUnited
States(Duque,1912).Forthesereasons,elitebusinessinterestsincludingtourism,
resourcedevelopment,andpoliticalpropagandawerereliantonthenewspaperindustry’s
interpretationsofthePanamaCanal.Thesestoriesappealedtomanyreaders,butin
particularsoughttheinterestofelitepopulationswhopossessedthefinancialmeansto
traveltoPanama,investintheIsthmus,andsupportthepoliticalpartiesresponsibleforthe
engineeringsuccess.
ThediscoursespertainingtoPanamainnewspapersfromtheUnitedStates,Canada,
Britain,andPanamaareimportanttothestudyofhumangeography.Inparticular,the
popularityofnewspaperarticlesregardingPanamaspurredsubstantialmigrationbetween
theUnitedStatesandtheIsthmus(Salvatore,1998;Scott,2016).Economically,white-
collarworkersfromtheUnitedStateswereattractedtothePanamaCanalZonebecauseof
theemploymentopportunitiesandhighqualityoflifethatwasadvertisedinnewspapers
38
(Duque,1904).AnauthorfromNationalGeographicdescribeslifeandworkforAmericans
intheZone,
“PeopleacceptZonejobsasmuchforthecommissaryprivilegesasforthewage.Commissariesaregovernment-operatedstoreswhereworkersandtheirfamiliesmaybuyfoodstuffsandsuppliesofallkindspracticallyatcost.Withhighschoolplays,itslodgemeetings,anditsbridgeclubsocial,lifewithintheZoneiscompletelyself-contained.IhavetalkedwithAmericanswhohadlivedintheCanalZoneformorethanthirtyyearsandyetcouldnotspeakSpanish”(NationalGeographic,1941,p.593).Thepopulationofshort-termvisitorsandtouriststhatmigratedtotheisthmuseachyear
substantiallyincreasedthroughoutthetwentiethcenturyinconjunctionwiththegrowthof
mediaattention.From1907onwards,reportsthatpositivelydescribedtheIsthmus
inspiredtouriststogazeuponthechangesmadetoPanamaforthemselves,
“ThedesiretoseethegreatworkbeingunfoldedacrosstheIsthmusisastrongonewithmanyAmericans.Inthisvastcountrythereareplentyofthingstoadmireandtowonderat,sopeopleneedtoberemindedofthecanalasawonderoftheworld“(PanamaStar&Herald,1910).
Theadvertisementsandreportswhichappearedinpopularnewspapersalsocontributed
tothegrowthoftransportationsystems,suchassteamliners,airplaneroutes,andpost
service,thatmadetravelandcommunicationpossiblebetweentheUnitedStatesand
Panama(TheChicagoTribune,1935;TheNewYorkTimes,1919).Politically,newspapers
weretheprincipalmediumforgovernmentofficialstodisseminatetheirpoliticalagendain
Panamatothepublic.Supportforthequestionableinterventionandacquisitionofthe
CanalZonebytheUnitedStates,aswellaspoliticalsupportforfundingtheCanalproject
wasprincipallygainedthroughlargenewspapers(Nord,2001).In1919thePanamaStar
andHeraldcommentedontheimperialistactionsofTheodoreRooseveltinseparating
PanamafromColombia,"WhiletheremightbecontroversyoftheacquisitionsoftheCanal
Zonetherecanbenonaboutthematerialandsanitaryresultsobtained(1919,PanamaStar
andHerald).Forthisreason,adiscourseanalysisofnewspapersisessentialin
understandingthenarrativesthatinspiredhumanmigrationfromtheUnitedStatesto
Panama.
ForAmerican,Panamanian,andinternationalreaders,theconstructionofthe
PanamaCanalandresidentialZonewereconsideredatriumphovernaturebytheUnited
39
Statesgovernment(Frenkel,1996).Formanytouriststheprimaryreasonfortraveltothe
regionwastoseethetransformationoftopographyandbuiltformsoftheCanal.In
particular,theimplementationofsanitaryandinfrastructuresystemswithinthe
Panamaniantropicswasconsideredanimportantchangetothelivabilityoftheregionand
colonizationinitiativesbytheUnitedStates(Sutter,2016).OutsideoftheCanalZonein
ruralareasofPanama,newspapersoftenreportedandencouragedthesettlementof
Americanresidents.Thesediscoursesfocusedontheabilityfornewsettlerstotametheir
environmentalsurroundingsandthrivewithinthechallengingtropicalecosystems
(Carpenter,1914).In1914theNewYorkTimestoldreadersthatforAmericanmigrantsin
Panama“Thetaskwastobringintoawildernessscourgedbydreadfuldiseasesanew
civilizationandregime”(NewYorkTimes,1914).
3.2“PanamaAwaitsAmericanizing”:GeographicImaginariesofAmericanGovernanceinthePanamaCanalZone
PanamawasoftenrepresentedasneedingAmericanimperialismandinnovationby
popularnewspapersintheUnitedStates.Initially,discoursesreferringtotheefficacyof
eachconsecutiveadministrationandcontroversyregardingsovereignpossessionofthe
ZoneemergedduringtheFrenchoccupancyoftheCanalZoneinthelatenineteenth
century.In1877,theFrenchNavyLieutenantLucienWysetravelledinthenameofthe
publiccompanyLaSocieteCivileInternationaleCanalInteroceaniquetonegotiateatreaty
withtheColombiangovernment,includingpresentdayPanama.Asafoundingmemberof
thepubliccompany,andunderrequestbybureaucratFerdinandDeLesseps,Lieutenant
WysenegotiatedatreatyknownastheWyseConcession,whichgrantedexclusiverightsto
SocieteCiviletobuildaCanalthroughPanamanianterritory.Afterobtainingpermission,
thefoundersoftheFrenchCompanysoughtfundingfortheprojectoverthenextfouryears
andcommencedconstructionin1881(McCullough,1977).AsSocieteCivileinitiatedthe
plansfortheworld’slargestengineeringproject,Americannewspapersassumedan
interestinthedailyoperationsoftheCanal,aswellasPanama’stransforminglandscapes.
Initially,newspapersnegativelydescribedthepolitical,economic,andphysicalattributes
oftheIsthmus.AwriterfromtheChicagoTribunestateduponhisreturnfromPanamain
1881,“IfanyofyourfriendsthinkofgoingtoPanama,advisethemnotto.Ineversawa
40
moresickly,povertystricken,andforsakenpeople”(1881,p.6).AwriterfromtheSan
FranciscoChroniclestatedthat,“Noonecanbetolerablysafe,exceptforthehalf-indian
half-negronatives”(1885,p.5).Duetothetropicaltemperatureandl8monthrainyseason,
theIsthmuswasknownforitsmosquitos,yellowfever,andmalaria,whichwasblamedon
Panama’s“miasmaticwilderness”(Carpenter,1898,p.28).Panama’stropicallandscapes
wererepresentedasdangeroustowhitepopulations,“Itrainstenmonthsintheyearsand
apoisonousinsectlurksundereverystoneandnakedignorantblacksarealmostyouronly
companions”(SanFranciscoChronicle,1902,p.4).Thepoliticalcharacterizationof
Panama’sgovernmentwasalsoregardedastumultuousduetotheprevalenceofrebellion
againstColombia’scolonialforcesandconflictintheCentralAmericanregion.Despite
receivingindependencefromSpainin1821andsubsequentlyjoiningColombia,many
Panamaniansobjectedtoanewconstitutionformedin1843thatdiminishedPanama’s
politicalagencybyBogota(Anguizola,etal,2018).Forthisreason,conflictbetween
PanamanianpoliticalinterestgroupsandtheColombiangovernmentwascommonduring
thenineteenthcentury.AnauthorfromtheNewYorkTimescommentedin1890,“Allthat
canbesaidisthis,thattakingintoconsiderationtheextentofCentralAmericaandits
inhabitants,thedisturbancesthereareentirelyoutofproportiontothestatistical
conditions”(NewYorkTimes,1890).Americancommentatorsalsofreelyexpressed
criticismoftheFrenchcompany’sprogressinconstructionofthecanalandfinancial
expenditure.Atthetime,theFrenchprojecthadexperienceddelaysduetotheunique
topography,climate,anddiseasesofthetropics,whichposedachallengetothesuccessof
theCanal.TheFrenchwereindisputablyunpreparedfortherainyseasoninPanamathat
contributedtolandslides,rustedequipment,andtheproliferationofmosquitopopulations.
AmericanLieutenantWilliamKimballwhotouredtheFrenchPanamaCanalZone
describedthepersistentchallengesexperiencedbytheFrenchgovernmentas,“Unforeseen
andvexatious,aswellasstupendousandapparentlyinsuperable,difficultiesareconstantly
occurring”(McCullough,1977,p.180).Throughoutthelatenineteenthcenturythe
mortalityrateduetomalariaandyellowfeverskyrocketed(Robinson,1907).Asmanyas
200workersdiedeverymonthfrommosquitobornedisease,withinfectedpersonsonly
facinga50%survivalrate(McCullough,1977,p.138-142,161).Thepoorlivingand
workingconditionsoftheCanalprojectimpactedthereputationoftheZone,knownto
41
manyasthe“whiteman’sgraveyard”(McCullough,1977,p.140).By1894,theFrenchhad
madelittleimpactintheconstructionoftheCanalanddepletedavailablefundingforthe
project.Consideredanationalembarrassmenttothecountry,anotherpublicFrench
company,CompagnieNouvelledeCanaldePanama,tookovertheCanalforthenextnine
years,withlittlesuccess.Americannewspapersdidnotwithholdtheirnegative
commentaryregardingtheperceivedfailureoftheSocieteCivileandsubsequently
CompagnieNouvelle.SirHenryTylerfromTheNewYorkTimeswrotein1895“Iwillnot
dwellontheunfortunatehistoryofthecanalwhichisonlytoowellknownoruponthe
previousrobber,jobberyandrecklesswasteofmoneyandmaterialconnectedwithit”
(NewYorkTimes,1895).Theauthorgoesontowrite,“Iwillnotdwellonthelavish
expenditurewhichwasincurredintheearlierhistoryofthecanal”(Tyler,1895).Even
decadeslater,AmericannewspaperscontinuedtodescribetheeraofFrenchoccupations
asan“anorgyofextravaganceandmismanagement,anepicoftoilandcourage,atragedy
ofdiseaseanddeath”(Ybarra,1931).Thecombinationofdiscoursesregarding
bureaucraticineptitudebytheFrench,constantrevolutioninCentralAmericanpolitics,
andanuncontrollablehealthcrisiscreatedapictureofPanamaformanyAmericansasan
undesirablespacetolive,work,andtravelduringthelatenineteenthcentury.
ThechangeofgovernanceintheCanalZonefromFrenchtoAmericancontrolwas
accompaniedbyatransformationofnarrativesappearinginpopularnewspapers.In1902,
TheUnitedStatespurchasedthelandusedfortheinteroceaniccanalfromthebankrupt
CompagnieNouvelle.However,afterseekingthenecessaryrightsfromtheColombian
governmentandsigningtheHay-HerranTreatyinthesameyear,theSenateofColombian
failedtoratifytheagreement.Asaresult,TheodoreRooseveltsupportedPanamanian
rebelsinabidforindependencefromColombiain1903(McCullough,1977).Inparticular,
PresidentRooseveltcommandedhisnavalshipstoimpedeColombianinterferenceduring
theacquisitionofsovereigntybyPanama.Panamasucceededinitsbidforindependence
andrewardedtheUnitedStatesbysigningtheHay-Bunau-VarillaTreaty,whichgavethe
UnitedStatescontrolovertheinteroceaniccanalinNovember1903.Although,thismilitary
actionbyTheUnitedStateswasaresultofColombia’shesitancyforAmericancontrolin
theregion,newspaperscommentatorshadlonganticipatedinterferencebytheAmerican
governmentintheFrenchCanalZone.Asearlyas1885,TheWashingtonPostremarked,
42
“HavewetherighttointerfereatPanama?IsthereanytreatyrecentlyconcludedwiththeUntiedStatesorColombiabywhichtheUSgovernmenthasfullrighttolandtroopsandgunsatPanamaandgunsatanytime?ThesequestionsnotonlyconcernthesovereigntyandfullintegrityofColombiabutalsorightsandpubliclibertiesofcitizensofPanama”(DeMeza,1885,p.2)
AstheWashingtonPostquestionediftheUnitedStatesshouldinvolveitselfontheIsthmus,
theSanFranciscoChronicleencouragedtheideaofAmericaninfluenceintheCanalZone,
“FinallyitisabsolutelyaprerequisitenottowithdrawfromTheUnitedStatesbutrathertakeadvantageofitsimmensepowerandgiganticinfluencetoconcludewithitsassistanceandwithitshelptheperforationoftheIsthmustotradeandadvanceunderitsshadowandalwaysrememberthattheroadforfutureadvancementofSpanishAmericadoesnotlieinthedirectionofEuropebutinthedirectionofthestarsoftheNorth”(1889,p.8).DiscussionsofAmericancontrolinPanamaCanalZonehadstartedtooccurinnewspapers
shortlyafterthearrivaloftheFrenchontheisthmus,insomecircumstancesnearlytwenty
yearspriortoAmericanoccupation.OncethePanamaCanalZonewasofficiallyinthe
possessionoftheUnitedStatesgovernmentin1903,newspapersincreasinglycoveredthe
decisionsoftheAmericangovernmentandprogressintheCanalZone.Initially,
newspapersfocusedonthecontroversialmannerofterritorialobtainmentbyPresident
Roosevelt.However,mediaattentionthenfocusedonthefutureofThePanamaCanalZone
anditsrelevancetoAmericanimperialexpansion.
Interestingly,thecharacterizationoftheAmericangovernmentinregardtoPanama
oftendiffereddependingontheoriginofthenewspaper.AlthoughAmericanwriters
frequentlycelebratedimperialexpansion,CanadianandBritishperiodicalsweremuch
morecriticaloftheUnitedStatesgovernmentthanAmericanmedia.Inparticular,
newspapersfromBritainandCanadawerequicktocondemnPresidentRoosevelt’s
interferenceinthesuccessionofPanamafromColombia.TheGlobeandMailwrotein
1903,
“ThemannerinwhichTheUnitedStateshastreatedtherepublicofColombiawithregardtotheIsthmusofPanamahasstartledmanyoftheirbestcitizensandevokedprotestsashighmindedasanythathistorycanfurnish”(p.1).
43
IntheBritishnewspaperTheGuardian,America’sprogressatthePanamaCanalwas
representativeofthe‘deficiencies’thatthecitizensandgovernmentoftheUnitedStates
possessed.Duetoimproperequipment,mudslides,andmosquitobornedisease,theUnited
StatesfacedmanyofthesamechallengesastheFrenchintheCanalZone.Fornearlyfour
yearstheAmericangovernmentfailedtomakeheadwayontheengineeringproject.The
anxietyanddisappointedduringthisperiodarereflectedinthearticleappearingin
Britain’sTheGuardianin1905,
“AgoodmanyAmericansarebeginningtowishthattheIsthmusofPanamadidnotexist.Therewouldthenbenoquestionofdiggingacanalacrossitandpublicexposureofsomeoftheirnationaldeficiencies.Theyareagreatpeoplewithsomeconsiderablepoliticalvirtuesbuttheyhaveonegravepoliticalfailingtheyarenearlyalwaysinahurry.Theyareimpatientofobstaclestheyinclinetowardsinstantaneousandannihilatingremediestheyrarelymakeallowanceforthecomplexityofaffairsandtheiranxietytogetresultsandobtainthemillenniumissuchthattheirplansandpoliciesareeithermakeshiftorheroic.ThebusinessofconstructingthePanamaCanalveryaptlyillustratesthesetriflingdefects.”(Brooke,1905,p.5).
AlthoughBritainanditscoloniessuggestedAmericancitizenswereopposedtotheideaof
PanamanianoccupationbytheUnitedStatesgovernment,Americannewspapersfocused
positivelyonthefutureoftheCanalZoneundernewgovernance.In1904TheBostonGlobe
wrote,
“PanamaawaitsAmericanizing.TheruthlesspathoftimeleadsawayfromtheweeksandwelookforwardtothenewisthmustothenewPanamaunderthestarsandstripsandforgettheseotherscenesinthehopesandexpectationsofbetteronestocomes.”(1904,p.7.).
44
Figure6:“PanamaAwaitsAmericanizing”(BostonGlobe,1904,p.7)
AmericannewspaperssuchastheBostonGlobecontinuedtocharacterizethegovernance
oftheUnitedStatesintheCanalZoneascompetentandwelcomedleader,despitepractical
difficultieswithinfrastructureconstruction.
“UncleSam’sbigstickwillpreventrevolutions,thenativesareanxiousthattheirresourcesbedeveloped.Largeareaswillbethrownopentosettlementandlandsmaybeleasedorboughtatlowprices”(Carpenter,1905,p.SM3).
FaithintheUnitedStatesgoverningabilitywasmoreapparentbyAmericannewspapers
thantheBritishempireanditscolonies.Inparticular,Americanjournalistssupporteda
generallevelofoptimism,despitelittleprogressseenduringtheformativeyearsofthe
AmericanCanalZone.
45
CommentaryregardingthegoverningabilityoftheUnitedStatesincreasedwiththe
developmentofThePanamaCanal.Despiteaslowstart,timehadimprovedAmerica’s
chancesofsuccessduetosignificanttechnologicalandscientificadvancements.Scientists
haddiscoveredmosquitoswerethecauseofmalariaandyellowfever,allowing
governmentofficialstoimplementhygieneinitiativestoreduceinfection.By1907,ratesof
diseasehadsignificantlydecreasedinpopulationsofwhiteAmericansandproper
sanitationsystemswereinstalledthroughouttheneighborhoodsoftheCanal(Sutter,
2016).ZoneofficialsensuredthatthehousesofAmericansweresprayedwithinsecticide,
paintedwhite,andcontainedscreensontheporchesandwindows(Carse&Keiner,2016).
Afteraslowstart,theconstructionofthePanamaCanalalsoprogresseddueto
implementationofnewmethodsbyheadprojectmanagerJohnStevens.Theengineerhad
discoveredthatthekeytotransportingearth,men,andsuppliesinlargequantitieswas
creatingtrainswithheavierrailsandstrengthenedbridges(McCullough,1977,p.471).
TrainsweresuddenlyabletodisposeofdirtquicklyandefficientlyoutsideoftheCanal.As
aresultofthesetechnologicalandscientificadvancements,newspaperscelebratedthe
PanamaCanalasamarvelofmodernsocietyandgovernance.Inparticular,theCanalwas
describedassosuccessfulthatitseffectsresultedin,“suchprosperityisasnoPanamanian
everdreamedofbeforewecame”(Palmer,1909).Inparticular,newspaperscharacterized
theUnitedStates’involvementinconstructingtheCanalasabenefittothePanamanian
people,
“PanamasignedatreatywithTheUnitedStates,whichimmediatelyendeditstroublesforalltime.ForthenitbecameaprotectorateofTheUnitedStateswhensincethenhasassistedlargelyinchoosingitspresidents,cleanedupitscities,andconstructedtopayenoughmoneytomakethemostindependentcountry,financially,intheworld”(TheNewYorkTimes,1913).
AsnewspaperspraisedtherecentaccomplishmentsofAmericangovernanceintheCanal
Zone,newseditorssimultaneouslyallowedforthecriticismofPanamanianauthorities.In
theNewYorkTimes,Panamanianofficialswerecharacterizedasinfantileanddiscourteous
towardsAmericanswhilediscussingtherecenttrialofanAmericanworkersinPanama,
“GenerallyspeakingthePanamanianismorelikelytobulldozetheAmericanthantheother
wayaround.ThesteadilyimprovingconductoftheAmericanemployeetowardthelittle
46
brownbrotherisabovereproach”(Palmer,1909).InthesameyearTheAtlanta
Constitutionranastorythatstated,
“Panamabiddingforaspanking,littlerepublicnotcourteoustoUnitedStates.Panamanianscryformore-moremoney!Theywouldlikeoperastheyearroundandcircusesandroofgardensandeverybody’sbrother,cousinandfatherinlawinoffice.Nativeswanttheeasylife.AsaresultoftheprosperitynooriginalPanamanianwantstowork.ThelittleRepublicisaspoiledchildwhoknowshowtoplayonhisweakside.“Youarehurtingmecriesthechild!”(Palmer,1909,p.2).
Figure7:“PanamaBiddingforaSpanking”(Palmer,1909,p.2)
Inmanynewspaperarticlesofthetime,Panamanianauthoritieswererepresentedas
standinginoppositiontotheplansoftheUnitedStatesandungratefulfortheopportunities
thatAmericahadprovided.Thisnarrativedifferedsignificantlyfromthegeneral
characterizationofAmericanleadershipinthecountry,whichwasportrayedas
47
unequivocallyinterestedintheprogressoftheCanal.In1906NationalGeographicauthor
PeterShontsdescribedAmericanleadershipandworkerstobeasintegraltothe
developmentofthePanamaCanalasthematerialsuppliesforconstruction,
“Inotherworkshe(American)putsmorebrainsintotheproductofhishandsbecauseheisacitizenofafreecountryandhismindhasbeenenlargedandhisambitionstimulatedbyactiveparticipationinthedutiesofcitizenship”.(Shonts,1906,p.56)
Evidentfromthisexample,thecharacterizationofAmericangovernancediffers
significantlyfromrepresentationsofPanamanianleadershipinpopularnewspapers.
Asthetwentiethcenturyprogressed,therepresentationofAmericancontrolinthe
CanalZoneasbeneficialtobothPanamaandtheUnitedStateshelpedinthedevelopment
ofself-celebratorynarratives.SincethesuccessfulconstructionofCanal,discussionsin
AmericannewspapersregardingPanamaas“filthy”,“worthless”,and“exhausted”hadbeen
transformedtoillustratethevalueoftheisthmustoAmericannationbuilding(Palmer,
1909).PreviouscriticismoftheUnitedStatesmilitaryinterventionintheregionand
discussionsofethicalengagementalsodisappearedfrompopularnarratives.Instead,
negativecommentarythathadlitteredthepagesofnewspapersduringFrenchoccupation
andearlyAmericaninterventionhadbeenreplacedbypositiveinterpretationsofthe
PanamaCanalZone.By1931theNewYorkTimesdescribedthePanamanianregionasa
“relegateddreamland”and“alastingmiracle”(Ybarra,1931).Theauthorcontinuesby
writing“Twentyfiveyearsagoitwasonlyadream,andvisitorstodaystillrubshiseyesin
astonishment”(Ybarra,1931).In1946theLosAngelesTimescommentsthat,“TheCanal
Zoneisstillthearistocratofouroverseasoutposts”(Harkins,1946,p.D6).Despiteearly
reservationstowardtheengineeringproject,manyAmericannewspapersprinted
celebratorycommentaryregardingthePanamaCanalZonelaterinthetwentiethcentury.
Inparticular,asmoretimepassedbetweentheinitialissuesexperiencedbytheUnited
StatesgovernmentinPanamaandthecompletionoftheproject,newspapersincreasedthe
frequencyandintensityofpraiseforAmericangovernanceandnationbuildinginthe
PanamaCanalZone.
48
Figure8:HeadlinefromTheNewYorkTimes(Palmer,March1909).3.3Overcoming“TheWhiteMan’sGraveyard”:HygieneandInfrastructureInitiativesinthePanamaCanalZone
Innewspapersoftheearlytwentiethcentury,narrativesofexceptionalAmerican
governancewereoftenrelatedtohygieneinitiativesandinfrastructuredevelopment.The
changingconditionofhygieneandsanitationinthePanamaCanalZonewasakey
componentintransformingtheAmericancolonyintoasuccessfulspaceofproduction.In
additiontothecommonalityoftropicaldiseasebetween1881and1907,thepoorquality
andovercrowdingofstateroominghousesexacerbatedthedeficientlivingandsafety
standardsalreadyfacedbymigrantlaborersfromChina,TheWestIndies,andLatin
AmericaintheCanalZone(Franck,1913).UnlikethehousesofAmericanworkers,poorly
builttenementsallowedfortheproliferationofmosquitos,whichcontributedtotherapid
transmissionofmalariaandyellowfeveramongtheblue-collarpopulation(Cohen,1971;
Lasso,2013).IllhealthontheIsthmuswasnotonlyaresultofmosquitobornediseasebut
alsoimpropersewage,garbage,andwatersystems.Similartotheexperiencesofthe
SocieteCivileandCompagnieNouvelleinPanama,theAmericangovernmentstruggledto
createthenecessarysanitationsystemsneededtosustainahealthyworkforce.Asaresult
ofthesegoverningdeficiencies,asignificantportionoflaborersdiedorbecameillonthe
project.ThepoorreputationoftheCanalZonecausedanauthorfromtheBostonGlobeto
comment“ThereisnodoubtthattheisthmushasascoreofAmericansundergroundto
everyonewhoisnowlivinguponit”(Carpenter,1898,p.28).Despitethedismalratesof
disease,infection,anddeathintheCanalZone,mostnewspapersremainedoptimistic
49
regardingthefutureofhealthinitiativesandsanitationinPanama.TheNational
GeographicwriterPeterShontscommentedin1905,“withinayearitmaybeconfidently
predictedPanamawillbeacitywellwatered,wellsewered,wellpaved,andcleanand
healthful.”In1906TheNewYorkTimeswriterStephenChalmersalsofollowedsuitand
praisedtheAmericangovernmentforwhatcouldbeachieved,
“ItistruethatatpresenttheadmirablesanitaryimprovementseffectedbyTheUnitedStatesauthoritieshavenotsucceededincompletelystampingoutcontagiousdiseases.ButAmericansdiditinCubatheEnglishdiditintheoldfevertrapJamaicaandthemortalityratewouldindicatetheAmericansaredoingithere.”(Chalmers,1906)
FortheAmericanmedia,theabilityfortheUnitedStatesgovernmenttocreatea
habitablesettlementinPanamawasalsoreflectiveoftheestablishmentofcivilizationin
thetropics.Forthisreason,hygieneandsanitationinitiativeswerekeyintheconversionof
PanamatoanAmericanspace.AsillustratedbytheChicagoTribune,hygieniceffortsin
Panama,bothinsideandoutsidetheCanalZone,wasconsideredasstepinmodernization
efforts.”Themodernmissionarywhofoundslittlecommunitiesinforeigncountrieswhere
thehumanitiesandhygienicaretaughtisaspreaderofcivilizationregardlessofcreed”
(Palmer,1909,p.7).Theauthor,FrederickPalmer,goesontorelatecleanlinesswith
civility,“Barbarism…scenesofdisgustImightrepeattothepointofnausea;utterlackof
sanitation,ofcareofbodyaswellasmind,exposesascrofulouspeopletoallthetropical
diseases,whichkeepsthedeathlistprettywellbalancedwiththebirthrate”(1909,p.7).
ThisexampleillustratestheimportanceplacedonhygieneinAmericanimaginaries
regardingthetransformationalfactorofthePanamaCanalZoneandsurroundingterritory.
Thetransformationofhealthinfrastructureandthuspositivechangestothe
physicalwellbeingoftheZone’sworkerswasconsideredanationaltriumphinleadership,
organization,andtechnologicaladvancement.In1919anauthorfromTheNewYorkTimes
wrote,“particularlyIwanttotellaboutthecleanlinessoftheourzone,alwaysimpressive
asaproofofwhatcanbeaccomplishedbyAmericanmethodsinthetropics.”Theauthor
continues,“WhiletheremightbecontroversyoftheacquisitionsoftheCanalZonethere
canbenoneaboutthematerialandsanitaryresultsobtained”(NewYorkTimes,1919).
TheZone’snewreputationasasuccessstoryofhealthandprosperityemphasizedfor
manynewspapersthecapabilityoftheAmericangovernmentabroad.Thisperspectiveon
50
theZone’shygienewasparticularlyapparentincomparisonstootherurbanareasof
PanamawithpredominantlyWestIndianandAfro-Latinopopulations.ForColónand
PanamaCity,Americancolumnistsnegativelycharacterizeddifferentsanitationand
hygienepracticesimplementedbythenationalPanamaniangovernment.In1927,TheNew
YorkTimescommented,“ThenthereistheCanalZonebyfarthemostpicturesquesighton
theisthmus.WhereColonisdirtyandsordidpanamaisclean,picturesque,beautifuland
tingedwithpatinaofromancethateverfourmorecenturiescouldnotrubout”(Lee,1927).
ThepositiverepresentationoftheCanalZoneasaspaceofhealthandcomfortinnews
media,particularlyinrelationtootherareasofPanama,wasadoptedasanimportant
aspectofitscharacter.Inparticular,newspaperscommonlymentionedthesanitationand
hygieneoftheCanalZoneasanessentialfacetinthetransformationofinhabitable
PanamanianlandtothrivingAmericanmetropolis.
“…inthetropicsthereislandofinexhaustiblefertilitybutdeathlurkedoneveryhand.Hostilenatives,wildbeasts,andhugpoisonousreptilesbestthepathinsectshelpedtodiscouragepopulation.ThencamethesanitationofThePanamaCanalZoneconvertingitfromoneofthemostunhealthyplacesintheworldtoaregionassafeasany.”(GlobeandMail,1925,p.4).
Decadesaftertheimplementationofhygienicsystemsnewspaperswerestillmentioning
theaccomplishmentintheirarticles.In1931TheNewYorkTimesdescribedtheZoneasthe
“spotlesstownsetinthemidstofatropicallandscape”andin1946,theLosAngelestimes
commentedthatcleanlinessis“whatmakesTheCanalZoneaparadise(Harkins,p.D8)”.
TheaccomplishmentsoftheUnitedStatesgovernmentintermsofsanitaryoutcomes,was
thusaconsiderablefactorintheevolutionofCanalZonerepresentation,asaspaceof
dangertoaspaceofparadise.
TheAmericangovernmentalsoensuredthattherewashousing,recreationaloffices,
andplacesofbusinessforwhiteinhabitantsofTheZone.Theconstructionofthese
buildingswasconsideredessentialtosupportingthemoraleofwhite-collarworkersby
headsupervisor,MajorGoathels.TheNewYorkTimesdescribedTheCanalZonein1914,
“thelaborersallreceiveconfortable,furnishedhouses,shops,railwaysbuildings,hotels,
restaurants,clubhouses,andlivingquarterssprangupalongthecanal”(TheNewYork
Times,1914).MajorGoathelsbelievedthatbyrecreatingasenseofplaceinthebuiltform
51
oftheCanalZone,AmericanworkerswouldbemorelikelytosettleinPanama.The
implementationofleisureactivitieswasalsoimportantinthisregard,DavidMcCullough
tellsthestoryofaclerkinformingtheMajorthattherewerenofundsallocatedfora
baseballteam,withGoethalsreplying,“chargeittothesanitaryexpenses”(1977,p.478).
TheattempttocreateanAmericancommunityinthetropicswascommonlyconsidered
successful.Asyearspassed,workersandjournalistsalikecommentedonthewholesome
andpicturesqueimpressionofTheCanalZone.Thephysicaltransformationof
infrastructuretosuitAmericanexpectations,includingbaseballfieldsanddancehalls,was
usedastheprimaryexampleofbringingcivilizationtothetropicsbytheAmerican
government.In1927awritercommentedintheNewYorkTimes,
“Aninvestmentinnationalprestigethecanalpaysmostofall.HereisanintenselyAmericancommunitystretchedacrossazonefromoceantooceanintheveryheartofLatinAmerica.Inthiszonearereproducedintheirvariedformsthebestfromtheinstitutionsandtheidealsofourowncivilization”(Lee,1927).
Themanicuredrowsoforderlyhouses,pavedstreets,andquaintshopsinPanamasetan
exampleforfutureAmericansuburbs.Thecombinationofsuccessfulinfrastructureand
sanitationandstylisticallydifferenthousingwasusedtoillustratematerialandconceptual
differencesbetweentheUnitedStatesandPanama,“Thelessonmaynotfitdirectlyintothe
estheticidealoftheLatinAmerican.Butitwillsupplementhisculturalidealwithexamples
ofmaterialprogresstheformulaofwhichhehasneverquitemastered”(Lee,1927).
Theconstructionofinfrastructuresystems,buildings,andtheCanalitselfwerecommonly
mentionedinAmericannewspapersalongwithsanitarydevelopments.Inmanyarticles,
theprogressmadeinconstructionwasattributedtothepersonalcharacteristicsof
Americanworkers.Forsomecommentators,thesuccessintheCanalZonewasastrong
exampleofhowthegovernanceoftheUnitedStatesandvaluesofthenationweresuperior
toothercountries.Forthisreasontheprogressillustratedthroughhygieneand
infrastructureadvancementwerenotonlyseenasanexampleofgoodgovernancebythe
UnitedStates,butalsorepresentativeofsuperiorqualitiesbythenation,itsleaders,andits
citizens.
52
Figure9:AsketchfromtheBostonGlobeofAmericanhomesinthePanamaCanalZone(Carpenter,1905,p.SM3)
53
3.4GovernanceinaTropicalLandscape
ThesuccessfuldevelopmentofthePanamaCanalZonefrom1903-1914supported
narrativesofAmericanimperialsuperiorityinthetropics(Salvatore,1998;Moore,2013).
Inparticular,theimplementationsofhygiene,infrastructure,andtechnologicalinitiatives
transformedthegeographicimaginaryofthePanamaCanalZonefromaplaceof“danger
anddiscomfort”toan“idylliccolony”forwhiteAmericans(Frenkel,1996,p.324;
McCullough,1977,p.610).TravelnarrativesrepresentedtheconstructionofthePanama
Canalandimprovedsanitaryconditionsasthesuccessfuldefeatofanotoriouslydifficult
tropicalenvironment(Frenkel,1996;Moore,2013,Salvatore,1998).Mooreexplainsthe
roleofnatureindiscussionsofAmericanimperialsuperiority,
“ThePanamaCanalwasheraldedasthetriumphoftechnology,nationalmight,andsheerdeterminationtosubduechaoticnature-thatistheisthmianzone-thathadpreventedtherealizationofexplorersandcolonistscenturiesolddesireforapassagebetweentheseas”(Moore,2013,p.6).
TravelwritersframedthetransformationofPanama’slandscapesbytheUnitedStates’asa
taskthatothercolonialactorswereunabletopreviouslycomplete(McCullough,1977).
ThisnarrativealsofacilitatedthecomparisonoftheUnitedStates’Canaltomonumentsof
otherempires,
“Thespoilfromthecanalprism,itwassaid,wouldbeenoughtobuildaGreatWallofChinafromSanFranciscotoNewYork.Thespoilwouldbeenoughtobuildsixty-threepyramidsthesizeofthegreatPyramidofCheops”(McCullough,1977,p.529).
Thus,theengineeringandinfrastructureinitiativesimplementedbytheUnitedStates
governmentinPanamawasrepresentedintravelnarrativesasanimperialachievement
overnature,aswellastheconceptualriseoftheAmericanempire.Thesenarrativeswere
usedinAmericannationbuildingdiscoursetoillustratethesupremacyoftheUnitedStates
ontheworldstage.
3.5“LinkingtheAmericas”:TheDevelopmentofUS-PanamaTourism
In1904,thePanamaStarandHeraldpredictedthatPanama“willbethemost
popularresortforvisitors,tourists,andsightseersonthemapoftheworld.Withinashort
54
timePanamawillhavethousandsandthousandsofvisitorstoseetheworkonthecanal”
(PanamaStar&Herald,1904,p.1).ThesheerenormityofthePanamaCanalwouldattract
visitorsfromaroundtheglobestartingintheearlytwentiethcentury.American
newspaperscontributedsubstantiallytoPanamaniantourismbyhelpingcraftimaginaries
ofthePanamaCanalasanattractiveandimpressivesitetovisit.Inconjunctionwiththe
establishmentofsanitationinitiativesandinfrastructuredevelopment,thePanamaCanal’s
tourismindustrygrewrapidlyfrom1907onwards(McCullough,1977).ManyAmerican
visitorswereattractedtotheIsthmusbydescriptionsofthe“picturesqueCanalZone”and
“sheerenormityofthewaterway”(BostonGlobe,1912).Inconjunctionwiththemany
articlesprintedinnewspapersonsanitation,infrastructure,andurbanplanningofthe
Isthmus,tourismcompaniesalsousedpopularnewspaperstoplacetheiradvertisements.
Theplatformthatnewspapersofferedfortourismcompanies,inconjunctionwithfrequent
journalismarticles,greatlyincreasedthepopularityoftraveltoPanama.ThePanamaStar
andHeraldcommentsonhowAmerican-Panamaniantravelhadbeenimpactedby
newspaperswhenitwrites,“manyareattractedalsobytheadvertisementwhichPanama
hasreceivedinthestatesasawinterresortthroughitsfreedomfromtheunhealthiness
whichmakessomanybeautifultropicalplacesundesirable”(Duque,1912,p.6).The
establishmentofcruiselinesbysteamshipcompaniesalsoplayedanimportantroleinthe
transportationoftourists.Inparticular,thefrequencyofdeparture,qualityof
accommodation,andcompetitionamonglinesallowedconsumersalessexpensiveand
morecomfortabletriptoandfromPanama.In1910thePanamaStarandHeraldauthor
CarlosDuquewrote,
“Thesteamshipcompaniesaredoingtheirpartinbringingpanamaintoeasycommunicationwithothercitiesandiftheattractionsoftheisthmusareexploitedastheymightbefromthebusinesspointofviewthereshouldbeastrongtideoftouristscomingourwaywhichwouldswellastheplacegetsbetterknown(1910,p.6)”
ThebusiestportsofdepartureforAmericantouristswerethatofNewYorkCityand
SanFrancisco.Asmentioned,manytravellerschosetogovisittheWestcoastoftheUnited
StatesbygoingthroughthePanamaCanal,ratherthancrossingbyland.Forthisreasonthe
developmentofsteamshipslineswasimportantforbothtraveltoPanamaandmobility
betweentheUnitedStates’coasts.In1913,theSanFranciscoChroniclecommentedthat,
55
“ThisseasontouristswillhavetheopportunitytocruiseintheWestIndiesandtheIsthmus
ofPanamaonlargerandmoreluxurioussteamersthaneverbefore.Thevolumeoftourist
travelnextwinterpromisestopailallpreviousrecords,thisremarkablewintermigration”
(1913,p.7).ForPanama,steamshiplinesrunningfromtheUnitedStatestotheIsthmus
reflectedtheuniquerelationshipofthesetwocountries.Noothernationpursuedthe
opportunityofPanamaniantourismdevelopmentliketheUnitedStates.Thisisparticularly
clearinanexcerptfromTheObserver,wheretheauthor,FrancisHirst,reflects,“Ireceiveda
letterdescribingthethrillofthePanamaCanalwhichgotmewonderingagainwhythereis
noregularpassengerservicefromgreatBritaintothePanamaCoast”(1921,p.5).
Figure10:(TheNewYorkTimes,November7,1909)
AsthetwentiethcenturyprogressedtransportationbetweentheUnitedStatesand
Panamacontinuedtodevelopwiththeintroductionofairlineroutes.In1929theAtlanta
Constitutiondeclaredthattheabilityto“linktheAmericasbyair”wasimplemented“with
cooperationofnationalgovernmentsandprivatecapital”(McIntosh,1929,p.G8).Forthe
Americangovernmentandinvestors,creatingafastandefficientpathwaybetweenThe
UnitedStatesandPanamawasanessentialservicetoincreasebusinesscapitolandpublic
interestintheIsthmus.ThecontinualimprovementoftouristinfrastructureinPanama
simultaneouslycreatedandsupporteddemandfortraveltothecountry.TheBostonGlobe
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authorcommentedonthisaction,“intheyearjustpastitisdoubtfulifanycountryinthe
Americashasdonesomuchtoexpanditsservicetothetouristtoaddtotheeaseand
enjoymentandvarietyoftravelwithinitsbordersastherepublicofPanama”(1941,p.
B25).Theimplementationofafederaltourismboard,transportationnetworks,and
tourismexperiencesintheregionillustratesapurposefuldeparturefromtheuninvolved
characterofthenationalPanamaniangovernmentinthepast(SanFranciscoChronicle,
1913,p.7;Scott,2016;McIntosh,1929,GB).Inparticular,theestablishmentofatourism
boarddemonstratesthegrowthandimportanceoftheAmericantourismindustryin
Panamabythemidtwentiethcentury(Guerron-Montero,2014).
3.6TheimportanceofTourismtoAmericanNationBuilding
TravelnarrativesthatrepresentedthePanamaCanalZoneaseconomicallyand
ideologicallyimportanttotheUnitedStatesinformedthemobilityofAmericantouriststo
theisthmus.AsexplainedbyScott(2016)tourismtotheregion“wasbornsymbolicallyand
materiallyinthecrucibleofUSempirebuilding”(p.73).Thesuccessfulsanitation
initiativesemployedinthePanamaCanalZonebytheUnitedStatesgovernment
transformedthegeographicimaginaryofPanamatoasafespacefortravel(Scott,2016;
McCullough,1977;Sutter,2016).Travelwriterscapitalizedonthesephysicalchangesto
thePanamaCanalZone,andrecommendedtheterritoryasa“mustseedestination”for
affluenttourists(McCarty,1913,p.49).Inparticular,narrativesthatdescribedtheZoneas
an“idealplaceforAmericanpopulations”andtheCanalasamonumentof
“incomprehensiblesize”encouragedAmericanmobilitytoPanama(McCullough,1977,p.
613,614).
Materially,touristswereabletoeasilytravelfromtheNortheastcoastoftheUnited
StatesandSoutherntipofFloridaastheseregionshadalreadyestablishedtransportation
routestoAmericancoloniesinthetropics(Salvatore,1998;Martin,2013,Scott,2016).In
particular,thetourismindustryoftheCaribbeanwasabletoutilizethe“imperialand
capitalistinfrastructure”,whichinitiallycarriedworkersandfruitproductsbetween
CaribbeannationsandtheUnitedStates(Scott,2016,p.70).Therelationshipbetween
Americanimperialenclavesandregionaltourismisparticularlyclearinthedevelopment
57
ofapassengerlinebyTheUnitedFruitCompany.Between1908and1913TheUnitedFruit
CompanycreatedluxuryshipsthatallowedpassengerstocompletearoundtriptoPanama
intwoweekstime,whichfacilitatedaccessibletravelforwealthytourists(Scott,2016,p.
71;McCullough,1977).Forthisreason,Panama’sreputationasasanitizedzone,in
combinationwiththeeconomicmobilitynetworksofAmericancorporations,facilitatedthe
developmentoftheCanalZoneasatourismdestinationforaffluenttravellers(Scott,2016;
McCullough1977;Frenkel2002).
3.7“Taming”aNewFrontier:ResourceDevelopmentandLandOwnershipin
Panama’sRuralCountryside
ThevastmajorityofAmericanpopulationsthatmigratedtotheIsthmusresidedin
theCanalZoneandadjacenturbanareas.Thesepopulationswerepredominantlyattracted
totheisthmusbythemanyemploymentopportunitiesavailabletowhitecollarAmerican
menbytheUnitedStatesgovernment.USinterestintheformofinvestmentandsettlement
wasnotonlyfocusedonthecanal,butalsoPanama’sruralcountryside.Inparticular,
Americanmigrantssoughtaccesstothenaturalresourcescommonlydiscussedinpopular
newspapers.TherewereoftenreportsinNorthAmericathatPanamanianlandscapes
possessed“inexhaustiblefertility”andwereinneedofdevelopment,“untilthelastvacant
acreofherrichlandsisundercultivationandthecropsarecomingtoourshores”(Los
AngelesTimes,1922).Claimsofricheslayingdeepwithinthehillsandjunglesofthe
IsthmushadlongbeenanelementofpopularnarrativesinreferencetoPanama,andfirst
appearedfromChristopherColumbuswhohadassumed,“Fromthereadinesswithwhich
thenativestradedthismetalforthetrinketsandimplementstheSpaniardsofferedin
exchangeColumbusbecameconvincedthatsomuchgoldexistedinthecountrythatthe
Indiansattachednospecialvaluetoit”(Craggs,1926,p.2).Similartothetalessharedby
Spanishconquistadores,Americannewspapersalsoproclaimedthatruralareasofthe
countrywere“unexploredbutreputedtoberichingoldandvaluableminerals”(Boston
Globe,1913,p.SM9).InthetwentiethcenturydiscussionsconcerningPanama’sresources
wasnotonlylimitedtogoldbutincludedotherundevelopedresourcessuchas“oil,coal,
minerals,timber,greatgoldmines,andafertilesoilthatgrowsinabundance,vegetables
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grainsandfruitsbesidestheothertropicalproducts”(ThePanamaStarandHerald,1904).
TheChicagoTribunecontinuesthedescriptionofPanamaasalandofresourceswhenthe
newspaperwrites,“Itshillsaresaidtocontaincopper,silver,andgold.Ithaswatersin
whichthepearloystersliveandislandstherewherearesupposedtobeburiedtreasures
equaltothoseofthePeruvianIncas”(1914).
Figure11:HeadlinefromtheBostonGlobe(Carpenter,1905,p.SM3)
ConstructionsofmasculinityinmediainformedAmericandiscussionsof
Panamanianresourcedevelopment.Inparticular,writersdepictedPanama’scountryside
asaspacerequiringthepaternalguidanceandresponsibilityexercisedbyAmericanmen
(Bobrow-Strain,2007,p.37).TheLosAngelesTimeswrotein1893,
“ThefactremainsthatthiscontinentofCentralandSouthAmericaisrichinfortunesforyoungmenwhodaretochasethemhere.ThefeveroftheIsthmusisbutanaccentuationoftherichnessofthesoil.Thereisanoverrichness.Therichnessoverflowsinnauseousfever”(Edmund,1893,p.9).
OveradecadelaterthePanamaStarandHeraldofferedasimilarcalltomaletourists,
“TheyoungAmericancomingtothisisthmuswillneverdoaswellatthestartashemighthavedoneathomeandhewillneverdoaswellifhecontinuestoworkforasalary.Butifhehashealthandenergytoclimbtoanindependentpositionandworkouthisownfortunethenthematerialsfordoingthisareathand.IndeedPanamahasnumerousandwonderfulresourcesawaitingdevelopmentandtherearethousandsofgoldenopportunitiesfortheminingexpert,electricalengineer,andarchitect”(Duque,1904).
ThePanamaniangovernmentalsoencouragedstoriesthatreportedonPanama’s
bountifulresources.PresidentAmadorGuerrerostatedtoaBostonGlobereporterin1905
whenaskedaboutopportunitiesforforeigninvestors,“theRepublicisalmostentirely
undevelopedandintheevolutionofthefutureIthinktherewillbemanychancesfor
59
Americansandotherstomakemoney”(Carpenter,1905,p.SM3).In1914PresidentPorras
alsostatedtotheBostonGlobethat,
“ManyhavehuntedforthosetreasuresandaroadtooldPanamaanditisprobablethatsomethingmaybediscoveredthere.WehavesomegoldminesworkingrighthereinthecentralpartoftheisthmusandthereareothersatDarien.Weknowthatwehavecopperandothermineralsbutthecountryhasnotbeenthoroughlyprospected”(Carpenter,1914,p.SM11).
TheinterviewillustratesthatthefutureofPanamahascenteredonforeign
investmentinnaturalresourcedevelopmentandland.ThePanamaniangovernmentalso
encouragedthesettlementofrurallandbyAmericanmigrantpopulationsbyshaping
regulationandpolicy.TheBostonGlobecommentsuponthesechangesin1914,“Newland
laws!Itwillbringinpopulationsoflandownerswhoseestateswillbecomparativelysmall
anditwillleadtotheimmediateandactivedevelopmentofthecountry”(Carpenter,1914,
p.SM11).Thematerialcontingenciesoflandregulationarereflectedlaterinthesameyear
inTheChicagoTribune,“PresidentPorrastellsmethatAmericanshavebeguntotakeup
landsandsetoutcoffeeplantationsintheNorthernpartoftherepublic,anumberof
AmericanfamiliesthathavecoffeeestatesnearDavid.ThereisnowatBoqueteacolonyof
abouttwentyAmericanfamiliesandfiveEnglishfamilies”(Carpenter,1914,p.A3).The
implementationofnewlandowningregulation,inconjunctionwithpublicityinAmerican
newspapers,illustratesthepreliminarystagesofAmericansettlementoutsideofTheCanal
Zoneandgrowthofexpatriateenclavesintheearlytwentiethcentury.
60
Figure12:(TheCanalZonePilot,1908,p.351)
ForeignersthatoccupiedruralPanamawereoftencharacterizedasadventurous,
brave,andtirelessinnewspapers.Thevaliantrepresentationofforeignpersonalitieswas
stronglyrelatedtotheportrayalofPanamanianlandscapesasdangerousspaces.Writers
frequentlycommentedontheunknowntopography,wildlife,anddiseasethatcomprised
thehabitatofruralPanama.Forforeignsettlersandprospectors,thestrangecharacterof
tropicalwildernesswasoftenrecountedinatreacherousmanner.Apoemanonymously
submittedtotheBostonGloberevealssuchaperspective,
“BeyondtheChagresRiver,arepathsthatleadtodeath,tofeversdeadlybreezes,tomalariaspoisonousbreath,beyondthetropicfoliage,wherethealligatorwaits,isthepalaceofthedevil,hisoriginalstate.BeyondtheChagresriver,arepathsforeignerunknown,withaspiderneatheachpebbleandascorpionneareachstone,tisheraboaconstrictorhisfatalbanquetholds,andtohisslimybosomhishaplessvictimholds.BeyondtheChagresRiverlurksthepantherinhislairandtwohundredthousanddangersareinthenoxiousair,behindthetremblingleafletsbeneaththefallenreedsaretheever-presentperilsofamilliondifferentbreeds.BeyondtheChagresRivertissaidthestory’soldarethepathsthatleadtomountainsofpurestvirgingold,buttismyfirmconvictionwhatevertalestheytellthatbeyondtheChagresriverallpathsleadstraighttohell”(Carpenter,1898,p.36).
ThedescriptionsofdangerinruralPanamaandtheCanalZoneaugmentedstoriesof
explorationandsettlementbyexpatriatesthroughouttheIsthmus.In1902,TheSan
61
FranciscoChronicledescribedthelivingconditionsofAmericanprospectorsinPanama,
“Whitesettlerswhenontheirminingexpeditionsintotheinteriorarecompelledthrough
lackofprovisionstomakeamealofmonkeystewandalligatorsteak.Itrainstenmonthsin
theyearandapoisonousinsectlurksundereverystone”(1902,p.A9).Theseemingly
unpleasantconditionsofexplorationintheinteriorexemplifiedformanythenecessityof
Americanmasculinityinmappingandtamingtheland(Bobrow-Wilson,2007).The
characterizationoflandscapesasdangerousandwild(Cronon,1995)wereimportantto
thisimaginary,“Theregioniswild,beingvirgintropicaljunglemilesawayfromanywhite
settlementandrarelyvisitedbythewhitemen”(Hall,1922,p.X16).
AlthoughruralPanamawascharacterizedaslargelyuninhabitedbypopular
newspapers,infactthecountry’s‘wilderness’wasfullofIndigenous,Afro-Panamanian,and
mestizopeoplethatspannedthePanamaniancountryside.Thecontradictionbetweenthe
inhabitedlandofPanamaanda“terranullius”(nobody’sland)representedinAmerican
newspaperswasrevealedinsomearticlesmorethanothers.AccordingtotheAtlanta
Constitution,IndigenousPanamaniansoccupiedvastareasoftheDarienprovince,
“VarioussurveyingexpeditionshavemetwithterribleexperiencesandadventureswithfierceIndians.TheregionbetweenSouthAmericaproperandthePanamarailroadisstillinpossessionofwildpeoplewhowillpermitnowhitestosleepontheirland.Thecountryisalmostaslittleknowntogeographersasanyregiononthefaceoftheearth.They[Indigenous]numberabout25,000,decoratethemselveswithfeathersandstringsofcrocodileteeth,andliveinqueerhousesofreedsbuiltonstilts”(Hill,1895,p.4).
Indigenousguideswereincrediblycommonandassistedwithnavigationandtraditional
knowledgetoassistAmericanprospectors,scientists,andsettlersintheirexploration.Yet
EnglishlanguagenewspaperscontinuedtorepresentPanamanianIndigenouspeoplesas
primitive,dangerous,andsavage(Hill,1895,p.4).In1895TheAtlantaConstitution
describesrelationsbetweenAmericanprospectorsandIndigenouspopulationsinthe
DarienProvince,“varioussurveyingexpeditionshavemetwithterribleexperiencesand
adventureswithfierceIndians.TheregionbetweenSouthAmericaproperandthePanama
railroadstillinpossessionofwildpeoplewhowillpermitnowhitestosleepontheirland”
(Hill,1895,p.4).In1904theChicagoTribuneexpressesasimilarcharacterizationof‘indian
savagery’withastoryofcannibalisminPanama,“theseIndianswhosesavagerysometimes
takestheformofeatingtheirenemiesusepoisonedarrowsandareexpectedtoprovea
62
difficultenemyinthedensetropicalgrowththatcoversthecountry”(1904,p.4).The
ChicagoTribunecharacterizesIndigenouspopulationsinthesamemanner,“thesepygmies
usepoisonbowsandarrowsforhuntingandregardtherareaviatorwhodescendsupon
themasanunexplainablebutfriendlybirdfromthesky”(1935,p.E6).Newspapersoften
reinforcedtherepresentationsofIndigenouspeopleasperpetuallyuncivilized(McClintock,
2000),“TheIndiannationinPanamanotyettouchedbycivilization.TheredwellsanIndian
nationthatistoallintentsandpurposesidenticallythesametodayasitwaswhen
Columbusfirstdiscoveredthewesternhemisphere”(1903,p.10).Thedangersofthe
Isthmus,intermsofwildlifeandinhabitantswerelargelyoverstatedasdescribedby
American‘explorers’andnewspapers.
3.8FrontierConstructionsofthePanamanianCountryside
AmericantravelnarrativescharacterizedPanama’sruralcountrysideasanew
frontierforAmericansettlementandresourcedevelopment(Frenkel,1996).Similartothe
East-WestexpansionofsettlersintheUnitedStates,themobilityofAmericanpopulations
toPanama’scountrysidewasinformedbynarrativesofnationbuilding.Overcomingnature
andwildernesswasessentialtotheimaginariesthatinspiredthismobility(Cronon,1995;
Frenkel,1996).AsexplainedbyCronon,
“Inmovingtothewildunsettledlandsofthefrontier,shedthetrappingsofcivilization,rediscoveredtheirprimitiveracialenergies,reinventeddirectdemocraticinstitutions,andbyreinfusedthemselveswithavigor,anindependence,andacreativitythatthesourceofAmericandemocracyandnationalcharacter”(Cronon,1995,p.8).
Conquering‘wild’landscapeswasideologicallyimportantforAmericanimperialactors.In
particular,thesepopulationsconceptualizedtheirmobilityandsettlementofthefrontieras
anexpressionofnationalvalues(Cronon,1995).Thedomesticationofthefrontierwasalso
economicallyimportantfortheUnitedStates,asittransformedlandintoaviable
commodityforagriculturalproductionandotherresourcedevelopment(McCullough,
1977;Frenkel,1996).Forthisreason,theUnitedStatesgovernmentencouragedthe
settlementofwhiteAmericancitizensdomesticallyandincoloniesoftheUnitedStates
(Frenkel,1996).
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InthecontextofPanama,theestablishmentofAmericanenterpriseintheregion
alsoencouragedthemigrationofAmericanpopulationstotheisthmus.TheUnitedStates
governmentandAmericancorporationsfrequentlytargetedruralspacesofPanamaforthe
implementationofinfrastructureprojectsandagriculture(Martin,2013).Frenkel
contends,
“PanamacontinuallyintersectedwiththedevelopmentoftheUnitedStates.TheUnitedStatesintervenedmilitarily,signedtreaties,builtrailroads,anddugthecanal.Inaddition,privateU.S.investorsinvolvedthemselvesinschemesrangingfromrailroadstoplantations”(p.321,1996).Duetotheseeconomicandpoliticalactivities,Americanmigrantsandinparticularmen,
conceptualizedthewildlandscapesofPanamaasaspaceofprosperityandconsumption
(Frenkel,1996).ThisisevidentinthequotationbygeographerEllsworthHuntington,“The
nativehasnothingtodoexceptlieunderthetreesandwaitforthefruittodropintohis
mouth”(Frenkel,1996,p.323-324).UnderpinningexpansioninitiativesintheUnited
StatesandPanamawereraciallogicsthatpositionedIndigenousandPanamanian
populationsasunabletoproperly“manage”wildlandscapes(Mollett,2016;Frenkel,
1996).DesirableagriculturalpracticesandresourcedevelopmentfortheUnitedStatesand
PanamaniangovernmentswererootedinEuropeanprocessesandpracticesofland
cultivation(Mollett,2011;Mollett,2016).Forthisreason,Americanresourcedevelopment
intheUnitedStatesandPanama,wasalsounderstoodasacivilizingprojectofnatural
landscapesandtheIndigenouspopulationsthatlivedwithinthem.
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ChapterFour:“ShinningSummerLands”AutobiographicalTravelNarrativesofEliteMigrantsandTouristsfrom1851-2017
4.1LifeintheIsthmus:TheRepresentationalPracticesofEliteMigrantsandTourists
Thefollowingchapterprovidesananalysisofbothhistoricalandcontemporary
autobiographicaltravelnarrativesoccurringinPanamafrom1841until2017.Historical
datacollectionwascompletedusingautobiographicalnovelsofAmericanslivingand
visitingPanama,fromtheinitialsurveyfortheTrans-Isthmianrailroadin1841tothe
completionofthePanamaCanalin1914.Formostoftheseauthors,permanentresidence
intheCanalZoneduringthisperiodshapedeachwritersuniqueperspective.
AccompanyingtravelnarrativesofPanamathatfocusedonlong-termhabitationofthe
CanalZone,werealsostorieswrittenbyshort-termtouristswhohadrecordedtheirtravels
ontheisthmus.Inbothcircumstances,theseautobiographicalnovelsalsofunctionedas
travelguidesfortouristsandpotentialmigrants,whoweremostinterestedinvisitingthe
CanalZonefrom1907-1914duringthelargestphaseofconstruction.
TherearemanyreasonswhyAmericanssettledinPanama.Theopportunitytowork
inwellpaidadministrativepositionswasthemainimpetusforUS-Panamanianmigration
amongmostAmericanmeninthePanamaCanalZone(McCullough,1977).Duetoenforced
segregationintheCanalZone,migrantpopulationsfromtheWestIndies,China,andLatin
AmericawereonlyabletoworkasphysicallaborersunderthedirectionofwhiteAmerican
men(Lasso,2013).Forthisreason,afrequenttopicofdiscussionamongAmerican
populationswasthemanagementofmigrantlaborersinrelationtotheprogressionofthe
CanalZoneproject.Thesediscussionsfocusedonthephysicalandmentalaptitudeof
variouslabourpopulations,oftendeterminedbyracialnarratives.Forinstance,describing
aninteractionbetweenAmericanadministratorsandWestIndianlaborers,policeman
HenryFranckuseslanguageinscribedwithanimalisticdiscourse,
“Werousedthembypencil-jabsintheribs,andtheystartedupwithsavage,animallikegruntsandmurderousglareswhichinstantlysubsidedtosheepishgrinsandvoicelessastonishmentatasightofawhitefacebendingoverthem”(Franck,1913,p.37).
65
LifeintheCanalZoneforAmericanmigrantswascharacterizedbylimited
involvementwith“other”non-Americanpopulations(Said,1978).Similartothe
representationsofmigrantlaborers,PanamanianIndigenouspeoplewerefrequently
representedasinferiortowhiteAmericans,whowereabletocontrolthelivelihoodsof
IndigenouspopulationsthroughAmericanexpansion(Franck,1913).Althoughmost
IndigenouspeoplelivedoutsideofthePanamaCanalZone,thedevelopmentofthecanal
requiredthedestructionofsurroundingphysicallandscapes.Asaresultofthis
development,IndigenousPanamaniansweredisplacedfromtheirvillagesduetoflooding
andurbanization(McCullough,1977;Franck,1913).Indigenouspopulationswere
representedasinfantileandunknowledgeable,particularlyinregardtotheAmerican
imperialexpansionthatwasaffectingtheircommunities.Franckdescribesalocal
IndigenousmanpassingbytheCanal,“anativebushmanonhiswaytomarketfromhis
palm-thatchedhomegenerationsoldbackinthebus,whohasscarcelynoticedyetthatthe
canalisbeingdug”(1913,p.101).ThecharacterizationofIndigenouspeopleasunbothered
by,oralternativelyreliantupon,theactionsofAmericanimperialistsfacilitateddiscussions
ofprogressandmodernitywithinthePanamaCanalZonebyrepresentingimperial
subjugationasunproblematictonon-whitepopulations.
DuetothephysicalandsocialsegregationpracticedbetweenAmericanmigrants
andotherpopulations,manyofthedefiningculturalfeaturesoftheUnitedStateswere
commoninthePanamaCanalZone.AmericanpopulationscontinuedtospeakEnglish,
wearthelatestAmericanfashions,andsocializeinCanalclubsandvenues(McCullough,
1977).Asaresult,thesepopulationswereabletoinsulatethemselvesfromother
populationsandcultures,producingaconceptualandmaterialspacedistinctfromPanama.
ThiscommunityenvironmentwasdescribedasidealforAmericanmigrants,withsome
authors’prophesizingAmericanenclaveswoulddevelopthroughoutPanamainthefuture,
“Ontheisthmustherewasanespiritducorpsafeelingofpridethatmanifesteditselfinahundredways,ofwhichnewcomerwerespeedilymadeaware.Anditmustberecorded,thatwhiletherewasnottheleastextravagance,theofficers,clerksandemployeesgenerallywerepaidgenerouslyfortheirservicesandthelivesofthemselvesandfamiliesweremadeascomfortableaspossible”(Robinson,1911,p.26).
Today,theenclavesofamenitymigrantsinPanamamimicRobinson’sdescriptionsof
Americanizedspaces.Thediscussionsofrace,labour,andculturalimperialisminarchival
66
narrativesalsoappearintheautobiographicaltextsofamenitymigrantslivinginPanama.
Thesimilarityindiscoursebetweenthetwopopulationsisindicativeofpersistentimperial
logicsinthemobilityandsettlementofelitepopulationstoPanama(Mollett,2017;
Guerron-Montero,2014).Stolercontendsthat,“historyismarkedbytheuneven,unsettled,
contingentqualityofhistories,thatfoldbackonthemselvesandinthatrefolding,reveal
newsurfacesandnewplanes”(2016,p.26).Inparticular,bookswrittenbyamenity
migrantsdiscusstheinferiorworkethicofAfro-AntilleanandIndigenouspopulations,who
were“lesslikelytoshowprideintheirwork”and“imaginedasdrunkandincapableof
work”(McBride,2011,p.1338,2352).Also,amenitymigrantauthorsdiscussthelackof
assimilationofAmericanpopulationsinPanama,inregardtolanguageacquisitionand
intoleranceforPanamanianculturalpractices.AmenitymigrantMalcolmHenderson
atteststhatalackofculturalintegrationcausessignificantdiscordbetweenlocaland
foreignpopulations.Hendersonstates,“Thereisagroupwhoshouldneverventureintothe
thirdworld”(2008;p.4087).Thecontinuitybetweenautobiographicaltextsovera
hundredyearperiod,providesgreaterclaritytodiscussionsofNorth-Southmigration
patternsandtheactionsofexpatriatesinPanama.Thesenarrativeshelpinformgeographic
discussionsregardingtheconceptualimaginariesthatinfluenceexpatriatemigration,as
wellasthematerialcontingenciesofelitemigrantsettlementinPanama.
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Figure13:ArticlefromtheNewYorkTimesdiscussingthepopularityofautobiographicaltravelliterature(December8,1946)4.2“PanamaisBelowtheMasonDixonLine”:theRacialImaginariesofLaborinPanamaCanalZone
Labournarrativesarestronglyrelatedtohistoricalpatternsofmigrationthat
extendedfromthe1821untiltheconstructionofthePanamaCanal.Inparticular,soon
afterPanama’scolonialemancipationfromSpainin1821,nationalinfrastructureprojects
andregionaleconomicgrowthspurredawaveofmigrationinthemid-nineteenthcentury
(Lasso,2013).Initially,economicmigrantswereneededtofulfilllabourrequirementsfor
theconstructionoftheTrans-Isthmianrailroad(1850-1855).Thissizableprojectattracted
laborersfromSouthernEurope,China,theWestIndies,andotherareasofLatinAmerica.
However,byfarthelargestdemographicofmigrantlaborerswasfromWestIndies,with
approximately200,000blackWestIndiansarrivingovertheremainderofthenineteenth
68
century(Lasso,2013).Atthistime,economicmigrationforworkingclassWestIndianshad
becomeincreasinglycommonduetothegrowthofthemechanizedsugarindustryinthe
Caribbean.Specifically,technologicaladvancesinagricultureandcropproductionhad
causedwidespreadunemploymentintheregion(Sigler,2014;Sigleretal,2015).
AbundantmigrantflowscontinuedintothetwentiethcenturywithFrenchandthen
AmericanconstructionofthePanamaCanal.ControloftheCanalbytheAmerican
governmentandseparationfromColumbiain1903,alsocoincidedwiththe
implementationofatwotieredlaboursystem.SimilartotheTrans-Isthmianrailroad,
Spanish,Italian,Chinese,andWestIndianeconomicmigrantscametoworkaslaborerson
theinfrastructureproject.However,highpayingjobswerereservedfortheapproximately
4,800whiteAmericancitizensthatimmigratedtoPanamaintheearlypartofthecentury.
Inordertopreventunionizationandencourageinfrastructureprogress,projectdevelopers
utilizedthehomogenouscompositionsofwhite-collaremployeesandheterogeneous
compositionoflaborers(Lasso,2013;Mckillen,2011,p.58,Sigleretal,2015).
Thediversepopulationofmigrantlaborersquicklybecameatopicofdiscussion
amongwhiteAmericanresidentsandtravellersoftheCanalZone.Inparticular,
governmentofficials,goldroleemployees,andeventouristsopenlydiscussedthemeritsof
migrantlaborfromdifferentethnicpopulations.Scientificracismduringthelate
nineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,whichusedunscientificempiricalevidencelater
supportracialdiscriminationanddefendwhitesupremacy,influencedthepopularityof
thesediscussionswithintheCanalZone(McCullough,1977).
Forinstance,astheprogressonthewaterwayslowedfrom1903-1907,white
AmericanpopulationsassumedmigrantlaborersfromtheCaribbean,Asia,andLatin
Americaweretoblame.Inparticular,discoursespertainingtotheworkethicand
intelligenceoflaborerscirculatedwidelyinregardtothePanamaCanalproject.
Commentatorssuggestedthatbychangingtheracialdemographicofmanuallaborers,that
thequalityofconstructionandtimetocompletionwouldimprove(Cohen,1971;Lasso,
2013).TheCanalZonePilot,atravelguidefortouristsandnewcomerstothePanamaCanal
Zoneopenlydiscussestheselectionofmigrantlaborersbasedontheirracialbackground.
69
“Thecommissionsreportfor1907states,thelaborproblemisstillanunsolvedone,buttheexperimentsofthepastyearwithadiversityofracesandnationalitieshasimprovedtheefficiencyoftheforceandpromisestomakethetermofservicelonger.Tropicallaborismigratoryandnotwithstandingsuperiorwages,housing,andsubsistencetherewillalwaysbelargeperiodicalchangesintheindividualforce.Aregularrecruitingorganization,changedfromonelaborcentertoanother,willalwaysbenecessarytokeepamaximumforceavailable”(1908,p.327).
Figure14:(TheCanalZonePilot,1908,p.327)
ForauthorsofTheCanalZonePilot,theshorttermofservicebyWestIndianlaborerswas
consideredaneffectofaraciallyinferiorworkforce.However,poorlivingandworking
conditions,includinghighratesofdiseaseandinjury,weretheactualreasonforahigh
turnoveramonglaborers(McCullough,1977).ForwhiteAmericans,administrative
positionsintheCanalZoneandsuperiorhousingprotectedthepopulationfromtherisks
facedbytheothermigrantsoftheCanalZone.Theracialhierarchyimposedbythe
residentialandlaborpolicyoftheAmericangovernmentwasoftenlikenedtosegregation
intheSouthernUnitedStates(McKillen,2011).InthetravelnarrativeZonePoliceman88,
theauthorcommentsonlaborrelationsbetweenblackandwhiteemployees.Hewrites,
“NonegrojanitorwouldventuretoquestionawhiteAmerican’serrandinahouse;Panama
isbelowtheMasonandDixonline”(1913,p.165).Franckcontendsthattheracial
segregationofthePanamaCanalZoneallowsWhiteAmericanstoexerciseinordinate
poweroverlaborersandothersilver-wageworkersinamannersimilartotheSouthern
70
UnitedStatesduringthisera.Theinferiorlivingandworkingconditionsofmigrant
laborersisalsodiscussedinTheCanalZonePilot,althoughframedasapersonalchoiceby
WestIndianmigrantsratherthanaconsequenceofdiscriminatoryregulation,
“Notonlydothey(WestIndianmigrants)seemtobedisqualifiedbylackofactual
vitalitybuttheirdispositiontolaborseemstobeasfrailastheirbodilystrength.Fewofthemaresteadyworkers.Themajorityofthemworkjustlongenoughtogetmoneytosupplytheiractualnecessities,withtheresultthatwhilecommissionisquarteringandcaringabout25,000menthedailyeffectiveforceismanythousandsless.Manyofthemsettleinthejunglebuildinglittleshacksraisingenoughtokeepthemaliveandworkingonlyadayortwooccasionallyastheyseefit.Inthiswaybygettingawayfromthecommissionsquarterspracticalcontroloverthemislostanditbecomesverydifficultforforementocalculateonkeepingtheirgangsfilled“(1908,p.326).
Scientificracismprevalentduringtheearlytwentiethcentury,informstravelnarratives
andopinionsaroundtheefficacyoflaborersinrelationtotheirraceorethnicity.For
instance,WestIndianworkerswerefrequentlydescribedastheworstofalllabouroptions,
followedbyChinesemigrants,thenmestizoPanamanians,andfinallymigrantsfrom
SouthernEuropeasthepreferableoptionforlabourinitiatives(McCullough,1977).For
Americanwriters,therelationbetweenraceandworkethicoperatedonaspectrum,with
migrantsofAfricandescentfacingthegreatestcriticism.Thisisevidentwhencontrasting
thediscoursesofWestIndianmigrantstotherepresentationofSpanishlaborersinthe
CanalZonePilot,
“TheexperimentwithlaborersfromnorthernSpainhasprovedverysatisfactory.
Theirefficiencyisnotonlymorethandoublethatofthenegroesbuttheystandtheclimatemuchbetter.TheyhavemalariainaboutthesamedegreeasthewhiteAmerican,butnotatalltotheconditionthatthenegroeshaveit.TheirgeneralconditionsisaboutasgoodasitwasattheirhomesinSpain.Thechiefengineerisconvincedbythisexperimentthatanwhitemansocalled,underthesameconditions,willstandtheclimateontheisthmusmuchbetterthanthenegroes,whoaresupposedtobeimmunefrompracticallyeverything,butwhoasamatteroffactaresubjecttoalmosteverything.”(1908,p.326).ForthewritersoftheCanalZonePilot,thedifferenceinphysicalhealthbetweenWest
IndianandSpanishpopulationswasconsideredtobeaneffectofbiologicalinferiority,
ratherthanaconsequenceofpoorworkingandlivingconditionsthatleftWestIndian
workersvulnerabletomosquitobornedisease.Incontrast,preferentialtreatmentbythe
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UnitedStatesgovernment,illustratedthroughtheunequaldistributionoffederalresources
andhealthservicestoAmericanworkersandSpanishlaborers,allowedwhitepopulations
tothrivephysicallyandprofessionallyontheIsthmus(McKillen,2011).Theimprovedlevel
ofhealthamongwhitepopulationswasnotconsideredaresultofAmericanpolicy,but
ratheraconsequenceofracialsuperiority.
Duringtheearlytwentiethcentury,socialandscientificprejudiceimpactedthe
characterizationofdiversemigrantlaborpopulationsofthePanamaCanal.Inparticular,
theliteraryrepresentationformestizoPanamaniansalsousednarrativesofinferiority
whencomparedtotheworkethicandhealthof“superior”Americanpopulations.However,
thecharacterizationoflocalPanamanianpopulationswaslesscriticalthanthe
commentaryfacedbyWestIndianworkers.Inparticular,Panamanianswereoften
describedasinfantileinnature,causingthepopulationtobereliantonthecommonsense
andintelligenceoftheUnitedStates’government.Americanauthorandadministrative
officialHarryFranck,commentsontheinferiorityofPanamaniansandtheirperspectiveon
CanalZonelabor,
“Noneofthesechildishcountriesismanenoughtoseethroughtheroughsurface.
EvenwithsevenyearsofAmericanexampleabouthimthePanamanianhasnotyetgraspedthedivinityoflabor.Perhapshewilleonshencewhenhehasgrownnearertotruecivilization.(1913,p.220)”CriticismbyAmericanauthorsregardingtheworkethicandreliabilityoflocalpopulations
wascommoninPanamanianandCentralAmericantravelliterature.Forwritersconcerned
withlaboronthePanamaCanal,discussionsregardingraceandabilitywerefrequently
discussed.Howeverfortravellersvisitingtheregion,discussionsofunreliableand
incompetentservitudedominatedthecharacterizationofmestizopopulations.InJohn
LloydStephenstravelsofCentralAmericaandMexico,theauthorstatesthat,“Wehad
manypreparationstomake,andfromtheimpossibilityofgettingservantsuponwhomwe
couldrely,wereobligedtoattendtoallthedetailsourselves”(1841,p.128).Indiscourses
frombothpermanentresidentsoftheCanalZoneandtemporarytravellersintheregion,
localpopulationsdescribedassubstandardtothedesiresandexpectationsofwhite
Americanwriters.
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Figure15:SketchofWestIndianworkersfromPanamaintheBostonGlobe(Carpenter,1898,p.28)4.3“NoSuchThingasaGoodIndianWorker”:NarrativesofLabourandRaceinAmenityMigrantEnclaves
Moderndiscussionsoflabourandworkethiccontinuetoinformrelationsbetween
elitemigrantpopulationsandnon-whitePanamanians.Intheautobiographicaltextsof
amenitymigrantslivinginPanamamigrantsexpressedantipathytowardstheperceived
workethic,morality,andintelligenceofPanamanianpeopleandpractices.Althoughnot
particularlyprominentintravelliteraturefocusedtowardsshort-termvisitors,authors
discussingresidentialtourismfreelydisclosedcriticismofWestIndian,mestizo,and
IndigenousPanamaniansinregardtopracticesoflaborandservitude.Parallelingthe
discoursesseeninarchivalliterature,manycontemporaryauthorsusedcomparative
languagetoillustratethedeficiencyofPanamanianworkethicinregardtoothercultures
andsocieties.IntheGringoGuidetoPanamaJulianneMurphydiscusseswhatexpatriate
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populationsfromtheGlobalNorthshouldexpectfromworkerswhenlivinginPanama.She
writes,
“Don’texpectproductivityinPanamatobethesameasproductivityelsewhereintheworld.Becauseitsdefinitelynot.Panamais,infact,veryunproductivegenerally.ItsaninterestingmixofLatinandCaribbeanworkethics”(2008,p.12).
Evidentfromthisstatementistheauthor’sperspectivethattheworkethicofindividuals
fromareasoftheGlobalSouthisassumedtodifferfromthestandardsandpracticesthat
MurphyhasexperiencedinTheGlobalNorth.Theauthorcontinueswithanexplanationfor
thesubstandardworkethicandproductivityoflaborersinPanama.
“Here’sfoodforthought.Panamawasoccupied(forthebattlegroundofsomewaroranother)forhundredsofyearsbeforeitbecameitsownsovereignnationin1903.FormanyyearsPanamawaspartofColombia.Sothemindsetofthenativesforallofthoseyearswasoneoftheenslavedorconqueredpeople.Freethinkingwasnotencouragedorrewarded”(2008,p.14-15).Similartothenarrativesthatappearedinarchivalliterature,theauthorinfersarelation
betweenthehistoryandvaluesofanationandthepersonalqualitiesofitscitizens.As
discussedinthesectiononAmericangovernance,archivalwritersbelievedthattheUnited
States’politicalandeconomicseparationfromBritaincreatedanAmericancitizenthat
moregreatlyvaluedhardworkandindependencethanasocietybasedinmonarchy
(Miguez,2007).AsJulianneMurphytheorizes,Panama’shistoryasaregionundercolonial
control,bySpainandColombia,shapedthepersonalitiesofPanamaniancitizensas
obedientbutunengaged.Interestingly,Murphy’scommentarymaybealludingtoracialized
Panamanians,suchascitizensofAfricanorIndigenousdescent,whoweremorelikelytobe
enslavedthanthewhiteupperclassofthecountry.Thepossibledifferentiationbetween
whiteupperclassPanamaniansandlowerclassPanamaniansofcolorisconfirmedwhen
theauthordiscussesthedevelopmentofintellectualandcriticalthinkingskillsinthe
country.
“Panamaniansasawhole,arenotcriticalthinkers.ManyPanamaniansarenot
innateproblemsolvers-that’sjustthenorm.Thereareasmallpercentageofupperclasscitizenswhoattenduniversityand/orboardingschooloutsideofthecountry.Theseindividualsoftenhaveadifferentframeofreference,buttheyaretheminority”(2008,p.13).
74
ForMurphy,thequalityoflaborandservitudeinPanamahasbeenbroadlyshapedby
historiesofcolonialismontheIsthmus,aswellasthespecificraceandclassidentitiesof
eachworker.Amongexpatriateauthors,criticismofPanamanianworkersseemstobe
widelycirculatedinliteratureanddailylife.Thisisespeciallyprevalentfortravel
narrativesemergingfromthearchipelagoofBocasdelToro.SituatedonPanama’sAtlantic
Coast,BocasdelTorohasbeenaffectedbyunprecedentedlevelsofresidentialandamenity
migrationfollowingtheimplementationofnationaldevelopmentalandpoliticalstrategies
inthe1990s(Craine&Jackiewicz,2010;GuerronMontero,2011).Duetoaninfluxin
migrantsoverthepasttwodecades,theeconomicanddemographiccompositionofBocas
delToroislandshaschangedrapidly(Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2013;GuerronMontero,
2014).Formerlyaplantationcolony,Afro-AntilleanandtheIndigenousNgobe-Bugle
comprisedthemajorityofBocasdelToro’spopulations.However,thepopularityofBocas
delToroasanamenitymigrantdestinationhasresultedinthegrowthoftherealestate
marketandtouristbusinessesbyNorthAmericanandEuropeanmigrants.Thiseconomic
shifthasresultedinthedisplacementoflocalpopulationsthroughthedevelopmentofan
illegallandtradeandarisingcostofliving.Despitetheseemergingissues,BocasdelTorois
marketedbythePanamaniangovernmentandtourismliteratureaspremieredestination
foraffluentmigrantstoliveandwork.Asaresultofthisgrowth,expatriatepopulations
relyonlocalworkerstofulfillthelaborrequirementsfortheconstructionandservice
industries(GuerronMontero,2011;Spalding,2013).
NarrativespertainingtothelocalworkforceinBocasdelToroareverysimilarto
representationsthatpreviouslycirculatedinthePanamaCanalZone.Inthe
autobiographicalaccount,ParadiseDelayedauthorIanUsherdescribestheadvicehe
receivedfromafellowexpatriateinBocasdelTorowhileseekingconstructionworkersfor
hisnewhome.“ItoldhimIwaslookingforworkersandaskedhisadvice.Hehadplenty,
muchofithumorousandfairlycynical,based,hesaid,onmanyyearsexperience”(2013,p.
303).Duetothedemographicmakeupofthearchipelago,themajorityoflaborersinthe
regionareofAfro-AntilleanandIndigenous,oftenNgobeorGuna.MembersoftheNgobe-
Bugletribeoftenfacethemostcriticismfromexpatriatepopulations.Britishexpatriate
MalcolmHendersondiscussestensionswithanIndigenousemployeeonhisfarmwhenhe
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writes,“AfeelingofdepressioncameovermeandIwonderedifthoseGringoswhosay
thereisnosuchthingasagoodIndianworkerareright(2004,page2360)“.Narratives
usedinreferencetoIndigenouspeoplesbyresidentialtouristsalsoemployedstereotypical
tropesthatinferredabsenteeparentingandsubstanceabuseissuesamongthecommunity.
Hendersonalsorecountsaconversationbetweenhimselfandafriendaboutfundinga
remoteIndigenousschoolinthearchipelago,
“Andhaveeitherthegovernmentortheparentsdoneanythingaboutit?”“Welltheparentsareraisingmoneytobuildaplaceforchildrentoeattheirmeal.”“Youthinkso?Idoubtit.Anymoneytheycollectwillgoonbeer.Theydosweet,fuck
allandjustwaitforasofthearted,evangelicalgringolikeyoutodropoutofthesky.Youarecausingmoreharmthangood,buster.Theywillneverlearniftheythinkthelikesofyouaregoingtosavethem”(2004,p.4293).TheexchangebetweenHendersonandhisfriendopenlydisparagesthecharacterofthe
localIndigenouscommunity.Inparticular,thispassagealludestotheperceptionbythe
twoexpatriatespeakersofapoorworkethicandalcoholismamongPanamanianresidents
inthearea.Althoughheavilyprejudicialinnature,Hendersonopenlydiscussesthese
narrativeswithanotherresidentandincludesthesenarrativesinhisbookforother
expatriatestoread.Thisexampleinconjunctionwithpreviousquotationsdiscussed,
illustratethecommonalityinwhichworkethic,servitude,andracearelinkedand
deliberatedamongtheexpatriatepopulationofBocasdelToro.Interestingly,author
ConnieMcBrideextendstheconversationofthePanamanianworkforcetotheroleofthe
federalgovernmentandlaborregulations.McBride,asailorthatremainedinBocasdel
Toroforoneyear,sharesaconversationregardingthelaborlawsduringnationalholidays
withafellowexpatriate.Herfriendexplains,
“See,Panamanianlawsaysthatworkersgetpaiddoubletimeandahalffornational
holidays.Theyalsogetonemonth’spaidvacationayearandeveryquartertheygetafreeweek’ssalaryasabonus,soitischeapertolayoffyouremployeesandclosethedoorsfortheentiremonthofNovemberthanitistopaythemforallthehourstheyarenotworking.Icouldheartheresentmentgrowinginjaysvoiceasheexplainedthelaborlaws.ButratherthanallowingmyselftogetcaughtupinhisindignationIremindedhim,yesbuttheymake$20aday”(2012,p.146).
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CriticalnarrativesfromNorthAmericanandEuropeanpopulationsconcerninglaborin
Panamaisnotonlylimitedtoanindividualscalebutalsoextendstofederalregulations.
MirroringarchivaldiscoursesofincompetentPanamanianleadership,contemporary
narrativesregardingPanamanianlaborlawsbyAmericanmigrantsalsocondemnfederal
leadershipinthecountry.Inalltemporalperiodsandscales,theantipathytowards
Panamaniansinresidentialtourismliteratureisreflectiveofantipathybyexpatriate
authors.Inparticular,thiscriticismtowardstheworkethicandlaborpracticesof
Panamaniansoccurswhenlocalpopulationsdonotadheretooractindependentlyfrom
theEurocentricexpectationsofexpatriateauthors.Fromthisexampleitisevidentthat
criticalnarrativesoflaborperpetuatedbyresidentialtouristsareimplementedinregardto
bothlocalandelitePanamanianpopulations.Narrativescritiquingthelabourpracticesof
non-whitepopulationsinPanamaarenottemporallyorspatiallyisolated.AsStoler
illustratesinadiscussionofarchivalliterature,“drawingourattentiontotheirown
scriptedtemporalandspatialdesignationsofwhatiscolonialandwhatisnolonger,
makingitdifficulttostretchbeyondguardedframes(2016,p.5).Inthecontextofaffluent
migrationtotheIsthmus,discourserelatedtorace,servitude,andmanagementhave
persistedinsimilarformsamongtheinterpersonalrelationsofwhite,elitemigrantsand
WestIndian,mestizo,andIndigenouspopulations.Althoughtheserecursionsemergeinthe
contextofglobaltourismratherthanAmericanimperialism,thegeographicimaginaries
informingmigrationandpowerinregardtoPanamaresultinsimilarmaterial
contingencies.
4.4Laborersas“Other”:TheRacialImaginariesInformingEmploymentPracticesin
Panama
Duringthetwentiethcenturyconstructionsofwhitesupremacyunderpinnedthe
labourpolicyoftheUnitedStatesgovernmentinthePanamaCanalZone.Frenkelasserts
that,
“Simplyput,theAmericans,assubjects,viewedPanamaandPanamaniansas‘Other’,asobjectstobemanipulatedwhendeterminingpolicyandbuildingpractices.Stereotypedvisionsoftentookprecedenceoverrealityinguidingtheformulationofthesepoliciesandpractices”(2002,p.86).
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RacialdiscoursebyAmericanmediaandUSgovernmentshapedpublic
representationsofmigrantlabourersas,“unhealthy,dirty,andimmoral”(Lasso,2013,p.
554,559).Contrarily,whiteAmericanmenlivingineconomicenclavesweredepictedin
Americanmediaas“hardworking,purposeful,andmasculine”(Martin,2013,p.335).This
binarynaturalizedalaborhierarchythatplacedwhiteAmericanmenincontrolofWest
Indian,Chinese,andPanamanianpopulations(Martin,2013,p.322).Inaddition,narratives
ofmoralityandutilityfacilitatedtheexclusionofmigrantlaborersfromAmericannation
buildingimaginaries,transformingtheZonebacktoaspaceofwhiteAmerican
exceptionalism(Lasso,2013;Frenkel,2002).
Discoursesoflabour,servitude,andracearealsoprevalentamongthepracticesand
processesoftourismandamenitymigration(McBride,2012;Henderson,2004;Murphy,
2008).Sheller(2004)contendsthathistoriesofslaveryandracialinequalitycontinueto
influencetherepresentationsofAfro-Caribbeanpopulationsintravelnarratives.Research
ontourismmarketingstrategiesunderpinthisassertion,
“Usingtheworld-makingpoweroftourismpermittedthetransformationofperilous“coastalblacks”intoiconicfiguresofCaribbeanbeauty:welcoming,tranquil,attractivemenandwomenreadytoentertainthetourists’wishes”(Guerron-Montero,2014,p.428).
ThegeographicimaginaryofblackservitudehasalsobeenresearchedinCentral
America.OntheAtlanticcoastofPanama,Mollett(2017)statesthat,“dehumanizing
narrativesthattargetAfro-descendantsareneverjustwords,butrenderlegitimate
multiplekindsofmaterialandviolentembodieddispossessions”(p.5).Thus,racial
narrativesthatfrequentlycirculateinthetourismindustrycaninfluencetheemployment
relationsandconditionsofIndigenous,mestizo,andAfro-Antilleanpopulationswithin
amenitymigrantenclaves.Forthisreason,theperpetuationsofcoloniallogicsinPanama
havebeenreconstitutedtoservethelabourhierarchiesinthetourismindustry(Stoler,
2016).
4.5“TheBushNative”:TheIndigenousRepresentationsofWhiteZoneResidents
AmericanauthorsfrequentlyromanticizedorinfantilizedIndigenousPanamanians
inautobiographicaltexts.MisrepresentativenarrativesaboutIndigenouspeoplewere
informedbyavarietyoffactors.Firstly,theconfinedspatialityoftheCanalZonelimited
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dailyinteractionbetweenAmericansandtheIndigenousvillagersthatlivedoutsideofthe
TenMileZone(Franck,1913).Secondly,popularnewspapersoftenportrayedIndigenous
Panamaniansasprimitivecomparedtowhitepopulations.Forinstance,TheLosAngeles
Timesdescribesthecrocodile-killingadventuresofanAmericanadventurerinPanama,
“ToawhitemanslayinganoldcrocodilelikeOldDevilisbutaminorevent.Toa
bushman,itisoccasionforcelebrationnotuntingedwithacertainamountofreligiousfrenzy,touchinguponandappertainingtothingsverysacredtothebushmanandhissecretgods.Hepayshomagetothewhitemanforthosethingsheproudlyconsidersanunsolvablemystery”(LosAngelesTimes,1922,p.X16).
Figure16:Illustrationof“OldDevil”(LosAngelesTimes,1922,p.X16)
AutobiographerHenryFranckcommentsuponthepopularityofsensationalizedstories
involvingIndigenouspopulations,“butitneedonlyalittletimeonthezonetomakeone
laughattheabsurdstoriesofdangerfromthebushnativethatareevenyetappearingin
manyUSpapers”(1913,p.282).DescriptionsofIndigenouspopulationswereoftenplaced
alongotherdangerouselementsofthePanamanianwilderness,“Hostilenatives,wild
beasts,andhugpoisonousreptilesbestthepathinsectshelpedtodiscouragepopulation”
(Globe&Mail,1925).Lastly,thehistoricalrepresentationsofIndigenousPanamaniansby
Europeancolonialactors,aswellasnarrativesfromUSdomesticexpansion,influencedthe
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perspectivesofautobiographersthroughthecontinuityofraciallogics(Stoler,2016).
Underthesecircumstances,Americanautobiographerswereinterestedinproviding
descriptionsofpeopleandtheirconditions.Inparticular,thecultural,social,andhistorical
dividebetweenIndigenousPanamaniansandforeignpopulations.
IndigenousrepresentationsromanticizedIndigenousculturesvisavisImperialpowersof
SpainandtheUS.RobinsonstatesthatprevioustoEuropeancolonizationeffortsin
Panama,lifeforIndigenousPanamanianswasgenerallyidealandencompassedathriving
society.Robinsonwrites,
“[…]thattheywereconsiderablyadvancedintheartsofcivilizedlife.Theylivedin
villages,eachgovernedbyacaciqueorchiefandwithoutbeingwhatiscalledprogressive,weregenerallyandpeacewitheachother,contented,andthereforehappy.Allthiswasrudelychanged.Theseprimitivehomeswereinvaded,thewonderingIndiansrobbedoftheirplentifulornamentsofvirgingold,andatthesametimeseizedandmadeprisonersandslaves.Theyquicklyvanishedfromthefaceoftheearth,underthecruelSpaniards”(1911,p.172). FranckalsoemphasizesthedestructionanddisplacementofIndigenouslifebyThe
UnitedStatesgovernment.Inparticular,Franckisardentwhendescribingtheprocessof
removingIndigenouscommunitiesfromthepathwayoftheCanal.Hewrites,
“Putyourselfinhis(Indigenousperson)breech-clout.Supposeathrongof
unsympatheticforeignerssuddenlyappearedresolvedtoturnalltheworldyouknewintoalake,justbecausethatabsurdoutsideworldwantedtofloatsteamersyouneverknewtheuseof,fromsomewhereyouneverheardof,tosomewhereyoudidnotknow.Supposearepresentativeofthatunsympatheticgovernmentcamesnortingdownuponyouoneday…andcried:“comeon!Getoutofhere!We’regoingtoburnyourhouseandturnthiscountryintoalake.”Floodthelandwhichwasyourgreat-grandfathers,thespotwhereyouusedtoplayleapfrogunderthebananatrees,thejunglelandwhereyourmotherscourtshipdayswerepassed…Theforeignershadcried,“takethismoneyandgobuyafarmsomewhereelse,“andyoulookedaroundyouandsawaltheworldyouhadeverreallyknowntheexistenceofsinkingbeneaththerisingwaters.Wherewouldyougo,thinkyou,tobuythatnewfarm?Evenifyoufledandfoundanotherunknownlandhighanddryoratownwhatcouldyoudo,havingnottheremotestideahowtoliveinatownwithonlypiecesofmetaltogetfoodoutofinsteadofthemangotreethathadstoodbehindthehouseyourgrandfatherbuilteversinceyouwerebornanddroppedmangoeswheneveryouwerehungry?Tosaytheleastyouwouldbesomepeeved”(1913,p.307-308).AlthoughIndigenousPanamanianswereoftenrepresentednegativelyinpopularAmerican
media,FranckillustratesthereasonswhyIndigenouspeoplemaybehesitanttoengagein
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relationshipswithworkersfromtheUnitedStates.Inaddition,therepresentationof
Americansinthepassageas“unsympathetic”and“snortingdownuponyou”illustrates
culpabilitybyTheUnitedStatesgovernmentanditscitizensforpoorrelationsbetween
IndigenouscommunitiesandtheworkersoftheCanalZone(Franck,1913,p.307).Franck
reiteratestheresponsibilitythatAmericanshaveincreatingastrainedrelationship
betweenmigrantsandlocalswhenhewritesofhisexperiencewithanIndigenous
communityontheoutskirtsofthePanamaCanal,
“…Somewhatfrightenedbecausetheir(Indigenous)experienceofAmericansisofa
discourteouscreaturewhoshootsattheminastrongtongueandswearsatthembecausetheydonotunderstandit.Themomenttheyheardtheirowncustomarygreetingstheychangedtochildrendelightedtodoanythingtooblige”(1913,p.282).Franck’swritingurgesAmericanreaderstoempathizewithIndigenouspopulations
throughtherepresentationallenseofinfantilism.Inparticular,Franckcharacterizesthe
behavioraldispositionofIndigenousadultsassimilartothatofachild,byusinglanguage
suchas“frightened”,“delighted”,andaninferenceofobedience.Theauthoralsoportrays
theIndigenouspopulationsasincapableofunderstandingtheactionsandbehaviorsof
Americanimperialists.InFranck’sattempttochallengethenegativedepictionsof
IndigenousPanamanians,theauthoralsoperpetuatesnotionsofinfantilisminregardto
thegroup.
Fifty-yearPanamaCanalZoneresident,TracyRobinson,alsochallengestheelite
depictionsofIndigenouspeopleinPanama.Hewrites,
“Itisdifficulttounderstandfully,andexpressanintelligentopinionuponthesocial
lifeofpeopleofanotherraceandlanguage,otherideasandcustoms,otherstandardsofaction,unlessfamiliesenableonetodoso”(1911,p.232).
RobinsoncontendsthatwhitecitizensoftheZoneareincapableofproducinganinformed
opiniononotherracialandethnicpopulationsinPanamawithoutpossessingpersonalties
totheaforementionedcommunity.AuthorJohnStephens,whotravelledextensivelyfrom
PanamauntilreachingtheYucatanin1841,sharesthepersonalrelationshipshehas
developedwithanIndigenouscommunityduringhistimeinCentralAmerica.Stephens
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describedthesceneastheauthorpreparedtoleaveanIndigenousvillagethathadoffered
himhospitality,
“Everymaleinhabitantcametothehousetobidusfarewellandwishustoreturn;
andbeforestartingweroderoundandexchangedadioswithalltheirwives;goodkindandquietpeople,freefromallagitatingcares,andaimingonlyatanundisturbedexistenceinaplacewhichIhadbeeninducedtobelievetheabodeofsavagesandfullofdanger”(1841,p.365).
StephensexpressesthathispreconceivednotionsofIndigenouspeoplediffered
significantlyfromhispersonalexperienceswithresidentsofanIndigenousvillage.
4.6“LikeDisney’sVersionofPocahontas”:TheIndigenousRepresentationsbyAmenityMigrants
Autobiographicalliteraturewrittenbyamenitymigrantsandresidentialtouristin
Panamafrom1990-2017oftenreducesthecomplexityofIndigenousPanamanianpeople
toonedimensionalandstereotypicaldepictions.Inresidentialtourismandamenity
migrationscholarship,IndigenouspeoplesofPanamaarecharacterizedasanextensionof
thecountry’snaturallandscapes.Historically,Europeancolonizersemphasizedaclose
relationshipbetweenIndigenousgroupsandthenaturalworldaspartofaprimitiveand
animalisticconceptualization.Relatedly,amenitymigrantsdistanceIndigenous
Panamaniansfromunderstandingsofmodernitythroughvariousdiscursiveandmaterial
practices.Theseprocessesfacilitateaninterpersonalhierarchybetweenthe
representationsofIndigenousPanamaniansandamenitymigrantsinPanama.
ForresidentialtouristsConnieMcBrideandMalcolmHendersoninBocasdelToro,
indigenouspopulationswerecommonlydescribedaspartofthenaturallandscape.Inthe
followingpassageMcBriderecountsadiscussionwithanacquaintanceonwhattoexpectin
thearchipelagoofBocasdelToro.Theauthorwrites,
“Unlikethearidislandsofoursailingpast,herewasalandwithrealsoilthatsupportedtreesofproportionsandvarietiesthatwehadneverseensoclosetoasea.Webombardedthemwithquestionsandtheyprovidedalltherightanswers.Theytoldusofmonkeys,mountains,waterfalls,sandybeaches,andIndians(2012,p.2).“
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Theplacementof“Indians”inalistwiththetopographicalfeaturesandanimalsofthe
Panamanianarchipelagoillustratesaconceptuallinkfortheauthorbetweenthese
elements.TheMcBridefamilyconsideredthepresenceofindigenouscommunitiessimilar
tonaturalattractionsinBocasdelToro.ForMalcolmHenderson,anexpatriatethathad
residedinPanamaforanumberofyears,indigenouspopulationswereoftendescribedas
partofthetropicalscenery.WhiledescribingaviewofthewaterHendersonwrites,“Inthe
distance,IndiansfishfromCayucosintheshadowsofthemangroves”(2004,Location
298).McBridealsodescribesasimilarscene,“WesawotherIndiansindugoutsthroughout
thebay,oblivioustothegawkerssailingthroughtheirbackyard”(2012,p.24).McBride
describesalocalteenagerwhenshewrites,
“Abeautifulgirlof16withdarkhairnearlytoherwaiststoppedtopose,thoughshe
nevermadeeyecontact;herhighcheekbonesandcaféconlecheskinremindedmeofaDisney’sversionofPocahontas”(2012,p.150).SimilartothetaleofDisney’sPocahontas,representationsofIndigenouscommunities
livingclosetonatureandevenpossessingmysteriousknowledgeregardingtheworld,
werereoccurringthemesamongtravelwriters.InDon’t’KillTheCowtooQuick,Henderson
describesthepurposeofasuddentrip,“Withanunexpectedweektospare,weheadedto
CostaRicatovisitmembersofanIndigenousIndiantribe,hopingtheywouldshowusthe
pathtoatranquillife”(2004,p.125).Henderson’sfascinationwithIndigenousknowledge
andculturalpracticesarenotonlylimitedtoCostaRicancommunitiesbutalsoabundantly
clearinregardtolocalPanamanianpopulations.Inparticular,Hendersonemploysthe
“idealizedEuropeanvision”ofIndigenousPanamaniansbyemphasizingtheir“conformity
withnature”(Redford,1991).Hendersonstatesthat,“AmongsttheIndigenouspeople,the
understandingsofnature’sneedandofmankind’sdependenceonherbounty,remainboth
practicalandspiritual”(2004,p.149).HendersonmaintainsIndigenouscommunitiesas
nature,particularlyinregardtospiritualworshipandsustenancecultivation.Henderson
furthersthe“discursivetraditionofnatureconservation”bypositioning“primitive”
Indigenouspopulationsastheonlycommunitiesallowedtolivewith“pristineornatural”
environments(DeBont,2015).Inaddition,Hendersonalsospeakstohisperceptionofa
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strongerhistoricalrelationshipbetweenIndigenouspopulationsandtheenvironmentthan
hisownEuropeanforbearers,
“IhadrespectforIndianadvice.Theirknowledgecarriestheexperienceoftheir
forefatherswholivedinharmonywithnature.Theirsurvivalwasdependentonunderstandingnature’swaysandhercures”(2004,p.2254).HendersonreplicatesaperspectivethatcharacterizesIndigenouspopulationsas
possessingamoreintimaterelationshipwiththenaturalworld.However,theconceptual
relationbetweenIndigeneityandtheenvironmentalsofunctionstodistinguishthese
populationsfromdiscoursesofmodernityanddevelopment.Throughouthistory,European
colonizersemphasizedacloserelationshipbetweenIndigenousgroupsandthenatural
worldaspartofaprimitiveandanimalisticconceptualization(Mollett2017).Henderson’s
commentonthelocalIndigenouspopulationsillustratestheauthor’sperceptualbinary
betweentheNgobe-BugletribeandothermembersoftheBocasdelTorocommunity.
Specifically,whiteandAfro-Antilleanresidentsarenotcharacterizedasinteractingwith
natureinsuchanintimateandextensivemanner.InEuriskoSailsWestMcBrideexpressesa
similarsentimenttowardsIndigenouspeopleinBocasdelToro.Inparticular,McBride
positivelyrepresentsmembersoftheNgobeandGunatribesthatliveinthejungle,rather
thanfamiliesthatliveinthevarioustownoftheBocasdelToroarchipelago.
“WediscoveredduringourstayinPanamathatthefartherintothejunglethe
Indianslived,thebetterofftheywere.Theonescutofffromcivilizationlivedinwellbuiltthoughsimplehomeswithporchesandyardsthattheykeepsweptandfreeofdebris.Theirchildrenwereclean,appropriatelydressand[sic]quickwithasmileandawave.ButtheIndianslivingclosetotownswerelesslikelytoshowanyprideintheirhomes,theirchildren,orthemselves.Therewasnotajunglefulloffoodsurroundingthem,norichdirtinwhichtogrowagarden,noclearstreamfromwhichtogatherwater,whattheygainedinaccesstomodernconveniencestheylostinthewayofself-relianceandconfidence”(2012,p.55).ThebinarypresentedbyMcBridemirrorsthenarrativesfrequentlyusedbyconservation
groupsandnativespokespeopletocharacterizeIndigenouslife,“TheIndianworld-
collective,communal,humanrespectfulofnature,andwise-andthewesternworld-
greedy,destructive,individualist,andenemyofnature”(Redford,1991).Asmentionedin
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thequoteabove,McBridenegativelyrepresentsIndigenouspeople,whodonotlivecloseto
thejungleoradheretootherformsof“traditional”Indigeneity.
“Inthemeantime,wewillkeepfilminglocalsinwhatmiddleclassAmericansconsiderhorriblelivingconditions.Butourpointis,whichgroupofpeopleishappiest?Theaccountantslavingawayfrom9to5,chasinghistail,worriedaboutmortgages,insurance,andkeepingupwithhisneighbors,ortheIndianfamilylivinginacorrugatedtinshackonthewater,worriedaboutnothingbutwhethertohavefishorriceforbreakfast?Whichgroupdoyouhearlaughingmostoften?”(2012,p.145)McBridecontinueswiththisnarrativeinanotherpartofhertravelmemoir,while
discussinganIndigenousfamilythatlivedclosetohersailboat.
“Atrailoflaughterfollowedthemastheypaddledtoshore:sixlittlebodiesina
dugoutcanoe,rowinghometoashackinamudflat,withnoelectricity,norunningwater,andnotacareintheworld,takingapieceofourChristmastreeasacovetedgift”(2012,p.38).TheIndigenouspovertydescribedbyMcBrideintheabovepassagesisseenasa
normalizedfeatureofPanamanianIndigenouslife(Mollett,2011).Academicdiscussionsof
IndigenouspopulationsinCentralAmericaassertthatdiscussionsofpovertyand
inequalityareshapedbyunderstandingsofdifference.Inparticular,“processesareset
forththroughculturalhierarchiesandtropesofbackwardness”thatnormalize
representationsofIndigenouspoverty(Mollett,2011,p.45).McBride’scharacterizationof
Indigenouspopulationsasunintelligentandunambitiousisanotherinvocationofthis
backwardness.
4.7Savage,Civilized,orNoble:ConstructionsofIndigeneityandNatureTravelwritersandtouristsinPanamahaveusedavarietyofdiscursivepracticesto
shapeIndigenousrepresentations.Inparticular,narrativesofinfantilismwereusedto
describethedispositionandagencyofIndigenousPanamaniansbyAmerican
autobiographers.AsAndreaSmith(2010)asserts,Euro-Americandiscoursecommonly
positsIndigenouspopulationsinabinaryofcivilizedorinfantile,
“TheNativeisrenderedpermanentlyinfantileor—asmostlycommonlyunderstood—aninnocentsavage.Shecannotmatureintoadultcitizenship,shecanonlybe
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lockedintoapermanentstateofinfancy—degenerateintobrutalsavageryordisappearinto“civilization”(Smith,2010,p.51).
EvidentinthediscussionsbyFranck(1913)andRobinson(1911),Indigenous
PanamaniansweredepictedastheantithesistoAmericanimperialexpansionism.In
particular,theauthorsrepresentedIndigenouspopulationsasinherentlyunableto
understandthecivilizingactionsoftheUnitedStates,duetotheirinfantilenatureand
positioningoutsideofmodernsociety.
AuthorsofautobiographicaltextsalsoromanticizedtherelationshipofIndigenous
peoplewiththeenvironment.Theserepresentationsalignwithscholarshipfromthefield
ofconservationthatattestsindigenouspopulationsarecommonly“ascribedelaborate
ecologicalfolkknowledge,whilebeingrepresentedassuccessfulstewardsoftheEarth”(De
Bont,2015,p.215).Inthiscolonialconstruction,nativepopulationsareunderstoodas
“NobleSavages”thatliveinharmonywiththeirenvironment(Redford,1991).AsMcBride
(2012)andHenderson(2004)demonstrated,Indigenouspersonsarecriticizediftheydo
notfulfillthelandusepracticesandqualitiesascribedtotheNobleSavagestereotype.
McBride(2012)andHenderson’s(2004)discussionisinformedbyracialimaginariesthat
shape“conceptionsofsuitableandunsuitablelandusepractices”byIndigenous
Panamanians(Mollett,2011,p.45).Thusconstructionsof“real”Indigeneityintersectwith
narrativesofmodernity,civilization,andenvironmentalism.
4.8TheMakingofAmericanSpaceinPanama
TravelwritersdocumentinglifeandtourisminPanamafrequentlycommentedon
theprocessesofAmericanspacemakingintheIsthmus.TheuseofAmericanfashion,
language,andhousingdesignbywhiteAmericansfacilitatedtheculturalandphysical
likenessofthePanamaCanalZonetomainlandUnitedStates.Segregatedrestaurants,bars,
interestgroupsandtheYMCAalsoshapedthesocialisolationofAmericanresidentsfrom
otherpopulationsinPanama.WhiteresidentsfrequentlypraisedtheUnitedStates
governmentfortransformingtheCanalZoneintoaspacereminiscentoftheUnitedStates.
Inparticular,travelwritersemphasizedtheirpersonalopinionthatprevioustoAmerican
occupation,Panamawasanundesirabletropicallocation.HenryFranckwrites,
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“Unclesamesurelymakeslifecomfortableforhischildrenwhereverhetakeshold.
Itisnotenoughthatheshallcleanupandsetinorderthesetropicalpestholes;hewillhavetheemployeefancyhimselfcompletelyathome”(1913,p.27)
Figure17:HighTeawithColonelandMrs.DavidD.Gaillard(McCullough,1977,p.513)
TheauthorpurveysasimilarsentimentwhenreferringtoAmericanworkerswhohave
residedintheCanalZoneforalongperiodoftime,“Andnonebutthosecaninanydegree
realizewhat“TioSam”hasdonefortheplace”(Franck,1913,p.28).Inbothquotations
FranckemphasizesabeliefthattheregionofPanamawasinneedoftransformation,asthe
previousconditionoftheZonewasunacceptablebyAmericanstandards.Theauthoralso
indicatesthatthePanamaCanalZonehasbecomemorethansimplyhabitable,thespace
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hasbeenmoldedtosuitthepreferencesofAmericanworkersallowingtheCanalZoneto
feellikehome.
AlthoughthebuiltformanddesignoftheCanalZonemimickedmanyofthephysical
featurespopularinAmericantowns,avarietyofdifferenceswerestillprevalentbetween
lifeinPanamaandTheUnitedStates.ForemployeesoftheZoneandvisitingtourists,these
differenceswereoftenareoccurringtopicofdiscussion.Inparticular,Americanresidents
intheCanalZonewereresistanttoadoptingthelanguage,climate,andsystemsof
Panamanianculture.InsteadAmericansinsisteduponimplementingpracticesfromthe
UnitedStatesinPanama.Amultilingualemployee,HenryFranckdiscusseshisopinionon
therefusalofAmericanstolearnSpanishwhenlivingintheisthmus,
“ItcomesbacktoourgovernmentandbeyondthattotheAmericanpeople.Withall
ourexpandingoverthesurfaceoftheearthinthepastfourteenyearstherestillhangsoverusthatoldprovincialbackwoodsboogie,“Englishisgoodenoughforme.”Child’staskasisthelearningofaforeignlanguage,provincialoldunclesamejustflatfootsalongthesameoldway,expectingtogovernandjudgeandleadalongthepathofcivilizationhisforeigncoloniesbybellowingattheminhisownnasaldrawandtreatingtheirtongueasifitweresomepurelyanimalsound”(1913,p.154).FranckreferstotheperspectiveoftheAmericangovernmentandmanycitizensthatdueto
theperceivedsuperiorityofAmericancultureoverothernations,foreignterritoriesshould
adapttothepracticesoftheUnitedStates.TheethnocentricmindsetamongEnglish
speakersinPanamawassostrongthatFranckclaimsregardlessofracialbackground,any
bilingualAmericancouldreceiveapositionamongtheadministrativeclass,“Howrareare
SpanishspeakingAmericansonthezonehasprovedbytheadmittanceofsuch
complexionstothegoldrole”(1913,p.33).Thisstatementregardingthedemandfor
bilingualworkersisespeciallyrevealingconsideringthewidevarietyofefforts
implementedbytheUnitedStatesgovernmenttosegregateworkersofcolorfromtheir
whiteAmericanscounterpartsintheCanalZone.
TheclimateofPanamawasanotherpointofcontentionregardingthe
implementationofPanamanianmethodsandpractices.Intheearlytwentiethcenturythe
apparelwornbybothAmericanmenandwomenwasofteninappropriateforahotand
humidclimate.Layeredclothingthatwasdesignedtocoveraperson’slimbsandneckwas
fashionableintheera,astylethatwascarriedfromtheUnitedStates.Inthehomesofgold
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staremployees,sheetsandcomfortersthatwereconsideredessentialintheNorthwere
oftenusedforbedding.Insistenceuponunsuitablematerialsandfashionsleftwhite-collar
workersuncomfortableinthetropicalheat.MaryLouiseAllenwhospenttimesocializing
withAmericanwomenwhiletravellingontheisthmussharedtheirexperiencesinher
novel,
“WhentheclimategetsonthenervesoftheAmericanwomendowntheresothat
thebegintoyarnforbracingwindsanddrivingsnowstormsandfrostedwindowpanes,theyhavetogouptothestatestogetstraightenedout;otherwise,iftheycantleave,theysometimesgotopiecesunderthestrain”(1913,p.127).MaryLouiseAllenalsodiscussedthePanamanianclimateasonereasonthatthewivesof
goldroleemployeesexperiencedhomesickness,
“Theonlytroublewiththemarriedmenseemstobeinkeepingtheirwives
contented.Householdlaborislightandserviceischeap,thereforethewomenarenotsobusyasthemenandhavetimetogethomesick.Butthegovernmenttackledthatproblemtooandimportedanorganizerofclubstohelpthewomenfindemploymentforthesparetimewhichotherwisemightuseinthinkingabouttheclimateandfarawaygod’scountry”(1913,p.128).TheunwillingnessofAmericanmigrantstoadjusttheircustomstolifeinPanamaoften
madelifeunnecessarilydifficult,includingtheabsenceofappropriatedressandlanguage
skills.Luckilyforthewivesofgoldroleemployees,theUnitedStatesgovernmentprovided
avarietyofopportunitiestoreducetheeffectsofhomesicknessandincreasesocialization
amongthewomen.Withoutentertainment,clubs,andpastimeprogramsfundedbythe
Americangovernment,populationsintheCanalZonewouldhavefewopportunitiesand
spacestoconnectwithotherwhiteAmericans.DuetotheabsenceofSpanishlanguage
ability,anethnocentricattitudebymostwhiteCanalfamilies,andthepropensityof
segregationinsocialvenues,upperclassAmericansrarelyintegratedintobroader
Panamaniansociety.
DespitethephysicalandsocialsegregationofAmericancitizensinPanama,andinsome
instancesbecauseofit,manywritersconsideredthestateofAmericanlifeintheCanal
Zoneasideal.Thepopularityofsocialandleisureactivities,lowcrimerates,andgenerous
incomeallowedwhiteAmericanmigrantstosustainthelevelofcomfortequaltoor
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surpassingconditionsintheUnitedStates.Inaddition,American’swereabletosustain
theirculturalpracticesinaforeignspace.Thesecircumstancesweretakenintoaccountas
travelwriterslookedforwardtothepossiblefutureofPanamaforAmericanpopulations.
ForTracyRobinson,theauthorbelievedtherelaxedscheduleofAmericantropicallife
wouldallowmoretimeforintellectualendeavorsandabetterqualityoflife.Robinson
argues,
“Thiskindoflifemightbefoundinthetropicsnow.Thepeopleofthetropicsdonot
leadsuchalife;theypasstheirsparetimeinidlenessandthepursuitofsensualjoys,untilennuyedtodesperationtheykickuparevolution.Butifthepeopleofthetemperateregions,whoarewearyoftheirstrifeforamereliving,couldrealizethepossibilitiesthatawaitthemonthehighlandsthatextendfromChiriquiontheisthmustothestateofOaxacainMexico,Ifancytheywouldflockthereinsuchnumbersastowipeoutthetracesofbarbarismthatstillremainthereandbringtopasstheconditionofaffairswhichbatesforetold”(1911,p.266).RobinsonprophesizesthattheideallivingconditionsexperiencedintheCanalZonewould
attractasubstantialnumberofresidentialmigrantsfromNorthAmericaandEuropetoall
areasofPanama.InRobinson’simaginativefuture,theabundantmigrationofpopulations
fromtheGlobalNorthwoulderadicatetheculturalpracticesandcustomsofPanamanians,
whichareconsideredbytheauthorinferiortothatofothernations.Evidentfromthis
passageisRobinson’sassumptionthatAmericancitizenswouldnotintegrateto
Panamanianculture,butrathertransformPanamaniansocietytoreflectAmericancultural
practices.TheauthorcontinueswithsimilarsentimentsofAmericanculturalexpansion.
Robinsonwrites,
“Nothingappearstohavebeencreatedinvainthetimewillcomewhenthewild
regionnowincludedwithinthelimitsofthePanamaIsthmus,aswellasthoseimmensesolitudesNorthandSouth,shallbetransformedintosmilingsummerlandswherecountlessmillionswillfindhomes”(1911,p.266).Robinson’sdescriptionofforeignpopulationsmovingtoandresidingwithinPanama
relatestodiscussionsofamenitymigrationandresidentialliterature.Inparticular,
RobinsoncharacterizesPanamaasspaceprimedforthefuturedevelopmentofresidential
enclaves,specificallyforAmericanpopulations.ThischaracterizationalignswithPanama’s
modernreputationasasafeandcomfortablespacetosettleforaffluentmigrants(Mollett,
90
2017,Benson,2013,Guerron-Montero,2014).Robinsoncontinueswithasimilarsentiment
thatspeakstotheeconomicopportunityPanamawillprovideformanyAmericanmigrants.
“Alongbothcoastsaremanybaysandlovelyislandswhichformshelterforvessels,
andwillsomedaybedesirableforplantationsforcocoanutsandothertropicalproductionsaswellasforthedelightfulinsularhomesofafuturepopulations”(1911,p.179).Robinson’sdiscussionof“tropicalproductions”and“insularhomesofafuturepopulation”
relatesstronglytorepresentationsofelitemigrantenclavesintermsofeconomicand
residentialorganization.Inrecenttravelnarratives,authorshavedescribedenclavessuch
asBoquetewithan“Americaninfluencethatisunmistakable”(Carpenter,2010).Other
writershavestatedthatthephysicalandsocialcharacteristicsofamenityenclavesare
“welcomingtoAmericans”and“whereforeignersdon’tfeeloutofplace”(“BestPlaceto
RetireinPanama”,InternationalLiving).Americanspacemakingintheisthmusisalso
formedthroughcommunityactivities,suchphilanthropy.AmericanmigrantMalcolm
Hendersonasserts,“thecontributionofGringostothegoodofthecommunityis
considerable”inareaswithlargeamenitymigrantpopulations(2004,p.4341).Forthese
reasons,Robinson’simaginaryofAmericanspacemakinginPanamaisverysimilartothe
formationofamenitymigrantandresidentialtourismenclavesthroughoutthecountry.
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Figure18:AphotographinNationalGeographicofAmericanZoneresidentsshopping(Marden,
1941,p.599).
4.9CommunitySpaceMakinginAmericanEnclaves
AmericanspacemakingintheCanalZonewassupportedbyfederalplanningand
policyinitiativesthatfocusedonthedevelopmentofanAmericancommunity.Inparticular,
thegovernmentoftheUnitedStatesconsideredtheestablishmentofwhite-onlyleisure
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spacesasanimportantinitiativeto“boostingmorale”ofAmericanpopulationsintheCanal
Zone(McCullough,1977,p.478).InparticulartheAmericangovernment,“hadclubhouses
built,arrangedforweeklybandconcerts,establishedabaseballleague”inaneffortto
supportAmericanmigrantpopulations(McCullough,1977,p.478).ForwhiteAmerican
workersandtheirfamilies,segregatedspacesofleisureandcommunityfacilitatedthe
perpetuationofAmericanculturalpracticesinPanama,suchasEnglishlanguagespeaking
anddistinctfashion(McCullough,1977).AmericancorporationsinLatinAmerica,suchas
theUnitedFruitCompany,alsoimplementedsocialandcommunityprogramsforwhite
workers“tocombattheeffectofdistance”(Martin,2013,p.320).Infact,American
economicenclavesinLatinAmericaoftenfollowasimilarmodelofculturalisolation,
“foreignterritoriesmoldedbyUSculture,tiedintoworldmarkets,andwithlittle
connectiontothecountriesinwhichtheyarelocated”(LeGrande,1998,p.335).Forthis
reason,communityplacemakingforwhiteAmericanswasconsideredanessentialpractice
byemployersandgovernmentofficials.
Scholarsoftourismhavedemonstratedthatresidentialtouristsandamenity
migrantsoftenmakespacethroughtheimplementationofNorthAmericanandEuropean
culturalpracticesinforeignenclaves(Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2013;Guerron-Montero,
2014;Mollett,2017,Spalding2013).Infact,researchhasindicatedthatamenitymigrants
fromtheGlobalNorthareattractedtoareasthatalreadyhaveexistingcommunitiesof
NorthAmericanandEuropeanresidents(Benson,2013;VanNoorloos,2011).The
developmentofamenitymigrantenclavesisfrequentlycharacterizedbythephysical
transformationtoresidentialandbusinesslandscapesthatmimicdesignspopularinthe
GlobalNorth(Dorosh&Klytchnikova,2013;Benson,2013).Bensondescribesthis
phenomenoninthegrowthofBoquete,apopulartourismenclaveinthemountainsof
Panama,
“EachtimeIreturnedtoPanamathechangeinthepopulationwasevident,whetherinthesupermarket,onthestreetsofBajoBoquete,attheweeklyTuesdayMorningMeetingandmarketcateringfortheincreasingNorthAmericanpopulationinthearea”(2013,p.319).Robinson’s(2011)imaginaryofAmericanenclavesthroughouttheisthmusareremarkably
similartothecommunitiesofamenitymigrantsandresidentialtouristsinPanamatoday.
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Warmweather,economicopportunity,andaboomingrealestatemarkethasattractedelite
migrantpopulationstoPanama(Benson,2013;Benson&O’Reilly,2009).Inboththe
PanamaCanalZoneandamenitymigrantenclaves,formingacommunityhasbeenessential
tothecreationofAmericanspaces.
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ChapterFive:“SteppingBackintothePast”
TheGeographicImaginariesofModernPanamanianTravelLiterature:1990-Present5.1ProducingImaginaries:ThePracticesandProcessofModernTourismLiterature
Therepresentationsofpeopleandplacethatappearintourismliteratureare
informedbyavarietyofeconomicandsocialfactors.Firstly,scholarsoftourismcontend
thatthecommonnarrativesandimageryappearingintravelliteratureisfrequentlyshaped
byconsumerdemand,ratherthanaccurateandholisticdepictionsoftraveldestinations
(Jenkins,2003).Forthisreason,producersoftourismliteratureoftenemployfamiliarand
repetitiveimageryofthesamelocations(Jenkins,2003).In1986,Dilleyfoundthatthe
islandsoftheCaribbeanareusuallyadvertisedwithphotographsofbeachesand
recreationalwateractivities.MeanwhileinareasofEuropeandJapan,tourism
advertisementsrepeatedlyemployhistoricalimagesofheritagebuildingsandclassicart.In
addition,Scottishtravelliteraturecapitalizedonimagesofcastlesandbarrenlandscapesto
enticetourisminterest(Hughes,1992).Editorsoftourismliteraturemayalsoselecttravel
contentthatwasdesignedtomimiciconictourismimages,suchastheEiffeltoweror
imageryofprimitiveIndigenoustribes(McWhaetal,2014).Asaresult,scholarshavealso
foundthattouriststhemselvesrecreateandcirculatepersonalphotographyofa
destinationthatmimicstheimagerytheyhaveseenintravelliterature(Jenkins,2003).
Therepeateduseofimagesandnarrativesinrelationtotourismdestinationsisdue
to“sharedmeanings”thatdevelopinaculturetounderstandsuchimagery.Jenkins
explainstheconceptofsharedmeaningas,“theideathatparticularvisualimagescirculate
withinacultureandbecomeimbuedwithparticularmeanings,associationsandvalues”
(2003,p.307).Inpractice,sharedmeaningsareusedintourismadvertisingtotarget
specificmarketsanddenoteparticularnarrativesforpotentialconsumers.Anover-
simplifieddepictionoftraveldestinationsinconjunctionwithmisrepresentativemarketing
initiativescreatestravelnarrativesthat“mystifythemundane;amplifytheexotic;
minimizethemisery;rationalizethedisquietude;andromanticizethestrange”
(Weightman,1987,p.229).
TheexaminationofPanamaniantourismliteraturehasdemonstratedthe
commonalityofcolonialandimperiallogicsunderpinningtherepresentationsof
95
Panamanianlandscapesandpeople(Guerron-Montero,2014;Mollett,2017).Scholarsof
tourismattestthatPanamaniantourismimagesaresimilartoCaribbeannations,withan
emphasisonracializedbodiesandnaturallandscapes(Sheller,2004;Guerron-Montero,
2014).InPanamaniantravelliteratureappearingonlineandinprint,travelwriters’focus
onPanama’spastasspaceofSpanishconquestandAmericanimperialcontrol.This
glorificationofPanama’shistoryhasbeenfoundtoinfluencethemobilityoftravelwriters
andtourists,whocontextualizetheirownmobilityinregardtoimperialactors.
5.2“Discovering”Panama:ColonialNarrativesofExplorationAmongTourists
Figure19:HeadlinefromtheWashingtonPost(November19,1933)
Contemporarytravelwritingremainslimitedtoanarrowandrepetitive
combinationofthemes.Inparticular,thesubjectofcolonialexplorationandconquestis
frequentlyusedtocontextualizetraveltoPanamaamongpopularliterature.Inthevast
majorityoftravelarticlescollectedandanalyzed,writersdiscusstheisthmus’historyasa
locationfrequentedbySpanishconquistadoressuchasChristopherColumbus,Vasco
NunezdeBalboa,andFranciscoPizarro,aswellaspiratessuchasSirHenryMorgan.The
fascinationwiththesecolonialactorsamongwritersillustratesthecentralroleof
colonialismincontemporaryunderstandingsofPanamaanditspopulationasatravel
destination.Althoughdiverseenvironmental,topographic,social,andculturalfeatures
characterizePanama,eachlocationdiscussedwasconsistentlytiedtothemobilitiesand
settlementofcolonialactors.
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Therepetitivedescriptionsandimaginariesseenincontemporarytravelnarratives
regardingcolonialismareillustratedinavarietyoflocationsthroughoutthecountry.For
instance,thearrivalofChristopherColumbustotheCaribbeanarchipelagoisthe
predominantnarrativeusedintravelliteraturetocontextualizetheimportanceofBocas
delTorofortourists.Inparticular,discussionsofthearchipelagorepresentBocasas
“untouched”previoustoColumbus’“discovery”,withlittledialoguediscussingtheNgobe-
Bugletribethathasresidedintheregionforcenturies(Carpenter,2010).Inthecontextof
BocasdelToro,travelwriterscontinuetorepresentthehistoryofcolonialisminPanamaas
atourismattractionforthecountry.
NarrativesofcolonialromanticismalsoemergeinTheTorontoStar’scoverageofthe
SanBlasislands.JabetGroenedescribestheKunaIndigenoustribeofSanBlasIslands,who
havefoughtagainstcolonialactorsfortheirindependenceandsovereigntysincethearrival
oftheSpanish.TheStarwrites,
“Notinvaders,norconquistadors,norpirates,normissionarieshavebeenabletosubdueorseducetheCunaIndiansofPanama.LifegoesonintheSanBlasislandstodaymuchasitdidbeforeBalboa”(Groene,1986,p.H7).Groene’swordchoiceof“subdue”inthispassagenotonlydiminishestheactionsand
methodsofcolonialforcestowardsIndigenouspopulations,butalsoinfersthecultureand
lifestyleoftheKunaasexcessiveorwild.Alternatively,theuseof“seduce”illustratesa
conceptualunderstandingofEuropeancultureastemptingtotheKuna.Inbothcontexts,
thewordchoicebytheauthorignoresthehistoricalrealitiesthatoccurredintheregionat
thehandsofcolonialactors.Theauthor’sstatementthat“LifegoesonintheSanBlasisland
todaymuchasitdidbeforeBalboa”demonstratesaconceptualunderstandingthatthe
Kunaremainuntouchedbycolonialismandmodernsociety,ratherthanframing
contemporaryKunacultureandpracticesasachoicemadebytheIndigenouscommunity
despitecenturiesofattemptedmodificationbyoutsideactors(Groene,1986,p.H7).Thus,
thisdepictionoftheKunaintheTorontoStardiminishesthepossibilityforanaccurate
understandingbyreadersofthetribe’shistoricalandcontemporaryagency.
Figure20:HeadlinefromtheTorontoStar,(Groene,1986,p.H7)
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EventheislandofTaboga,whichisutilizedbyresidentsofPanamaCityasanearby
beachandpark,wasdescribedintermsofitsefficacytohistoricalconquestand“departure
pointfortheirexploits”(Moon,2011).Inmanyofthequotesmentioned,thelanguageused
todescribecolonialisminPanamahasbeensanitizedforapopularaudience.Whiletravel
writersaredescribingconquistadoresas“adventurers”andconquestas“exploits,”the
violenceandsubjugationinherentinsuchendeavorshasbeenconsciouslyremoved.
TherepresentationofPanamaCityintravelliteraturehasbeeninfluencedbythe
capitol’sstrategiclocationtoimperialistsandeconomichistory.Overthepasttwodecades
PanamaCityhasexperiencedaneconomicboom,whichhassignificantlychangedthe
capitol’surbanlandscapes(Sigleretal.,2015).Rural-urbanmigrationaswellas
internationalinvestmenthasresultedinthegrowthofbothlow-incomeneighborhoods
andskyscrapers,whichholdthehomesandbusinessesofaffluentpopulations(Sigler,
2014).Inotherareasofthecity,neighborhoodrestorationprojectshaveforcefully
removedsquatterstocreateboutiquehotelsandtrendyrestaurants(Sigler&Wachsmuth,
2016).Likeanyotherurbanmetropolis,PanamaCityhasexperiencedsignificant
demographic,economic,andpoliticalchangessincetheturnofthecentury.However,in
mosttravelarticles,writersprefertofocusonthecity’shistoryasatradecenterforthe
valuablegoodsandmineralsoftheSpanishempireratherthanthesecontemporary
changes.Inparticular,authorsfocusedonthegeographicimportancePanamaCityhadto
Spanishpowers,duetothestrategiclocationoftheisthmusanditsproximitytoSouth
America.TheGuardianwrotein2003,
“SpanishexplorersfoundedOldPanama,whichbecamethenaturaljumpingoffpointforfurtherconquests,itsrenaissancestyleconstructionservingasamodelforallothercolonialSouthAmericancities.Swarmsofadventurerssailedoffwiththestolengoldsilver,pearlsandotherpricelesstreasureplunderedfromtheIncasofPerutounloadatOldPanama.FuelledwithtropicaldecadencetheareastillbuzzedwiththefilthandeleganceofseventeenthcenturySpainbutalsovibratedwiththesoundsofrevampingandrestoring”(Marks,2003,p.119).Fortravelwriters,thecolonialsubjugationoftheIncanempireandtheftofculturalgoods
byconquistadoreswasareoccurringthemeamongcontemporaryarticlesofPanamaCity.
Similartothepassageabove,innearlyeverytravelarticlethatmentionedPanamaCitythe
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authorhadincludeddetailsreferringtothecapitol’shistoryasanarea“richincolonial
history”and“richinPeruviangold”(Buehler,2003,p.K14).Despitethesignificantchanges
PanamaCityhasundergoneinthemodernera,writerscontinuedtofocusonthecapitol’s
importanceinpastcenturies,ratherthanit’scontemporaryfeaturesandcharacteristics.
DescriptionsofPanamaCityinaChicagoTribunearticleas“onceahubofcultureand
civilization”,illustratesthatdespitePanamaCity’stransformationoverthecenturies,the
importanceoftheurbancenterfortravelwritersisperceivedasfirmlyrootedinthepast
(Vohr,2013).ThedecisionbyauthorstocontextualizePanamaCityintermsofits
historicalcharacteristicsismeanttoattractthereaders’interestandtempttheir
imagination.Forthisreason,thementionofcolonialactorssuchas“HenryMorganand
FranciscoPizarro”wasusedinconjunctionwithmosttouristlocations(Moon,2011).
Movingbeyondthehistoricalcontextualizationofcolonialactorsintheregion,
manytravelwritershavealsobeguntoframetheirowncontemporaryexperiencesin
Panamabyenvisioningthemselvesasexplorers.Articlesfrequentlydescribedthe
emotions,imaginaries,andexperiencesoftravelwritersastheytraversetheisthmusand
discovernewareas.Byemployingthemselvesintheroleofconquistador,authors
perpetuatenarrativesthatcharacterizePanamaasamodernspaceinneedofcolonization.
Interestingly,thehistoricalcontextualizationofcolonialismintheregionmayhavehadan
influenceonthewaythesewritersunderstandtheirownmobilityandinteractionsinareas
suchasSanBlas,BocasdelToro,andPanamaCity.Inparticular,travelwritersimaginingor
comparingthemselvestohistoricalorliteraryfiguresisanoverwhelmingcommon
practice.SuchanexampleisseeninJamesYenckel’spiecefortheWashingtonPostin1995,
“WithnoeffortatallIimaginedwehadsteppedbackintothepast.Throughthe
centuries,travelersfromaroundtheworldhavecrossedtheIsthmusofPanamaenroutefromoneseatotheother.Iwaspleasedtobeablenowtocountmyselfamongthem”(Yenckel,1995,p.E1).Evidentintheauthor’spassage,theprominenceofcolonialdiscoursesintravelwriting
havemadeiteasyfortourists,includingauthors,toimaginethemselvesintheroleof
historicalactors.InthearticlebyTheWashingtonPost,theconceptualrelationthatexists
betweenYenkel’smobilityinPanamaandthematerialcontingenciesofcolonialactorsis
overwhelminglyportrayedinapositivelight.Spanishconquistadores,Britishpirates,and
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Americanworkershaveoverwhelmingassumedthemajorityofdescriptivediscourses
relatedtotheisthmus.Forthisreason,theauthor’simaginativepresenceincenturiespast
mostlikelypertainstothepowerfulEuropeanandAmericancolonistsratherthan
subjugatedpopulationsinPanama.
WhilevisitingtheSanBlasislands,authorTimNevilledescribeshisexperienceas
similartostrandedadventurerRobinCrusoe(2013).ThebookwrittenbyDanielDefoein
1719includesRobinsonCrusoe’slifeonatropicalislandovera28-yearperiod,including
encounterswithpirates,cannibals,andmutineers.Unfortunatelythecomparisonbetween
thefictionallifeofCrusoeandtheresidentsofSanBlasisnotparticularlyflattering.
Neville’scharacterizationoftheareaasisolatedanddevoidofcivilization,similartothe
storyofRobinsonCrusoe,ignoresthecontemporaryandhistoricalrealitiesoftheSanBlas
islands.In2012aCondéNastheadlinealsocomparedtheauthorPeterStevensonto
ChristopherColumbus(“TheSeductivelySleepyIslandsofBocasdelToro”,2012).
Ratherthansimplyperceivingtraveltotheareaasanactoftourism,authors
continuetocharacterizevisitationtoPanamaforthemselvesandtheirreadersasactionsof
“discovery”and“exploration”.IntheLonelyPlanetonlineguidebook,theauthorstatesthat
interactingwithnaturallandscapesinPanamais“allaboutdiscovery.”Thepassagegoeson
todescribehowifinspired,atravellercouldalso“exploreIndigenousterritoriesina
dugoutcanoe”(2017).Evidentlytheauthorhaspositionedthereaderinanimagined
situationthatplacesIndigenouscommunitiesasoutsideofregularhumancontact.Lonely
PlanetcontinuesbyurgingreaderswhowouldliketovisitPanamato“gowherethewild
thingsare”includingvisitingwaterfallsor“Panama’ssevenindigenousgroups”(2017).The
LonelyPlanetguidebookencouragesreaderstobothenvisionthemselvesasexplorerson
thePanamanianisthmusandparticipateinspecificactivitieswithpeopleandplacesthat
arecharacterizedaspredominantlyuntouchedbymodernsociety.DescriptionsofPanama
as“wild”followscolonialdiscoursesthatcommonlydisregardedthesocietyand
civilizationofPanamanians.Interestingly,theguidebookstatesthattherealityofa
dynamicIndigenoussocietyormanagedenvironmentisinconsequentialtoareader’s
experience,as“Panamaisaswildasyouwantittobe”(2017).Narrativesthatportrayrural
areasofPanamaasremainingunaffectedbyeconomic,political,andsocialfacetsofthe
contemporaryworldreoccurthroughouttravelliterature.Illustratedinanarticleforthe
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GlobeandMail,thetravelwriterrecountedthatwhenthearchipelagoofBocasdelToro
enteredhisvision,“civilizationdisappeared”(Rivers,2014).Bycharacterizingnatural
landscapesorruralareasasuntouchedbytouristsandresidents,writersareabletomore
convincinglyportrayPanamanianspacesasprimedforexplorationanddiscovery.The
GlobeandMailreaffirmstheconceptualrelationsbetweennaturalspacesandcolonial
interestwhenthearticlecontinues.TheauthorwritesthatPanama’s“sizehasnothingto
dowiththebreadthofitsbounty”(Rivers,2014).Asillustrated,theauthorofthispassage
createsaconceptualrelationbetweenthe“untouched”landscapesofPanamaandawealth
ofthecountry’sresources.Interestingly,“bounty”inthiscontextcanbeunderstoodasthe
valueofnaturallandscapesforPanamaintermsoftouristattractions,aswellasresource
extraction.ThisrelationshipbetweenterritoryandvalueisstronglyrelatedtoPanama’s
historyofcolonialism,withtheSpanishempireutilizingtheisthmus’geographicpositionto
attainpowerandcontroltrade(Marrin,1999).Aswiththeotherpassagesdiscussed,the
contextualizationofPanamaasaspacetoenactcolonialfantasiesbywritersandtourists
alike,havebeeninfluencedbycenturiesofcolonialnarrativesandcelebrationinpopular
discourse.Unfortunately,theperpetualuseofcolonialimaginariesincontemporarytravel
mediacontinuestoinfluencetheperceptionofPanamaformassaudiencesaroundthe
world.Inparticular,discoursesthatcharacterizetheisthmusaspossessingboundless
natureandlittlecivilizationreinforcestheimaginaryofPanamaasaspacewheretourists
canenactfantasiesofdiscoveryandconquest.
5.3ReconstitutedImaginariesofTheNewWorld
Historicalnarrativesofcolonialtraveltothe“NewWorld”haveinformedthe
geographicimaginariesoftouristsinPanama.Inparticular,EuropeanmobilityinLatin
Americahasbeenframedasthe‘discovery’and‘exploration’ofnewspacesincolonial
texts.AsdiscussedbyPratt,“travelbookswrittenbyEuropeansaboutnonEuropeanparts
oftheworldcreatedtheimperialorderforEuropeansathomeandgavethemtheirplacein
it”(1992).Inmoderncontexts,scholarsoftourismassertthattouristsoftenmimicthe
discourseandrepresentationsofcolonialactorswhiletravelling(Jenkins,2003).A
commonconsequenceofcolonialtravelnarrativesistheconceptualizationofLatin
AmericaandtheCaribbeanaspre-modern,“ithasneverthelessbeenspatiallyand
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temporallyevisceratedfromtheimaginarygeographiesof‘Westernmodernity”(Sheller,
2003,p.1).
AstouristsmovethroughPanamanianspaces,historiesofcolonialismalsoinformwhat
practicesareacceptableorexpected.InthecontextoftheCaribbean,thehistorical
interactionsofconquistadoreswithIndigenouspeoplesandtheenvironmenthave
producednarrativesofdominationandconsumption.Sheller(2003)atteststhat,
“TheCaribbeanhasbeenrepeatedlyimaginedandnarratedasatropicalparadiseinwhichtheland,plants,resources,bodies,andculturesofitsinhabitantsareopentobeinvaded,occupied,bought,moved,used,viewed,andconsumedinvariousways”(Sheller,2003,p.13).
Duetogeographicalproximityandsimilarhistoriesofcolonialism,Panamais
conceptualizedinasimilarmannertotheCaribbean.Inparticular,theAtlanticcoastof
Panamaisalsoimagined“aslandsofplentyasneverchangingandtimeless”(Guerron-
Montero,2011,p.22).AsMcKlintock(1995)illustrates,similarrelationsarefound
throughoutthe“NewWorld”asimperialactorsuniversally,“orientedthemselvesinspace,
asagentsofpowerandagentsofknowledge”(p.24).Thisculturaltraditionhasalsobeen
employedbytouristsinPanama,whocontinuetoframetheirowntravelinrelationto
colonialimaginaries.
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5.4UrbanImaginaries:TheComparisonofThePanamaCanalZonetoPanamanianCitiesinTravelLiterature
Figure21:PanamaCitySkyline(March2018)
ThehistoryofAmericanimperialisminPanamahaslongplayedanimportantrole
inpopulartravelliterature.Asillustratedintheanalysisofarchivalnewspapersattheturn
ofthetwentiethcentury,ThePanamaCanalZonewasapopulartopicofdiscussionamong
travelwritersandjournalists.Inparticular,talesfromtheisthmuspublishedinAmerican
newspapersgrabbedthepublic’sinterestandcreatedaburgeoningtourismindustryin
Panama.Nearlyonehundredyearslaterasthetwentyfirstcenturycametoaclose,
economicandpoliticalchangesontheisthmusagaininfluencedthetraveldiscourses
pertainingtoPanama.Inparticular,theremovalofGeneralManuelNoriegabytheUnited
StatesgovernmentandtheloomingannexationofthePanamaCanalZonebecamea
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commontopicofdiscussionintravelliterature(Guerron-Montero,2014).Thistemporal
periodofadjustmentforPanamawasaccompaniedbyanxiouscommentarybytravel
writers,whowarnedofanuncertainfuturefortheisthmus.Inparticular,travelwriters
werecriticalofthecapacityforPanamanianleadershipwithoutAmericanguidance.Nearly
twentyyearslater,similarsentimentregardingAmericanimperialismstilloccurs.Most
commonly,AmericancontrolinPanamahasbeenrepresentedintravelmediaasa
charmingandidealtimeforthecountry.Thischaracterizationcontrastswiththeportrayal
ofPanamacontemporarily,whichisoftendescribedasachaoticintermixtureofpeople,
places,anddevelopment.NarrativesintravelmediaalsocelebrateAmericanimperialism
astheprincipalreasonforPanama’ssuccessasatourismdestinationinthetwentyfirst
century.Forthesereasons,thischapterdiscussesthenostalgicdiscoursesofAmerican
imperialisminPanamaamongcontemporarytravelliterature.
Similartoarchivalnewspaperarticlesappearingintheearlytwentiethcentury,the
representationofthePanamaCanalZoneandAmericanimperialisminthecontemporary
eraremainspredominantlycomplementary.Inparticular,writersoftenprovidelengthy
descriptionsforreadersofwhatlifeinthePanamaCanalZonewaslikeforwhiteAmerican
citizensoverthepastcentury.EmphasisonthesimilaritiesbetweentheCanalZoneandthe
UnitedStatesproperiscommonlytoillicitemotiveandnostalgicresponsesamongreaders.
WriterShelleyEmlingfromTheAtlantaConstitutionin1999chroniclesthesuburban
settingoftheCanalinPanama.Hewrites,
“Therearealotofbackyardbarbecueshereeveryweekend.Wealsoplayalotof
basketballanddoalotofrunning.Sincethebeginning,theZonehasbeenthejungleMayberry,aplacewithvirtuallynocrimeorpoverty.Americanflagsadornmanyofthedwellingssetonneatlylandscapedlawnsfilledwithpalmtreesandiguanas.Twoorthreecarssitineachdriveway.Spacious,well-groomedparksandevenPopeyesandMcDonaldsarecloseby.TheresidentsemployPanamanianmaids,playbingoatnightandlistentoAmericanmusicatapublikebarcalledTheLoop”(Emling,1999,p.A23).Inthispassage,EmlingemphasizesthenormalcyandAmericanizedcharacteristicsofthe
CanalZone.Theauthor’sexperiencegrowingupintheterritoryprovidesgreaterdetailto
thearticleincludingthehobbiesandneighborhoodadornmentspopularforAmericans.In
particular,theauthor’sportrayalofthespaceas“Mayberry”,afictitiousneighborhood
fromTheAndyGriffinShow,illustratesanefforttorepresentThePanamaCanalasan
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archetypalsmallAmericantown.AsimilarnarrativeemergesadecadelaterinTraveland
Leisure’scoverageofPanamaregardingthepolishedappearanceoftheZone’sdesignand
residents.Themagazinewrites,
“Beforethis,thezonehadalwaysbeenamoreorlesspristineversionofAmericansuburbia,albeitinatropicalsetting.USsoldiersincrispuniformspatrolledthenearbybase,andonweekends,familieslivinginbeautifultwostorywoodenhouseswithscreenedterracesandporchesfrolickedontheirlawns,drinkingmartinisandeatingbarbecue,thechildrenglidingthroughtheaironplankswingsandplayingwithacheerfulplastictoy.Everythingcamefromthecommissary,shippedinbytheUSgovernment”(Wilentz,2009).AswiththearticlebyEmling,TravelandLeisure’sdescriptionoftheCanalZonefocuseson
apicturesquesuburbansetting,devoidofcrimeorpoverty.Inparticular,theimagery
describedinbotharticlesconstruesanenvironmentthatreplicatespopulartelevisions
showsofthemidtwentiethcenturysuchasFatherKnowsBestandLeaveittoBeaver.The
authorsofeacharticleshapetheperceptionoftheZoneforreadersbyemploying
narrativesandimagerythathaveaparticularmeaninginAmericansociety.Descriptionsof
“Twostoryhouses”,“Plankswings”,“onneatlylandscapedlawns”fulfillsthephysical
descriptionofsuburbiathathasbeencommonlyidealizedinmodernAmericansociety
(Wilentz,2009).However,forareasofPanamadescribedoutsidetheCanalZone,
unflatteringimagesofthenationproliferated.Inparticular,travelwritersquestionedhow
PanamawouldmoveforwardaftertheUnitedStatesannexedcontroloftheCanalZone
backtothePanamaniangovernment.AlthoughthePanamaCanalZonehadbeen
consistentlycelebrated,controloftheterritorybynon-Americanforceswasunderstoodas
thepotentialdestructionofsuchaspace.In1999,TheNewYorkTimesframesPanamaasa
countrythatemergedaftertheestablishmentofAmericancontrolintheZone,
“ForAmericansandPanamaniansalikeitistheendofaneraandmomentfor
reflectionandnostalgia.AfternearlyacenturyunderAmericanjurisdictionthebigditchfinallyisthepropertyofthecountrythatwascreatedarounditin1903andhasyearnedeversincetocontrolit”(Rohter,1999).Althoughhistoricallyandgeographicallyinaccurate,thequoteabovecontextualizesthe
developmentofgreaterPanamaasaresultofAmericanimperialismintheregion.In
particular,authorLarryRohter’sstatementthattheisthmuswas“createdaround”the
PanamaCanalillustratesaperspectivethatmaintainstheAmericanterritoryasthefocus
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andoriginationofPanamaasanation(Rohter,1999).Narrativesthatemphasized
Americanoccupationinthecountrywerecommonthroughouttravelliterature,with
writersignoringothercharacteristicsthatshapePanamainordertoreiteratethatthe
countrywasdefinedinthepubliceyebyitscolonialhistory.In1991TheNewYorkTimes
stated,
“PanamahasnotchangedsincepresidentTheodoreRooseveltseekingasubservient
countryinwhichtodigatransoceaniccanalencouragedtherebellionthatseparatedtheisthmusfromColombia”(Krauss,1991).OverthehundredyearperiodofAmericanoccupation,Panamahasbeenconsideredto
existinafixedstate,unchangedbyanyfactorotherthantheUnitedStates.Articles
describedPanamaasacountry“famouslyinvadedbytheAmericans”andinamoremorose
toneanation“borndead”assumedsignificantspaceinarticlesprofilingthecontemporary
age(Atkinson,1996,p.16;Fainaru,1990,p.7).Moreinterestingly,forallthenarratives
celebratingimperialismintheregion,anequalamountofrhetoricwasdedicatedto
portrayingPanama’scities,people,andgovernmentinanegativemanner.Anarticleinthe
AtlantaConstitutionmusedastowhethertheCanalcouldbetrustedinthecontrolof
anothercountryand“especiallyonewithpanama’sspottyrecord”(Williams,1999,p.C5).
AsimilarsentimentwaswritteninTheGlobeandMailin1995,
“InfactsincethePanamaniangovernmenttookcontroloftherailwaywhichusedto
beanimportanttransportroutefromtheAtlantictothePacificacrosstheIsthmusofPanama-nothingmovesbytrainanymore”(Vincent,1995,p.A13).ThenegativeportrayalofPanamaniangovernance,andmorespecificallythecapacityfor
competentgovernanceinthefuturewasframedasahighlyunlikelyphenomenonby
Americanmedia.Thiscriticismdirectlymirrorsnarrativesseeninarchivalliteraturethat
characterizedPanamanianleadershipasself-serving,incompetent,andunmotivated
(Palmer,1909).Inbothcontemporaryandarchivalcontexts,discussionsaimedatthe
federalgovernmentofPanamaoftenemploynarrativesofimperialistmanagement(Fanon,
1952).Inparticular,thesenarrativesframeracializedpopulationsasdependentuponthe
ideology,organization,andpowerofacolonizer.InthecontextofthePanamaCanalZone,
Americanwritersscoffedatthefutureoftheisthmus,withoutguidanceandcontrolofthe
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UnitedStates.TheBostonGlobesuccinctlyexpressedtheanxietysurroundingthe
acquisitionofthetraderouteandterritorybythePanamanianfederalgovernment.
“Manyexpertsseeseriousriskinthepanamacanalhandover.Panamahasno
experienceinmanagingsuchahugeandsignificantenterpriseonitsown.TheUnitedStateshasdominatedthePanamanianscenethroughoutthecountry’shistory”(Palmer,1999,p.A19).
Althoughmostcriticismappearingintravelliteraturewasaimedtowardsthebureaucratic
officialsandgovernmentalstructureofPanama,somenarrativesalsoemergedinregardto
Panamaniancitizens.Inparticular,authorsjumpedatthechancetocomparetheorganized
suburbanappearanceoftheAmericanrunCanalZonewithchaoticspacesofurban
Panama.Inparticular,writersinferredthatthedifferenceinappearanceandorganization
betweenthetwoareaswasinfluencedbythesuperiorityofAmericanculturalpractices
andbureaucraticorganization.Inextremecontexts,authorsusedconceptualandmaterial
comparisonsbetweenspacestojustifythetemporalextensionofAmericancontrolin
Panama.Anarticlepublishedin1990byTheBostonGlobediscussedtherecentremovalof
GeneralNoriegaandthefutureofannexationforThePanamaCanalZone.Theauthor,
SteveFainaru,writes,
“OneyearaftertheinvasionthesituationissogravethatAmericansappeartobe
neededmorethanever.HereisthedifferencesaidthePanamanianpointingtothewellmanicuredgroundsofAlbrookairforcebase,thentoadecayingstretchofrailroadtrackontheothersideoftheroad.“Gringosoverhere.Panamaoverhere”(1990,p.7).Descriptionsofunkemptorfilthyspaceswereofteninterwovenwithdiscussionsof
Panamanianindependenceandcapabilities.Inparticular,thebuiltformandphysical
characteristicsofurbanPanamawasunderstoodasareflectionofdisorganizationbythe
Panamaniangovernment.Incertaininstances,theenvironmentofurbanneighborhoods
wasalsousedtocharacterizethePanamanianresidents.InbothcircumstancesAmerican
writersinferredanegativerepresentationofPanamanianspacesandpeoplethatresided
outsideofAmericancontrol.AlthoughtravelwritersunequivocallyrepresentedtheCanal
Zoneasaspaceofpleasantorder,Panamaniancitieswereportrayedasdismalspacesof
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filthandanarchy.Thisincludeddescriptionsofthe“steamygarbagestrewnbarriosof
Colon”andthe“litteredsqualor”ofPanamaCity(Krauss,1991;Emling,1999,p.A23).
Figure22:AphotographappearinginNationalGeographicofafamilyinColon,Panama(Simmons,
November1999,p.66)
InconjunctionwithunflatteringdescriptionsofPanamanianspaces,travelwriters
alsoperpetuatednarrativesofPanamaniandependency.Despitesignificantresistanceto
AmericanimperialisminPanamanianhistory,mostevidentlyseeninthestudentriotsof
1964,journalistcontinuetooverwhelminglyemphasizenarrativesthatsupportedan
extendedAmericanoccupationbyPanamaniancitizens.In1999TheNationalGeographic’s
journalistLewisSimonsinterviewedlocalresidentsregardingtheannexationoftheCanal.
OnePanamanianstated,“EverydayIpraytogothatthegringodoesn’tleave.”Francisco
continues,“[i]t’sverybadforourcountrythatthey’regoing:thebiggestmistakePanama
hasevermade”(Simons,1999,p.62).BuildingonthisstatementLewiscontendsthat,“For
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peopleaspoorasFranciscoMepaquitothesetwilightdaysoftheAmericanpresencebring
theworrythattheywillgrowonlypoorerintheyearsahead”(Simons,1999,p.78).By
emphasizingtheuncertaintyregardingthefutureofthePanamaCanalanddepartureofthe
AmericangovernmentfromtheCanalZone,Americantravelwritersperpetuatenarratives
ofdependencybyPanamasincethearrivaloftheUnitedStatesacenturybefore.Inbroader
terms,Panama’shistoryasacolonizednationbothbySpainandTheUnitedStateshas
beenusedtojustifyassertionsofinfantilism.Simonscontinues,
“Itstruckmethatthetransformationtoselfreliancemaydependlesson
Panamaniansacquiringexpertisethanontheirabilitytostopthinkingofthemselvesonlyaslittlebrothers-ofAmericaforthepastcentury,ofColombiabeforethat,andearlierstillofSpain(Simons,1999,p.71).“Similartodiscoursesappearingintheearlytwentiethcentury,contemporarytravelwriters
haveemphasizedtheterritoryandpeopleofPanamaasreliantonforeignpowersto
manageandguidethecountry.Inpart,thisisduetoageographicimaginarythat
conceptuallyrepresentsthePanamaCanalZoneascomprisingtheentiretyofPanama.
Althoughthetensquaremileterritoryhasenormouseconomicimportanceforthenation,
Panama’ssocial,cultural,andgeographicbreadthextendsfarbeyondtheZone.Travel
literature’sfocusontheonce-Americanterritoryislargelyrelatedtonarrativesofnation
buildingandimperialismintheUnitedStates.Inparticular,byperpetuatingdiscoursesof
infantileandpaternalrelationsbetweenTheUnitedStatesandPanama,travelliterature
resonatesinthetemporalperiodofAmericanimperialismandpowerabroad.Thisis
evidentinexcerptsfromtravelliteraturesuchasNationalGeographic,whichframe
relationsbetweenPanamaandAmericaasinherentlyunequal.
“AlthoughPanamahasexistedasacountrysince1903,theUSinvolvementhasbeensooverwhelmingthatpeopleherehaveneverlearnedtofeelindependent.NowforthefirsttimePanamaniansareontheirown”(Lewis,1999,p.64).
TheNationalGeographicsupportsnarrativesofdependencyintheirarticlebyproviding
quotationsfromalocalPanamanian.Themanstates,
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“We’relikealittleboyinshortpantswho’salwaysruntodaddywhenhe’sgottenintotrouble.Nowdaddy’sgoneandthelittleboymustputonhisfirstpairoflongtrousers”(Lewis,1999,p.64).Itisclearfromthequotationsprovidedthatleadinguptotheannexationalevelofanxiety
andhesitancyregardingPanama’snewroleofgovernanceintheCanalZoneexistedamong
residenceofthecountry.However,noticeablyabsentfrompopulartravelliteraturewasan
alternativenarrativeofdesiredindependenceandfreedomfromtheUnitedStates’
imperialistreign.AlthoughbothperspectiveswereprevalentinthePanama,travelwriters
fromtheGlobalNorthandtheUnitedStatesmorespecifically,continuedtofocuson
statementsofdependency,whichperpetuatedhistoricaldiscoursesfromnearlyacentury
prior(Palmer,1909).ThefocusbyAmericantravelwritersonthePanamaCanalaswellas
infantiledescriptionofPanamanianpeoplecreatedaone-dimensionalrepresentationof
Panamaforgeneralaudiences.UnfortunatelyalackofdiversityamongPanama’s
representationintravelwritingestablishedalimitedgeographicimaginaryofthecountry
forpotentialvisitors.AsseenbywriterJimMinterfromtheAtlantaConstitution,the
expectationsbyAmericantouristsinthecountrywerestronglyshapedbytheserepetitive
narratives.MinterwritesofhisvisittoPanama,
“IhadexpectedtofindsomedegreeofappreciationfortheCarteradministration’s
agreementtosurrenderthecanal.Therewasnone-NorthAmericansdidnotseemwelcome.ThedominantdowntownlandmarkwasagiantmuraldepictinganarmedandhelmetedAmericansoldierasabeastlyoppressorofthepeople”(Minter,1988,p.D2).Thedivergenceinrepresentationbetweentravelliteratureandthepersonalexperienceof
authorJimMinterillustratesaconceptualandmaterialgapintheunderstandingof
Americanimperialism.Asstatedinthepassage,Minter’sexpectationofimperialist
celebrationandgratitudewasreplaced,intheauthor’sview,withresistancetohis
presenceinPanama.Itisevidentfromthisexperience,thatthedescriptions,
representations,andperspectivesappearingintravelwritingfromtheGlobalNorth,
deviatessignificantlyfromtheemotionsandinteractionsofmanyPanamanians.Most
importantly,travelliteratureinfluencesthebehavioroftouristsinplace,shapingthe
experiencesandpotentialnarrativesthatemergefromtheisthmus(Mollett,2017).Forthis
reason,thethemeofAmericanimperialisminpopulartravelliteratureofthe
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contemporaryeracanbeunderstoodasfunctioninginacyclicalfashion,withmany
touristsre-creatingnarrativesofcelebrationregardingAmericancontrolintheisthmus.
5.5NarrativesofManagementinPanama’sUrbanCentersTravelnarrativesofinferiorPanamaniangovernanceduringthe1990ssupported
thecommonrepresentationoftheUnitedStatesasanexceptionalimperialforceoverthe
peopleandspacesofPanama.SincethearrivalofAmericantravelwritersinPanama,
commentatorshavedescribedPanamaniansinnegativeterms.Inparticular,these
discourseshavebeeninformedbyraciallogicsthatrepresentPanamaniansasinferiorto
whiteAmericas(Frenkel,2002).IntheTraveler’sGuideandBusinessMan’sHandbook
(1862),Panamanianpeopleweredescribedas,“composedofamongrelraceofSpaniards,
Indians,andNegroes,weretooindolentandunaccustomedtolabortobedependedonto
anygreatextent”(Frenkel,2002,p.88).ThenegativeperceptionofPanamanian
populationshadavarietyofmaterialcontingencies.Scholarsofgeographyassertthat
historically“Thenegativenatureofthese[Panamanian]representationsundergirded
AmericanperceptionsoftheCanalZone”andsupportedphysicalsegregationinitiatives
(Frenkel,2002,p.85).Inparticular,whiteAmericansrationalizedtheresidential
organizationofZoneandlabourhierarchyasnecessarypracticesduetothenegative
perceptionofPanamaniansandmigrantlabourers(McCullough,1977;Frenkel,2002,
Lasso,2013).UnfavourabledescriptionsofracializedPanamaniansalsoshapedthe
representationsofcitieswithsignificantpopulationsofWestIndianandAfro-colonial
people,
“AmericansalsodistancedthemselvesasmuchaspossiblefromPanamaniancities.
Theyperceivedthecitiesasdirty,unhealthyplaces,andusedthemtojustifythemaintenanceofa‘safehaven’(theZone)forCanalemployees.TheimagehomogenizedPanamaniancitiesas‘pestholesofthetropics”(Frenkel,2002,p.94).
CriticismregardingPanamanianspaceshascontinuedoverthetwentiethcentury
andbecameincreasinglyevidentaftertheAmericaninvasionofPanamaCityin1989and
theCanalannexationin1999.Duringthistimeperiod,narrativesof“criminalityandawide
rangingeconomiccrisis”characterizeddescriptionsofPanama’sgovernance(Guerron-
Montero,2014,p.423).DespiteattemptsbythePanamaniangovernmentto“constructan
111
imageofapeacefuldemilitarized,nation,safefortourists”,travelwriterscontinuedto
representPanamanians,cities,andgovernmentinnegativeterms(Guerron-Montero,2014,
p.420).Inparticular,criticsusedtheaestheticdifferencesbetweentheCanalZoneand
otherurbancentersasevidenceofimpropergovernancebyPanamanians.Forthisreason,
thespatialcharacteristicsofvariousurbanlandscapeswereembeddedwithracial
representationsofinferiorityandincompetency(Frenkel,2002;Emling,1999;Simons,
1999).ScholarsofPanamaassertthatnarrativesofsuperiorAmericanmanagement
informedthisperception(Lasso,2013;McCullough,1977). 5.6SearchingforSanctuary:NarrativesofWildernessandEscapeamongPanamanianTravelLiterature
SincethedepartureoftheUnitedStatesfromthePanamaCanalZoneterritory,
Panamaniantravelnarrativeshavechangedconsiderablyinthetwentyfirstcentury.
Startinginthe1990sthetourismagendaofthePanamanianfederalgovernmentfocused
onthenaturalenvironmentofthecountryasanattractionforforeignvisitorsafterthe
removalGeneralNoriega(Guerron-Montero,2014).However,itwasnotuntilthe
annexationofthePanamaCanalZonein1999thattravelwritersalsoturnedtheirattention
naturallandscapesoftheisthmus.Inthetwenty-firstcentury,Panamahasfollowedthe
eco-tourismexampleofneighboringCostaRicawithgreatsuccess.Infact,theisthmushas
becomeknownasapreferablealternativetoCostaRica,whichhasrecentlybeen
characterizedintravelliteratureastoocommercialized.ThetravelblogNomadicMatt
publishedanarticleonPanamawriting,
“PanamaisstillfarfrombeingoverrunwithtouristsinthewaythatsayCostaRica
is.It’sstilleasytofindbeachorislandyoucanhaveentirelytoyourselforspendthenightinavillagethat’shardlyeverseenatourist,evenPanamanianones”(Kepnes,2008).DuetothepositivepublicityPanamahasreceivedoverthepasttwodecades,thetourism
industryhasgrownsignificantly.Ratherthandescribedasa“priceinflatedeco-circus”like
neighboringCostaRica,Panamahasbeencharacterizedaspossessinga“rustictranquility”
intravelliterature(Cristol,2005,p.M1;Neville,2013).ThetransformationofPanamanian
travelnarrativesshortlyafterthewithdrawaloftheUnitedStatesfromthecountrycreated
aconsensusamongwritersthatforPanamainthetwentyfirstcentury,the“USisoutand
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tourismisin(Gedan,2003,p.M1)”.Inthiscontext,thecountry’ssuccessasatourism
destinationwaslargelydependentondescriptionsofPanamaasapicturesqueandperfect
areaofescape.Thesenarrativescombinedwithimageryoflushfoliageandwhitesand
beacheshavefacilitatedcomparisonsofPanamatoareallife“paradise”or“Eden”in
populartravelliterature(Neville,2013;Carpenter,2010).Inotherarticles,authors
emphasizedPanama’sotherworldlyqualities,describingthecountryasa“magicalspot”,
“likesomethingoutofadream”,and“asanctuaryforthesoul”(Victor,2002,Ramesch,
2016,BocasBreeze,2013).AlthoughPanamahasalwayspossessedbeautifullandscapes
andnaturalattractions,interestbytravelliteratureinthesequalitiesisinfactaresponseto
publicdemand.Escapefrommodernsocietyhasbecomeagrowingdesireformany
touristsinthecontemporaryera.In2006TheBostonGlobediscussedthedrawtoPanama
forAmericanresidentialtouristsstatingthat,“foreignersarelookingforahavenfroma
worldtheyperceiveasunsafebecauseofcrimeathomeandglobalterrorism”
(Lakshmanan,2006,p.A1).Theperceivedsafetyofexpatriateenclavesandruralareasof
theisthmusisaconsiderabledrawfortouristswhofeeluncertainineverydaylifedueto
therapidandtransformativegeo-politicalfactorsofthetwentyfirstcentury.Forother
travelers,Panamaprovidesanopportunitytoescapestressfulanddemandingoccupations.
In2015,InternationalLivingadvertisementsforBocasdelToro,Panamatargeted
audienceslookingtoescapefromtheobligationsofcontemporarysociety.Themagazine
wrote,
“Despitethebohemiantypesthattricklethrough,it’sstillthekindofplaceIdescribe
as“untouristy”andmostdefinitelyunspoiled.Nobignameresortsorconcretejungleshereandtherearenohurricanesever.Thebeachesareneverovercrowdedandyoucanoftenhavestretchesentirelytoyourself.Peoplegoabouttheirdailylivesscarcelyaffectedbythemodernworld.Suretheyhavecellphonesandemailaccountsbuttheydon’tspendeverysecondcheckingthem.Thepaceoflifeisblissfullylanguid-noratraceallowed.Themottoyou’llhearmost:ceroestres(zerostress)(Ramesch,2015).Thedesirebytouriststotemporarilyeliminatestressfulelementsoftheirlifeisarepeated
themethroughoutPanamaniantravelwriting.AftervisitingtheIsthmus,CondeNastauthor
PeterStevensondiscussesthelongingforhisownchildrentoexperiencePanamaasa
spacedevoidofmodernanxieties.Hewrites,
113
“Bocasstilloffersitselfwithoutadornmentwithoutthefaçadeofvacationlandanditsveryrealnesswasactingonmeasade-stressor.Ithoughaboutcomingback,withmykidstheycouldexperienceaplacewhichfeltremovedfromtimeandconcern”(Stevenson,2012).
Figure23:DockinIslaBastimientos,BocasdelToro,Panama:KylaEgan(March,2018)
Intravelliteratureadvertisementsofferingtouristsanescapefrommodernsocietyare
oftenusedinconjunctionwithimageryofwildernessandsolitude.Interactionwithnature
bytravellersislargelyunderstoodasthetemporalandspatialantithesistomodernlifein
theGlobalNorth.Forthisreason,travelwritersoftendiscussingreatdetailtheabundance
oflandscapesandwildlifethatarepresentinPanamaasatouristattraction.Inparticular,
travelliteratureoftenfocuseson“opportunitiestoescapeintountouchedwilds”of
Panama,inordertogaingreaterpublicinterest(Gillcash,2014).Forthisreason,Panama’s
animalsandlandscapeshavebecomeassignificantofanattractionastheCanalinthe
contemporaryera.TheBostonGlobedescribesthecountry’sbiodiversityin2014,
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“Themassivewildernessareaisawildlifewatchersparadisefeatureredandgreen
macaws,birdsofparadise,monkeys,armadillosandtheetoedsloths.OfcoursethesearejustafewofPanama’swonders,theisthmusnationisrifewithamazingcoastline,deepjunglesandabiodiversitythatismindboggling”(Vohr,2014).Inthepasttwodecades,Panama’stourismindustryhasusedthecountry’snatural
biodiversityinconjunctionwiththedevelopmentofeco-lodgesandexpatriateenclavesto
attractforeignpopulations.Asseeninnarrativesofshort-termtravel,immersionof
touristsinPanama’snaturalattractionsisconsideredarelieffromthestressfulandchaotic
elementsthatcharacterizemodernsocietyintheGlobalNorth.Similarenvironmental
narrativesarealsousedtoattractlong-termresidentialtourists,whoviewmigrationto
Panamaasaformofescape.IntheLosAngelesTimes,thepopularexpatriateenclaveof
Boqueteisdescribedintermsofitsfertilesoilandabundantnaturallandscapes.The
authorYvonneHornwrites,
“AcontributortotheSanFranciscochroniclewroteaboutaPanamanianShangri-la
inthecoolhighlandsofChriquiwheretheywererushingtroutfilledstreams,alushmountainrainforest,abundantorangegrovesandcoffeeplantations,andapicturepostcardtownchockablockwithflowergardens.Thisidyllicplace,thewriterwentontosay,wasknownonlytothewellto-doofPanamalookingtoescapethemugginessandmosquitosofthelowlands”(Horn,2002).Boquete’slocationinthemountainoushighlandsfacilitatesthegrowthofcoffeeplantations
andorangefarmsintheregion.Oftendescribedasthelandof“eternalspring”intravel
literature,thearea’sexpansiveforestsandgardensareoftenusedinadvertisements
(Witmer,2017).ForBocasdelToro,anotherprominentexpatriateenclave,the“ringsof
tropicalgreenwater”andsandbeachesofthearchipelagoisthepredominantdrawfor
residentialtourists(Neville,2013).Descriptionsbytravelwritersthatrepresentthearea
as“isolated”isalsoconsideredapositivecharacteristicfortheislands(Neville,2013).In
TheGuardian,travelwriterIanUsherdescribeslifeinthearchipelago,includingdaily
interactionwithwildanimals.Theauthorwrites,
“Atfirstwefeltlikewe’dachievedtheperfectlife-sunnydaysskimmingacrossthewaterinourlittleboatwatchingdolphins,snorkelinginclearwaterthroughshoalsoffish.Wewerelivingonfreshseafood,bananas,pineapples,coconutsandeggsfromthechickensthatroamedfreelyacrosstheisland”(Usher,2015).
115
Narrativesthatcelebrategreaterinteractionwithnaturalelementsoftheworld,including
landscapesandanimals,arealsoappliedinthisinstancetotheconsumptionofresources.
Asillustratedabove,theuseoffreshandsustainablyfarmedresourcesinBocasdelTorois
consideredoneaspectthatcontributestothe“perfect”existenceacquiredinthe
archipelago.Inotherarticles,BocasdelToro’snaturalandisolatedcharacterissaidto
create“adeliciouslyslowandseductivepace”and“smilinglaidbacklocals”(Stevenson,
2012;Mills,2013).CommonrepresentationsoflifeinPanamaoftendiscussthepositive
effectthatasimplerlifestyleandabundantwildernesshavehadonpopulationsfromthe
GlobalNorth.InternationalLivingdiscussedthepersonaltransformationfeltamong
residentialmigrantfamilyinBocasdelToro.
“Livinginharmonywithnaturehasreallyallowedourfamilytoletourguarddownfromtheenergyofthecityandbemoresensitivetolife.Youhavetobecreativeheretomakethingsworkout.Patienceandbeingabletoletgoofexpectationsisabiglessontolearn”(Witmer,2017).ThroughoutcontemporarytravelnarrativesregardingPanama,abetterqualityoflifeis
repeatedlystatedasthemainreasonforeignmigrantshavemovedtotheisthmus.Infactin
manytravelarticles,closenesstonatureisportrayedasanimportantelementin
transformingthecharacterofaperson’slife.Idyllicdescriptionsofrelaxingsandbeaches,
thechirpingofbirdsinjungletreetops,andexpansivegardensarecommonlyrepeated
imagesthatshapetheexpectationsofvisitingtouristsorresidents.Thepurposeofthese
representationsistodenoteasimpler,lessstressful,andeasierlifethanwhatisofferedin
theGlobalNorth.Narrativesofescapism,particularlytowildorisolatedlandscapes,are
usedtoadvertisePanamaasapremierdestination.Inparticular,claimsbytravelmedia
thatontheisthmus“everydayisavacation”forforeignresidentssupportsthese
geographicimaginaries(Ramesch,2015).ForPanama,theprincipalmessagetouristsare
receivingfromtravelliteratureisthatthecombinationofabundantwilderness,lifestyle
changes,andwarmclimate,“shouldgiveyousomepictureofhowhappypeoplehereare-
homegrownandexpatalike”(Newell,2015).Forthisreason,thenarrativesofescapism
thatarecommoninPanamaniantravelliteraturearerepresentativeoftheantipathythat
populationsinGlobalNorthhavetowardsaspectsofmodernsociety.Whethertouristsare
116
interestedinrelaxationoradventurePanama’sreputationasadestinationofescape
facilitatesNorth-Southmigrationtotheisthmus.
5.7ConstructingValuein‘Wild’Spaces
Panama’srepresentationintravelmediaasanecologicalsanctuaryisinformedbya
varietyofconceptualunderstandings.Firstly,theimportanceof‘wild’and‘virgin’
landscapesfirstemergedduringthenineteenthcenturyintheUnitedStates,asavarietyof
culturalandpoliticalactorsclaimedtheresourceofuntouchedlandswereinshortsupply
(Cronon,1995).Crononstatesthatduringthisculturalmoment,“Thewastelandsthathad
onceseemedworthlesshadforsomepeoplecometoseemalmostbeyondprice”(Cronon,
1995,p.6).Sheller(2003)statesthattheimportanceofnatureintheCaribbeanalso
emergedduringthenineteenthcenturybutduetoadifferentprocess,
“Thisromanticvisionofuntamedtropicalnature,whicharoseespeciallyintheperiodfollowingtheabolitionofslavery,wasconstructedaroundexperiencesofmovingthroughCaribbeanlandscapesandofexperiencingbodilywhatwasalreadyknownimaginativelythroughliteratureandart”(Sheller,2003,p.38).
Thetransformationofnatureandwildernessinpopularimaginariesinformsthegrowthof
Panama’secotourismindustry(Sheller,2003;VanNoorloos,2011.Inparticular,the
emergingrepresentationofnatureasanimportantanddisappearingelementoftheworld,
actuallyleadtogreaterconsumptionof‘natural’and‘untouched’landscapesbyNorth
AmericansandEuropeans(Cronon,1995).IntheUnitedStates,“eliteurbantourists”and
“thenation’swealthiestcitizens”emergedastheprincipalconsumersofwilderness
throughactivitiessuchasguidedhikingtoursandhuntinginthenineteenthandtwentieth
centuries(Cronon,1995).Thesepracticesoftourismwerethefoundationfortravel
narrativesthatlaterglorifiedPanama’stropicaljunglesandwhitesandbeachesintourism
literature(GuerronMontero,2011).
Historically,elitetouristsconceptualizedwildernessdifferentlythanrural
populations,“wildlandwasnotasiteforproductivelaborandnotapermanenthome;
rather,itwasaplaceofrecreation”(Cronon,1995).Avarietyofsimilaritiesexistbetween
theelitetouristsofthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturiesintheUnitedStatesandamenity
117
migrantpopulationsinPanama.Inparticular,scholarshavedemonstratedthatthemobility
ofamenitymigrantsisinformedbypursuitfora“betterwayoflife”(Benson,2013,p.501,
Benson&O’Reilly,2009,&Spalding,2013).Benson(2013)discussestheappealfor
amenitymigrantsofatourismdestinationconceptuallysecludedfromurbansettings,
“Inmanyways,thedesirefortheruralidyllembeddedinthemigrants'livesparallelsthequestforauthenticitythatisclaimedtolieattherootofthetouristexperience.Unliketourists,however,thedesireforauthenticliving-hereencapsulatedintheconceptoftheruralidyll-isongoingineverydaylifeaftermigration”(Benson,2013,p.501).
Forsomeamenitymigrants,residingandworkingin‘wild’landscapesisperceivedas
providingabetterqualityoflife,duetothepositiveconceptionsofwildernessthatfirst
emergedintravelnarrativesoftheUnitedStates.
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ChapterSix:Conclusion
Thisthesisoffersananalysisofhowcolonial-imperiallogicsofempireremained
embeddedincontemporarynationbuildingagendas.Inparticular,thisthesisdemonstrates
howhegemonicEuro-Americangeographicimaginationsshapethepastandpresent
throughthemesofnaturalresourceconsumption,whitesupremacy,American
exceptionalism,placemaking,andmigrationappearingintravelliterature.Thesethemes
emergethroughtheuseofhistoricalgeographyandthediscursiveanalysisofavarietyof
travelnarratives,foundinnewspapersandautobiographicalaccounts.Inparticular,this
thesiscontendsthatsuchimaginariesaremobilizedbytouristsandaffluentelitemigrants
fromNorthAmericaandEuropeinwaysthatreproducesparticularunderstandingsof
Panamanianspace,placeandpeopleinPanama.Forthisreason,imperialnarratives
appearinginPanamaniantravelliteratureinformthegeographicimaginaryofPanamaand
influencetheperceptionsandbehaviorofaffluentpopulationsontheisthmusfrom1841to
present.Themethodologicalapproachofhistoricalgeographyandhistoricaldatacollection
oftravelmaterialsdemonstratesthecongruityofimperialnarrativesinthecontemporary
tourismindustryofPanama.Inparticular,discussionsofmigrationandtourismtoPanama
wereconceptuallygroundedintheUnitedStates’expandingempireandforgedthrough
celebratorynarrativesofimperialsuperiority(Salvatore,1998;Moore,2013).Raciallogics
underpinnedmanyoftherelationsontheisthmus,includingresidentialorganization,
labourrelations,andthedevelopmentofruralland(McCullough1977,Lasso,2013,
Frenkel2002).ThecolonialhistoryofPanamaalsoinformedthegeographicimaginaryof
thecountryasaspaceofabundantanduntoldpotentialforEuro-Americanpopulations,a
narrativethathadpersistedsincethearrivalofSpanishcolonizersnearlyfourhundred
yearsprior(Frenkel,1996).ColonialconstructionsofPanama’slandandpeopleintravel
mediainformedpopulardiscussionsofresourcedevelopment,wilderness,andIndigenous
populations(Frenkel,1995;Cronon,1995;Mollett2011;Mollett,2016;Redman1991).
TheanalysisofPanamaniantravelnarrativeshasrevealedbothsubstantial
transformationsandpersistentcongruitiesofdiscoursefrom1880to2017.Duringthe
formationofthePanamaCanalZonebytheUnitedStates,Panama’sattractionfortourists
119
andmigrantswasitspotentialasafruitfulAmericancolony(Scott,2016).Inthemodern
contextofamenitymigrantandresidentialtourismenclaves,imperialandcoloniallogics
continuetoinformNorth-SouthpatternsofmobilityandsettlementtotheIsthmus
(Benson,2013;Mollett,2017;Guerron-Montero,2011;Spalding,2013).Inparticular,
Panama’stourismindustryutilizesgeographicimaginariesofPanamaasaspaceof
consumption,sanctuary,anddiscovery(Mollett,2017;Guerron-Montero,2014;Sheller
2003;Spalding,2013).Panama’sreputationascountrywhereelitemigrantsareableto
makeplaceandestablishcommunitiescontinuestoinformtheisthmus’appealforamenity
migrantpopulations(Benson,2013;Guerron-Montero,2014).Thenationbuilding
imaginariesofAmericanandEuropeanempireshaveshapedthegeographicimaginaries
forshort-termandlong-termelitemigrantssincethenineteenthcentury.
RecommendationsForMovingForwardandFutureResearch
Asdiscussed,thepervasiveuseofimperialtravelnarrativeshasinfluencedthe
mobilities,imaginaries,andbehavioroftouriststoPanama.Bycombiningcompelling
travelnarrativeswiththedevelopmentagendasandinternationalinvestment,Panama’s
tourismindustrywillcontinuetoprosperinthecomingyears.Planstoexpandthe
internationalairport,transformColónintoahubforcruiseships,andfurtherdevelop
residentialtourismenclavesareallrecentinitiativessupportedbythePanamanian
governmentinanattempttoaccommodatethegrowingdemandforinternationaltourism
experiencedinthecountry(Castellano,2017;Ramirez,2017).ItispossiblethatPanama
mayalsoseeanotherboominresidentialtouristmigrationasthepoliticalenvironmentof
theUnitedStatesandEuropebecomesincreasinglyturbulent.Thecontemporary
environmentofthePanamaniantourismindustryischaracterizedbyfastpacedand
hurrieddevelopment,whichhasbeenlargelyinspiredbyelitetourismactors.Moreover,
thepersuasivetravelnarrativesappearingintourismliteraturehavefacilitatedthese
changesbyencouragingtouristsfromtheGlobalNorthtomigrate,explore,andsettleinthe
isthmus.Forthisreason,inordertonegatethegrowinginfluenceoftravelnarratives,a
varietyofrecommendationshavebeendeveloped.Firstly,publicawarenessregarding
prejudicialormisleadingtravelnarrativesisthemostimportantfactorinshapingthe
120
public’sgeographicimaginaryoftouristdestinations.Travelwritersandtouristsareoften
unawareofthehegemonicpowerformationsthatinfluencetheperceptionofotherpeople
andplaces.Inparticular,imperialnarrativescanbedifficulttoidentifybecausetheyare
frequentlyembeddedincommondiscourse.Forthisreason,discussionsregardingthe
historicalandsocialrelationsunderpinningthetourismindustryneedtobemorewidely
circulatedintraveldiscussionsoutsideoftheacademicfield.However,asalternativeforms
oftourismbecomemorecommonandwiththeincreaseddisseminationofacademic
materialinthemainstreammedia,consumerdecisionsregardingtourismmaystartto
change.Thisreconstructionwillbeseenmorequicklyiftouristsbecomeresponsibleand
criticalconsumersoftravelliterature,ratherthancomplicitinthedisseminationof
imperialnarratives.Secondly,thepublishers,editors,andwritersresponsibleforthe
creationoftravelliteratureneedtobeheldaccountableregardingtheinformationand
opinionssharedinmainstreammedia.Althoughtourismistraditionallyviewedasaleisure
industry,writerssharingmisrepresentativeinformationshouldbecompelledtoadhereto
thejournalisticstandardsseeninotherareasofthediscipline.Workbyscholarssuchas
Iaquinto(2011),whichexaminesthefinancialandsocialfactorsthatinfluencedecision
makingattourismliteraturecompanies,isincreasinglynecessaryinordertounderstand
howbesttoapproachthistopic.Takingtheserecommendationsintoaccount,future
researchcouldexpandtoalsoincludeimage-basedmedia,whichisbecomingincreasingly
popularforthetravelindustry.ThismayincludethedepictionofPanamanianimageryin
movies,travelshows,musicvideos,andsocialmediaplatformssuchasInstagramor
YouTube.Theanalysisofmediathatismostcommonlyutilizedbyyoungadults,could
illustratehowimperialnarrativeshavepenetrateddigitalimageryforanewgeneration.
121
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