table of contents - droppdf1.droppdf.com/files/vyafw/the-real-history-behind-the...payns takes the...

TableofContents

TitlePageCopyrightPageAcknowledgementsIntroductionPARTONE-ThePoorKnightsofChrist

CHAPTERONE-TheBeginningoftheOrderCHAPTERTWO-HughdePaynsCHAPTERTHREE-BaldwinII,KingofJerusalemCHAPTERFOUR-Hugh,CountofChampagneOneoftheearliestmembersofthe...CHAPTERFIVE-BernardofClairvauxCHAPTERSIX-Hughde

PaynsTakestheTemplarsontheRoadCHAPTERSEVEN-TheCouncilofTroyesCHAPTEREIGHT-GoForthandMultiplyCHAPTERNINE-TheLifeofaTemplar,AccordingtotheRuleCHAPTERTEN-Melisande,QueenofJerusalemCHAPTERELEVEN-FulkofAnjou,theQueen’s

HusbandCHAPTERTWELVE-TheTempleinJerusalemCHAPTERTHIRTEEN-ThePopesGetInvolved(YouKnewTheyWould)CHAPTERFOURTEEN-TheSecondCrusadePARTTWO-TheGloryYears

CHAPTERFIFTEEN-GrandMasters1136-1191CHAPTERSIXTEEN-BetweentheSecondandThirdCrusades(1150-1191)CHAPTERSEVENTEEN-WhoWeretheSaracens,Anyway?Inthefirstparagraphof...CHAPTEREIGHTEEN-SaladinCHAPTERNINETEEN-RichardtheLionheart

CHAPTERTWENTY-TheAssassinsCHAPTERTWENTY-ONE-TheHospitalersCHAPTERTWENTY-TWO-GrandMasters1191-1292/93CHAPTERTWENTY-THREE-TheTemplarsandtheSaint,LouisIXofFranceLouisIX,...CHAPTERTWENTY-FOUR-TemplarsandMoney

CHAPTERTWENTY-FIVE-TheTempleinParisCHAPTERTWENTY-SIX-TheTempleinLondonCHAPTERTWENTY-SEVEN-TheLastStands;TheFalofAcreandLossoftheHolyLandPARTTHREE-TheEndoftheOrderofthePoorKnights

CHAPTERTWENTY-EIGHT-JacquesdeMolay:TheLastGrandMaster1292-1313CHAPTERTWENTY-NINE-PhiliptheFairCHAPTERTHIRTY-FridaytheThirteenth;theArrestandTrialsoftheTemplarsCHAPTERTHIRTY-ONE-TheChargesAgainsttheTemplarsCHAPTERTHIRTY-TWO-

GuillaumedeNogaretCHAPTERTHIRTY-THREE-TheCouncilofVienneandtheEndoftheOrderCHAPTERTHIRTY-FOUR-TimeLineoftheTrialsCHAPTERTHIRTY-FIVE-TheTrialsOutsideofFranceCHAPTERTHIRTY-SIX-TheSecretRiteofInitiationCHAPTERTHIRTY-SEVEN-MargueritePoreteCHAPTERTHIRTY-EIGHT

-WhoWeretheTemplars?CHAPTERTHIRTY-NINE-TheOtherGuys;RegionalMilitaryOrdersCHAPTERFORTY-BaphometCHAPTERFORTY-ONE-TheCatharsPARTFOUR-TheBeginningoftheLegends

CHAPTERFORTY-TWO-TemplarsinFictionCHAPTERFORTY-THREE-WhatHappenedtotheTemplars?CHAPTERFORTY-FOUR-TheHolyGrailCHAPTERFORTY-FIVE-TemplarsinDenmark:BornholmIslandCHAPTERFORTY-SIX-TheTemplarsandtheShroudofTurin

CHAPTERFORTY-SEVEN-TemplarsinScotland:RosslynChapelCHAPTERFORTY-EIGHT-TheFreemasonsandtheTemplarsEpilogueHowtoTellifYouAreReadingPseudohistoryTemplarTimeLineRecommendedReadingIndex

PraiseforTheRealHistoryBehindtheDa

VinciCode:“If,likeSamCookesang,you‘don’t know much abouthistory,’ Newman’sencyclopedic, A-to-Z look attopics ranging from‘Apocrypha’ to ‘Wren,Christopher’ providesperspective and insight.” —

PittsburghTribune-Review“Witty and charming, butnonetheless rational inexplanation and complete inbackground research, TheReal History Behind the DaVinciCodeseeksnotsomuchto refute the novel, but toelucidateonthetruth,andnotso much to disparage themistakesofMr.Brownbuttomake readers realize that the

historyisbiggerthananyoneperson, popular novelistsincluded.”—BusinessWorld“Thebook...givesthetruthabout topicsused inBrown’sfiction....Well-writtenandprecise,itisthe work of a woman whowrites what sheknows.”—Statesman Journal

(Oregon)“For fans of Dan Brown’spopular The Da Vinci Code,Sharan Newman’s The RealHistory Behind the Da VinciCode is a must-havecompanion.”—TheSundayOregonian“Newman has arranged herdiscussion of the people,

places, andevents inTheDaVinci Code in anencyclopedicformat,creatingabookthatisbothaccessibleand fun to read.Recommended for alllibraries.”—LibraryJournal

Most Berkley Books areavailable at special quantitydiscounts for bulk purchasesfor sales promotions,premiums, fund-raising, oreducational use. Specialbooks, or book excerpts, canalsobe created to fit specificneeds.For details, write: SpecialMarkets, The Berkley

Publishing Group, 375Hudson Street, New York,NewYork10014.

THEBERKLEYPUBLISHINGGROUP

PublishedbythePenguinGroupPenguinGroup(USA)Inc.

375HudsonStreet,NewYork,NewYork10014,USA

PenguinGroup(Canada),90EglintonAvenueEast,Suite700,Toronto,

OntarioM4P2Y3,Canada(adivisionofPearsonPenguinCanada

Inc.)PenguinBooksLtd.,80Strand,London

WC2R0RL,EnglandPenguinGroupIreland,25St.

Stephen’sGreen,Dublin2,Ireland(adivisionofPenguinBooksLtd.)

PenguinGroup(Australia),250CamberwellRoad,Camberwell,

Victoria3124,Australia(adivisionofPearsonAustraliaGroup

Pty.Ltd.)PenguinBooksIndiaPvt.Ltd.,11

CommunityCentre,PanchsheelPark,NewDelhi—110017,India

PenguinGroup(NZ),67ApolloDrive,Rosedale,NorthShore,0745,Auckland,NewZealand

(adivisionofPearsonNewZealandLtd.)

PenguinBooks(SouthAfrica)(Pty.)Ltd.,24SturdeeAvenue,Rosebank,

Johannesburg2196,SouthAfrica

PenguinBooksLtd.,Registered

Offices:80Strand,LondonWC2R0RL,England

THEREALHISTORYBEHINDTHE

TEMPLARS

Thepublisherdoesnothaveanycontroloveranddoesnotassumeany

responsibilityforauthororthird-partywebsitesortheircontent.

Copyright©2007bySharanNewman

Allrightsreserved.

Nopartofthisbookmaybe

reproduced,scanned,ordistributedinanyprintedorelectronicform

withoutpermission.Pleasedonotparticipateinorencouragepiracyof

copyrightedmaterialsinviolationoftheauthor’srights.

Purchaseonlyauthorizededitions.BERKLEY®isaregisteredtradmarkof

PenguinGroup(USA)Inc.The“B”designisatrademarkof

PenguinGroup(USA)Inc.

PRINTINGHISTORYBerkleytradepaperbackedition/

September2007eISBN:978-0-425-21533-3

Anapplicationtoregisterthisbookforcataloginghasbeensubmittedtothe

LibraryofCongress.

http://us.penguingroup.com

AcknowledgmentsProfessor Malcolm Barber,for his generosity now andover the years in sharing hisprofound knowledge of theTemplars and for enduringmy many e-mail questionsandventings.Professor Paul Crawford,California University ofPennsylvania, forhishelpon

theTemplars,PhiliptheFair,andtheUniversityofParis.Dr.RozanneElder,CistercianInstitute, for giving meinstant information onBernardofClairvaux.Professor Norman Hinton,University of Illinois,Springfield, emeritus, forMiddle English references totheTemplars.Professor Janus Moeller

Jensen, University ofSouthernDenmark,forgivingme literary background onTemplar ideals in Danishsagas.Professor Kurt VilladsJensen, University ofSouthern Denmark, foradvice on the likelihood ofTemplarsinDenmark.Courtney de Mayo, RiceUniversity, for spending a

tediousdaycopyingalloftheMarquisD’Albonforme.Professor Brian PatrickMcGuire, RoskildeUniversity, for checking mysection on Denmark and theCistercians.Professor Helen Nicholson,CardiffUniversity,foradviceonTemplarsandHospitallersand for referringme to otherexcellentsources.

ProfessorJeffreyRussell,UCSantaBarbara, emeritus, (butnotwithme)forcheckingmyLatin translations and givingadviceonmedievaltheology.Mme. Alessandra Tchernikfor checking my Italiantranslations.Kyle Wolfley, Ball StateUniversity, for copyingseveral books I couldn’t findinmyownlibrary.

And all the members of theMediev-L list, who debatedjustwhat“interdict”consistedof when I couldn’t find asolidanswer.All of these people kindlyhelped me in my research.Any errors in this book aretotally my own. They didtheirbest.

Map drawn by MarciaNoland

IntroductionLast year I was in France tospeak about Dan Brown’sbook The Da Vinci Code,explaining the places wherethe fiction diverged fromhistory. At one stop ateenaged boy from theNetherlands asked me (inexcellent English) about theTemplars. I went into my

standard lecture about theirliterary connection to theGrail and the mythssurrounding their dissolutionin 1312. He listened politelyfor a while and theninterrupted to ask, “Yes, butwhatweretheTemplars?Didtheyreallyexist?”I came to a full stop.That

youngmanhadaccepted thatthe novel was fiction.Therefore, he had assumed

that the Templars were alsofiction.When I started to think

about it, it made perfectsense. When I read sciencefiction, I can’t judge what’sbasedoncutting-edgescienceandwhattheauthormadeup.Why should I expect readersof historical fiction to knowwhich characters in a bookreallyexisted?

The story of the Templarsis definitely the stuff of epicromance. From the time ofthe creation of the order,legendsbegantoswirlaroundthem. Some of these legendsthe Templars createdthemselves. Others appearedin popular chronicles of thelate twelfth and earlythirteenth century. Over theyears the Templars wereadmired and reviled, adored

and loathed. They wereconsideredbysometobetheclosest that a fighting mancould come to salvation andby others nothing more thanmaterialisticmoney-grubbers.TheirmassarrestonOctober13, 1307, shocked theWestern world. Somedefended them; othersbelieved they were heretics.Manywhothoughttheywereprobably innocent of the

chargesstillfelttheTemplarshad gotten a comeuppancethattheyrichlydeserved.Since the Order of the

Knights Templar wasdissolved, the stories aboutthem have grown andmutated until they are hardlyrecognizable. For threehundredyearsaftertheendofthe order, theTemplarswerelargelyforgotten.Ifanything,they were seen as an

anachronism that had endedwellafter ithadceased tobeofanyuse.Theothermilitaryorders survived by changingand adapting to the newworld.Then therewere two great

spurts of interest in theTemplars.Thefirstwasattheendof theeighteenthcenturywhen theywere rediscoveredby Protestant Europe. Theybecame a symbol of

resistance to papal tyrannyand,inFrance,thetyrannyofthe monarchy. Catholicsresponded by rememberingthe Templars as the lastdefense against the enemiesofChrist.At the end of the

eighteenth century, thecreation of Templar mythstook a huge leap. The newsociety known as theFreemasons was spreading

across Europe. Through theenthusiastic efforts of aGerman baron, Karl vonHund,whopublishedunderapen name, the story of theTemplars was grafted on toMasonic ritual and lore.Thisopened thedoor for awealthof imaginative theoriesregardingtheTemplars,allofwhich had more to do withthe political situation inEurope at that time than the

historyoftheTemplars.The second great

development in the Templarmyth came in the twentiethcentury. Late Victorianwriters, such as JessieWeston, had woven theTemplars into Europeanfolklore. But it was not untilthe latter part of the centurythat the general publicbecame intrigued by theorieslinking the Templars to

everything from the HolyGrail, toCathar Heresy, tomodern secret societies.Currently, there are somanybeliefs about the Templarsthat I find it impossible tokeep up with them. Theyseem to have been involvedwith everything except theKennedy assassination, andthatmightbenext.This book is an attempt to

give the known facts about

the Knights Templar, fromtheir beginnings in 1119 or1120 to the dissolution in1312 and beyond. It is myhope that this will make iteasier for people who arereading the latest Templarbook,eitherfictionorhistory,to separate fact from fictionand give them a base fromwhich to evaluate the ideaspresented.Ihavearrangedthebook chronologically, with

some chapters being anoverviewofeventsandothersfocusingonindividualpeopleor subjects. When there arewords in bold type, thatmeans there is a sectiondevoted to that one topic.Some sections overlap insubject matter, giving adifferent view of people andevents.I have often heard that

readers are put off by

footnotes. Please don’t be.Youdon’thavetoreadthem.They are there to let youknow that I’ve donemybestto find the most accurateinformation available. Theyare also there so that if youwish, you can go to thesesources and check them foryourselves. Then you candecideifI’mrightornot.Butif you’rewilling to trustme,then just ignore them. I’ll be

very flattered. Studyinghistorymeansthatonehastobe part scientist, partdetective, and partpsychologist.Theevidenceisnot always complete andthat’s why, when historianscome to conclusions, theyalways letpeopleknowwhatsources thoseconclusionsarebasedupon.So don’t worry about my

citations.I’llbeveryhappyif

yousimplyenjoythebook.

PARTONE

ThePoorKnightsofChrist

CHAPTERONE

TheBeginningoftheOrder

Howdoesa legendbegin?InthecaseoftheKnightsoftheTemple of Solomon atJerusalem, it began inobscurity. No contemporarychronicler mentions theirexistence.Weonlyknowthey

existedby1125becausethereis a charter from that yearwitnessedbyHughdePaynsin which he is called the“MasteroftheTemple.”1

Later generations wouldtell the story of the firstTemplars, each one a littledifferently:At thebeginningof the reignof Baldwin II, a Frenchman

came from Rome toJerusalem to pray. He hadmade a vow not to return tohis own country, but tobecomeamonkafterhelpingthe king in thewar for threeyears; he and the thirtyknights who accompaniedhim would end their lives inJerusalem.Whenthekingandhisbarons saw that theyhadachieved remarkable thingsin the war . . . they advised

theman to serve in thearmywith his thirty knights anddefend the place againstbrigands rather than tobecomeamonkinthehopeofsavinghisownsoul.2

Thatistheexplanationforthebeginning of the TemplarsgivenbyMichael, theSyrianpatriarchofAntioch,inabout1190.Ataboutthesametime,an Englishman,Walter Map,

gave a somewhat differentaccount:AknightcalledPayns,fromadistrict of Burgundy of thesame name, came as apilgrim to Jerusalem. Whenhe heard that the Christianswhowateredtheirhorsesatacistern not far outside thegates of Jerusalem wereconstantly attacked by thepagans,andthatmanyof the

believers were slain in theseambuscades, he pitied them,and . . . he tried to protectthem as far as he could. Hefrequentlysprangtotheiraidfrom well-chosen hidingplaces and slew many of theenemy.3

Walter views the founder ofthe order as a sort of LoneRanger who eventuallyenlisted other knights to join

him in hiswork. Thiswouldmake a goodmovie plot, butitisunlikelythatamandoingthis would live long enoughto establish an order ofknights.Yet another story of the

firstTemplars is froma laterwriter, Bernard, a monk atCorbie. He wrote in 1232,overahundredyearsaftertheorder began, but he wasdrawingonanowlostversion

byanoblemannamedErnoulliving in Jerusalem about thesame time as the otherwriters.Bernardwrote:When the Christians hadconquered Jerusalem, theyinstalled themselves at theTemple of the Sepulcher andmany more came there fromeverywhere.And theyobeyedthe prior of the sepulcher.The good knights there took

counsel among themselvesand said, “We haveabandonedourlandsandourfriendsandhavecomeheretoelevateandglorifytheruleofGod. If we stay here,drinking, eating and hangingaround, without doing work,then we carry our weaponsfor nothing. This land hasneed of them. . . . Let us gettogether andmake one of usthe master of us all . . . to

lead us in battle when itoccurs.”4

So Bernard believed that themen had originally beenpilgrims, perhaps staying atthe church of the Sepulcherunder the supervision of apriest, and it was onlythrough boredom that theydecided to form a fightingunit.

Finally we have theaccount of William,ArchbishopofTyre.Heistheonemost often quoted and itis his version that has mostoftenbeenaccepted.Sincehewas born in Jerusalem andeducated in Europe, he hadbothaccesstotherecordsandthe polished style necessarytopresentthehistory.In that same year [1119]

some noblemen of knightlyrank, devoted to God, piousand God fearing, placedthemselvesinthehandsofthelordpatriarch for theserviceofChrist,professingthewishto live perpetually in themanner of regular canons inchastity, and obedience,without personal belongings.Theleadingandmosteminentof these men were thevenerableHughofPaynsand

GodfreyofSt.Omer.As theyhad neither church nor fixedabode, the king gave them atemporaryhomeinhispalacewhich was on the south sideoftheTempleoftheLord,...Theirmain duty, imposed onthembythepatriarchandtheother bishops for theremission of their sins, wasthat theyshouldmaintain thesafety of the roads and thehighways to the best of their

ability, for the benefit ofpilgrims in particular,againstattacksofbanditsandmarauders.5

These explanations have afew things in common.TheyallimplythatHughdePaynswas the first of theTemplarsand thatKingBaldwin IIofJerusalem was the one torecognize them, either asknights committed to the

protectionofpilgrimsorasagroup of religious men whowished to devote theirmilitaryskilltothedefenseofthe Christian settlements.They also agree that at firsttheTemplars livedat thesitethe crusaders believed to bethe temple of the HolySepulcher, the place whereJesushadbeenburied.Itwasonly after they became amilitary order that the men

movedtotheking’spalace,inwhat was believed to be theTemple of Solomon. Theymay have shared quarters atthe beginning with theHospitallers, who had beenestablished in theHoly Landsince1070.The chronicles are unclear

onwhose idea itwas tohavean order of men who livedlike monks and fought likesoldiers. After all, fighting

monks? That didn’t makesense.Menwhofoughthadtoshed blood; shedding bloodwas a sin.Monks prayed forthe souls of warriors whiledeploring their violence. Theidea was that fighting menwere a necessary evil toprotect society from thelawless.Someofthemwouldfind religion, give up theiraggressive ways, and join amonastery, but who ever

heard of a religious orderwhosemissionwastogointobattle?It was an idea born of

desperation.Withthesuccessofthefirstwaveofcrusaders,JerusalemandthesitesoftheBible were once again opentoChristianpilgrims.Andthepilgrimscameindrovesfromall the corners ofChristendom.

But, while the cities ofJerusalem, Tripoli, Antioch,andAcrehadbeentaken, theroads that connected themwere still, for the most part,in thehandsof theMoslems.And there were a number oftowns that had not beenconquered.Thepilgrimswerefair game for raiding parties.At Easter in 1119 a party ofsome seven hundred wasattacked while going from

Jerusalem to the JordanRiver.Threehundredofthemwerekilledandanother sixtycaptured and sold intoslavery.6

Walter Map’s story ofHugh de Payns single-handedlyguardingawateringholemayhavecomenotfromthe Templars but from theexperiencesofaRussian, theabbot Daniel. In about 1107,he told of a place between

JaffaandJerusalemwherethepilgrims could get water.Theywouldstaythereforthenight“ingreatfear”foritwasnear the Moslem town ofAscalon from “whence theSaracens would issue andmassacrethepilgrims.”7

Despitethedangers,peoplewerestilldeterminedtomakethe journey. The initialconquest of the Holy Landhad been meant to reopen

Jerusalem to pilgrims.Somethinghad tobedone toprotect them. But KingBaldwin and the othercrusaderlordsdidn’thavethemenortheresourcestopatrolall the routes to the sites ofthe Bible that the pilgrimswere determined to see.Whoeverhadtheideafor theTemplars,itwasgreetedwithenthusiasmby local lords. Inthe end it was decided that

Hugh and his friends couldserve God best by keepingHispilgrimssafe.TheTemplarswereat first

a local group with noconnection to the papacy.Theyreceivedtheapprovalofthe patriarch of Jerusalem,Garmund, 1 and may havebeen presented at a churchcouncil held at the town ofNablusonJanuary23,1120.

The council was notconvened to establish theKnightsof theTemplebut todiscuss problems that haddevelopedinthetwentyyearssince the founding of theLatin kingdoms. The mainworry was that grasshoppershadbeendestroyingthecropsfor the four years past. Thegeneral feeling was that thiswas a divine punishmentbecausemoralshadslackened

since the conquest ofJerusalem. So most of thetwenty-five pronouncementsthat the council passedaddressed the sins of theflesh.8

It is interesting that eventhough this was a religiouscouncil, there were as manylay lords as bishopsparticipating.Thisshowsthattheconcernswerewidespreadand needed to be solved by

allthoseinpower.This council interests me

because several historians oftheTemplarsmention it as ifit were important to theformation of the Templars,but, when I went to theofficial records, nothing wassaid about them.9Instead, thecanons (laws) that wereenacted at Nablus dwell onwhich sins the lords andclerics of Jerusalem thought

were the worst. Seven ofthem forbid adultery orbigamy and four concernsodomy.Fivemoredealwithsexual and other relationsbetween Christians andSaracens, which were notallowed unless the Saracenhad been baptized. Thegeneral implication seems tohave been that if peoplestopped doing these things,the next harvest would be

better.There is no official report

as to whether the decrees ofthe councilwere followed orif the next year’s cropswereunmolested. From othersources,itappearsthatsinsofthe flesh were committed asusual.The only canon thatmight

relate to the Templars, agroup still in its infancy, is

number twenty: “If a clerictakesuparmsin thecauseofdefense, he is not held to beguilty.”10Itdoesnotmentionknights becoming militaryclerics.All the same, this was a

radicaldeparture.Despite theloosening of the commandagainstgeneralwarfareinthecase of thosewho fought forGod, priests and monks hadalways been absolutely

forbiddentofight.However, at Antioch, the

year before the council,CountRogerandmostofhisarmy had been killed outsidethewallsofthecityinabattlestill known as the “Field ofBlood.” In order to saveAntioch, the Frankishpatriarch, Bernard, issuedarms to anyone who couldcarry them, including monksand priests. Luckily, the

clerics didn’t have to fight,but the precedent had beenset.11

Thiswastheatmosphereinwhich the Order of theTemplewasformed.ONE of the myths that theTemplars told about theirown beginning was that forthefirstnineyearstherewereonlynineknights.Thisisfirst

mentionedinWilliamofTyrebut was often repeated bylater chroniclerswho learnedit from theTemplars of theirowntime.12

Were there only ninemembers? Probably not.While the Order of theTemple didn’t seem to havegrownverymuch in the firstfew years, it wouldn’t havelastedatallwithsofewmen.The number ninemight have

been chosen because it wentwith the nine years from thefoundinguntiltheCouncilofTroyes,where the orderwasgivenformalrecognition.Some scholars think the

Templars may have beeninfluenced by medievalnumbersymbolism.Nineisa“circular number”: nomatterhowmuchitismultiplied,thedigits always add up to nineor a multiple of it, “and

therefore could be seen asincorruptible.”13 Many yearsafter the founding, the poetDante surmised that thenumber nine was chosenbecause “nine is the holycipherof theorderofangels,three times the holy cipherthreeoftheTrinity.”14

I don’t think that the firstknights were well enougheducated to come up withsomething that esoteric.

However, William of Tyrewas,anditisinhischroniclethatwefirstfindthisidea.It’sverypossiblethatthenumberwasWilliam’s invention andthat it was taken up by theTemplars of his time andaddedtotheirownversionoftheir legend. There’s nowayto tell, but the number ninedid become part of Templarlore and was used in theartwork in some Templar

chapels.15Fromthereitcametobeconsideredafactsimplybecause the legend had beenrepeatedsooften.So we know very little

about the first years of theKnightsTemplar.Thereareafew charters from Jerusalemand Antioch that arewitnessed by the earlymembers. But these are notgifts to theTemplars,merelyevidence that these men

existed andwere in theHolyLand.Thereareno survivingrecords of donations to theorderbefore1124.16

It is humannature towantto fill in the gaps, the blankspacesonthemaps, thepartsof the story that don’t seemenough. This is whathappened to the story of thefirst Templars. At the time,they weren’t consideredimportant enough for the

chroniclers to mention. Butsixty-odd years later, whenthey were an important partof society, people wanted toknowhowitallbegan.And so the legends were

born and started to grow.Theyaregrowingstill.1Charters of the HolySepulcherno.105,inThierryLeroy, Huges de Payns(Troyes,2001)p.194.

2 Michael the Syrian, inMalcom Barber and KeithBate,TheTemplars:SelectedSources Translated andAnnotated (ManchesterUniversityPress,2002)p.27.TakenfromtheChroniquedeMichel le Syrien, PatriarcheJacobited’Antioch(1166-90),ed.andtr.J.B.Chabot(Paris:ErnestLerous,1905)p.201.3 Walter Map, De nugiscurialium/Courtiers’ Trifles,

tr. Frederick Tupper andMarbury Bladen Ogle(London,1924)p.33.4 Text in Anthony Luttrell,“The Earliest Templars,” inAutour de la premièrecroisade.ActsduColloquedelaSocietyfortheStudyoftheCrusades and the Latin East(Clerment-Ferrend, 22-25juin 1995) ed. M. Balard(Paris: Publications do laSorbonne, 1996) p. 196.

“Quant li Chrestiien orentconquis Jherusalem, si serendirent asses de chevaliersau temple del Sepucre; etmout s’en I rendirentpiusdetoutes tieres. Es estoientobeissant au prieux douSepucre. Il i ot de boinschevaliers rendus; si prisentconsel entr’iaus et disent:“Nous avoumes guerpies noztieresetnosamis,etsommeschi venu pour la loy Dieu i

lever et essauchier. Sisommeschiarrestepourboireet pour mengier at pordespendre, sans oevre faire;nenoientnefaisonsd’armes,etbesoingeenestenletiere:.. .Prendonsconselet faisonsmestre d’un de nos, . . . kenous conduie en bataillequant lius en sera.” (mytranslation)5William of Tyre in Barberand Bate, pp. 25-26. Text in

Guillaume de Tyr,Chronique, ed. R. B. C.Huygens, 2 vols. CorpusChristianorum ContinuatioMediavales 63 and 63A(Turnholt, 1986) 12.7 pp.553-54“Eodemannoquidamnobilesvirideequstriordine,deo devotei religiosi ettimentes deum, in monudomini patriarche Christiserviciosemancipantes,morecanonicorum regularium in

castitate et obedientia et sinepropriovellepertpetuovivereprofessisunt.Interquosprimiet precipui fuerenut virivernerabiles Hugo dePagainis et Gaufridus deSancto Aldemaro. Quibusquoniam neque ecclesia eratneque certum habebantdomiciliumrexinpalatiosuo,quodsecusTemplumDominiasaustralemhabetpartem,eisad tempus concessit

habitaculum,...Primaautemeorumprofessio,quodqueeisa domino patriarcha etreliquis episcopis inremissionem peccatoruminiunctum est, ut vias etitinera maxime ad salutemperegrinorumcontralatronumet incursantium insidias proviribusconservarent.”6Malcolm Barber, The NewKnighthood (CambridgeUniversityPress,1994)p.9.

7Quoted in Edward Burman,The Templars, Knights ofGod (Rochester,VT:DestinyBooks,1986)p.16.8Charles-Joseph Hefele andH. Leclerq, Histoires deConciles d’apres lesdocuments Originaux, t. Va(Paris: Letouzey et Ané,1912)p.592.9BenjaminZ.Kader,“OntheOrigins of the Earliest Laws

of Frankish Jerusalem: TheCanons of the Copuncil ofNablus, 1120,” SpeculumApril 1999 (Latin Canonsreproduced from BibilotecaApostolicaVaticana,MSVat.Lat. 1345 Fols. 1r-3r) pp.331-34.10 Ibid. p. 334. “Si clericuscausadefenssionis [sic] armadetulerit, culpa nonteneantur.”(mytranslation)

11Ibid.p.332andinarticle.SeealsoStevenRunciman,AHistory of theCrusades Vol.II (Cambridge UniversityPress,1952)pp.150-52.12William of Tyre, p. 554.“Cumque iamannisnoven ineofuissentproposito,nonnisinovemerrant.”13BarberandBate,p.3.14Quoted in Marie LuiseBuist-Thiele, “The Influence

of St. Bernard of ClairvauxontheFormationoftheOrderof theKnights Templar,” ed.MichaelGerversThe SecondCrusade and the Cistercians(New York: St. Martin’sPress,1992)p.58.15Ibid.16 Marquis d’Albon,Cartularie Général del’Ordre du Temple 1119?-1150 (Paris, 1913) p. 1. It

was a donation made inMarseille and there areseveraluncertaintiesaboutit.

CHAPTERTWO

HughdePayns

Amid all the differenttheories about the beginningof the Templars there is oneconstant. The founder of theorder was a certain Hugh dePayns,knight.Some say he and a few

comradesfirstapproachedthe

patriarchofJerusalem,askingto live amonastic life in thecity. Others report the menwent toBaldwin II, king ofJerusalem. Still otherssuggest that it was Baldwinwho asked Hugh and hisfriends toactasprotectors tothe many pilgrims comingfromtheWesttoJerusalem.In all of these, the main

constantisHugh.

ButwhowasHugh?Whereis Payns? What was hisbackgroundandwhowerehisfamily?What could have ledhim to devote his life tofightingforGod?Despite his importance,

even in his own day, acontemporary biography ofHugh has never been found.Nor has any medieval writereven mentioned reading one.Ifindthisinterestingbecause

it indicates to me theuneasiness people felt aboutthe idea of warrior monks.Other men who foundedorders, like Francis ofAssisior Robert of Arbrissel, hadbiographies written aboutthem immediately after theirdeaths. The main purpose ofthis was to have aneyewitness account of theirsaintliness in case they weresuggested for canonization.

Of the little that was writtenabout Hugh, nothing wasnegative,butthere

HughdePaynsandGodfreyofSt.Omerbefore

KingBaldwinII.(Bibliotheque

Nationale)does not seem to have beenany sense thathewas in lineforsainthood.So how do we find out

more about this man whostarteditall?The first clue we have is

from the chronicler Williamof Tyre. He says that HughcamefromthetownofPayns,near Troyes in the county of

Champagne.1 William alsomentionsHugh’s companion,Godfrey of St. Omer, inPicardy,nowFlanders.Thesetwo men seem, in William’seyes, tobe cofoundersof theTemplars, but it was Hughwho became the first GrandMaster. This may have beenthrough natural leadership,but it also may have beenbecause Hugh had the rightconnections.

Payns is a small town inFrance, near Troyes, the seatof the counts ofChampagne.It is situated in a fertilefarmlandthateventhenhadareputation for its wine. It’snot known when Hugh wasborn, or who his parentswere. The first mention ofhim in the records is fromabout 1085-1090, when a“HugodePedano,Montiniacidominus,”orHughofPayns,

lordofMontigny,witnessedacharterinwhichHugh,countofChampagne,donatedlandtotheabbeyofMolesme.2 Inorder to be a witness, ourHugh had to have been atleast sixteen. So he wasprobablybornaround1070.Over the next few years,

four more charters of thecount are witnessed by a“Hugo de Peanz” or “Hugode Pedans.” Actually, the

placenameisspelledslightlydifferently each time itappears.3 It is also spelled“Hughes.”Spellingwasmuchmore of a creative art backthen. However, it’s fairlycertain that these are all thesame man. These show thatHughwaspartofthecourtofthe count of Champagne,perhapsevenrelatedtohim.Thelastofthesechartersin

Champagne is from 1113.

The next time we find thenameHughdePayns, it is in1120 in Jerusalem. This ishighlysuggestive,asHughiswitness to a charterconfirming the property ofthe Order of St. John (theHospitallers).4 So now wehave confirmation of thestory that Hugh was inJerusalem in 1119-1120 tofoundtheTemplarsoutsideoflater histories.However, it is

not until five years later thatHugh witnesses a charter inwhich he lists himself as“Master of the KnightsTemplar.”5 In between, he iswitnesstoadonationmadein1123byGaramond,patriarchof Jerusalem, to theabbeyofSanta Maria de Josaphat.Here Hugh is listed only bythe name “Hugonis dePeans.” There is no mentionof theTemplars andHugh is

near the end of the list ofwitnesses, showing that hewas not one of the mostimportantpeoplepresent.6

How did Hugh get toJerusalem?Whathappenedinthose five years betweenwitnessing a charter as alaymanandbecomingMasterof the Templars? We canguess, but unless moreinformationappears,wecan’tknowforcertain.

Themost likely reason forHugh to have gone to theHoly Land was in thecompanyofCountHugh.Thecount made a pilgrimage toJerusalem, his second, in1114.7There is no list of hiscompanions, but it would fitthat Hugh de Payns wouldhave been in his company.Hugh was already amongthoseatcourtoftenenoughtobe a witness to the count’s

donations and therefore oneofhisliegemen.Buthemusthave been released from hisobligation to his lord for,when Count Hugh returnedhome, Hugh de PaynsremainedinJerusalem.Why?Again, Hugh hasn’t left

anything to tell us.Was it aspenance for his sins? Mostpilgrimageswere intended as

aquestfordivineforgiveness.Many people have insistedthat knights onlywent to theHoly Land for wealth, eitherin land or goods looted fromthose they conquered. But inHugh’scase,oncehedecidedto remain in Jerusalem heresolved to live the life of amonk,owningnothing.It is even more surprising

becauseHugh apparently leftawifeandatleastoneyoung

child behind. His wife wasnamed Elizabeth. She wasprobably from the family ofthe lords of Chappes, landquite close to Payns.8 Theirson, Thibaud, became abbotof the monastery of LaColombe.9Hugh may havehad two other children,Guibuin and Isabelle, but Idon’t find the evidence forthem completely convincing.10

In principle, any marriedperson wishing to join areligious order had to havethe permission of his or herspouse and that spouse wasalso to join a convent ormonastery. In practice,however, this didn’t happenthat often, especially amongthenobility.WhenSybillaofAnjou, countess of Flanders,remainedinJerusalemtojointhe nuns at the convent of

Bethany in 1151, herhusband,Thierry, returned toFlanders and continued hislife.11Sometimes, the spouseremarried. It is not knownwhat happened to Elizabeth.PerhapsshediedbeforeHughleftChampagne.Hugh did not abandon the

place of his birth. When hereturned to Europe to drumupsupportfor theKnightsofthe Temple, he received his

greatest support inChampagne. It was at theCouncil of Troyes, only afewmilessouthofPayns,thatthe order received officialpapalapproval.There were also several

Templar commanderies nearPayns.One of them, at least,was founded by Hugh.Donations continued to theTemplars of Payns until theearly fourteenth century, just

before the arrest of theTemplars.12 Many of the“donations” are clearly salesunderanothername,aswhenin 1213, a knight namedHenri of Saint-Mesmin gavetwofieldsnearthepreceptoryto the Templars of Payns. Inreturn, the Templars gaveHenri fourteen livres. Inanother case, Odo of Troyes“gave” the Templars somemills.Odowasabouttoleave

on Crusade and so theTemplars gave him fortylivres with the promise oftwenty more when (or if )Odoreturned.However, after founding

the commandery, it appearsthat Hugh donated nothingmore to it. He returned toJerusalem, probably around1130,anddied in1136.May24isthetraditionaldate.

The recordswe have fromtheearlytwelfthcenturygivenomoreinformationonHughde Payns. Of course, muchhas been lost over the years.Someof theTemplar recordsin Europe were destroyedafter the dissolution of theorder at the Council ofVienne.Thisdoesn’tseemtohave been because theinformation was secret orheretical, simply that it was

no longer needed and theparchment could be scrapedandreused.The main Templar

archives, which might havehad more information onHugh, were not in Europe,however, but in Jerusalem.They were moved to Acreand thenCyprus,where theywere in 1312. War andconquest ensured thatanythingleftwasscatteredor

destroyed.Perhaps there was once a

biographyofsortsofHughdePayns. It seems to me thatsomeone would have wantedto tell the world more abouthim. What we can deducefrom his actions is that hemust have been a strong-willedman, very devout andwith the ability to convinceothers to see and follow hisvision. He does not seem to

have been particularly welleducated. Nothing in his lifeorbackgroundwouldindicatethat he was involved inanythingofamysticalnature,nor that he founded theTemplars to protect somenewly discovered treasure orsecret,asmodernmythsstate.Hugh de Payns was most

likelyadeeplydevoutlaymanwhowanted to serveGodbyprotecting His pilgrims and

His land. Hugh used hiswealth,suchasitwas,andhisfamilyandsocialconnectionsto make this possible.Nothingmore.1WilliamofTyre, ed.R.B.V. Huygens, CCCM 6312.7.6 (Brepols, Turnholt1986) “Inter quos primus etprecipui fuerunt virivenerabiles Hugo de Paganiset Gaufridus de SanctoAldemaro.”

2 Thierry Leroy, Hughes dePayns, ChevalierChampenois, Fondateur deL’Ordre des Templiers(Troyes: La Maison duBoulanger, 2001) p. 194.Cartulaire de Molesme, n.230p.214.3 Leroy, p. 194. CharterslistedareforabbeysallintheareaofTroyes.4Henri-François Delaborde,

Chartres de Terre-SainteProvenantdel’AbbayedeN.-D. de Josaphat. B.E.F.A.R.29. (Paris: Ernst Thorin,1880)no.101.5Leroy,p.194.CartulairedeSaint Sépulcre no. 105,“magistermilitiumTempli.”6Chartres de Terre-SainteProvenantdel’AbbayedeN.-D. de Josaphat, ed. H-Francois Delaborde, (Paris,

1880)p.38.Charterno.12.7MichaelBur,La formationdu comté de Champagne(UniversitédeLilleIII,1977)p.275.8Leroy,p.98.Despiteseveralpopular modern books offictionandsomethatsaytheyare nonfiction, there is notruth to the tale that Hugh’swifewasnamedCatherineSt.Clair.

9Thibaud was elected abbotin1139.“ThibauddePahens,filiusHugonis primimagistritemple Jerosolymitani.”QuotedinLeroy,p.95.10Leroy,pp.95-114.Neitherofthechildrenislistedassonor daughter of Hugh. Theymightbefromanotherbranchof the family who took overPayns after Thibaud enteredthemonastery.

1111 Karen Nicholas,“Countesses as Rulers inFlanders,” in AristocraticWomen in Medieval France,ed. Theodore Evergates(Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press, 1999) p.123.1212Leroy,p.120.

CHAPTERTHREE

BaldwinII,KingofJerusalem

Baldwin of Le Bourqaccomplished the dream ofmany of the knights of theFirst Crusade. Hewent frombeing a shirttail relative ofGodfrey of Bouillon and hisbrother,BaldwinI,theheroes

of the crusade, to becomingking in his own right,marrying a princess andruling a realm that had beenconquered for the glory ofGod.He also was the man who

first gave the Temple ofSolomon toHugh de Paynsand his knights, thus startingboth the reality and thelegendoftheTemplars.

Baldwin was the son ofHugh,countofRethel, andacousin of the Lotharingianbrothers Eustace, Godfrey,and Baldwin. He went withthemontheFirstCrusadeandremained. When Eustacereturned home to becomecount of Boulogne, Godfrey,“the Protector of the HolySepulcher,”diedandBaldwinbecame the first king ofJerusalem; their cousin was

giventhecountyofEdessatorule.When the crusaders

arrived,EdessahadonlybeenunderMoslemcontrolashorttime,andthree-quartersofitspopulation was Christian. 1MostofthemwereArmenianMonophysites, who wereconsidered heretics by theGreek Orthodox Byzantines2Thoros, the Orthodoxprevious ruler of the county,

had been deposed by hispeople shortly after thearrivalof the crusaders.3TheArmenianswerewillingtoberuled by the Westerncrusaders as long as theycould practice their form ofChristianity.Unlike many of the early

settlers, Baldwin seems tohave adapted to the customsofhisnew land.Heacceptedthe Armenian patriarch with

“allthehonorsduetohishighecclesiastical dignity, gavehim villages, loaded himdown with gifts and showedhim great friendship.”4 Thedifferent Christian sects ofthe county were allowed tocontinue their forms ofworship, not forced toconformtotheRomanrites.In his desire to assimilate

with his new subjects,Baldwin also took an

Armenian bride. Her namewas Morfia and she was thedaughter ofKhoril, prince ofMelitene. Although it was apolitically sound move andshe came with an excellentdowry, there also seems tohave been genuine affectionbetweenBaldwinandMorfia.The rest of the marriagesamong the noble families oftheLatinkingdomsmake thesteamiest soap operas look

tame, but in their yearstogether Baldwin andMorfiaprovoked no scandal and notalk of divorce. When onlydaughterswereborn to them,Baldwin saw no reason whythe eldest one shouldn’tinheritEdessa.When in 1118, Baldwin I,

king of Jerusalem, diedwithout an heir, he left noprovision for the successionto the throne.5 The patriarch

of Jerusalem, Arnulf, calledthe lords together to decidewhattodo.Somefeltthattheking’slastremainingbrother,Eustace, should besummoned fromBoulogne totake up the kingship. Othersfelt that itwasunsafetowaitfor Eustace. The time itwould take to send amessenger to Europe andback would leave thekingdomopentoanarchyand

attack6

Jocelyn of Courtenay,anotherearlycrusader,put ina vote for Baldwin of LeBourq. Baldwin was of thesame family as the late king,hehaddoneagoodjobrulingEdessa, and, even if hischildrenwereallgirls,hehadproved he could producechildren.Therewasstillhopeforaboy.7

Justbychance (orperhapsnot), Baldwin of Le Bourqwas visiting Jerusalem at thetime. He accepted thenominationandwascrownedwithoutdelay.It turned out that Eustace

wasn’t thrilled with the ideaoftakingoverthegovernanceof Jerusalem. He had startedout for the Holy Land whenhe heard of his brother’sdeath, but had only reached

Italy when he learned ofBaldwin’s coronation. Hewas apparently quite contentto go back to his home inBoulogne.8

Eustacemay have realizedthat the Kingdom ofJerusalem was a prize thatwould need constantdefending. Or he may haveremembered what thesummersun in theNearEastdoestofairnorthernskin.So

Baldwin became the secondking of Jerusalem without aserious struggle. He gaveEdessa to his supporterJocelynofCourtenay9

The new king faced amountain of problems, bothmilitary and economic. Thecapital city of Jerusalem hadbeen cleared of all non-Christians by the firstcrusaders and there hadn’tbeenmuchinterestamongthe

Franks to repopulate it. Thecitywas a place for pilgrimsto visit, see the sights, buysome souvenirs, and gohome. Baldwin gaveconcessions to anyone“Latin” who would set upshops and homes. He alsogave Syrians, Greeks, andArmenians—everyone exceptSaracensandJews—therightof free trade, especially infoodstuffs.10 It worked to

some extent, but Jerusalemwas important more for itshistorical and religiousconnections rather than as amajor center of trade. It wastheportcitiesthatmaintainedthe crusaders’ hold on theland and most of theWesterners lived along thecoast.Outside of the cities, there

was little control over thearea. The pilgrims, who

brought cash in, were beingwaylaid on the road byrobbers. Itwas impossible topatrolthewholeareabetweenJerusalemand theport cities.Also, many of the pilgrimscouldn’t seem to understandthattheycouldn’tjusttrotoffto spend a day inBethlehemor go for a dip in the Jordanwithout guards. Baldwin hadneither the men nor theresources to protect them.

Andyet,withoutthepilgrims,Jerusalemcouldnotsurvive.It’s not certain whether it

was Baldwin or Hugh dePayns who first suggestedthat a group of knights takeonthejobofpilgrimherding.11Ineithercase,Baldwinwasundoubtedly thrilled to turnthe problem over to the newOrder of knights. TheHospitallers had long beenestablished within Jerusalem

toprovideshelterandcaretothe pilgrims, many of whomcame with the intention ofdying in the Holy Land. Butin 1119, when the Templarswere founded, the hospitalhad no military duties. Sotherewasadefinitenichefortheknightstofill.King Baldwin gave them

the use of a section of theroyalpalace,thoughttobeonthe site of the Temple of

Solomon, and left them tosettleinasbesttheycould.The next few years for

Baldwin were spent outsideof Jerusalem.Hehad tomopup after Roger of Antiochdecided to ride out and fightthe Ortoqid Turk Ilghaziwithout waiting forreinforcements. The placewhere Roger realized thathe’d made his last mistakewas ever after known as the

“FieldofBlood.”12

Baldwin took over thegovernance of Antioch untilRoger’s heir, Bohemond,could reach adulthood andarrive from his home inApulia. He also kept an eyeonEdessaandwhen,in1123,Count Jocelyn was capturedby Ilghazi’s nephew Balak,Baldwin rushed north tomaintain order in the city.Unfortunately, Baldwin fell

into the same trapas Jocelynhad and became Balak’sprisonerinApril1123.The barons of Jerusalem

chose a regent, Eustace deGarnier, lord of Sidon andCaesarea. He held thingstogether quite well untilBaldwin was released in1124, after paying a heavyransom and giving Balak hisfive-year-old daughter,Yveta,asahostage.

During his captivity thecity of Tyre was capturedfromtheTurksbytheFranksand the Venetians. TheunimportanceoftheTemplarsat this time is clear from thefactthatthetreatywassignedbythepatriarchofJerusalem,the archbishop of Caesarea,threeotherbishops,theabbotof Santa Maria of Josaphat,and the priors of the HolySepulcher, theTempleof the

Lord, and Mout Sion. Themaster of the Temple isn’tevenamongthewitnesses.13

As soon as he was free,Baldwin needed to reasserthisauthority.Heimmediatelygathered his troops to fightthe Turks in northern Syria.He then attempted to takeDamascus, but, like all thecrusadersafterhim,failed.14

In between battles,

Baldwin was busy marryingoffhisdaughter,Alice,tothecount ofAntioch,BohemondII, now old enough to takecharge. His third daughter,Hodierna, was then marriedto the count of Tripoli. Forhis eldest daughter,Melisande, Baldwin sent adelegation back to Europe toask for the hand of thewidowed count of Anjou,Fulk. Although there isn’t

much mention of theTemplars in Jerusalem up tothispoint,HughdePaynsandGodfreyofSt.Omer,thetwofirst knights of the order,wereintheparty.15

This mission back toEuropewas the turningpointfor the Templars. Hugh andGodfrey returned with men,money, and papal approval.This last allowed them tocollect donations and set up

branch houses to manageproperty. The houses, calledpreceptories orcommanderies, providedhorses, fodder and food aswell as cash for the constantneeds of the front lineTemplarknights.The trip was also good

public relations for Baldwinand the Kingdom ofJerusalem.HughandGodfreyreminded people of the

purpose of the crusades. TheTemplar knights were notlooking for individualwealthor land or political power.The order itself wound uphaving all three but no onecould have foreseen that in1125, when the men set out.What people in Europe sawweremen of good birthwhohad abandoned their landsand families in order todefend the places where

Christ had livedanddied forall people. The example ofthe Templars was a shamingreminder to those who hadstayedbehind.When Baldwin II died in

August1131,theKingdomofJerusalem was firmlyestablished.Hisdaughterandson-in-law had given him agrandson, the futureBaldwinIII, who would carry on hisline.Constructiononthenew

ChurchoftheHolySepulcherhadbegun.Hemusthavefeltthathehadgivenhispeopleagood base to continueexpandingtheterritory.He may not have

considered the Templars oneofhismajoraccomplishmentsbut they would outlast theLatin city of Jerusalem bymore than a hundred yearsand their legend wouldsurvive longafter themighty

castles of the crusaders hadbecome only crumbling pilesofstone.1RenéGrousset,HistoiredesCroisades et du RoyanmeFranc de Jérusalem (Paris,1934)p.388.2Monophysites: This is aChristiansectthatstressesthedivine nature of Jesus overthe human one. TheArmenian Monophysites

beganinthefifthcenturyandstillexist.3Hans Eberhard Mayer, TheCrusades (Oxford UniversityPress,1988)p.49.4Grousset, p. 259 (quotingMatthewofEdessa).5He had beenmarried twice,oncetoanArmenianprincesswhom he had refused toaccept because she had beencaptured for a short time by

Moslemsandhesaidshehadbeen raped by them. Thesecond timewas toAdelaideof Sicily, whom herepudiated. Mayer says that“to all appearances, the kingwas homosexual” (p. 71) buthe doesn’t say what thoseappearances were. Baldwinwas buried next to hisbrother,Godfrey.6WilliamofTyre,Chroniqueed.R.B.C.Huygens,CCCM

63 (Turnholt, 1986) 12, 3 p.549.7Ibid., p. 549 (I added thepart about his daughters).William listed the otherreasons.8Ibid.,p.550.9Grousset,p.537.10William of Tyre, p. 565.“DeditetiamSurianis,Grecis,Armenis et harum cuiuslibetnationum hominibus,

Sarracenis etiamnichilominus, liberampotestaem sine exactionealiqua inferendi in sanctamcivitatem triticum, ordeum etquodlibetgenusqequminus.”11Please see chapter 1, TheBeginningoftheOrder.12Mayer,p.73.13WilliamofTyre,12,28,p.581.14Mayer,pp.79-80.

15Pleaseseechapter2,HughdePayns.

CHAPTERFOUR

Hugh,CountofChampagneOneoftheearliestmembersoftheTemplarswasalso

oneofthe

few members of the highnobility to join. Hugh ofChampagne remains one of

the more mysterious of thefirstTemplars.As with so much of the

politics in the eleventh andtwelfthcenturies, thestoryofHugh, first count ofChampagne,isthatoffamily.When he was born, thecounty of Champagne didn’texist. Formost of his life hecalled himself the count ofTroyes, which was the mainholdingofhisancestors.

HughwastheyoungestsonofThibaud I,whowas countofBlois,Meaux,andTroyes,and of Adele of Bar-sur-Aube. Thibaud had gainedsome of his property bytaking over lands belongingto a nephew.1 Therefore, hehad something to give toHugh, his last-born son.Hugh’s older brother,Stephen-Henry, got the bestproperty, that of Blois and

Meaux. Hugh inheritedTroyesandotherbitsfromhismother and the property ofhismiddlebrother,Odo,whodiedyoung.2

Hugh did not go on theFirst Crusade in 1096,although Stephen-Henry did.He may not have beeninterested or he may havebeen too busy subduing allhis far-flung properties. Oneof these properties was the

town of Payns not far fromTroyes. A son of the lord ofthe town, Hugh de Payns,became one of Hugh’ssupporters and a member ofhiscourt.3

Hugh scored a coup in1094 by his marriage toConstance,daughterofPhilipI,kingofFrance.Shebroughtwith her the dowry ofAttigny, justnorthofHugh’slands.

As the twelfth centurydawned, Hugh seemed to bean up-and-coming youngnobleman,withanexpandingamount of land and royalconnections.In 1102, Stephen-Henry

diedinbattleinPalestine.Heleftseveralyoungsonsandaformidable wife, Adele, thedaughter of King Henry I ofEngland. Thiswas Stephen’ssecondtriptotheHolyLand.

Itwassaid thatAdelewasn’tpleased with her husband’smilitary exploits on the firsttrip. He had deserted thecrusader army beforereaching Antioch. Adeleinsisted he return and fightmorebravelybefore showinghis face at home again.4Stephen-Henry’s death inbattleapparentlysatisfiedher.At about the same time,

1103, Hugh had a very

strange encounter. One daywhilehewas traveling in thevalley of Suippe, a mannamed Alexander, a pilgrimfromtheHolyLand,cametosee him. A charter from theconventofAvenaytellswhathappened next. “Hugh . . .used to ransom captives andaid the destitute. Amongthese was a certainAlexander, an impoverishedmanfromoverseaswhomthe

count took into his ownhousehold. The most noblecount and his family treatedthismansowellthatheevenate and often slept in thecount’spersonalquarters.”5

Hugh’s confidence inAlexanderwasmisplacedfor,one night, “judging the timeand place appropriate, [he]tried to slit the throat of thesleepingcount.”6

The records don’t give areason for the attack, nor dotheysayanythingmoreaboutthepilgrim.Thisisoneofthefrustrations of historicalrecords.Hugh only survived the

attack because his men tookhim directly to the nearbyconventofAvenay,wherehespent several monthsrecovering. In returnhegavea large donation to the nuns,

whose care and prayers hefelt had saved his life whendoctorscouldn’t.It may have been the

combination of his brother’sdeath and his own nearmissthatconvincedHughtomakea pilgrimage to the HolyLand. He left in 1104 andreturnedaround1107.7It’snotclear whether he and hisretinue aided in the ongoingfighttokeepthelandwonby

the first crusaders or simplyvisitedthepilgrimsites.WhileHughwasoffonhis

journey his wife, Constance,decided she’d had enough.She and Hugh had beenmarriedelevenyearsandhadnochildren.Fortunately,mostofthenobilityofFrancewererelatedinonewayoranotherand so she was able to havethemarriagedissolvedonthegrounds that they were

cousins. This was themedieval way around theprohibition of divorce and itwas used all the time.Constance later marriedBohemond I, ruler ofAntioch, and ended her daysthere.8Her descendants,especiallythewomen,playedimportant roles in thehistoryoftheLatinkingdoms.So upon his return to

Champagne in 1107, Hugh

foundhimselfsingle.Hesoonmarried again, this time toElizabethofVarais, daughterof Stephen the Hardy ofBurgundy. Elizabeth wasrelatedtoanumberofstrong,powerfulwomenof the time.She was the niece ofClemence, countess ofFlanders, and also Matilda,duchess of Burgundy. HerfirstcousinwasAdelaide,thewife of Louis VI, king of

France.In October 1115, Count

Hugh was attending PopeCalixtus II at the Council ofReims,whereheandhismenprovided an escort to thebishop of Mainz.9 The popewas, by the way, Elizabeth’suncle. Life was going wellagain for the count ofChampagne.Therefore, it was strange

thatwhenElizabethpresentedHugh with a son, he refusedtobelieve itwashisandsaidsopublicly.Thedatingoftheblessed event is uncertain,around1117.Hughhadgoneon his second pilgrimage toJerusalem in 1116 and itcouldhavebeenthathiswifetriedtoconvincehimthatshehad had a fourteen-monthpregnancy. But the reasonHugh gave was that his

doctors had all told him thathe was sterile, so he mayhave thought that it waschronologically possible forhim to be the father.10In anyevent, the child, Eudes, andhismotherwererepudiated.Apparently, there was

enough doubt among othersof the family as to thelegitimacyofthebabythatnogreat storm of protest hitHugh. While Eudes had

friendswhotookhissideoverthe years, he was never ableto attract enough support tobe a threat to the next countof Champagne, Hugh’snephew,Thibaud.Eudeswasgivenasmallfiefandallowedtoliveouthislifeinpeace.Hugh did not try another

marriage. In 1125 heabdicated as count andreturned to Jerusalem, wherehe joined the newly formed

Templars. 11 He died theresometimeafter1130.The story of Hugh, count

ofTroyesandChampagne,isone of the real mysteries ofthe Templar saga.Accordingto legend, the order wasformed in 1119, after HughdePaynsdecidedtoremaininJerusalemwhile CountHughreturned to Troyes. Did thecount have any influence onthe decision of the future

founder of the order to staybehind?AsHugh’s overlord,CountHughwould have hadto give his permission forHugh to leave his service.Was the count part of thisinitial decision to form amonasticmilitaryorder?We don’t know. None of

the chroniclers mention him,except to note that he endedhis life as a Templar. Is itbecause they were

embarrassed to say that thecountofChampagnechosetobecomesubservient toamanwhohadoncebeenoneofhisvassals? Count Hugh seemsto have been a consummatewarrior.Hespentmostofhislifefightingoronpilgrimage.Heseemsamuchmorelikelycandidate for being thefounderof theTemplars thanHughdePayns.Buthewasn’t.Hediedasa

memberoftheorder,nothingmore. Champagne went toThibaud, the great-grandsonofWilliamtheConquerorandthe son of Count Stephen-Henry, who had died as asoldier of God. And Hughfaded into a footnote toTemplarhistory.1MichelBur,La formationducomté de Champagne

(UniversitedeLilleIII,1977)p.259.2Bur,p.267.3Thierry Leroy, Hughes dePayns, ChevalierChampenois, Fondateur del’Ordre des Templiers(Troyes: La Maison duBoulanger,2001).4

Bur, 473-74, quoting theanonymous historian of theFirstCrusade.5Theodore Evergates, tr.,Feudal Society in MedievalFrance: Documents from theCounty of Champagne(University of PennsylvaniaPress, 1991) p. 124.Translation of text found inLalore, Cartularie de

l’abbale de Saint-Loup deTroyes (Paris: E. Thorin,1875)14-16no.4.6Ibid.7Bur,p.274.8Ibid.Constance’slifestoryisreally much more interestingthanHugh’sinmyopinion.

9Oderic Vitalis, TheEcclesiastical History ofOrderic Vitalis Vol. VI, p.252.10Bur,p.275.11Ibid.

CHAPTERFIVE

BernardofClairvaux

Hecalledhimselfthechimeraofhisage.Hewasamassofcontradictions. Bernard,abbot of Clairvaux, was amonkwho spentmost of histime out of the cloister, aspiritual man who seemedalways embroiled in politics

and a man of peace whoconvinced thousands to fightand die for their faith. Therearemanywho believe that itwas his championship of theTemplars that made theirsurvivalpossible.Bernard enters history in

1113when he appears at thegates of the monastery ofCiteaux demanding tobecome a monk. This is acommon theme in stories of

medieval saints. ButBernard’s story is slightlydifferent. Instead of fleeingthe world, he seems to havebroughtitalong.Bernardhadconvincedthirtyofhisfriendsand relatives to enter themonasterywithhim.1

Bernardwasborn in1090,the third son of Tecelin deTroisFontainesandhiswife,Aleth de Montbard. Theywereof the lowernobilityof

the area around Dijon.Bernard’s brothers were alltrained warriors who foughtfor their lords, usually theduke of Burgundy.2 Hischildhoodseemstohavebeenhappy. He was devoted toboth parents, particularly hismother, who died when hewasinhisteens.3

Itwascommonintheearlytwelfth century for at leastonechild ina largefamilyto

enter the Church. Bernardwas the one appointed forthis.Andyet,whenhearrivedat Citeaux, his brothersGuy,Gerard, Bartholomew,Andrew, and Nivard and hisuncle Gaudry also becamemonks. Guy was alreadymarried and had smalldaughters and yet Bernardhad convinced him to leavehis family and join him.Notonly that, he also convinced

Guy’s wife to agree to thisandenteraconvent.4

Such enthusiasm couldn’tbe contained in one place.Within three years, Bernardhad left Citeaux to found aCistercian abbey of his ownat Clairvaux, just north ofDijon.It’sclearthatfromanearly

age, Bernard had incrediblepowersofpersuasion.

But how did this devoutmonk become involved withtheTemplars?Atfirstglance,itseemsanunlikelypairing.However,whenwe look a

bit closer, the distancebetweenBernardofClairvauxand the Knights of theTemple isn’t so far. Thefounder of the Templars,Hugh de Payns, came fromanareanearthatofBernard’sfamily. Theymay even have

known each other beforeBernard left for Citeaux.BernardcertainlyknewCountHugh of Champagne, whohadabandonedhislordshiptojoin the Templars inJerusalem.5In a letter toHugh, written about 1125,Bernard laments that thecounthasdecidedtotravelsofarawaytodevotehimselftoGod, and, even though he iscertainthatitisthewillofthe

MostHigh, he stillwillmissthe count, who has been sogenerous to the Cistercianorder.6

Thestrongestconnectionisthat the first Templars camefrom the same world thatBernardwas born into. Theywere generally from thelower nobility, men trainedfor war in the service ofgreater lords. They were notwell educated, perhaps

learning to read French butnot Latin.Yetmany of themfeltuneasyabouttheroletheywereaskedtoplayinsociety.They received mixed signalsfrom the Church, whichforbade the killing of otherChristians, but honoredknights as protectors of theweakandtheliteratureofthetime, which praised valiantand successful warriors. Theknights knew that success in

battle was the key toadvancingtheirposition.That was all very well for

this life, but what about thenext?Even though Bernard

would have preferred thatevery man become a monk,heknewthatwasn’t likely tohappen. An order of knightswhofoughtforChristwasthenext best thing. Perhaps it

was Count Hugh whosuggestedtoBaldwinII,kingof Jerusalem, that theTemplars ask Bernard to usehis influence to convince thepope, Innocent II, and thegreat lords of Europe, tosupporttheneworder.7

As one might guess,Bernard never did anythinghalfway. He was present atthe Council of Troyes in1129 to see the official

recognition of the Templars.Even before that, he mayhave written his passionatedefense of the order,On theNewKnighthood.On the New Knighthood

waswritten in the form of aletter to Hugh de Payns, inresponse to his request for a“sermon of exhortation” tothe brothers of the Temple.Scholars have puzzled overthis open letter for centuries.

In it, Bernard writes like aRoman general sending thecenturions off to battle thebarbarians.He begins by comparing

theKnightsof theTemple tosecular knights. The secularknight fightsandkills forhisown benefit and glory. Healso dresses like a dandy,with long hair, draggingsleeves, pointed shoes, andhis body bedeckedwith gold

and jewels.Bernardcontraststhis with the simple andpractical gear of theTemplars.BoththeLatinandFrench Rules of the orderreflect this concern withextravagantclothingandmayshowBernard’sinfluence.But Bernard is just

warming up. He soon goesbeyond even the crusadingidea that it is meritorious tofight for God. He states

several times that killing theenemyofGodisagoodthingand dying while doing someans instant admission toheaven.“FordeathforChristisnosin,whetheronekillsoris killed, but merits greatglory.”8Againhe says, “If hekills an evildoer, it is nothomicidebut,ifImightputitso,evilcide.”9

This is not only a classiccase of making the enemy

something inhuman, it alsoimplies that dying whiledoingsomeansastraightshotto heaven. “If those who diein the Lord are blessed, howmuch greater are those whodie for the Lord?”10 Eventhose who have committedterrible crimes can findredemption—“impiouswretches, sacrilegiousplunderers and rapists,murderers, perjurers and

adulterers.” He adds that it’sa win-win deal. Europe isglad to be rid of these menandthedefendersoftheHolyLandgladtoreceivethem.11

Ofcourse, thatdoesn’tsaymuch for the pool theTemplars have to recruitfrom.After praising the lifestyle

and mission of the knights,Bernardthentakesthereader

on a tour of the mainpilgrimage sites: the Templeof Solomon, Bethlehem,Nazareth, the Mount ofOlives and the Valley ofJosaphat, the Jordan River,Calvary, theHoly Sepulcher,Bethpage,andBethany.What is going on here?

Why is this monk tellingthese men that it’s not onlyall right to kill non-Christians, it’s actually a

good thing? Bernard doesrein in a bit at one point,saying that the infidelsshouldn’t be destroyed ifthere is some other way tokeepthemfromattackingthepilgrims, but better infidelsdiethanus.12

Certainly, the “letter” tothe Templars fits in with thecrusading tradition. ThreehundredyearsbeforetheFirstCrusade, Charlemagne

invaded and conquered theSaxons several times, underthe excuse of “converting”them. But Bernard doesn’tmention persuasion whendealing with the Saracens.He seems determined toglorifyslaughteringthem.Was this letter really

written to stiffen thebackbones of the Templars?Did they doubt therighteousness of their cause?

Or was this for the rest ofChristendom, including thosewhowereuneasyabouttheseknight-monks? Bernard saysthathewrote the letterat theinsistenceofHughdePayns.But who was the realintendedaudience?Itseemsclearthatthiswas

Bernard’s attempt to makesure that the Order of theTemplars would be acceptedin Europe. It’s possible that

heevenwrotehisexhortationbeforetheofficialrecognitionoftheorderattheCouncilofTroyes.13Everythingaboutitsounds like a recruitingspeech. First Bernard pointsouthowmuchmorenobletheKnightsTemplararethanthefops hanging around castlesat home and causing trouble.Thenhe tells the listener thatthe Order of the Templecould make even the worst

criminal shapeup—anddo itfar, far away. Finally, hewinds up with a tour of thepilgrim sites, places he hadnever seen but the Templarsknew well. This was likelymeant as a reminder of whythe Templars were so muchneeded. Did Christendomwant thesitesof theBible toremain in the hands ofunbelievers?Finally, why was it so

important that this abbot getthe word out? Why not aletter by the pope or at leastanarchbishop?One answer is that from

about 1120 through 1147,Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux,was probably the mostinfluential man inChristendom. The sameintense passion thatconvincedmostofhisfriendsand family to give up a

worldly life for a strictmonastic one had been letlooseupontherestofEurope.Bernard was a tireless writerand he never minced words.Hegaveadvicetomostoftherulersoftheday,chidedotherabbots for laxity, and luredthe rowdy students of Parisaway from the brothel andintothecloister.Ihavebeen trying togeta

handle on Bernard for more

than thirty years now and hestillslipsaway.Themanwasobviously immenselycharismatic. He had a waywithwordsthatnotranslationcan completely evoke. It’sworth learning Latin just towatch Bernard play with thelanguage. His personal lifeseems to have been abovereproach.On the other hand, hewas

a terrible nag. Some of his

letters are so critical thatpeople must have cringedwhen they saw his seal onthem. He also tended to gooverboard for causes hebelieved in. The exhortationto the Templars is oneexample.AnotherthingthatIhaven’t quite forgiven himforishisdeterminationtoseethat the work of the teacherand philosopher PeterAbelardwascondemned.

His enthusiasm finallybackfired on him with thefailure of the SecondCrusade, in 1149, which hehad preached. The first signthat things were unravelingwas when he learned that amonk named Radulf wasencouraging the crusaders tomassacre the Jews in theRhineland. Bernard washorrified and he immediatelyraced there to stop the

murders, with much success.Ephraim, a Jew from Bonn,whowas a child at the time,laterwrote, “The Lord heardour outcry, andHe turned tousandhadmercyuponus...He sent a decent priest, onehonored and respected by allthe clergy in France, namedAbbé Bernard of Clairvaux,to dealwith this evil person.Bernard . . . said to them: ‘Itis good that you go against

the Ishmaelites. Butwhosoever touches a Jew totake his life, is like onewhoharmsJesushimself.’”14

What are we to make ofthisman? Inhisown life,hewas considered a saint bysome and an opinionatedbusybody by others. He wascanonized shortly after hisdeath and, even before hedied, at least one of hisfriends started writing his

biography with an eye tosainthood.Therewerethosewhoalso

vilifiedhimforhispreachingof the crusades and for hisintolerance of Peter Abelardandotherscholars.Oneofthemost vicious of Bernard’sdetractors was the EnglishwriterWalterMap.Mapwasonly about thirteen years oldwhen Bernard died in 1153,but his later association with

Cistercian monks and hisadmirationforAbelardseemsto have soured him on theabbot. He calls Bernard aLucifer,shiningbrighter thanthe other stars of night, andtells stories of how he failedto perform miracles,including howBernard couldnotraiseaboyfromthedead.“Master Bernard bade thebodybecarriedintoaprivateroom, and, ‘shutting every

oneouthe layupon theboy,and after a prayer arose; butthe boy did not arise, for helay there dead.’ Thereupon I[Map] remarked, ‘He wassurely the most unlucky ofmonks;forneverhaveIheardofamonklyingdownuponaboy without the boy arisingimmediately after themonk.’”15

Walter Map also despisedTemplars,Hospitallers, Jews,

andhereticsbuthe savedhismost acid comments for theCistercians and their reveredabbot.Hisgreatest complaintabout Bernard and, byextension, the Templars,wasnot that they were depravedor sacrilegious but that theywere proud and greedy. Thisview of theTemplarswas tocontinue throughout theirexistence.It may be that Bernard’s

fame did go to his head,althoughhispridewasmostlyinhisabsoluteconvictionthatheknewbest.TheCistercianswhocameafterhimmaywellhave done their best to getandkeepallthepropertytheycould, but in that they wereno different frommost othermonasticorders.Whatever opinion one has

of Bernard, he is far toocomplex a person to label

simply. His influence oversocietyin thefirsthalfof thetwelfth century wasincredible and, to me, stillhasn’t been satisfactorilyexplained, although manyhave tried. This is a pitybecause, in order tounderstand the early yearsandastonishinggrowthoftheTemplars,theroleofBernardof Clairvaux must be takenintoaccount.

1WilliamofSt.Thierry,VitaPrima Bernardi, Books IV-VIII.2Robert Fossier, “LaFondation de Clairvaux et laFamille de Saint Bernard, inMélanges Saint Bernard(Dijon,1953)pp.19-27.3BrianPatrickMcGuire,TheDifficultSaint.4William of St. Thierry,Book V, Sancti Bernardi

Abbatis Clarae-Vallensis,Opera Omnia Vol. I (Paris:Mabillion, 1839). Guy couldnot become a monk withouthis wife’s permission. TheconventofJullywasfoundedfor other female familymembers and wives of menwishing to becomeCistercians.5Thierry LeRoy, Hugues dePayns (Troyes: Maison duBoulanger,1999)p.71.

6Bernard of Clairvaux,“Epistola XXXI,” SanctiBernardi Abbatis Clarae-Vallensis,OperaOmnia Vol.I (Paris: Mabillion, 1839) p.175.7Marquis d’Albon,Cartularie Général dul’Ordre du Temple 1119?-1150(Paris,1913)p.1.8Bernard of Clairvaux,“Exhortatio ad Milites

Templi,” ibid. Caput III 4,cols. 1256-57. “Quando-quidemmors proChristo velferenda,velinferenda,etnihilhabeat criminis, et pluimumgloriaemereatur.”9Ibid. “Sane cum occiditmalefactorum, non homicidased,utitadixerum,malicida.”10Ibid.,Caput I1,col.1255.“Namsibeatiqui inDominemoriuntur, num multo magis

quiproDominomoriuntur?”11Ibid., Caput V 10, col.1262.12Ibid.,CaputII4,col.1257.“Non quidem vel Paganinecandi esset, si quo modoaliter possent a nimiainfestione seu oppressionefidelium cohiberi. Nuncautem melius est utoccidantur, quam cartereliquaturvigaextendantjusti

ad iniquitatemmaunussuas.”Mine is a loose translation,butthat’sthegistofit.13Thework is not dated andcould have been writtenanytime between about 1125and1130.14Ephraim of Bonn, SeferZekira,tr.ScholmoEidelmanin The Jews and theCrusaders (University ofWisconsin Press, 1977) p.

122.15Walter Map, De NugisCurialium tr. FrederickTupper and Marbury BladenOgle (London: Chatto &Windus,1924)p.49.

CHAPTERSIX

HughdePaynsTakestheTemplarsonthe

Road

By 1127, the Knights of theTemple were established intheHolyLand.Even in theirearly state, they had soimpressed Fulk of Anjou

that, in 1124, he had giventhem thirty thousand livresfrom the rents of his lands.1Other lords had also donatedproperty, especially in Hughde Payns’ home county ofChampagne.But the number of men

who had decided to devotetheir lives to the order wasstill far too few. So it wasdecidedthatHugh,alongwithfellowknightsGodfreyofSt.

Omer, Payns of Montdidier,and Robert of Craon, wouldundertake a journey ofrecruitment.2 It is interestingthat the men chosen werefromvariouspartsofFrance.GodfreywasfromPicardy inthe north and Robert was aBurgundian.Thegroupprobablymadea

stop atRome, although thereis no record of it or of ameeting with the pope,

Honorius II. They then wenton to Troyes, the seat of thecounts of Champagne.Although Hugh ofChampagne was still alive,he did not accompany theparty. His nephew, Thibaud,was now count. Thibaudwelcomed the knights andhereHughmayhaveseenhisfamily for the first time inover ten years and madefurther arrangements for the

disposalhisownland.Next, in early 1128, the

men went to Anjou, wheretheiroldfriendFulkrenewedhis donation to the order.Healso made a new donationthat was split among theTemplars, the bishop ofChartres, the abbey of theTrinity at Vendome, and theabbeyofFontevrault.3Atthispoint,Fulkprobablyreceivedthe offer fromKingBaldwin

tomarry his eldest daughter,Melisande. On AscensionDay (May 28) of 1128 Fulkdecidedtotakethecross(andthe kingdom). Hugh waspresent for this ceremony, aswas Gautier de Bure, theconstable of Jerusalem, whohad been sent expressly tobringthemarriageproposal.4

The party went on to thecounty of Poitou, northwestofAnjou,wherevariouslords

gave generously to the neworder. It would be nice tothink that at this time Hughmay have seen the youngEleanor of Aquitaine, whowould one day make thepilgrimage to theHolyLand,on the Second Crusade, asthe wife of Louis VII ofFrance. But there is noevidence that she or herfather, the count of Poitou,metwiththeTemplars.

Hugh then visited KingHenry I of England at hiscourt in Normandy, beforegoing on to England andScotland. Henry apparentlygave theTemplars “gold andsilver” and annually added“many subsidies in arms andotherequipment.”5

The chronicles ofWaverley Abbey in Englandtell ofHugh’s trip “with twoknights of the Temple and

two clerics.” The knightswentalloverEnglandandasfar north as Scotland, “andmanytookthecrossthatyearand thosefollowingand tookthe route for the Holyplaces.”6

Atthenextstop,Hughfeltconfidentofagoodreception.Thierry, count of Flanders,was well disposed to theTemplars. He alsoencouraged his barons to be

generous. On September 13,1128, Thierry held a solemnassemblybeforethebishopofThérouanne at which heconfirmed the donationsmade to theTemplars by hispredecessor, William Clito.Present to witness it wereHugh, Godfrey of St. Omer,Payns of Montdidier, “andmany other brothers.”7 It’snever made clear, but Ibelieve that these “other

brothers” were some of thenew recruits that theTemplars so desperatelyneeded. A public gatheringsuch as this would be aperfect place for a rousingspeech.Ayoungmancarriedaway by the moment wouldfindithardtorenounceavowtakenbeforesomanypeople.Finally the party returned

to Troyes sometime aroundJanuary 1129. There they

received a house, a grange,land and fields near thesuburbofPreizefromaRaoulCrassus(thefat)andhiswife,Hélène.Thisdonationalmostcertainly became thecommandery of Troyes.8Witnessing it were Hugh,Godfrey, and Payns alongwith Templars named Ralphand John. It seems that thetriphadbeenworthit.Only one thing more was

needed to make sure theOrder of the Knights of theTemple of Solomon wassecurely established. AndHughwasabouttogetit.1Orderic Vitalis, TheEccesiastical History ofOderic Vitalis vol. VI, ed.and tr. Margery Chibnall(Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress,1978)pp.310-11.2Thierry LeRoy, Hugues de

Payns. (Troyes: Maison duBoulanger,1999)pp.72-76.3Ibid.,p.195.4Ibid.,p.76.5Robert of Torigni, GestaNormannorum Ducam Vol.II, Book VII, pp. 32-34, ed.and tr. Elisabeth M. C. VanHouts (Oxford: OxfordMedieval Texts; 1995) p.257.Isayapparentlybecausethere isn’t any record of

Henry’s generosity, exceptRobert’saccount.6QuotedinLeRoy,p.76.7Marquis d’Albon, Charterno.16.8Ibid.,Charterno.22.

CHAPTERSEVEN

TheCouncilofTroyes

Attheendof1128,HughdePayns made his way backfrom the tour of northernFrance, England, andFlanders to his birth-place inChampagne. Here he wouldat last receive officialrecognition of the Templars

asamonasticorder.Achurchcouncilconvened

at the town of Troyes onJanuary13,1129.1Thepope,Honorius II, did not attend.Instead he sent his legate,Matthew, cardinal-bishop ofAlbano, who had been apriest in Paris. There weretwo archbishops, Renaud ofReims and Henry of Sens.Therewere also anumberofabbots, four from the

Cistercianorder,amongthemBernard of Clairvaux.2There were also ten bishopsand two “masters,” that is,scholars, Alberic of ReimsandFulger.3

Abbot Bernard supportedthe Templars but he doesn’tseem to have been eager toattend the council. He askedtobeexcusedonthegroundsof ill health.4 But there was

nowayhecouldgetoutofit.Even in 1128,Bernard had areputation for wisdom andpiety. His support was allimportant. And after thecouncil, that support wouldcoutinue.The council heard Hugh

tellthestoryofhowhebegantheorder and itsmission.Heasked the clerics for anofficial habit to mark theTemplars as knight-monks

andalsoaRuletolivebylikethat of other monks. Theclerics deliberated and gavethe Templars permission towear a white habit, as theCistercians did. They alsoprovided a monastic Rule inLatin, based on that of othermonasticorders.5

However, the clerics werenotreallypreparedtomakeamonasticRuleformenwhosemainfunctionwasnottopray

but to fight. Wisely, theyaskedtheadviceofmenwhounderstood the active life.Along with the clerics,Thibaud, count ofChampagne and nephew andheirofHughofChampagne,and William, count ofNevers, were present. Thesecretary of the council,Matthew, explains thepresenceof these“illiterates”by saying that they were

lovers of the Truth whocarefully went over theTemplar Rule and threw outanything that didn’t seemreasonable. “It was for thisthat they were at thecouncil.”6

The Latin Rule madeprovisions for the needs ofthe knights. Unlike othermonks,whoatefishandeggs,Templars were allowed redmeat three times a week.7If

they were too tired, theyneedn’t get up in the middleofthenightforprayers.8TheRulealsoallowedtheknightstohavehorsesandservantstomaintainthem.The clerics did take the

opportunity to come outstrongly against currentfashion. They forbade theknightstowearimmoderatelylong hair and beards, shoeswithlongcurlingpoints, lacy

frills, or excessively longtunics.9Obviouslytheaverageknight on the roadwas a bitofadandy.The noble pursuits of

hunting and hawking werealso forbidden, with theexception of lion hunting,“because he [the lion] isalwayssearchingforsomeoneto devour and his strength isagainst all so all strength isagainst him.”10 This shows

that not all the danger in apilgrimage was from humanattackers. However, thecouncil may have beenthinkingofabiblicalanalogyhere, of the lion falling upontheflockoffaithfulpilgrims.Other sections of the Rule

concern behavior at meals,caring for brothers whobecome ill, and othercommoncustomsofmonasticlife; for instance,allproperty

was kept in common andprayersweresaidseventimesaday.Sincetheknightswerenot expected to understandLatin, they were told tosimply repeat the Lord’sPrayeratthecorrecttimes.One subject that the

council was extremely firmabout concerned associationwith women. Knowing thereputation of knights forsexual conquests, two

sections of the Rule make itclear that theywerenotevento kiss their own mothers orsisters. “We believe itdangerous for any man ofreligion to pay too muchattention to the faces ofwomen; therefore no brothermay take the liberty ofkissingawidow,noravirginnorhismother,norhissister,nor his friend, nor any otherwoman.”11Thiswastakenfor

granted in most monastichouses, where the monksspentmostof their timewellout of sight of any femaletemptation.But it’sclear thatthecouncilworried that aftera hard day of fightingSaracens , it might bedifficult for a Knight of theTemple to remember that,while he could still pillage,rapewasnolongeranoption.While theLatinRule soon

provedtoneedalotofeditingandadditions, for thepresentHugh de Payns was satisfiedwith the results of thecouncil. He returned toJerusalemby1131,withfreshrecruits, donations, and aformal Rule for the KnightsTemplar to live by. Theywerenowanacceptedpartofthe religious life in theWestaswellastheEast.1

Olderaccountsgive thisdateas 1128 but this was causedbyconfusion surrounding thefact that many people in thetwelfth century started theNew Year in spring, not themiddleofwinter.2Charles-Joseph Hefele andDomH.Leclercq,HistoiredeConciles d’après lesDocumentsOriginauxVol.V

(Paris: Letouzey et Ané,1912)p.670.3Laurent Dailliez, Règle etStatusde l’OrdreduTemple,2nd ed (Paris: ÉditionsDervy, 1972). Reprint of theLatin Rule from 1721, pp.325-26. The bishops werefrom Chartres, Soissons,Paris, Troyes, Orleans,Chalons,Laon,andBeauvais,

allroughlyfromthenorthandeast of France. William ofNevers’sson,Raynald,diedaprisoner of the Turks duringtheSecondCrusade.Williamended his days as aCarthusianmonk.4Bernard of Clairvaux,OperaOmnia Vol. 1 (Paris, 1839)letter 21, col. 164-65.“Savientis siquidem acutae

febris exusta ardoribus, etexhausta sudoribus.” That is,hehada fever thatworehimout.5Dailliez,pp.327-59.6Ibid.,p.326.7Ibid.,p.332,capitula10.8

Ibid.,pp.335-36,capitula18.9Ibid.,p.340,capitula29.“Derostris & laqueis manifestumest & Gentiles: & cumabominabile, hoc omnibusagnoscatur, prohibimus . . .capillorum superflitaten &vestium immoderatanlongitudinem barbere nonpermittimus.”10

Ibid., p. 348. “Quia ipsecircuit, quaerens quemdevoret,&manusejuscontraomnes, omniumque manuscontraeum.”11Ibid., p. 359, capitula 72.“Periculosum esse credimusomni Religioni vultummulierum nimis attendere, &ideo nec vicuam, necvirginem, nec matrem, nec

sororum, nec amitam, necullamaliamfoeminamaliquisFraterosculipraesumet.”

CHAPTEREIGHT

GoForthandMultiply

One can trace the recruitingjourney of Hugh and hiscompanionsbyrecordsofthegifts donated to them. Bothgreat lords and minor oneslineduptomakedonationstothe Templars. This was notonlybecausetheybelievedin

the cause but, as is still true,the support of importantpeople brought in gifts fromtherankandfile,whowishedto associate themselves incharity with their localrulers.1

After the Council ofTroyes, Hugh de Paynsreturned to Jerusalem, butother Templars continued tocrisscross Europe seekingsupportfortheneworder.

Inthesouth,HughRigaud,another Templar, was busycanvassing for the order. Asearly as 1128, he was inToulouse, where PeterBernardandhiswife,Borella,gave themselves andeverything theyowned to theTemplars, with the provisionthat,iftheyhadchildrenwhowantedtojointheorder,theywouldbeallowedto.2Rigaudspent the next several years

getting donations for theTemple, ranging from lands,tithes, and vineyards to “ashirt and pants” from atownswoman “and, after herdeath,herbestcloak.”3HughRigaud can be foundacceptingdonationchartersinsouthernFranceandnorthernSpainthroughthe1130s.However, unlike other

monastic groups, theTemplars had no system in

place for receiving andmaintaining the donations.4Remember, these mostlydidn’t come in the form ofmoney, but goods. It’s allverywell toreceivegrantsoffields, houses, vines, horses,old clothes, and even serfs,but these weren’t things thatcould be put in an onlineauctionforquickcash.Manyof the gifts couldn’t be useduntil the donor had died.

Others consisted of a certainpartofaharvesteachyearorsomanycheeses.The nature of the gifts to

the order meant that theTemplars needed to establishway stations of some sort toreceive goods and transferthem from Europe to theCrusader States. Greatmonastic houses like Clunyand Citeaux would establishpriories, which were

dependent houses, staffedwith only a few monks. Butthe Templars were desperateformoremenof fightingageto join in the battle, so newrecruits were encouraged toleaveforJerusalemassoonaspossible. That didn’t leaveanyone to direct thecollection and processing ofsupplies.The fact that the earliest

Templarsweren’tallthatwell

organized is evident by thevarious titles that HughRigaud is given in thecharters. Sometimes he is abrother of the society,5sometimes he is mentionedonlybyname,andsometimesby the title“procurator,”6which seems agooddescriptionofhiswork,although it’s not listed in theRule as an administrativeposition.

The Templars may haveeventually establishedhousesonthemodelofthosealreadyrunby theHospitallers,whohadbeenreceivinggiftsintheWestsincejustaftertheFirstCrusade (around 1100),particularly in Spain and thesouth of France as well asItaly.7

Eventually, the orderorganized itself in territoriesthat were grouped according

to the languages of thebrothers. These were mostlyFrench,Spanish,andEnglish,with some Italians andGermans. The Templarsnever established themselvesinScandinaviabutthereweresome commanderies inHungaryandCroatia.

OCCITANIA

For thepurposeof thisbook,I’mdefiningOccitaniaas thesouthern part of France fromthe Atlantic Ocean on thewest, along the PyreneesMountains in the south,roughly to Marseille in theeast. I’m not interested inprecision; the people wholived there in the twelfthandthirteenth century were usedto flowing borders. Theregion was divided among

various counties andlordships in the west and aloose attachment to theHolyRoman Empire in the east.The language, calledOccitanor Provençal, was closer tothatofnorthernSpainthantoFrance.Theearliestrecordedgiftto

the Templars is fromMarseille. There is noindication of how the donor,William of Marseille, even

knewabout the order, but hegave them a church on theCôte d’Azur in the early1120s.Itshowshowstronglythe Templars believed in notliving the soft life on thebeach that they gave it backin 1124.8Actually, it’s likelythat the gift was moreexpensive tomaintain than itwasworth.It wasn’t until afterHugh

de Payns had secured papal

approvalfortheorderthatthedonationsinOccitaniastartedrolling in. This was due inlarge part to the promotionalactivity of Templar brothersHugh Rigaud and RaymondBernard.AftertheCouncilofTroyes they spent severalyears traveling through theregiondrummingup support.WhileHughworkednorthofthe Pyrenees, Raymondconcentrated on Spain and

Portugal.9

Between about 1130 and1136HughRigaudseemedtobe everywhere in the south.Either on his own or withotherbrothersof theTemple,hereceiveddonations,boughtland, and establishedcommanderies .10 Theamount of organization thisimplies makes me think thatHughmusthavebeenacourtofficialinhispreviouslife.

Hugh Rigaud was presentin1132whenoneofthemostpowerful families in theregion, the Trencavels, gavetheTemplarstheservicesofaperson, Pons the Gascon,alongwithhisfamily.11Ponshad a house and otherproperty near the town ofCarcassonne, which theTrencavelspromisednevertoharass.12

Members of this family

werestrongsupportersof theTemplarsinthoseearlyyearsand their prestige in the areameant that others wereencouraged to donate, aswell. In1133, thefamiliesofBernard de Canet andAymericofBarbairagavetheTemplars the castle ofDouzens, which was tobecomeamajorcommanderyin Occitania.13 Moreimportantly,Aymericandhis

brotherWilliam Xabert gavethemselves to the Templars.They did not agree to serverightawaybutatsomefuturedate,andiftheyweren’tableto, the Templars would getonehundredsous.14

ThesefamiliescontinuedtogivelandtotheTemplarsforat least twenty years andperhapslonger.15

Hugh de Rigaud vanishes

from the records in 1136,presumably because he died.His successor was Arnold ofBedocio. Arnold came fromCataloniaandsotherewasnoproblemwith languagewhenhecametoOccitania.Arnoldlived at the commandery atDouzens but continued thework of acquiring moreproperty in the area. Hereceived the donation ofHugh de Bourbouton that

wouldbecometheothergreatcommandery in Occitania,Richerendes.16

As in other regions, mostof theTemplars living at thecommanderiescamefromtheregion.Youngmenweresenteastassoonas theycouldbeready and older or infirmrecruits stayed behind toprovidethefightingmenwithprovisions.

CROATIAANDHUNGARY

Templar commanderies firstbegan appearing in Croatia afew years after the SecondCrusade(1148-1150).Atthesame time, the firstHospitallers were alsoestablished there.17It’s not atall clear what prompted this,althoughit’spossiblethatthemaster of the Templars in

France, Everard de Barres,who accompanied the armyofLouisVII,sawtheneedtoprotect pilgrims taking theroutethroughCroatiaontheirwaytotheHolyLandandthelordsthereagreed.18

By 1169, the pope hadgiven the Templars the oldBenedictine monastery ofVrana.Theonlycatchtothisgift was that the Templarshad to house any papal

legates who happened to bepassing through along withtheir sometimes largeentourages. The bishop ofZagreb, Prodanus, also gavetheTemplarsproperty inandaround Zagrebwhich had nostrings attached since thebishopalreadyhadaplacetosleepthere.19

In 1173, Bela III becamekingofHungaryandCroatia.Instead of allying himself

totally with the ByzantineEmpire, as earlier kings haddone, Bela looked to theWest. He was a strongsupporter of the ThirdCrusade (1189-1192) andtookanoathtogooncrusadehimself, although he neverdid.20In 1185, Bela sentambassadors to Philip II, thekingofFrance,askingforthehand of the king’s sister,Margaret. Bela had been

“lured by the honor of analliance with the ancienthouse of the kings of Franceand by the good reputationfor religion and wisdom ofthis princess.”21 Margaretwas the widow of HenryPlantagenet, “the YoungKing”whosedeathhadmadeRichard the Lionheart heirtothethroneofEngland.Sheand Philip agreed to themarriage and she returned

with the ambassadors toHungary.Bela III died in 1192 and

wassucceededbyEmeric,hisson from a previousmarriage.22 Margaret,widowed again, with nochildrenofherown, soldherdower. Then “she took thecross and, bringing a finecompany of knights, camewith the Germans to Syriaand arrived at Tyre.”23 She

diedshortlyafter,presumablynot in battle. The chroniclerdoesn’t mention anyTemplarsinhercompanybutitwouldhavebeenstrange iftherehadn’tbeenany.The highest responsibility

ever accorded to a TemplarwasinCroatiawhen,in1217,King Andrew II went oncrusadeand,insteadoftakingthe Templars with him, leftthem in charge of the

kingdom. Pontius de Cruce,GrandMasterofHungaryandCroatia, governed thecountries from thecommanderyinVrana.24

It is intriguing that, whilethere must have been nativeTemplars and Hospitallers,most of the commanders inCroatia were French orItalian.25 Croatian Templarsalsoservedinothercountries,bringing to mind the lines

from the ceremony ofreception into the orderwarning that Templars wentwheretheywereposted.26

THEBRITISHISLES

While King Henry I isreportedtohavegivengiftstothe Templars, it was his

successor, Stephen, whodonated the first land inEngland. Stephen wasHenry’s nephew and the sonof Stephen-Henry, the countof Champagnewho had diedwhile on his secondcrusade.27 Stephen’s wife,Matilda,was thenieceof theheroes of the First Crusade,Godfrey of Bouillon andBaldwin I. The king andqueen were already

predisposedtogivewhattheycouldtoaidinthedefenseoftheHolyLand.Matilda gavethe first donation in 1135, inhonor of her father, Eustace,count of Boulogne, who hadalmost become king ofJerusalem when his brotherBaldwin had died.28Stephenconfirmed the donations ofhis vassals and then gavepropertyhimself.Although the Templars

were in existence inEnglandfrom at least 1135 andcertainly before, the firstmaster of the Templars inEnglandweknowofisHughofArgentenin1140.29

In1185,theTemplarstookacensusoftheirpropertiesinEngland. This document hassurvived and shows that theTemplars’propertywasmuchlike that of other religioushouses. They had fields and

flocks of sheep, tithes fromchurchesand rents from landand houses. They were asmuchapartofthecommunityas the monks and nuns oftraditionalmonasticorders.Inthe town of Bristol, theweavers’guildevenhadtheirchapel in the Templarchurch.30

In Ireland the Templarsheldmostoftheirpropertyinthe east after the land was

conquered by King Henry IIof England. Henry gave thefirstgiftoflandin1185.TheAnglo-Norman settlers inIrelandfollowedhis leadandby1308“theIrishlandswerethe thirdmostvaluableofallthe Templar holdings andworthoverL400ayear.”31

ThemasteroftheTemplarsin Ireland was one of thefinancial overseers of theIrishexchequer.Althoughthe

native Irishprobably saw theTemplars as part of theEnglish invasion, the masterseems to have acted as amediator between the Irishand theEnglish from time totime.32

Apart from collecting theusual tithes and rents inIreland, the Templars alsoused their land to breed andraisehorsesfortheknights.33

At the time of the firstTemplar foundations,Scotlandwas an independentnation, although the royalfamily was tied to that ofEngland throughintermarriage. King David I(1124-1153)gavetheTemplethe tithes of the church inRenfrewshire.34 He musthave given them otherproperty but most of thechartershavebeenlost.There

doesn’t seem to have been amaster for Scotland at thebeginning, all administrationcomingfromEngland.The most important

commandery inScotlandwasBalantrodoch, just south ofEdinburgh. It was not awealthy community; most ofthe income was from sheepandawatermilltheTemplarsoperated.Inthepartial listofpreceptors of the

commandery, all the namesareNorman.35

Evelyn Lord commentsthat“WeknowlessabouttheTemplars in Scotland thanelsewhereintheBritishIsles.. . .Perhapsbecauseofthisapanoply of myth hasdeveloped around them thathas obscured reality andcloakedtheminmystery.”36

Weshalllookatthemyths

and mysteries later in thisbook.

SPAINANDPORTUGAL

Many of the earliest andlargest donations to theTemplars came from theIberianPeninsula.This isnotsurprising. The rulers of

Aragon,Navarre,Castile,andwhatwouldsoonbePortugalhad been slowly retakingterritory from the Moslemsfor over four hundred years.Thecrusading fervor focusedon Jerusalem had increasedinterest in thestrugglenearerto home. One of the earliestIberian gifts to the Templarsis from Queen Teresa ofPortugal,daughterofAlfonsoofCastile.Shegavethemthe

castle of Saur with all thesurrounding lands.37Presumably, she intendedthemtomaintainitpersonallyand supply warriors in herbattlesagainsttheMoors.In1122,whenfew, ifany,

hadheardoftheOrderoftheTemple, Alfonso I, king ofAragon, had founded amilitary confraternity atBelchite.38It wasn’t asstructured as the Templars

and other military orderswouldbeanditwasunderthecontrol of the king, not abishop. Members could joinfor a limited time and couldparticipate in the spiritualbenefitswithoutfighting.“The cofradía of Belchite

is clearly amilitary religiousinstitution, composed ofbrothers who defendedChristendom against itsMuslim enemies. Anyone

rendering this meritoriousservice or any otherassistance in the form ofpilgrimages, donations ofalms, bequests of horses andweapons, and bequests tohouses of captives, receivedindulgences. In addition, themembers of the confraternitycould retain any lands theyhad captured from theMuslims.”39

It’s unlikely that Alfonso

hadheardabouttheTemplarswhen he founded the order.This is an indication that thecrusadingidealoffightingforGod was leading to theformation of military ordersnot just in Jerusalem. TheTemplarsmighthavebecomeso popular and so widelyimitatedbecausetheyfilledalongfeltneed.Unlikethegiftsfromother

parts of Europe, which were

intended to produce fundsand supplies for the supportof the Templars in the Latinkingdoms, the donations inSpain and Portugal wereoften fortified castles. Oftenthese were either on theborders of Moslem Moorishterritoryoreveninsideit.TheIberian rulers expected theTemplars to fight theSaracens on their owndoorstep, not on the other

sideofthesea.In 1130, the count of

Barcelona gave theTemplarsthe castle of Grañena. Thiswas “inmy frontier oppositetheSaracens.”40It’s clear thatthe count expected theTemplarstodefendthecastleand participate in thereconquestofSpain.Thiswasmany years before theTemplars were assigned thedefense of border castles in

theLatinkingdoms.41

The Templars don’t seemtohavebeeneagertotakeona war on two fronts. Theywere pulled into the defenseof Spain eventually, partlythrough the will of KingAlfonso of Aragon, who lefthis entire kingdom to theHospitallers, the Church ofthe Holy Sepulcher, and theTemplars, to share. All threeoftheheirseventuallysettled

for large donations ratherthancontrolofAragon.TheTemplarswerethelast

to do so. As part of thesettlementwiththenewruler,RaymondBerengar, count ofBarcelona and “lord ofAragon,” they acquiredseveral castles in Spain, atenth of all the royal incomefrom taxes and judicial fees,andathousandsolidosayear.Count Raymond also

promisedthemone-fifthofallland conquered from theMoors,iftheytookpartintheexpeditions. RaymondBerengar encouraged theTemplarstobuildnewcastlesand promised not to make atreatywiththeMoorswithouttheirapproval.42

The Order of the TemplewasnowfirmlycommittedtotheSpanishcause.

1The best study of this isStephen D. White, Custom,Kinship and Gifts to Saints(UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress, 1988). For a morespecific study, Barbara H.Rosenwein, To Be theNeighbor of St. Peter: TheSocial Meaning of Cluny’sProperty, 909-1049 (CornellUniversityPress,1989).

2Marquis d’Albon, CartulaireGénéral de l’Ordre duTemple 1119?-1150 (Paris,1913)p.12,no.18.3Ibid., p. 14, “camisiam etbracas et, ad obitum suummelioremmantellum.”4I am grateful to ProfessorMalcolm Barber for pointing

this out to me. Privatecorrespondence, July 18,2006.5“Fratris societatis TempliSalomonis,”Albon,p.25,no.33.6Ibid., p. 45, no. 62.“Procurator” is actually acrossbetweenalawyerandabusinessmanager.

7Helen Nicholson, TheKnights Hospitaller(Woodbridge, Eng.: BoydellandBrewer,2001)p.9.8D’Albon,pp.1-2,charter1.9Ibid.,pp.7-8,charters10and11. See below, “Spain andPortugal.”

10Cartulaires des Templiers deDouzens ed. PierreGérard etÉlisabeth Magnou (Paris,1965) charters A 1, 21, 36,38,40,115,171,185,186,C1,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11.11Douzens, charter A 171, p.158.12I think there is more to this

story,butthecharterisallwehave.13Douzens,charterA1,p.314Ibid.,charterA1,p.5.15I’m not sure if the WilliamSigari de Canet, whowitnessed a charter in 1170,is a relative or just from the

sameplace.Douzens,B71,p.246.16Dominic Sellwood, KnightsoftheCloister:TemplarsandHospitallers in Central-Southern Occitania c. 1100-1300 (Woodbridge, Eng.:BoydellandBrewer,1999)p.67.17Leija Dobronic, “The

Military Orders in Croatia,”inVladimirP.Goss,ed.,TheMeeting of Two Worlds:Cultural Exchange betweenEast and West during thePeriod of the Crusades(Kalamazoo, MI: MedievalInstitute,1986)p.432.18ForEverarddeBarres,pleasesee chapter 15, GrandMasters1136-1191.

19Dobronic,p.433.(Thebishopmay have dropped by fordinnernowandthen,though.)20Ibid.,p.432.21Eudes Rigord, Vie dePhilippe Auguste ed. and tr.M.Guizot(Paris,1825).22

Somesourcessayhisbrother.23The Continuator of Williamof Tyre, in The Conquest ofJerusalem and the ThirdCrusade tr. PeterW. Edbury(Ashgate,Aldershot 1998) p.143.24Thomas of Spalato,ExThomae HistoriaPontificum Salonitanorum et

Spalatinorum, MonumentaGermania HistoriaScriptores, ed. G. H. Pertz,Vol. 29, p. 578. “Sedaccersito quodam Pocio, cuierat magister milicie domusTempliperregnumHungarie,comsisit ad manus eiuscustodiam et tutelam ispiuscastri.”25Dobronic, p. 435. I found no

more information on this butwouldliketoknowifanyonehasdonemoreresearch.26Ibid.,p.437.27See chapter 4,Hugh, CountofChampagne.28D’Albon, p. 86, charter no.123.

29Evelyn Lord, The KnightsTemplar in Britain (London:Longman,2002)p.16.30Lord,p.119.31Ibid.,p.138.32Ibid.,p.140.33

Ibid.,p.141.34TheCharters ofDavid I, ed.G. W. S. Barrow(Woodbridge, Eng.: BoydellPress,1999)p.164.35Lord,p.145.36Ibid.,p.143.37

Ibid.,p.7,no.10.38AlanForey,TheTemplars inthe Corona of Aragon(London,1973)p.15.39Theresa M. Vann, “A NewLookattheFoundationoftheOrder of Calatrava,” inCrusaders, Condottieri, andCannon:MedievalWarfareinSocieties around the

Mediterranean,ed.DonaldJ.Kagay and L. J. AndrewVillalon (Leiden,Netherlands: Brill, 2003) p.110.40Marquis d’Albon, p. 25,charter no. 33, “in meamarchiacontraSarracenos.”41Forey,p.16.42

D’Albon, pp. 204-5,document314,November27,1143.

CHAPTERNINE

TheLifeofaTemplar,AccordingtotheRule

In the firstdaysof theorder,whiletheirnumberswerestillfew, the Templars seem tohave lived by the same RuleasthecanonsattheChurchofthe Holy Sepulcher, wheretheyfirstfoundshelter.Butat

theCouncilofTroyes,alongwith recognition as a quasi-monasticorder, theTemplarsalso received a list ofseventy-nine rules detailinghow they should conducttheir lives. The collection ofthese rules is known as theRule.This firstRulewaswritten

in Latin, but most of themonks couldn’t read Latin.Actually, only a fewof them

could read at all. So, shortlyafter the council, the Rulewas translated into French.Very soon after the firsttranslation, new problemsarose thatweren’t covered inthe original list and theRulewas expanded until, by themiddle of the thirteenthcentury, the Templars hadalmost seven hundredseparate directives coveringeveryaspectoftheirlives!1

Noonecouldkeeptrackofall of these and the knightsweren’t expected to. Thecommanders of eachgeographical region had acopy of the list.Most of theknights, sergeants, andservants only knew as muchas theyneeded to in order todo theirwork and follow theregulationsfordailyliving.2

ManypartsoftheTemplarRule were the same as those

for all monks. They were toattend the reciting of themonastic hours—matins,prime, terce, nones, vespers,and compline—although itwas understood that theyneedn’t learn the Latin;instead they were to recite anumberofOurFathers.Theyate together in silence,listening to a devotionalreading. They met once aweek in Chapter, where

assignments were given outand discipline administered.Monks were encouraged toconfess their lapses, begforgiveness, and take theirpunishment. If a monk wasaccused by others ofinfractions of the Rule anddenied his guilt, then a minitrial would take place. Thefaults could range fromtearing one’s habit onpurpose or hitting another

Templar to patronizing abrothel or converting toIslam. The penalties rangedfrom extra fasts to having toeat on the floor in theinfirmary to outrightexpulsionfromtheorder.Templarswerenotallowed

to own anything individuallyand to carry money only forimmediate needs whiletraveling or doing businessfor the order. If a Templar

diedandwasfoundtohaveahidden cache of gold orsilver, “hewill notbeplacedin the cemetery, but thrownout for the dogs.”3 If hishoarding was discoveredwhile he was alive, he wasimmediately thrown out oftheorder.Every article of clothing

andequipmentforthemonkswas specified, including thematerial. Only the “true”

knights, those who were ofnoble birth and also hadsigned on for life, wereallowed to wear the whitecloak.4 Sergeants, servants,andmenwhoonly signedupfor a certain period woreeitherblackorbrowncloaks.Because of the heat in theeastern Mediterranean lands,Templars were permitted towear linen shirts fromEastertoAllSaints’Day(November

1).Unlike othermonks, theywere permitted meat threetimes a week but not onFriday, when they ate“Lenten meat”—that is, fishoreggs.Particular attention was

paid to the militaryequipment of the Templars.Eachknightwastohavethreehorsesandonesquire to takecare of them. And if thesquire was serving without

pay for the sake of charity,theknightcouldnotbeathim,no matter what he didwrong.5 The knights wereexpected to oversee the careof their horses andequipment,checkingonthematleasttwiceaday.Of course, all of this

happened when the knightswereresidentsin

TwoTemplarsononehorsewiththeBeausant,the

Templarstandard.(MatthewParis©TheBritish

Library)

the Temple house, thecommandery or preceptory.But it was understood thatthey would spend much oftheirtimeinthefield.Amongthe crimes that would meritimmediateexpulsionfromtheorder were running awayfrom the battle or letting thestandard fall. Here the ruleswere different for thesergeantsandtheknights.Ifasergeant or servant lost his

weapons, he was allowed toretreat without dishonor. Aknight,however,“whetherheis armed or not,must not letthe standard fall, but stay byit nomatterwhat, even if heis wounded, unless givenleave.”6

The Templars lived up tothis. Theywere the first intobattle and the last to retreat.Ofallthenegativethingssaidaboutthemovertheyears,no

one ever questioned theirbravery. The number ofTemplar knights killed inbattlewasenormous.This was probably the

reasonfortwochangesintheRule. The Latin form of theRule forbid men who hadbeen excommunicated by theChurch to becomeTemplars.Often the reasons forexcommunicationwere thosethat Bernard of Clairvaux

had given in his exhortationto the Templars: murder,rape, and theft. This wasmodified in the French tostate that if the crime hadbeen minor so that the manhad only been forbidden tohear Mass, one might makean exception, if thecommander of the houseallowedit.Of course, becoming a

Templarmightwellbepartof

one’s penance for murder. Itwas rather like a medievalForeign Legion in thatrespect.Another way in which the

Templars differed frommostmonastic houses was thatthey had a very shortprobationary period for newrecruits. The time betweenapplying to become aTemplar and acceptance intothe order was originally left

to the discretion of thecommanderortheMasterandthe other brothers.7But atsome point any trial periodseems tohavevanished.Thismay be due to the desperateneedformorefightingmenintheEast.Therewasn’ttimetotest the men either forunderstandingorforabilitytocopewiththelifestyle.8

This meant that, for manyof the Templars, the only

instruction they receivedwasa listof rules recited to themonthedayoftheiradmission.Thiswasmademuchofatthevarious trials of theTemplars in the earlyfourteenth century, where itwas shown that each manseemedtohavehadaslightlydifferent introduction to theTemple.9 However, all newrecruits seem to haveunderstood that there was a

Rule and, in manycommanderies, it was one ofthe books read aloud duringmeals, so they eventuallylearnedwhatwasexpectedofthem.Even if individual

Templars or even remoteTemplarhousesdidn’tfolloworevenknowalloftherules,they existed, and in manycopies. They weren’t secret.Brotherswhocouldreadwere

given copies to study.10So iftheywereaskedbyoneofthecommanders todosomethingcontrary to religion ordecency, they would haveknownitwasn’tofficial.TwoofthefaultsthatwouldearnaTemplarimmediateexpulsionfrom the order were heresyand sodomy, and yet thesewere the most serious of thechargesmadeagainstthemin1307.

This will be discussedmore elsewhere in this book,but it’s important to knowthat these were offensesforbidden by theRule, alongwithkillingahorseor lettingthe standard fall. Is it likelythat the entire order brokethosefundamentalrules?Isitpossible that such a thingcouldhavebeengoingonforyears, with Templarstraveling all over Europe,

with no one finding out thattheyweresecretheretics?Theactivities of the knightswereknown to the sergeants andthe servants, many of whomwere not members of theorderbuthiredhelp.These people lived in a

society where one had to gointo the desert and become ahermit to get a little privacy(and even that didn’t alwayswork). If the Rule of the

Templars was being soflagrantly broken, someonewould have found out andspread the word around longbefore Philip the Fairdecidedtoaccusethem.1There are a number ofeditions of the Rule of theTemplars.TheearliestIknowof is Maillard de Chambure,Règle et status secrets des

Templiers (Burgundy, 1840),then Henri de Curzon (seenote 2 below). LaurentDailliezdidaneditioninbothOld and Modern French(Paris: EditionDervy, 1972).AModern French translationalong with an introductiongiving the social backgroundof the Crusades is AlainDegris, Organisation & Viedes Templiers: SociologieFéodale d’Orient &

d’Occident (Paris: GuyTrédaniel, 1996). There isalsoanEnglishtranslation,J.M. Upton-Ward Rule of theTemplars:TheFrenchTextofthe Rule of the Order ofKnights Templar(Woodbridge, Eng.: BoydellandBrewer,1992).2HenrideCurzon,LaRègleduTemple (Paris: Librairie

Renouard,1886)p.xxvii.3Regle no. 225, “Il ne seroitmie mis en simittire, maisseroitjeteshorsachiens.”4Regleno.9, “Et a trestoz lesfrereschevaliersenyveretenesteseesterpuet,avoirblansmantiaus, et a nul nest otriedavoirblancmantel.”5

Regle no. 33, “Et si celuiescuier sert de sonbongré ala charité, le frere ne le doitbatre por nule colpe que ilface.”6Regle no. 419, “Mais I frerechevaluers ne le porroit pasfaire en tel aniere, ou fustarmé de fer ou non: quar cilde doit laissier le gonfanonpour nule chose sons congié,

ni par bleceure n p or autrechose.”7Regle no. 7, “Ét de ci ennavant soit mis en esproveseloclaprovoiancedumestreetdesfreres.”8A.J.Forey,“Novitiate in theMilitary Orders,” SpeculumVol. 61,No. 1, Jan. 1986, p.5.

9Ibid.,pp.10-17.10Forey,p.13.

CHAPTERTEN

Melisande,QueenofJerusalem

The second king ofJerusalem, Baldwin II, hadthe wisdom to marry not abride imported from Europe,but an Armenian princess,Morfia, whom he met whilehewasruleroftheArmenian

city of Edessa. Themarriageseems to have beensuccessful in all respects butone.BaldwinandMorfiahadonly daughters—four ofthem. As a matter of fact,many of the crusader stateswere inherited by women.Fortunately, they all seem tohave been smart and strong.And the men around them,for themostpart,were smartenoughtoletthemrule.

Baldwin’s eldest,Melisande, was the first ofthe new generation of rulerswho had been born in theLatin kingdoms. Jerusalemwas the only home she everknew. On her mother’s side,she had a rich heritage of anEastern Christian culture.Fromher fathershe inheritedafamilynetworkthatcoveredthe Crusader kingdoms andreached back to the royal

familiesofEurope.In a world where family

loyaltywasonlyexceededbyfamily betrayals, it’s apleasure to report thatMelisande and her threesisters seem to have beendevoted to eachother. Itwasgoodthattheyhadeachother,for all four of them ledtumultuouslives.Theseconddaughter,Alice

(orAlix),marriedBohemondII, the son of Bohemond,prince of Antioch, andConstance,sisterofLouisVIof France.2 Bohemond wasabout eighteen at the time ofthemarriage, tall, blond, andgood looking.1 Alice seemeddestined for a happily everafter, when Bohemond waskilled inbattle, leavingAlicewith a young daughter,named Constance for her

grandmother. While it isn’tpart of the story of theTemplars, it should be notedthatAlicehadnointentionofletting anyone rule for herchild.Overtheyearsshetriedseveral times to regaincontrolofAntioch,evenafteryoungConstancewasmarriedtoRaymondofPoitiers.2

The third sister, Hodierna,married Raymond, count ofTripoli, in about 1133. She

had a daughter, Melisande,and a son, Raymond. Themarriagewentwellforatimebut the count apparentlywasextremely jealous and droveHodierna crazy with hissuspicions. In 1152,Melisande went to Tripoli tohelp her sister work out areconciliation with herhusband and then bring herback to Jerusalem for avisit.Shortly after, Raymond of

Tripoli became the firstknownChristianvictimofanAssassin. Hodierna becameregent for her son, who wastwelve at the time.3 Shegoverned Tripoli on her ownformanyyears.Yveta, the youngest, had

themosttraumaticchildhood.At the age of five she wassent to be a hostage inexchange for her father,whohad been captured by the

OrtoqidTurkBalak.Shewaskept by the Turks untilBaldwin could raise theransom money. It may havebeen that experience, or theknowledge of her sisters’chaoticmarriages and familyentanglements, that madeYveta opt for the monasticlife. That didn’t mean sheretired completely from theworld. Her big sisterMelisande built the convent

of Bethany for her, at thesupposed site where JesusraisedLazarusfromthedead.Abbess Yveta becamepowerful in the church andalso at the court ofJerusalem.4

Baldwin was content tohave his younger daughtersmarry locally to increase theties between the Crusaderstates, but his eldest,Melisande,washeiress tohis

kingdom, Jerusalem, and forher he needed someone whowas not only a proven battleleader, but also outside theconstant family squabblesamong those same states.HesettledonFulkofAnjou.Baldwin had met Fulk

when the count made apilgrimage to Jerusalem in1120andhadbeenimpressedwith him. By 1127, whenMelisandewasoldenoughto

marry, Fulk was a widowerwith children of her age.Baldwin sent his constable,Gautier de Bures, to Anjouwithanofferofmarriageanda kingdom. This was thesame party that includedHugh de Payns on hisjourney to recruit more menfortheTemplars.Fulk liked the idea and

returned with Gautier, to thegreatjoyofthepopulace.5At

thetime,Fulkwasstillonthesunny side of forty,Melisandeabouteighteen.Hewas stocky and redheaded,not exactly a princess’sdream man. It seems thatMelisande wasn’t thrilledwith the match, especiallyafterseeing theyoung,good-looking husband her sisterAlicehadsnagged.However,shemadethebestofit.King Baldwin died two

years later, on August 21,1131.Whenheknewhewasdying, he had himself takentothehomeofthepatriarchatthe church of the HolySepulcher, so that he coulddie asnear aspossible to theplace where Christ wasburied. At that time heformally called Melisandeand Fulk with their year-oldson and entrusted thekingdomtothem.6

Unlike England a fewyears later, there was noprotest against Melisande’sright to rule.This isamazingbecause she was both awoman and quite young.Also, thecrownofJerusalemhad up until then beendecidedbyanelectionamongthe barons and the bishops.Thechoicehadalwaysbeenarelative of the conqueror ofthecity,GodfreyofBouillon,

but not the closest one.Baldwin II had been chosenoverGodfrey’s last survivingbrother, Eustace ofBoulogne.7 So the fact thatMelisande was accepted soeasily was likely due toFulk’smilitaryability.That doesn’t mean that

Melisande ever let herhusband take over thekingdom. While he certainlytook care of the defense of

the realm, Melisande heldcourt,intheoriginalsenseofhearing disputes anddispensingjustice.Shewouldhave heard arguments overlandrightsamongthenobilityandthechurchandalsocasesofrape,murder,andtreason.8

Melisande and Fulk werecrowned on September 14,1131.9Shortly afterward, thenewly widowed Alicedecided that her brother-in-

lawmightruleJerusalem,buthehadno say in the regencyof her daughter, Constance.She revolted against Fulk,putting Melisande in theposition of having to favorhersisterorherhusband.Sheseemstohaveputthestabilityof the kingdom over sisterlylove.Alicewas defeated andretired to the town ofLatakiya,althoughshewouldbeheardfromagain.

However,Melisandedidn’tlet Fulk have his way ineverything. William of Tyrerelates with great relish astory of how the queen washaving an affair with hercousin, Hugh of Le Puiset.10Thetalesaysthat,onedayatdinner, one of Hugh’sstepsons accused him ofbeing Melisande’s lover andplotting to kill the king. Theyoung man challenged Hugh

to prove his innocence incombat.When thedaycame,Hugh was nowhere to befound. He was judged guiltyandhislandsforfeit.Now,WilliamofTyrewas

three years old when all thistook place so it’s likely helearned all of this throughlocal gossip long aftereveryone concerned wassafely dead. It is certain thatHugh lost his lands and

wound up in Sicily.What isintriguing isMelisande’s roleinallthis.If the story of the

accusation is true thenMelisande seems to havesurvivedwithoutanystainonher character. She eitherconvincedeveryonethatpoorCousin Hugh was imaginingthe relationship or else Fulkand the rest of the courtsuddenly remembered that it

was Melisande who was thelegitimateheirandsoitdidn’treallymatterwhofatheredherchildren.Without more evidence,

we’llneverknow.Itiscertainthat after the incident, Fulkdeferred to his wife a greatdealmore.Melisandeandherfriends may have taken thisopportunity to let him knowthattheywereincharge.

Fulk died in a huntingaccidentin1143,leavingtwosons, Baldwin III, agethirteen, and Almaric, agenine.11

Instead of remarrying,Melisanderetainedcontrolofthe government. Shemade itclear thatshewasn’taregentbut queen in her own right,ruling alongside her son.William of Tyre, who wasgenerallynastyaboutwomen

who exercised power, wasvery positive toward herabilityasqueen.Hesaid thatshe maintained thegovernment and ruledcompetently, by right oflaw.12

Melisanderuledforherselfand her son with nocomplaintsuntilBaldwinwasinhis early twenties.Hewastiredofbeingakinginnameonlyandmountedarebellion

against his mother. TheyagreedtodividetheKingdomofJerusalem inhalfbutafterafewweeksBaldwindecidedtotakeitall.HebesiegedhismotherinJerusalemuntilshegave in and retired to herproperty in the region ofNablus.13

She was soon back, butmore subdued. Mother andsoneventuallyreconciledandshe regained some power,

issuing charters of donationsto various religiousinstitutions.Melisande also intervened

to return land that theFrankish invaders had takenfromnativeChristianowners.HerArmenian heritagemadeher sympathetic to the rightsof the MonophysiteChristians, whose ancestorshad never left the HolyLand.14 She made donations

to the Greek/Syrian hospiceofSt.SabasinJerusalem.15

In1161Melisandesufferedwhat seems to have been astroke, which left her unableto participate in government.She lingered for severalmonths, dying on September11. Her sisters Hodierna andYvetacaredforherinherlastdays.16

So, what does Queen

MelisandehavetodowiththeTemplars?Whenmostpeoplethinkof

the Templars and theCrusader States, a verymasculine society comes tomind. It’s true that the Latinkingdoms were constantlyeither at war or anticipatingone.Butitwasnotaworldofmen. For some reason, morefemale than male babiessurvived in that place and

time. And, of course, thenumber of young men killedin battle was much higherthan the average for westernEurope. So, by default, formuchof the twocenturiesofthe kingdoms, women weretheinheritors.Most of these women

marriedmenwhocouldwielda sword and lead an army.Buttheywereoftenwidowedyoung with underage

children. Once they left thebattlefield, the Templarsfound themselves in a worldrun by women. In order tounderstand the order, it’snecessary toknowmore thanjust the highlights of theirmilitary exploits but also thesociety that they were a partof.A specific example of this

is Philip, lord of Nablus.Philipwas thesonofGuyof

Milly and, like Melisande,hadbeenbornintheEast.Hefirstappearsinthedocumentsin 1138. Formost of his lifehe was a soldier and animportant part of the defenseof the country. He was alsoone of the few people whostood by Melisandethroughout her struggle withher son.Hemarried and hadthreechildren.Then,in1166,he decided to join the

Templars. He gave them alarge part of his land, whichwas now near the Egyptianborder. In August 1169, hebecameGrandMaster.17

But even as GrandMasterof the Templars, Philip ofNablus was clearly moredevoted to the land of hisbirth than to an internationalorder.In1171,heresignedasmasterso thathecouldgo toConstantinople on a mission

for King Almaric. He diedthereonApril3,1171.When the Templars are

studied as an independentgroup with only military orfinancial ties to the countriesthey lived in, it results in anincomplete picture. Philip ofNablus lived a full life as amilitary leader and royaladviser before he joined theorder. He was very much apartofthepoliticallifeofthe

Kingdom of Jerusalem. Hisstory shows that becoming aTemplar was a naturalprogressionforamaninlateryears, perhaps growingfearfulforthestateofhissoulbutunwillingtoturnhisbackonasociety inwhichhewasstillneeded.Withoutknowingwhatthat

society was, we can’tunderstandtheTemplars.

ONEoftheraretreasuresleftfromMelisande’sreignisherpsalter,orprayerbook.Itwascreated by the monks of theChurch of the HolySepulcher, probably around1140.18It is beautifullyillustrated and it not onlygives images from Jerusalematthetime,butalsoaportraitof

“TheHarrowingofHell,”theMelisandePsalter.FulkandMelisandeareontheright.(TheBritishLibrary)

Melisande and Fulk, clearlyshowing the difference intheir ages. It is interesting tonote that the king and queenare dressed in the Byzantinestyle, rather than that ofEuropeanroyalty.1

Regine Pernoud, Les femmesau temps des Croisades(Paris: Stock/LaurencePenoud,1990)p.76.2William of Tyre,Chronique,ed.R.B.C.Huygens,2vols.Corpus ChristianorumContinuatio Mediavales 63(Turnholt, 1986) pp. 623-24(13, 27). William calls Alixan “insane woman.” For the

life of Alix see ThomasAsbridge, “Alice ofAntioch:Acasestudyoffemalepowerin the twelfth century,” inPeter Edbury and JonathanPhillips,eds.,TheExperienceof Crusading, Volume Two:Defining the CrusaderKingdom (CambridgeUniversity Press, 2003) pp.29-47.3

Ibid., vol. 63A, pp. 786-87(17,19).4Pernoud,pp.87-88.5William of Tyre, p. 593 (14,24).6Ibid., vol. 63A, p. 625 (13,28).7

Joshua Prawer, TheCrusaders’ Kingdom:European Colonialism in theMiddle Ages (London:PhoenixPress,1972)p.96.8Ibid.,p.120.9William of Tyre, pp. 633-34(14,2).10

Ibid.,pp.64111Ibid.,p.711(15-27).12Ibid., “reseditque rengipotestas penes dominamMilissendem deo amibilemreginam, cui iure hereditariocompetebat.”13Ibid.,pp.777-81(17,13-14).

14Prawer,p.222.15Ibid.,p.224.16Bernard Hamilton, “Queensof Jerusalem,” in DerekBaker, ed.,Medieval Women(London:Blackwell,1978)p.156. My sisters might takenoteofthisexampleoffamilydevotion,justincase.

17MalcolmBarber,“Thecareerof Philip of Nablus in thekingdom of Jerusalem,” inPeter Edbury and JonathanPhillips,eds.,TheExperienceof Crusading, Volume Two:Defining the CrusaderKingdom (CambridgeUniversity Press, 2003) pp.60-75, for the full story ofPhilip’s life. Barber suggeststhat Philip was elected after

the king, Almaric(Melisande’s younger son)putpressureontheTemplars.If so, it would indicate thatthe Templars were not asautonomous as they havebeenseen.18Hamilton,op.cit.

CHAPTERELEVEN

FulkofAnjou,theQueen’sHusband

Fulk, count of Anjou, camefrom a family that was bothmilitant and eccentric. Hisfather, Fulk Rechin, wascountofAnjouandTouraine.Fulk’smother, Bertrada,wasthe scandal of Christendom.

When her children were stillquiteyoung, she ranoffwithPhilip I,kingofFrance,whodumpedhisfirstwifeforher.No amount of threats, notevenexcommunication,couldseparatethecouple.Theyhadthree children together,includingadaughter,Cecilia,who married Tancred, countof Tripoli, and would havemany encounters with herhalfbrotherwhenhebecame

kingofJerusalem.1

Unlike his parents, Fulkhad a fairly quiet andapparently happy firstmarriage to Eremberga, theheiress to the county ofMaine. They had fourchildren: Geoffrey, Hélie,Sybilla, and Matilda. BeforeFulk left for Jerusalem, hesaw to it that Geoffreymarried the daughter ofHenry I of England. Sybilla

had already married Thierry,count of Flanders. Matilda,whohadbrieflybeenmarriedto Henry, crown prince ofEngland,waswidowedwhenhedrowned in thedisasterofthe White Ship. She enteredthe convent of Fontevraud.2Hélie seems to have diedyoung. These familyconnections were to beimportant to the Latinkingdoms for the next three

generations.Inhismidthirties,afterthe

death of his wife, Fulk wentonapilgrimagetoJerusalem,where he first encounteredthe Templars. He was veryimpressedwiththem.Fulk, count of Anjou . . .became very anxious to seekreconciliation with God andprocure his salvation. He

devoted himself to penancefor the crimes he hadcommittedand...,hesetoutfor Jerusalem, where heremained for some time,attachedtotheKnightsoftheTemple. When he returnedhome, with their consent, hevoluntarily became theirtributary, and paid out tothem thirty livres a year inthe money of Anjou. So bydivine inspiration the noble

lord provided an annualrevenue for the admirableknightswhodevotetheirlivesto the bodily and spiritualservicesofGod,andrejectingall the things of this world,facemartyrdomdaily.3

Fulk was in his late thirtieswhentheembassycamefromBaldwin II asking him toleave his home and childrenfor the crown of Jerusalem

and the hand of its eighteen-year-oldheiress.Itisnotrecordedhowlong

ittookFulktodecide.He left the county in the

handsofhis son,Geoffrey,ayear younger than his newfiancée. Geoffrey’s wife,Matilda,waseightyearsolderthan her new husband andhadalreadybeenanempress.The young count may have

been envious of his father’sluck.One of the men who

brought the invitation to thecount was Hugh de Payns,whomFulkmusthaveknownwell from his stay with theTemplars inJerusalem.Hughwas at the beginning of histour of England, Flanders,and France in a search forsupport for the new order.Theknowledgethatthesoon-

to-be king of Jerusalem wasalready in favor of theTemplars could only haveencouragedHugh.Fulk confirmed his

donation to the order beforehewenttoJerusalemtomarryMelisande.4

Melisande was probablyawareofwhoFulkwas,eventhough she had been aboutten when he had lived in

Jerusalem. Whatever herprivate feelings were, sheseems not to have protestedthe match. William of Tyrewrites,“Fulkwasaredhead.. . faithful,gentle,andunlikemostofthatcoloring,affable,kind and merciful.”5Perhapskindnesswonoutover looks.ThetwoweremarriedassoonasFulkarrived.Asaweddingpresent, Baldwin gave themthe towns of Tyre and Acre.

They repaid him byproducing a son almostimmediately.6

Fulk was apparentlycontent to hold the title ofcount until the death ofBaldwinonAugust21,1131.Three weeks later he andMelisandewerecrownedkingandqueenofJerusalemintheChurch of the HolySepulcher.7

One of the first tasksbeforeFulkwas to dealwithhis sister-in-law Alice, whowas determined to ruleAntioch for her youngdaughter. One of hersupporters was the count ofTripoli, Pons, who justhappened to be married toCecilia, Fulk’s half sister byhismotherandKingPhilipofFrance.Sohisfirstbattlewasnot fought against Saracens

butfamily.8

Fulk won the battle andalso managed to patch up apeace with the count andsettleaffairsinAntiochundera constable, although Alicewas not a woman to staydownforlong.In 1133, Fulk heard that

the Turks had invaded fromPersia and were attackingAntioch. Hewas on his way

to help them when he wasmetbyCecilia.Shehadcometobeghimtocometotheaidof her husband, who wasbeingbesiegedinhiscastleofMontferrand by Zengi, theatabeg of Aleppo. Fulkapparently had no grudgeagainst his sister for theattack two years before anddetoured to help Pons. Now,William of Tyre says thatZengi learned that Fulk and

his army were approachingand abandoned thesiege.9However, Ibn al-Qalanisi reports that Zengimarched out to meet Fulk’sarmy and nearly beat them,but they retreated.10 At anyrate, Pons and his men wererescued. The Templars aresaidtohavebeeninthearmyatthattimealthoughtheyarenot singled out for anyimportantroles.

Fulkspentalotofhistimeover the next year or sofendingoffattacksonthecityofAntioch.Hiswife seemedto be keeping things runningwellenoughinJerusalem,butthe nobles of Antioch reallywanted their own ruler. Therightful heir, Constance, wasstill only nine years old, butdesperate times call fordesperatemeasures.Aftermanysecretmeetings

between the king and thenobles, as well as thepatriarch of Antioch, it wasdecidedtosendforRaymond,the brother ofWilliam, dukeof Aquitaine. Raymond wasabout twenty and not yetattached. So a HospitallernamedJeberruswassentwithletters asking Raymond howhefeltaboutmarryingalittlegirl and becoming lord ofAntioch.11

Raymond thought itwouldbefine.Accordingtolaw,themarriage couldn’t beconsummated beforeConstancewas twelvebuthemust have thought the titlewasworththeinconvenience.Just to be sure thatConstance’s mother, Alice,didn’t find out about theseplans, the patriarchapparentlyconvincedherthatRaymond was coming to

marryher.12Youcanimagineher feelings when Raymondarrived and was very hastilymarriedtolittleConstance.Fulk,however,waspleased

toturnthemilitaryprotectionof Antioch over to someoneelse.Hewaslearningthatthepolitics of the Holy Landwere not very different fromthoseofEurope.Hewasalsolearning that the Moslemstates were not alike, nor

weretheyunified.In1129,hewas able to acquire the townof Banyas from theAssassins. They preferredpayingtributetotheFrankstobeingatthemercyofZengi.13He also established a treatywith Damascus to fight offthe same Zengi who hadcome from Mosul to ruleAleppo and was rapidlycarving out territory forhimself from both the lands

of the Franks and those ofsects of Islam that did notagreewithhis.14

Fulkspentmostofhistimeaskinginwarfareofonekindor another, againstMoslems,Greeks, and relatives. Hecertainly must have used theTemplars to help him, butthereisalmostnomentionofthem in surviving records.We are not even sure howHughdePaynsdied,although

we know that it was inMay1135or1136.Hugh’s successor, Robert

ofCraon,hadbeenamemberofFulk’sentourageinAnjou.He witnessed a charter ofFulk’s in 1127, in theTouraine,15 but he seems tohave been one of those whostayedinEuropetohelpwiththe establishment of localcommanderies, for hewas inFrance in 1133, where he is

listed as seneschal of theorder.16HemusthavebeeninFrance when he was electedGrandMaster,forhewasstillaccepting donations there in1136.17HewasintheEastby1139. He was also at thecouncilofwarheldnearAcrein 1148, long after Fulk’sdeath.18

Itmaybethatinthe1140sthe number of Templars still

wasn’t very great. Eventhough membership hadgrown considerably since theCouncilofTroyes there stillweren’t enough men willingto become fighting monks.Butit’smorelikelythatthereonce was more informationon the Templars duringFulk’s reign that might havetoldusabout theactivitiesofthe Templars. Time and warhave destroyed many of the

documents that the Templarsin the Latin kingdomsundoubtedly preserved, aswellastheroyalrecords.One indication that the

Templars were earningrespect in their chosenprofession comes from anaccount of a siege in 1139.Robert,masteroftheTemple,foughtunderBernardVacher,one of the king’s knights.They were chasing some

Turks who had attacked avillage.Thinkingtheyhadtheenemyontherun,thesoldiers“wandered off in alldirections, shamelesslyhunting out spoils of warinstead of pursuing theenemy.”19

The Turks took advantageof this and returned to theattack. Some of the knightshastily tried to organize adefense but the lines broke.

The Christians were chasedthrough rocky and harshterrain outside of Hebron.Among the dead was “themostexcellentman,abrotherof theknightsof theTemple,Odo of Montfaucon. Hisdeath brought tears andsorrowtoall.”20

While this defeat doesn’tspeak well for the crusaders,it is clear that the Templarswere not in charge of the

knights and they are notmentioned as being amongthose out looking for booty.The fact that Odo wasconsidered an example of abrave andworthy knight is asign that the Templars werebecomingknown.Sowecanonlyassumethat

King Fulk trusted his formerfollower, Robert, as GrandMaster of the Temple. Heneeded all the help he could

get to maintain a semblanceoforderinhischaoticrealm.Fulk did not die in battle,

asmighthavebeenexpected.He was out riding withMelisandenearAcreonefineautumn day when someonespotted a rabbit runningacrossthefields.Inaspurtofboyishzeal,thekingjoinedinthe chase. His horse threwhimandhewasthenhitintheheadbythesaddle.Helayin

a coma for four days beforedying.21

Fulk’s legacy to Jerusalemwas a sound defense,supported by the Templars.Healsolefttwochildrenwhowould carry on his line andaddtotheincrediblycomplexweboffamilytiesthatcausedconflicts even the Templarscouldnotavoid.1

Les Crandes Chroniques deFranceVol.V,ed.JulesViard(Paris,1928)pp.82-84.2Alfred Richard, Histoire desComptes de Poitou t. IV1086-1137 (Pau: PrinciNegue,2004)p.163.3Orderic Vitalis, TheEcclesiastical History ofOrderic Vitalis Vol. VI, ed.

and tr. Marjorie Chibnall(Oxford: Medieval Texts,Oxford University Press,1978)BookXII29(pp.308-311). “Fulco Andegavoruncomes postquam pacem cumRegisAnglorumpepigit, . . .desalute sollicius Deonichilominus reconciliariperoptauit. Scelrum ergofecerat penitentiamagerestuduit, . . . Jerusalemperrexit, ibique militibus

Templi associates aliquandiupermansit. Inde cum licenciaeorum regressus trributariusillis ultro factus est. Sicvenerandis militibus quorumvita corpore et mente Deomilitat, et comtemptisomnibus mundanis sesemartirio cotidie preparat,nobilis heros annum vectigaldivinoinstinctuarogavit.”4

Marquis d’Albon, CartulaireGénéral de l’Ordre duTemple 1119?-1150 (Paris,1913)pp.5-6,no.7.5William of Tyre,Chronique,ed. R. B. C. Huygens(Turnholt, 1986) CCCMLXIIIA Book 14, 1, p. 631.“EratautemFulcovirrufus... fidelis, mansuetus et contraleges illius coloris affabilis,

benignusetmisericors.”6The marriage was in 1129.BaldwinIIIwasborninearly1130.7WilliamofTyre,p.634.8Ibid.,pp.635-37.9Ibid.,p.638.

10Ibn Al-Qalanisi, TheDamascus Chronicle of theCrusades, tr. H. A. R. Gibb(London,1932)p.222.11WilliamofTyre,pp.640-41.12Ibid.,p.641.SinceAlicewasstillinherearlytwenties,thiswasn’t that unlikely. But shewasn’ttheheiress.

13Please see chapter 20, TheAssassins.14René Grousset, Histoire desCroisades et du RoyaumeFranc de Jérsualem Vol. II(Paris, 1935) pp. 21-22; Ibnal-Qalanisi,pp.259-60.15Malcolm Barber, The NewKnighthood (Cambridge,

1994)p.8.16Marquis d’Albon, CartulaireGénéral de l’Ordre duTemple 1119?-1150 (Paris,1913)p.44,charterno.61.17Richard,p.163.18Barber,p.35.19

WilliamofTyre,p.683,“sedad diversa incaute nimistendentes, fugientium spoilsmagis quam stragi hosiuminsistebantimprudenter.”20Ibid., “vir eximus, fratermilitiaTempliOdodeMonteFalconis, omes morte suameroreetgemituconficiens.”21WilliamofTyre,pp.710-11.

CHAPTERTWELVE

TheTempleinJerusalem

When the first crusadersconquered Jerusalem, theywereeagertofindandrestoreall the sites from the life ofJesus as well as places

important in the OldTestament.Theproblemwas,they weren’t sure where theplaceshadbeen.Byaprocessthat was part tradition andpart guesswork, they decidedthat the Dome of the Rockwas the Holy Sepulcher orTemple of the Lord and thenearby mosque of al-Aqsastood on the ruins of theTempleofSolomon,althoughitmighthavebeenSolomon’s

palace. Something“Solomon”wascloseenough.In the thirteenth century,JacquesdeVitryguessedthatithadbeennamedtheTempleof Solomon simply todistinguish it from the otherbuilding.1

King Baldwin I ofJerusalemwasthefirstoftheLatin kings to live in themosque. He seems to havebeen a terrible tenant. The

chronicler of the FirstCrusade,FulcherofChartres,was embarrassed by theneglect.“Itisnowamatterofserious regret that the fabricof the roof needs repairing,ever since it passed into thehands of King Baldwin andourpeople.”2By1119,whenKing Baldwin II invited theTemplars to share the space,it was falling down and bitsofthebuildinghadbeenused

for other projects, like therebuilding of the Church oftheHolySepulcher.3

The new rulers ofJerusalem were buildingeverywhere.Thecanons

TempleMountinJerusalem.ThegolddomeattherearistheDomeoftheRock,andthesmallerone

againstthewallinthefrontis

theal-Aqsamosque,thesiteofthe

Templarheadquarters.Totheleftisthespace

wherethestableswouldhavebeen.(Albatross)

of the Holy Sepulcher builtthe Church of the AscensionontheMountofOlives.Likemany churches, both in theHolyLandandintheWest,itwasoctagonal in imitationoftheDomeoftheRock.4

The Templars startedrefurbishing their mosque assoon as they could afford tohire the workers andmaterials. They built a newcloister, a new church, andthe buildings necessary forgroup living, such as storagesheds, granaries, and abathhouse.5

They didn’t need to digdown to create the stables,though. That had been done

during the Fatimid rule ofJerusalem. At least theFatimids had cleared out thevaults of the ancientpalace.6Whether the vaultshadbeenbuiltbySolomonorKingHerodorsomeoneelse,they were ideal for thenumber of warhorses,packhorses, and camels thatthe Templars needed. Inaround 1170 Jewish pilgrim,Benjamin of Tudela, noted

that three hundred knightslived in the Temple ofSolomon.He alsomentionedthe stables, which he alsothoughtwerefromthetimeofSolomon.7

Over the years theTemplars were continuallymaking repairs on thebuildings. Nearby, theystartedbuildinganewchurch.They also did work on theexterior walls of the Temple

Mount and the Single Gate,leadingtothestables,aswellas the Hulda Gate, throughwhich one could go into theunderground rooms of themosque.8

A thirteenth-centurypilgrimdescribed theTempleMount:“On theright,asyoucame through the gates, wasthe Temple of Solomon,where the brothers of theTemple lived. Directly

between the Precious GatesandtheGoldenGateswasthechurch of the TempleDomini. This was high up,above steep steps. Going upthem, you came to anotherPavement, . . .pavedover itswholeextentwithmarbleandentirely surrounding theTemple church. The churchwascompletelycircular.”9

If theTemplars spent timeindiggingdowntowhatthey

thought would be the secretinnerchambersofSolomon’sTemple as some people havesuggested, they don’t appearto have left any evidence ofit. If Solomon had left atreasure, the Fatimids wouldhave found it during theirexcavations. In their firstyears in al-Aqsamosque, theTemplars probably had alltheycoulddojusttokeeptheplace from falling down on

theirheads.While many of the

surviving Templar andHospitaller churches in theWest are roundor octagonal,both military orders alsoconstructed more traditionalchurches. The TemplarcastlesatTortosaandChastelBlanc were rectangular, aswere many in England andFrance.10

When Saladin conqueredJerusalemin1187,oneofthefirst things he did was toeradicate any trace of theTemplars.Thismeant tearingdownthechurchtheyhadjustfinishedbuildingandclearingout the space around andwithintheal-Aqsamosquesothat it could be used again.“East of the qibla they hadbuiltabighouseandanotherchurch. Saladin had the two

structures removed andunveiledthebridalfaceofthemihrab.Thenhehadthewallin frontof it takendownandthe courtyards around itcleared so that the peoplecoming in on Friday shouldhaveplentyofroom.”11

IwonderifthepeoplewhothinkthattheTemplarsfoundartifacts in Jerusalem havebeen confusing it with thebuilding done at Chateau

Pelerin (Athlit). When theywere digging the foundationsfor the church there, theyuncovered a number ofPhoenician coins. Thechronicler at the time wasintrigued by these pieces ofmoney with unknownmarkings on them.12 Thechapel there was twelve-sided.13

TheKnightsoftheTempleof Solomon only had the

Temple for sixty-eight years.After the loss of Jerusalem,they moved theirheadquarterstoAcre.1Jacques de Vitry, HistoireOrientale,tr.Marie-GenvièveGrossel(Paris,2005)p.179.2Quoted in Adrian J. Boas,Jerusalem in the Time of theCrusades:Society,Landscape

and Art in the Holy Cityunder Frankish Rule(London:Routledge,2001)p.79.3Ibid.4Denys Pringle, “Architecturein the Latin East, 1095-1300,” in The OxfordIllustrated History of theCrusades,ed.JonathanRiley-

Smith (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1995) p.167.5Boas,p.91.6Ibid.,p.93.7Benjamin of Tudela, inTravels in the Middle Ages:The Itinerary of Benjamin of

Tudela, tr.A.Asher(Malibu:Panglos Press, 1987) reprintof1840edition,p.83.8Boas,p.48.9Crusader Syria in theThirteenth Century: TheRothelin Continuation of theHistory of William of Tyrewith part of the Eracles orAcre Text, tr. Janet Shirley

(Ashgate,Aldershot,1999)p.17.10Pringle,p.169.11Ibn al-Athir, in ArabHistorians of the Crusades,ed. and tr. FrancescoGabrielli (Dorset, 1969) p.164.12

Oliver of Paderborn, TheCaptureofDamietta,tr.JohnJ. Gavigan (University ofPennsylvania Press, 1948)chapter5,p.18.13Pringle, p. 169. There couldbe all sorts of mysticalreasons for this or it couldhavesomethingtodowiththelandthecastlewasbuilton,apromontory sticking into the

sea.

CHAPTERTHIRTEEN

ThePopesGetInvolved(YouKnew

TheyWould)

One of the moderncomplaints about theTemplars, and the basis formany of the conspiracy

theories about them, is thatthey were solely under thedirection of the pope, owingallegiance to no local bishopor lord. They’ve been madeout to be a sort of papalmafia,freetocarryoutsecretmissionstofurthersomedarkVaticanagenda.It is true that theTemplars

were free of control by thelocal bishops. However, thisis also true of the

Hospitallers. Also, many ofthe great monastic orders,such as the Cistercians, theFranciscans, and theCluniacs,wereunderthesoleauthority of the pope. All ofthese orders had houses inmany territories and thisliberation from local bishopswas an attempt to keep themonks from becominginvolved in local politics. Itdidn’t always work but that

wastheplan.Let’slookat theprivileges

thatvariouspopesgavetotheTemplarsandotherorders.The first papal bull, or

confirmation of privileges,for the Templars was issuedbyPopeInnocentIIonMarch29, 1139, ten years after theCouncil of Troyes approvedthe Templar Rule. The delayindoingthiswasentirelydue

to lack of interest. Innocenthadspentmostofhispapacywandering through Francebecause the Romans hadelected another man,Anacletus II, as pope andthey refused to let Innocentinto Rome. He didn’t getback there until Anacletusdied.1 The Templars weren’tallthathighonhisagenda.By tradition, papal bulls

are known by the first few

words in them. The bull of1139wastitledOmneDatumOptimum or “every goodgift.” The gift in question isthe Templars themselves,whom God had turned fromlives of secular violence tothe protection ofChristianity.2

Normally suchpronouncements from popesfor monastic orders coveredtopics such as freedom from

payingtithestolocalbishops,therightofthemonkstoelecttheir own abbots, and othermatters that freed themonastic orders from localdomination. This liberty wasextremely important asmanymonasteriesandconventshadbecome little more thanoutposts for the noblefamilies of the region andtheir property was all toooftenusedforthegoodofthe

clan,nottheChurch.OmneDatumOptimumhad

somewhat different wordingfrom the usual monasticgrant. Most monks were nottold, “You laborwithout fearin fighting the enemies ofChrist. . . .Those things thatyoutakefromtheirspoilsyoumayinallconfidenceconvertfor your own uses, and weforbid that you should beforced togiveapartof them

toanyoneagainstyourwill.”3Basically, thismeant that theTemplars could keepwhatever they could grabfrom the Saracens. Theaverage European monasteryrarely,ifever,raisedanarmyorplunderedtowns.Bootywascertainlyagreat

motivator for soldiers and ahandy way of gettingoperating funds, but thiswastocauseresentmentlater.The

Templars were sometimesaccusedoflettingtheirdesirefor plunder overcomecommon sense. A classicexample is whenWilliam ofTyre accused Grand MasterBernard of Tremelay ofcharging into the city ofAscalon first and not lettinganyone but Templars followhimbecausehedidn’twanttoshare. We don’t knowBernard’ssideofthisbecause

heandallhismenwerekilledinthecharge.4

Otherprivilegesweremoreconventional. The Templarswereputundertheprotectionof theHoly See.Any crimesthey might be accused ofweretobejudgedbythepopealone.5Themenwere to livea monastic life, “in chastity,withoutpersonalgoods,” andobedient to themaster of theorder. Only the master had

the right to change anythingintheRule.Nobrotherwastobe allowed to leave theTemplars for anotherreligious order.6 Theseprivileges were shared byothermonasticorders.Innocent added his

personalsupportfortheorderbydonatinganannualgiftofonemarkofgold.7

One thing that the

Templarswerenotallowedtodo was preach. This musthave been comforting to thelocal priests and bishops.8Templars could have theirown chapels but theimplication is that Masswould be said by a localpriest.However,anexceptionwaswhen theywenton theirrecruitingtours.Atleastthereare many records indicatingthat they did preach in their

effortstogainnewmembers.The Hospitallers already

had a similar charter, minusthebooty,asearlyas1113.Init they were given papalprotection, freedom fromlocal tithes, and the right toelecttheirownmaster.9

The right to choose themasters of the commanderieswas an important one. Thepopes and the lay rulers of

Europe had been fightingover this for many years.Princes wished to nominatetheir own candidates asabbotsorbishops.Oftenthesewere relatives or men towhomtheyowedfavors.Thepopes andmany of the localchurchmen were opposed tothis for many reasons, theleast of which was that thecharacter and intelligence ofthe upper clergy went down

when kings chose them.Bishopswere supposed tobeelected by the people andclergy of their communities,as was the pope. In practice,this was rarely the case andthe popeswere never able tocompletely free the electionofbishopsfromthecontrolofthe lay rulers. But withmultinational monasticorders, such as theCistercians, Franciscans,

Hospitallers, and Templars,they had much moresuccess.10

All of these orders wereresented at one time oranother because of theseprivileges. But in 1144 theTemplars received one morethat really had local bishopsandpriestsseeingred.This bull is known as

Milites Templi (Knights of

theTemple).Itacknowledgesthatkeepingamonkinhorsesand armor costs a lot morethan robes and sandals.Thereforethepope,CelestineII,encouragedall the faithfulto donate as much as theycould. Even more, to thosewho were willing to donatean annual amount, the popewould allow them to reducebyone-sevenththeamountofany penance imposed on

them.11

Thispartwasacceptabletothe bishops and priests, whocould always just up thepenance by a seventh if theyfelt like it. The seriousproblemcamenext:When the brothers of thatTemplewhohavebeensenttoreceive the contributionsenteracity,castleorvillage,

if any place should be underan interdict, churches shouldbe opened once a year togreet them in a friendlymanner in honour of theTemple and in respect forthese knights, and divineoffices should be celebratedwithout the presence ofexcommunicants.12

Popes and bishops had twoweapons to convince

Christians to obey Churchlaw. The first wasexcommunication. Thatmeant that the individualoffender could not enter achurch or receive thesacraments.Italsomeantthatno other Christians couldassociate with him. It washoped that the socialproblems this would causewould bring the personaround.

The second was interdict.This was particularly usefulagainst kings and otherimportant people who foundexcommunication no morethan an annoyance. The ideawas to punish the people ofthe land for the sins of theruler. So in a country underinterdict, nomasses couldbesaid and no one married.People could not go toconfession or receive

communion. All that waspermitted was baptism and,for those not personallyexcommunicated,lastrites.13

What Pope Celestine wasallowing meant that thepeople in a town underinterdictcouldrushinonceayear and take care of theirsacramental needs. It alsomeant that the Templarsreceived the little thank-youdonations for this thatwould

normally have gone to thelocal priests and which theyhadn’t been able to collectwiththechurchesallclosed.Onecanseehowthismight

causebadfeelingbetweentheTemplars and the localclergy. This only increasedwhen the Templars acquiredchurches of their own, indirect competition with thenativepriests.

Therighttobuildtheirownchurches came the next yearwith thenextpope,EugeniusIII.In1145,heissuedthebullMilitia Dei (Knighthood ofGod). Eugenius knew thatthis wouldn’t go over wellwiththeregularclergy,sohetriedtosugarcoatthemessagetothem:We believe that it does notescape the notice of your

fraternity how useful to theeastern church, . . . howpleasing to God is theknighthood of God, which iscalledoftheTemple....Andsince they live in a religiousmannerandstrivelovinglytoattend divine services, weconcede to them the right torecruit anywhere priestssuitablefortheirservicewhoare properly ordained andwho have been granted

permission by their bishop.To these brothers wishing toprovide for this more fullyandnotinanywaywishingtodiminish your parochialrights or remove tithes orofferings of burials we grantthem permission to buildoratoriesinplaceadjacenttoit [the Temple], where thehousehold lives, in which tohear the divine services andindeeditisalmostfataltothe

souls of religiousbrothers tomingle with crowds of menand to meet women on theoccasion of going tochurch.14(italicsmine)

Thesethreebullsarethemaingrants given to the Templarsby the popes. For the mostpart,theycontainnothingthatother orders hadn’t received.Especially in the twelfthcentury,themainfocusofthe

popes in regard to the Latinkingdomswastogetmenandmoney enough to keep thelands won by the firstcrusaders. The popes clearlystate that the work of theTemplars is for thepreservation of the ChristianstatesintheHolyLand.However, it seems that

both the Templars and theHospitallers took advantageof their privileges. At the

Third Lateran Council in1179, at which PopeAlexander III presided, thecomplaintsoftheclergywereaddressed. Both militaryorders were accused ofaccepting churches fromlaymen and of allowingpeople who had beenexcommunicated to receivethe sacraments in theirchurches and to be buried intheir cemeteries. Both orders

had also hired and firedpriestswithouttheconsentofthelocalbishop.Inshorttheyweresappingtheauthorityoftheregularclergy.15

The council decreed thattheTemplarsandHospitallerswere to stop this at once orthey would find themselvesunderinterdict.16

This was not the last timethatthemilitaryorderswould

be criticized for takingadvantage of papalexemptions. The complaintsin1179wereagainstboththeHospitallersandtheTemplarsbutin1207,PopeInnocentIIIfelt the need to write to theTemplars, specifically thatthey“aresounbridledintheirpridethattheydonothesitateto disfigure theirmother, thechurchofRome,whichbyitsfavours has not ceased to

cherish the brethren of theknighthoodoftheTemple.”17

One of the statementsmade about the Templars insome fiction and even insupposed nonfiction anddocumentaries, is that theyhad some sort of hold overthepapacythatallowedthemtogetawaywithagreatdeal.There is nothing in therecords that indicates this atall. The Templars were only

one of several monasticorders that answered directlyto the pope. And, as thecouncildecreesand the letterfrom Pope Innocent show, ifthey abused their privileges,theywouldbeslappeddown.It’s quite possible that

some, even many, of theTemplars were arrogant andtookadvantageofthegrantofopening their churches tothose under interdict. They

certainlydidalltheycouldtoget funds.18 Pride and greedwere the two sinsmostoftenattributed to both theTemplars and theHospitallers. This problemgrew directly from the giftsthat the popes had bestowedontheminordertoensurethesafety of pilgrims toJerusalem.But as to some dark and

secret alliance between the

papacyandtheTemplars,thatis never even hinted at, notduring their two hundredyearsofexistence,notattheirtrial,notevenafterthetrial.Once again, twentieth-

centurywritersseemtobethesourceofthismyth.1This happened all the time.Forahistoryof themedievalpapacy see I. S. Robinson,

The Papacy 1073-1198,Continuity and Innovation(CambridgeUniversityPress,1990), and Walter Ullmann,AShortHistoryofthePapacyin the Middle Ages(Routledge, 2003).Anacletuscame from a Jewish familybut thatwasn’t the reasonhewasn’t accepted by northernEurope.Itwaspolitics.2

“Omne Datum Optimum” inThe Templars, tr. andannotated Malcolm Barberand Keith Bate (ManchesterUniversity Press, 2002) pp.59-64.Averyhandybookforthe most important Templardocumentsintranslation.3Ibid.,p.60.4William of Tyre, 17, 27, pp.

797-99.5This was a large bone ofcontention when Philip theFair ordered the arrest andtrial of the Templarswithout the permission ofPopeClementV.6Barber and Bate, p. 61. Thislast was not followed whenMasterEverarddeBarresleft

the Templars to join theCisterciansin1153.7Charles-Joseph Hefele andDomH.Leclercq,HistoiredeConcilesVol.V(Paris,1912)p.713.8BarberandBate,p.63.9Cartulaire General de

l’OrdredesHospitaliersdeS.Jean de Jerusalem 1100-1310, Vol 1, ed. J. DelavilleLeRoulx(Paris,1894).10Although several of theGrandMastersoftheTempleseem to have been electedbecause of their connectionstorulers.SeethetwochaptersontheGrandMasters.11

Isupposethiswasrather likegetting a tax break forcharitabledonationstoday.12BarberandBate,p.65.13I am grateful to Prof. JamesBrundage for clarifyinginterdict for me. His booksLaw, Sex and ChristianSociety in Medieval Europe(Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1987) andMedievalCanonLawandtheCrusader (University ofWisconsin, 1969) are bothtremendously useful andinteresting.14BarberandBate,p.66.15Hefele-Leclercq, p. 1095,“roburepiscopalisauthoritatisenervant.”

16Ibid.,“SiveroTemplariisiveHospitalariiasecclesiasticuminterdictumvenerint.”17Quoted in Alan Forey, TheMilitary Orders (London,1992)p.203.18Please see chapter 24,Templars and Money, formoreonthis.

CHAPTERFOURTEEN

TheSecondCrusade

For some time the leaders ofthe crusader states had beentelling anyone who wouldlisten that they needed help,not just money, butmanpower.Theresponsewasslowuntil the fall of the city

ofEdessatotheSeljukatabegZengi in 1144. Edessa wasthefirstofthecrusaderstatesto be settled. It had alwaysbeen a Christian town andwasstillpopulatedmostlybyEasternChristians.Itwasalsothe farthest east of thecrusader lands, in an areadifficult to defend and farfromaid.TheshockoflosingEdessa

seemed to come at the right

time to push the king ofFrance,LouisVII,theninhismid twenties, to declare thathe would take the cross. Acouple of years before, in analtercation with Thibaud,count of Champagne, Louishad been carried away withyouthfulenergyandsetfiretoachurchinthetownofVitry.Thatwasbadenough,butthechurchhappenedtobefullofthe townspeople, who had

gonethereforrefuge.1Aboutthirteen hundred peoplewereburnedalive.Louis was a sensitive

person and this weighed onhis conscience. “Some saythattheking,touchedbypityand flowing with tears ...soon decided on undertakingapilgrimagetoJerusalem.”2

Ofcourse,Louisdidn’tacton this at once. But when

Edessa was taken, and PopeEugenius III issued a bullcalling for theWest to cometo the aid of the Latinkingdoms,Louiswasthefirstone to sign up. At hisChristmascourtinBourgesin1145, he told his followersthat he was going to answerthecall.The response was a big

yawnanda return toholidayfun.

Louis didn’t have thecharisma to convince hisfriends to leave their homesfor an arduous journey east.Heneededsomeonetofireupthetroops.Pope Eugenius wanted to

betheonetodoit.HehopedtocometoFranceandpreachthe crusade as hispredecessor, Urban II, haddone in 1095, but he washavingsome troublewith the

populationofRome,whohadthrown him out andreestablished the Senate, sothepopeturnedtohismentor,BernardofClairvaux.So, on Easter of 1146,

Louis and his court gatheredat the Church of MaryMagdalene at Vézelay,France, to hear AbbotBernard preach the crusade.Pope Eugenius had gladlysentalong therequisitepapal

letters promising theremissionofsinsforanywhowent with the king and alsoprotection for the familieswhostayedbehind.3

Bernard’s well-known giftof persuasion worked. Thecrowdwas so thick that theyknockedovertheplatformthekingandabbotwerestandingon but, miraculously, no onewashurt.Theenthusiasmwassuch that even the queen,

Eleanor of Aquitaine, tookthecrossalongwiththewivesofmanyof thenobles andatleastoneofLouis’unmarriedfemalecousins.4

As preparations began forthe great expedition, AbbotBernard learned that anothertime-honored crusadingcustom was being observed:the massacre of Jews in theRhineland. He rushed toGermanytoputastoptothis.

While he was there, hemanaged to convince theHolyRomanEmperorConradIII of Germany tomount hisown expedition. 5 In hisfifties,Conradwasoriginallynot interested in a trip toJerusalem; he’d already beenthere.6He also had enoughproblemsinhisownland.ButBernard was too publiclyinsistent.Templars were most

involved with the Frencharmy. The master of theTemple inParis,EverarddeBarres,wasprevailedupontohelp with organizing theexpedition. By April 1147,just before the king and hisarmy left, Everard hadgathered together 130Knights of the Temple,“wearingthewhitecloaks”toaccompany the king andqueen.7 That means there

were at least three times asmany sergeants and servantsof theTemple inParis at thetime,aswell.Thatmayhavebeen the largest number ofknights in one place outsideof theLatin kingdoms and itmusthavebeenanimpressivesight.The Templars received

donations great and small atthis time,butnotasmanyasone might think. In one

charter, Bernard of Balliolgave the order land inEngland thathehad receivedfrom Henry I. That was agoodhaul.Buttheonlyothercharters from this timerecorded in Paris are fromBartholomew, a dean ofNotre Dame, who gave theTemplars sixty sous, andfromawomannamedGenta,who gave them a mill, butonly after shewas dead.8She

lastedalongtime.Despitethefact thatRoger

ofSicilyhadofferedships totake the French to the HolyLand, Louis and his armydecidedtotakethelandroute,astheFirstCrusadehaddone.They left Paris on June 11,1147,andarriveda fewdayslater in Metz, where thegeneralmustertookplace.9

THETEMPLARSANDTHEARMYOFTHEFRENCH

The Germans under Conradhad gone on ahead of theFrench crusaders and thatcreated some problems forLouis and company, as theinhabitants of the lands theywent through were runningout of supplies and goodwill

by the time the Frencharrived.OdoofDeuil,amonkfrom St. Denis whoaccompanied Louis,complains that the moneychangers cheated them andthat the citizens refused tosell goods at a fair price.“Therefore, the pilgrims,unwilling to endure want inthemidst of plenty, procuredneeded supplies forthemselves by plunder and

pillage.”10

Master Everard de Barreswasn’t present when thishappened. He had been sentaheadtoConstantinople,withother ambassadors, to helpsmooth the way for thedemandingpilgrims.11

Itwasadifficulttask.Odoblamed the Greeks for beinggreedy and treacherous but Iimagine that even readers in

his own time might havewondered what they woulddo if overrun by armed“pilgrims” who were furiousatnotbeingfedandshelteredatwhattheyconsideredafairprice.Everardwonagreatdealof

praise for his calming of thesituation when the Frenchwere attacked as theyapproached Constantinople.The emperor, Manuel, was

smart enough not to let thecrusaders inside the city butallowedthemtocampoutsideandsetupamarketforthem.He did invite Louis andEleanorandfewnoblesinforan audience but was clearlyrelieved when the expeditionleft.

JOURNEYTO

ANTIOCH

Once the French leftConstantinople the Templarsformed the front and rearguardforthearmy.12Everardmust have felt that he washerding cats. It wasn’t justQueen Eleanor and herwomen, although a laterchronicler blamed them forcoming along at all. “Thewives could not manage

without theirmaids, and thusin thatChristianarmy,wherechastity should haveprevailed, a horde ofwomenwasmillingabout.”13

There were also hundredsof hangers-on among thesoldiers: pilgrims, craftsmen,familiesofthesoldiers,campfollowers, and others. Thesepeople, including the youngand rowdy knights, had nodiscipline and many were

weakened by illness and theweather, which was turningcold and rainy as winterapproached.The worst of the early

setbacks occurred in January1148atCadmusMountain,inwhatistodaywesternTurkey.Ifanyonestillsupposedthatapilgrimagewasagoodwaytoevade punishment for theirsins, this would haveconvinced them that

purgatory could providenothing worse. They mayhave thought it easier tospend a few centuries therethan endure another day onthecrusade.The army was already

weakened by cold, lack offood, and disease when theycame to Cadmus. Thevanguardofthearmycrossedthemountainandbegantosetup camp on the other side.

The rest followed, slowedbypack animals and panickynoncombatants.Theyclimbedanarrowridgeup thesideofthe mountain with a steepdrop on one side. Odo ofDeuildescribesthescene.Here the throng becamecongested while ascending,pushed forward, thencrowded close together,stopped, and, taking no

thoughtforthecavalry[equo,perhaps the horses] clungthere insteadofgoingahead.Sumpter horses slipped fromthe steep cliffs, hurling thosewhom they struck into thedepths of the chasm. . . .Moreover, the Turks andGreeks, their arrowspreventing the fallen fromrising again, throngedagainst the other part of ourarmy and rejoiced at this

sight, . . . They crossedagainst us, since they nolonger feared the vanguard[that was already on theother side of the mountain]and did not yet see the rearguard. They thrust andslashed, and the defenselesscrowdfelllikesheep.14

Onecanimaginethehorrorofthis,therainmakingthepathslick, the people pushing at

eachother,screamsofhorsesand humans as they fell intothe abyss.Added to thiswastheterrorofthearrowsflyingtoward them in the dimmingJanuarylight.Odowas sent back to find

KingLouisandtellhimwhatwashappening.Thekingandhis men rushed to help buthad to pass through theenemy in order to do so.Louis lost his horse and

barely escaped. It was not agooddayfortheFrench.Itwasgenerallyconsidered

thatGeoffreyofRancon,whowas leading the vanguard,was responsible for thedisaster.Hehadbeentoldnottocrossthemountainpassbutto protect the body of thearmy.15Geoffrey was one ofthe queen’smen, so shewasalso criticized and some saiditwasshewho toldGeoffrey

to go on so that she and herladies could settle in for thenight. This is something thatwe’llneverknowthetruthof.I imagine that everyone didwhat made sense to them atthe time without realizingwhatmighthappen.Actually, the only ones

whocameoutof the episodelooking good were Everardde Barres and the Templars.“The Templars and the

Master of the Temple, LordEverard of Barres, whoshould be revered for hispiety and who furnished thearmyanhonorableexample ...protected the people as

courageously aspossible.”16Actually, at thetime, Everard was onlymasteroftheTempleinParis.Robert of Craon was stillmasterintheHolyLand.But

asfarasOdowasconcerned,Everard was the one callingtheshots.The next day it was

decided that the Templarswould lead the army the restof thewayand thateveryonewould obey them, even theking. This worked wellenoughthatthearmymadeitto Adalia on January 20,1148.Tosurvive,manyofthehorses were slaughtered for

stew. Only the Templarsrefused to kill theirwarhorses, although the menwere starving. This alsoprovedimportant,asitmeantthat the Templars were ableto fight off another TurkishattackandconvincetheTurksthat the army was strongerthanwasreallythecase.17

After thisadventure,Louiswas convinced to finish thejourneytoAntiochbyboat.

ANTIOCHINTERLUDE

Louis and Eleanor’s stay inAntioch doesn’t immediatelyconcern the Templars, but itdid affect the course of thecrusade and, indirectly, thefuture of France. They werewelcomed to Antioch byRaymond, Eleanor’s uncle,who had been brought fromPoitiers ten years earlier to

marry Constance, the heiressof Antioch, who was thenaged about nine.18Constance,by the way, was Louis’secondcousin,soitwasabigfamilyreunion.OdoofDeuil letsusdown

as towhathappenednext;hestopped his chronicle beforethearrivalatAntioch.JohnofSalisburywasinRomeatthetime and reported thegossip.“Thekingbecamesuspicious

ofthefamiliarityoftheprincewiththequeenandhisnearlyconstant conversation withher.”19SoonLouisdecidedhehad stayed long enough atRaymond’s court andprepared to head on forJerusalem, but Eleanor hadhad enough. She told herhusband that she’d wait forhiminAntioch.Louis,knownforhavingashortfuse,forcedhertocomewithhim.20

Although there is noevidence that the queencommittedadultery,thisstoryhas entered the legend ofEleanor of Aquitaine, apersonwhoisthecenterofasmany myths and legends asthe Templars. Personally, Idoubt it. Eleanor may wellhaveflirtedwithherunclebutshewouldhavefoundithardto do much more. She wassurrounded by servants and

companionsmostofthetime.Also this episode was notmentioned three years laterwhen Eleanor and Louisfinally divorced. ForRaymond’s part, he wouldhave remembered that heonlyheldAntiochthroughhiswife and not wanted to risklosing it.But hormones haveoften overwhelmed commonsense. An affair is possible,but not proven. That didn’t

stop the rumors from flying,ofcourse.AswiththeTrialsof theTemplars, sex alwaysspicesupastory.Thinking that everything

was fine, Everard de Barresleftthekingandhispartyandwent to Acre to try to gettogethermoneytolendto

LouisandConradenteringAntioch.AlateandfancifuldepictionoftheSecond

Crusade.(TheBritishLibrary)

Louis.21 The king had not

counted on losing horses,property,orbattlesandfoundhimself a bit short on cash.Hewasforced towritehometo Suger, abbot of St. Denisand regent while he and thequeenwere gone. The letterssound very much like acollege student who has justdiscoveredthepriceofbooksand beer. “I couldn’t haveknown how much it wouldcost in so short a time,” he

writes.22

LouiswoundupowingtheTemplars thirty thousandsolidos, about half his yearlyincome.23 And he owedothersbesidetheTemplars.Aspecialtaxhadbeenleviedtopayfortheexpeditionbut,asleaders have discoveredsince, wars always run overbudget,especiallyifyoulose.This seems to have been thefirst time that a king of

France entered into aneconomic arrangement withtheTemplars.Itwasthestartofalongand,ultimately,fatalrelationship.

DISASTERATDAMASCUS

While Louis was fretting atAntioch,ConradofGermany

was back in Constantinople,recovering from illness.Meanwhile Alphonse Jordan,count of Toulouse, who hadbeen born in the Holy Land,arrived at Acre by ship withhisforces.Afterherecovered,Conrad

arrived in Jerusalem a littleaheadoftheothers.Hestayed“in the palace of theTemplars, where once theroyalhouse,whichisalsothe

Temple of Solomon, wasbuilt.”24After playing touristfor a while, Conrad wentback toAcre,where he triedto convince his fed-upknightstostaylongenoughtoattackDamascus.“Forhehadagreed with the king of thatLand [Baldwin III] and thepatriarch and the Knights ofthe Temple to takeDamascus.”25

We have accounts as to

what happened next bothfromtheChristianchroniclersandfromIbnal-Qalanisi,whowasinDamascusatthetime.Both sides agree that therewasatruceineffectbetweenJerusalem and Damascus.Nur ad-Din, Zengi’ssuccessor, who had capturedEdessa, was Sunni andanswered to the caliph ofBaghdad, while the majorityof people in Damascus were

Shi’ite and supported theFatimidcaliphsofEgypt.TheDamacenes feared Nur ad-Dinasmuchasthecrusadersdid. So there is someconfusion about why Louisand Conrad were advised toinvadethecity.It was a warm day in late

May1148whenthearmysetout.KingBaldwin IIIwas inthe lead, since he knew theway,followedbyLouis,with

Conrad bringing up therear.26 They decided tobesiege the city by goingthrough the orchard thatstretchedout formiles to thewest andnorth andup to thecity walls. William of Tyre,whowas in school inFranceat the time, says that theypicked this route “so that thearmy would not lack for theconvenience of fruit andwater.”27

Thearmyhadnochancetopicnic, however, as it wasattacked first by the peasantstendingtheorchardsandthenby cavalry from the city.However, the crusadersmanaged to reach the riverand set up camp.28 The nextday therewas a fierce battle.The end was undecided butthe citizens of Damascusseemed to be getting theupperhand.

Now the two chroniclesdisagree. Ibnal-Qalanisisaysthat theChristians hid out intheirstockadesforadayorsobecause the defense was sostrong that they couldn’t gooutwithoutbeingbombardedby stones and arrows. Then,upon learning that Nur ad-Dinwasonhiswaytorelievethecity,theywenthome.29

William gives a muchmore complicated

explanation.He says that thecitizens of Damascus bribed“certain of our nobles” toconvincethearmytomovetothe other side of the citywhere there was nowater orfruitbutaplainthatwasclearof trees and where the wallsofthecitywerenotasstrong.The kings and the emperorwere convinced. But whenthey got to the plain, theybegan to runoutof foodand

when they tried to return tothe orchard, they found thatall the paths had beenbarricaded. Cut off fromsupplies, theywere forced toreturntoJerusalem.30

The end was the same inbothversions.Damascuswasnot taken by the crusaders.Personally,IthinkthatIbnal-Qalanisi isprobablyclosertothetruth.Baldwin,Louis,andConrad found themselves

outnumbered with rumors ofmoredefendersarrivingsoon.The story of bribery soundstoomuchlikeanexcuse.OnereasonI thinksois that thereis no record of these nobleswho purposely gave badadviceeverbeingpunished.William doesn’t name

names, but someone in thedisgruntled army must havedecided to blame theTemplarsforthefailure.John

of Salisbury heard of it inRome shortly after. Hewrites, “Some say that theTemplars were responsible;others that it was some whowished to return home; butthekingalwaystookpainstoexonerate the brothers of theTemple.”31

In1147,theyearbeforetheking of France and theemperor of Germany werebeaten at Damascus, English

and Flemish crusaders hadlandedinIberiaandtakenthecityofLisbon.TheTemplarsfoughtwithKingAlfonsoandreceived both honor and allthechurchpropertyinthecityof Santarem.32 Germanarmies moved eastward intopagan lands with the crossand the sword.33 Both theseaspects of the SecondCrusade were successful interms of expanding the

borders of Christendom. Butwhat people rememberedthen, as most do now, wasthat the twogreatestkings inEurope came back withouthaving accomplishedanything.The crusade was a dismal

failure so someonehad tobeblamed.OdoofDeuilfeltthattheGreekshadsabotagedthekings.34 Others, likeWilliamof Newburgh, writing many

years later, thought that thecrusaders were too weigheddown by sin to deserve towin. Henry of Huntington,who wasn’t there either,agreed. He thought that theyindulged in “openfornications, and even inadulteries . . . and finally inrobbery and all sorts ofevils.”35

But it wasmore satisfyingto make someone other than

the crusaders guilty of theirfailure. Conrad was sure itwas treachery.Hementionedthe Templars, but alsoBaldwin III or the princes ofSyria.36

People seemed toremembertheTemplarsmost.For all their hard work,despite their successes inSpain, they were stillcriticized. Why? I suspectthatBernardofClairvauxand

the Templars themselves haddone their propaganda toowell. They were the knightsofChrist,pureandinvincible.They should have been ableto surmount any obstacle,even a disorganized andbickering army coming fromEurope and feuding familiesintheEast.The trouble with being a

hero is that you’re notallowedanoffday.

1Yves Sassier, Louis VII(Paris:Fayard,1991)p.113.2Guillaume de Nangis,Chronique, ed. M. Guizot(Paris,1825)p.25.3OdoofDeuil,Deperfectioneludovici VII in orientum, ed.and tr. Virginia GinerickBerry (New York: Norton,

1948)pp.8-9.4Ibid., p. 76. The unnamedcousin was saved by herrelatives frombeing given inmarriage to a Greek lord.This isoneof thoseepisodesthat I really wish there weremoreinformationon.5AdriaanH.Bredero,Bernardof Clairvaux: Between Cult

and History (Grand Rapids,MI:Eerdmans,1996)p.24.6Hans Eberhard Mayer, TheCrusades (Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress,1988)p.98.7CartulaireGénéral de Paris,Tome Premier 528-1180, ed.Robert de Lasteyrie (Paris,1887)charterno.334,p.307,“albaclamideinductis.”

8CartulaireGénéral,nos.321,p.297,and270,p.265.9Sassier,pp.162-63.10OdoofDeuil,BookIII,p.41,“Peregini ergo, in rerumabnudatia penuriam nonferentes, praedis et rapinussibinecssariaconquirebant.”

11Ibid.,BookII,p.29.12Malcolm Barber, The NewKnighthood (Cambridge,1996)p.67.13William of Newburgh, TheHistory of English Affairs,Book I, ed. and tr. P. G.Walsh and M. J. Kennedy(Warminster:Aris&Phillips,

1988)pp.128-29.14OdoofDeuil,pp.116-17.15Ibid.,pp.122-23.Well,thisiswhatOdosays.16Ibid.,pp.124-25.17Ibid.,pp.134-35.18

Please see chapter 10,Melisande, Queen ofJerusalem.19John of Salisbury, HistoriaPontificalis, tr. and ed.Marjorie Chibnall (London:ThomasNelson,1956)p.52,“familiaritas principis adreginam et assidua fere sineintermissione colloquia regisuspicionemdederunt.”

20Ibid.,p.53.21Sugerii Abbatis S. Dionysii,“Epistola” PL Letter 50, col.1374-1375 “Dilectionivestrae mandamus quaetenusea qua Ebrardis magisterTempli vobis mandaverit,certa habeatis. Nos siquidemab Antiocha admutopecuniam nobis necssariam

seto Idus Maii Acaronmisimus.”22Sugerii, Letter 58, col. 1378,“Non enim video nec viderepossum quomodo etiam perparvi temporis spatium inpartibus illis permanere velmoran facere potuissem, nisieorum praecedente auxilio etsustentations.” There’s morebutyougetthegist.

23Sugerii, Letter 71, col. 1585.For fraction of income seeBarber,p.67.24Otto of Freising, The Deedsof Frederick Barbarossa, tr.Charles Christopher Mierow(NewYork:Norton,1953)p.102.25Ibid. It’s interesting thatOtto

doesn’t mention Melisande,who was still very much inchargeinJerusalem.26WilliamofTyre,Book17,3,p. 763. “Primusitaque cumsuis Ierosolimorum rex, eomaxime quod locorumpericiam . . . secundum etmedium locum rexFrancorum . . . tercium . . .imperator.”

27Ibid., Book 17, 3, p. 763,“tum ut expeditionibusfructum et aque non deessetcommoditas.”28Ibn al-Qalanisi, TheDamascus Chronicle of theCrusades,ed.andtr.H.AR.Gibb (Dover, 2002; reprintfrom1832)pp.283-84.29

Ibid.,pp.284-87.30WilliamofTyre,Book17,5-6,pp.765-67.31John of Salisbury, p. 57,“quod alii Templariis diuimposuerunt; alii vero hisquos amor parie revocabat;sedrexfratresTemplisemperstudiutexcusare.”32

Quoted in Giles Constable,“TheSecondCrusadeasSeenby Contemporaries,”Tradition Vol. IX (NewYork: Fordham UniversityPress,1953)p.235.33Mayer,pp.99-100.34Odo of Deuil, pp. 109-45.Actually, the treacheryof theGreeks is a thread running

through the whole of Odo’schronicle.35Constable,p.273.36Ibid.

PARTTWO

TheGloryYears

CHAPTERFIFTEEN

GrandMasters1136-1191

ROBERTTHEBURGUNDIAN(DECRAON),C.1136-

1149

The successor to Hugh dePayns, Robert of Craon isalso known as “theBurgundian,”butheseemstohave roamed about a bit. Hewas certainly living at thecourtofFulkofAnjouinthe1120s.Anjouhas never beenpart of Burgundy. Some saythat Robert was married buthe left his wife to join the

Templars. He may havestayed in Burgundy for awhile before going overseasor he may have returned in1133, when he accepted thegift of a village near thecommandery of Bure onbehalf of the Templars. Atthat time, he was listed asseneschal of the order.1 Hebecame Grand Master in1135.2Hewasstill inFrancea while later when he

accepted the service ofseveral men to be supportedbyLordBertranddeBalm.3

Asyoucansee, the lifeofmost Templars before theyentered the order was rarelyimportantenoughtobenotedwith any certainty. Most ofthe evidence comes fromcharters that these menwitnessedforothers.Robert was master during

the time when many of theimportant papal concessionswere made to the Templars,sohisyears in theWestmayhave been useful. In 1139,Pope Innocent II in his bullOmne Datum Optimuminformed thebishops that theTemplars were under hisprotection.4Thatwasalsotheyear in which Robert led a“singularly rash anddisastrous raid in the

neighbourhoodofHebron”—thefirstengagementweknowof in which the Templarsparticipated.5

Robert also seems to havebeen the master whonegotiated the agreement fora final settlement of the willof Alfonso I of Aragon andNavarre, inwhichhedividedhis kingdom among theTemplars, the Hospitallers,and the canons of the Holy

Sepulcher in Jerusalem.6 Thefinal agreement is addressedtohim.Allinall,heseemstohave been the administratorthat the order needed duringthe first years of itsexpansion, even though hismilitaryabilityleftsomethingtobedesired.

EVERARDDE

BARRES,1149-1152

Everard de Barres had themisfortunetobethemasterofthe Temple in Paris in 1147,whenKingLouisVIIdecidedto set off on the SecondCrusade. The story of hisexperiences during thatexpedition is told in chapter14.Everard was elected while

serving in the Holy Land,

perhaps because of hisexemplary behavior inprotecting the pilgrims,including King Louis andQueen Eleanor. In warfare,diplomacy, and piety heshowedhimselftobeamodelTemplar.After his election, he

returned with Louis toFrance.7But Everard decidedthat he was not suited toTemplar life. Perhaps he felt

he’d had enough of thepolitics of the job. Hismotivations are not recordedbut he retired from the ordersoon after coming back toParis,despite thepleasofhisseneschal to return toJerusalem. It has been saidthatEverardeventuallyjoinedtheCisterciansbutIhavenotbeen able to find proof ofthis.Ishallcontinuelooking.An odd side note on

Everardisthatheshowsupinanepicwrittenthreehundredyears after his death. In thepoem, Saladin, composed inthe middle of the 1400s,Everard’s son, William deBarres, goes to Jerusalemwith King Philip II in 1191andtheremeetshisfather,themaster of the Temple.8Now,Everard was long dead by1191andthereisnorecordofhis ever having a son named

William. But it is intriguingthat thisfairlyobscureGrandMaster should suddenlysurfaceinaworkoffiction.

BERNARDOFTREMELAY,1153

Bernard of Tremelay mayhave come from the Doleregion ofBurgundy. 9That’s

allwe know of him.Hewaselected Grand Master afterEverarddeBarresdecided toleave the Templars. It’s notcertain at what time he tookoverthepositionorevenifhewasintheEastatthetimeofhis election. However, hearrived in time for the battleofAscalon,althoughhemusthavewished he hadn’t.10 OnthenightofAugust15,1153,the king of Jerusalem was

leading a force in an attemptto take the city-fort ofAscalon from the Egyptians.During the attack a wall ofthe city was breached.Bernard rushed to the spotandledtheTemplarsthroughthe hole in thewall and intothecity.William of Tyre says that

the Templars rushed in andrefused to let others followsince they wanted the booty

forthemselves.ThisgavetheMoslems time to reblock thewall. The Templars weretrappedinsideandallofthemkilled. The next day theirbodies were hung from thetowersofAscalon.11Williamwasnot thereat the timeandIbn al-Qalanisi, writing fromthe point of view of thecitizens of Ascalon, onlymentions that the wall wasbreached.“At length theway

wasopenedtothemtodeliveranassaultuponitatacertainpointinthecitywall.Havingbattered itdown, they rushedintothetown,andagreathostwere [sic] killed on bothsides.”12 Of course, al-Qalanisi wasn’t there, either.So the only thingwe can becertainofisthatBernarddiedinthefighting.TheTemplarswere again without a GrandMaster.

ANDREWOFMONTBARD,1154-

1156

The fifthgrandmasterof theTemplars is one of the mostillustrious, not because ofanything he did but becauseof his connection to one ofthe best-known men of thetwelfthcentury.It’s not certain when

Andrew of Montbard wasborn, but he was the sixthchild of Bernard, lord ofMontbard, and his wife,Humberge. Two of his olderbrothers, Miles and Gaudry,joined the monasteryestablished by their nephewBernardofClairvaux.13 It’spossible that Andrew mayevenhavebeenyounger thanhisfamousnephew.It’s amazing that Andrew

managed to hold out so longagainstthefamilypressuretoenter monastic life. Bernardmanaged to convince all butone of his brothers andmostof his uncles and cousins tojoin him at his abbey ofClairvaux. EventuallyAndrew decided that heshould also embrace thereligious life.But rather thanbecoming a cloistered monk,spending his days in prayer,

he decided to join theTemplars.Whetheritwashisown idea or he was nudgedbyBernard,Idon’tknow.It’sknownthatthetwomenwereclose and Bernard seems tohave approved of his uncle’schoice.14

There is some confusionabout when Andrew went toJerusalem. Sometime before1126, Baldwin II, king ofJerusalem, sent two

messengers to Bernard ofClairvaux. He explained thatthey were brothers of theTemple who wanted to getconfirmation from the popefor their order and also aRule to live by. The kingbegged Bernard to use hisinfluence with the pope andthe“princesofChristendom”to aid them. The two mensentbyBaldwinwerenamedAndrew and Gundemar.15

ThiswasbeforethetripmadebyHughdePayns.Some authors have

assumed that the Andrewmentioned was Andrew ofMontbard.However,thisisn’tlikely. Bernard’s unclewouldn’thaveneededaletterof introduction to his ownnephew. Also, there’s nomention of Andrew ofMontbard in connectionwiththe Templars before the

1140s. In 1148 “Ándreas deMuntbar,” seneschal of theTemplars, witnessed a giftfrom Barisan d’Ibelin to theOrder of St. Lazarus. 16

That’s the first mention ofhimthatI’vefound.It’s more likely that

Andrew joined the order inthe rush to enlist after theCouncilofTroyesandbythe1140s had made his way upthe ranks to become

seneschaloftheorder.Andrewapparentlykepthis

nephew up-to-date withmatters in Jerusalem, as twolettersfromBernardtoQueenMelisandeprove.Inthefirst,written sometime in the1140s, Bernard tells her,“And if the praise of mydearestuncleAndrewis true,and I believe him implicitly,youwillrulebythemercyofGod both here and in

eternity.”17

The second letter voicesBernard’s concern overreports he has receivedconcerning Melisande’sbehavior, perhaps having todo with her unwillingness togive up power once her son,BaldwinIII,hadcomeofage.However,Andrewhaswrittento Bernard to say that thegossip is false. “My uncleAndrew has happily

intervened, and I can in noway disbelieve him. Hewrites sayingbetter thingsofyou, that you have behavedpeacefully and mildly. Yourule wisely and with wisecounsel; have loved thebrothers of the Temple andarefriendlywiththem.”18

At the same time,Bernardwrote to Andrew himself,lamenting the internalproblems that were afflicting

the Kingdom of Jerusalem.Andrew may have believedthat Bernard’s influence andcharisma could bring thesquabbling crusader familiestogether, for he asked hisnephewtocometoJerusalem.Bernarddithersonquiteabitbeforedecidingthathereallycan’t make a trip like that,even thoughhewoulddearlylovetoseeAndrewagain.19

He never did. Abbot

Bernard died at Clairvaux in1153, a year before AndrewbecameGrandMaster.Andrewmayhavebeenthe

seneschal of the Templarswhenhewrotetheselettersorstill only a knight brother. Itis clear that he was in theconfidence of the queen and,like Philip of Nablus, whohad not yet joined the order,was one of her supporters.Both Andrew and Philip

appear as witnesses onMelisande’s donations to St.Lazarusin1150and1151.20

In the struggle betweenMelisande and her son,Andrew seems to havesupported the queen and heryounger son, Almaric.However,hewasabletostayon the good side of BaldwinIII, as well.21 In 1155Andrew witnessed one ofBaldwin’s charters to the

abbey of Santa Maria ofJosaphat and was a frequentwitness to other charters oftheking.22

Andrew was certainly apart of the Second Crusadefrom 1148 to 1150 andseneschalof theorderby theend of it. In about 1150, hewrites a plaintive letter toEverarddeBarre,theGrandMaster, who has returnedwith King Louis VII to

France. Things are not goingwell in the Holy Land.Andrew tells Everard, “weareconstrainedonallsidesbylackofknightsand sergeantsand money, and we imploreyourpaternity to return tousquickly.”23

Everard did return toJerusalem, but not for long.Commanddidn’tsuithimandhe became the first GrandMaster ever to retire.24 He

was replaced by Bernard ofTremelay while Andrew ofMontbard continued asseneschal.Andrew’s opportunity

came in 1154, after thegallant but pointless death ofBernard of Tremelay at thesiegeofAscalon.25

BERTRANDOF

BLANCFORT,1157-1169

As with many of the GrandMasters,nothing isknownofBertrand’s life before hebecame a Templar. It ispossible that he was of thesame family who donatedproperty to the Templars ofDouzens.The land theygavewasintheAudeValley,northof Limoux in southern

France, about twenty-fivemiles north of thePyrenees.26Actually, thedonation was made bysomeone who held the landfor them.Theyjustagreedtoit.Bertrand is not mentioned

inanyofthesevenchartersoftheBlancfort—orBlanchefort—familytotheTemplars.27Amisreading on these chartershas led some people, not

historians, to attach Bertrandto this family. They saw thename “Bernard deBlanchefort” on the chartersof Douzens and, perhapsthrough wishful thinking,decided that it was just amisspelling of“Bertrand.”28However, thetwo names are as differentand distinct as “Kelly” and“Kyle” and are not usedinterchangeably. Bertrand’s

originsarenotcertain.Bertrand had only been

GrandMasterforaboutayearwhen, alongwithOdo of St.Amand, another futureTemplar and Grand Master,he was captured by Nur-ad-Dinat thesiegeofBanyasinJune 1157.29He was releasedattheendofMay1159.Sohespent his first two years asleader of the Templars incaptivity.

AsGrandMaster,hewroteback to Europe, giving thestateofaffairsandaskingforaid for the cause.30A few oftheseletterssurvive.Themostdramaticeventof

Bertrand’s tenure as GrandMasterwasin1168,whentheTemplars refused to helpKing Almaric on hisexpedition toEgypt.AlmarichadlongbelievedthatcontrolofEgypt,particularlytheport

of Alexandria, was essentialto the safetyof theKingdomof Jerusalem. Unfortunately,he had a treatywith Shawar,the sultanofEgypt.BertrandrefusedtoallowtheTemplarsto break the treaty.31 Thecampaign was a failure andforced Shawar to seek theprotection of his adversary,Nur-ad-Din,provingBertrandcorrect. Relations betweenthe king and the Templars

were not cordial during thistime.Bertrand of Blancfort died

in 1169. His successor wasmuch more inclined tosupport the king, mainlybecausehehadstartedoutastheking’sman.

PHILIPOFNABLUS,1169-1171

PhilipofNabluswasborn inthe Holy Land. He was theson of Guy ofMilly and hiswife, Stephania “theFleming.” The familyprobably came fromNormandy.32 They settled inthe town of Nablus in theearly1100sandestablishedalordshipthere.Philiphadtwobrothers, Guy andHenry theBuffalo.33

As a young man, Philip

was very much involved inthe activities of the court ofMelisande, queen ofJerusalem. He supported herduring the time she reignedforandwithherson,BaldwinIII.WhenBaldwindecidedhewasoldenoughtoruleonhisown,Philipstayedonthesideof the queen. It was toPhilip’s town of Nablus thatMelisande retired afterBaldwinhadtakenJerusalem.

However, once Baldwinand his mother had come toan understanding, Philipbegantoappearontheking’scharters as a witness,meaning that he again hadsomepositionatcourt.SohemusthavebeenabletopacifyBaldwin to some extent. In1153, when the city ofAscalon was finally takenfrom the Egyptians, Philipwas among the noblemen

whofoughtfortheking.34Hemust have been there for thedisastrous charge that led tothe death of Templar GrandMaster Bernard of Tremeley(see page 000). But thisdidn’tseemtodeterhimfromjoiningtheorder,himself.Sometime before 1144,

Philip married a womannamed Isabella. They hadthree children, Rainier,Helena, and Stephania.35

Rainier, the only son, didn’tsurvive his father, althoughhe lived at least until 1168,when he witnessed a charterat the abbey of Notre-Dameof Josaphat. 36In 1148,BarisanofIbelinconfirmedadonation made by Philip’smaternal grandfather, RainierofRama, to the abbey of St.Lazarus, just outsideJerusalem.Philipwasnotoneof the witnesses. However,

the charterwas signed at thechapel of the Templars withseveral of the brothers inattendance.37

Philip, still a layman, didwitness a charter ofMelisande’s to the lepers ofSt. Lazarus in 1150.38But, itisn’t until 1155 that we findPhilip in connectionwith theTemplars. In thatyearPrinceAlmaricconfirmedadonationmade by Philip, his brothers,

and his wife and children,again to St. Lazarus. Thisdonation was made inJerusalemandmayhavebeenmade at the Templar chapel,astheoneof1148was.HereAndrew of Montbard, nowGrand Master, and severalother Templars arewitnesses.39

This is not an indicationthat Philip was planning tojointheorder,fortheTemple

wasusedasacentralmeetingpoint in Jerusalem for manybusiness transactions. It doesassume that Philip was atleast on speaking terms withtheTemplars.Melisande died in 1161

and around that time,Baldwin III arranged forPhilip to give Nablus to theKingdom of Jerusalem. Inexchange,Philipbecamelordof the Transjordan. It’s not

clearifthiswasarewardorademotion.TheTransjordanistheareato theeastandsouthoftheDeadSea.Muchofitisin modern Jordan. Part ofPhilip’s territory probablyincludedwhatisnowthecityof Amman and stretcheddowntotheRedSea.40Itwaslarger than Nablus, butdefinitely frontier territory,onthecaravanroutebetweenAlexandria and Baghdad.

King Baldwin realized thatthe tolls thecaravansand theBedouins paid for a safecrossingweretoolucrativetogive up to Philip, so he keptthem for himself. Philip goteverything else, though,includingtheresponsibilityofdefending the Syriac nativesoftheareafromattack.41

Philip’sdecisiontojointheTemplars is starting to makemoresense.

Nevertheless, for a time atleast, Philip of Nablusbecame Philip ofTransjordan.Two years later, Baldwin

III died. As he had nochildren, his brother,Almaric, became king ofJerusalem.Almaric had beenon Melisande’s side in thebattle for the throne and hewas friendly toward themanwhohadnotdesertedher.He

must have been attached tothewholefamily,forPhilip’sbrother, Guy, was madeseneschalofthekingdom.42

Philip joined the Templarson January 17, 1166,“probablyonthedeathofhiswife.”43 When he did so, hegave the northern part of theTransjordan to the order,including Amman and theareaaroundit.44 Itmusthave

beendifficult forhim to staybehind when the Templarmaster,BertrandofBlancfort,refused to accompany KingAlmaric on his 1168expedition to Egypt, for hislands bordered on those thatAlmaricwantedtoconquer.It was also about the time

that Philip’s daughterHelenadied. Itwouldbenatural thatbeing in the Templarswouldbe important to a man who

had lost so many people heloved. He could continue toserve his king but also hisprayers and sacrifice couldhelpthesoulsofhiswifeanddaughter.Philip did take part in the

campaign in Egypt againstthe Kurd Shirkuh and hisnephew Saladin.45 WhenBertrand of Blancfort died,it’s possible that KingAlmaric influenced the

election of Philip as GrandMaster. On the other hand,the brothers of the Templemayhavethoughtitwouldbea good idea to have a leaderwhogot alongwith theking.There’snowaytotell.But Philip was Grand

Master for only a short time.His loyalty to the king wasstronger than his devotion totheTemplars.He resigned in1171inorder toreturnto the

service of King Almaric, asan envoy to Constantinople.He apparently died there inAprilofthesameyear.46

Philip’s family continuedin their support of St.Lazarus. In 1183, Philip’sgrandsonHumphreyofTorongave the lepers twentybezantsayearfor thesoulofLord Philip. No Templarswere witnesses to this, but aBrother Guido Hospitaller

wasinattendance.47

Philip’s career is not thatunusual for a Grand Master,although only Everard deBarres also resigned. But heis not the only one to havebeenelectedbecausehehadagood working relationshipwiththesecularrulers.

ODOOFST.

AMAND,1171-1179

Odo(orEudes)ofSt.Amandstartedhiscareer in thecourtofKingBaldwinIII.OnJune19, 1157, he was the king’smarshal. Along with severalother important members ofthecourtandsomeTemplars,hewastakenprisonerbyNur-ad-Din at the siege ofBanyas.48

OnApril25,1164,Odoof

St.AmandwasnotlistedasaTemplarwhenhewitnessedacharter of Almaric, king ofJerusalem, along with Philipof Nablus and others.49Soonafter, as the king’s butler, hewassenttoConstantinopletoescort Almaric’s fiancée,Princess Maria, thegrandniece of the emperor,back to Jerusalem. So, in1165,OdowasclearlyoneofAlmaric’strustedofficials.50

It’s not certain when OdojoinedtheTemplars.Ithadtohave been after Almaric’swedding. Iwonder if hewaschosentobeGrandMasterbythe king before he had evenbecomeaTemplar.Ifso,likeHenry II’s nomination ofThomasBecketasarchbishopof Canterbury at about thesame time, it turned outbadly.For whatever reason, Odo

of St. Amand becameGrandMaster on the retirement ofPhilip of Nablus. Odo’s firstchallenge came from a“renegade Templar,” a mannamed Malih, who wasbrotherofthekingofCilicianArmenia. Malih hadapparentlyconvertedfromtheEastern to the WesternChristian beliefs and joinedtheTemplars.Thisistheonlymention I know of a native

Christian becoming aTemplar. At any rate, hedidn’t stay one for long.When his brother the kingdied, Malih went to Nur ad-Dinforhelp.Withthemenhewas given, Malih took thethrone of Armenia from hisnephew and threw theTemplars out of thekingdom.51

It wasn’t an auspiciousbeginning for Odo. Things

gotworse.Some time later an envoy

came to Jerusalem from thesectoftheAssassins.HetoldKing Almaric that theAssassins were tired ofpaying tribute to theTemplars and Hospitallers.Instead, they would like tobecomeChristian.WilliamofTyre says, “Thekinggreetedthe legates with a glad heartand granted the request, like

theintelligentmanhewas.”52I reserve judgment on that,but, again according toWilliam of Tyre, the envoywas on his way back toAssassin territory when hewas attacked and killed by agroupofTemplars.53

Upon learning that theTemplars had ruined histreaty, King Almaric wasfurious. He went to his oldfriendOdoofSt.Amandand

demanded that the men inquestionbeturnedovertohisjustice.Odo refused, saying that

Templars could only bejudgedby themasterand thepope. He sent word toAlmaricthathehadgiventheleader of the murderers,Walter of Mesnil, a penanceand would send him to thepopeforsentencing.Thisdidnot sit well with Almaric,

who took a force to Sidon,whereWalterwasbeingheld.Hehad themandraggedout,put in chains, and sent toTyre. Presumably he diedthere.54

The friendship betweenOdoandKingAlmaricwasatanend.This story has often been

repeated but it seems verystrange to me. Some people

say that it must, at least inpart, be true because WalterMapwrote the same story atabout the same time inEngland. However, in 1179,only two or three years afterthis was supposed to havehappened,therewasacouncilin Rome. Two of thedelegates were William ofTyreandWalterMap.55NowWalter didn’t say in hisaccount,“Igotthisstoryover

lunchwithWilliam.”But it’sjust possible that Williamvented his annoyance aboutOdo’s actions in this willingear.Odomight have been in a

lot more trouble over thisepisode but Almaric diedsoon after this, leaving hisson, Baldwin IV, a sick boyof thirteen, to handle theproblem.

Since William, archbishopof Tyre, wrote almost theonly chronicle of this time,we are often stuck with hisprejudices.WilliamwasnotafanofOdo’s.He thought theTemplar master arrogant anddidn’tattempttoshowhimina good light. However, Idon’tthinkhewouldmakeupall of the stories about Odo.I’m just not surewhichpartsaretrue.

In 1179 in an encounterwith Saladin, Odo “led acharge of knights that by itssheer force so divided theChristianranksthatthebattlewas lost.”56William certainlyblamed him. “Among thoseofourmencapturedherewasOdoofSt.Amand,theMasteroftheKnightsoftheTemple.Hewasabadman,proudandarrogant, having the spirit offuryinhisnostrils.Heneither

feared God nor respectedmen.”57

William adds with relishthat Odo died in captivity inEgyptayearlater.It’s not good to make an

enemyofamanwithapen.

ARNOLDOFTORROJA,1181-

1184

Arnold was an experiencedTemplar who had beenmasterof“Provenceandpartsof Spain” since 1167.58HecamefromCataloniaandmayhave entered the order therebut all information on himcomes from his years inProvence.Even before he joined the

Templars, Arnold gave the

order vineyards and otherproperty from his familyestates near Lerida. Hisbrother,Raymond,wasalsoapatron of the Templarsalthough he did not becomeone.59Arnold was a Templarby1173,whenhewaspresentto receive a donation fromPonsofMolièesoftwoserfs,partoftherentofavilla,andsome forestland. Arnold islisted first in the charter, but

still as a “knight of theTemple”notanofficialoftheorder.60By 1179, he isdefinitely the master of theKnights of the Temple inProvence and parts of Spain,accordingtoabullfromPopeAlexander III confirming allthe property of the TemplarsinProvenceandSpain.61

The date of thisconfirmation is March 1179,which makes me wonder if

Arnold was a Templarrepresentative to the ThirdLateranCouncil, takingplacethat month. Odo of St.Amand was busy fightingSaladin. Perhaps no one elsecould be spared from theEast. As I mentioned above,William of Tyre was there,along with the bishops ofBethlehem and Caesarea.62One of the laws decided atthis council concerned the

complaints of the bishopsabout how the Templars,Hospitallers, and otherexempt orders were abusingthe privileges the popes hadgiven them.63 What bettertimeforArnoldtomakesurethat therightsofTemplars inSpainwereallspelledout?And, when the Templars

mayhave been looking for aGrand Master who hadn’tbeen attached to the court of

Jerusalem, Arnold wouldhavebeenagoodchoice.Hewas someone who had donewell inanotherareainwhichfightingwasgoingonandheknew how to deal with theauthorities.Whatever the thinking,

Arnoldwaselected.One of his first and more

unpleasant duties was to bepart of a group that included

themasteroftheHospitallers,the patriarch of Jerusalem,and various nobles that wentto Antioch in about 1181 toconvince the prince of thecity, Bohemond, to give upthemistresshehadmovedinwith and return to his wife.Bohemond promised to doeverything the committeeasked, but as soon as theyweregone,wenthome tohismistress and threw the

noblemen out of towninstead. He wasexcommunicatedandAntiochput under interdict but theprincewas not daunted.64 Somuchforthefearofhell.Whatever the Templars

were expecting when theyelected Arnold, there isn’tmuchmentionofwhathedidasGrandMaster.Inthethreeyears Arnold served, Saladinmade further inroads into the

Latin kingdoms and poorBaldwinIVbecamemoreandmore debilitated as hisleprosyprogressed.Asthingsgotworse,Arnold,alongwithHeraclius, the patriarch ofJerusalem, and Roger desMoulins, master of theHospitallers, went on a tourof Italy,France,andEnglandin an attempt to get moresupportfortheEast.65

Arnold never returned to

Jerusalem.HediedinVeronain1184,justbeforethestormbroke.66

GERARDOFRIDEFORT,1185-

1191

After the professionalcompetence of Arnold ofTorroja, the Templars went

back to someone with morepersonalitythansense(inmyopinion). Gerard of RidefortwaseitherFlemishorAnglo-Norman. He came toJerusalem to seekhis fortuneandby1179wasmarshalloftheKingdomofJerusalem.According to one story

GerardhadfirstservedCountRaymond of Tripoli. As areward, he expected to begiven an heiress inmarriage.

However, Raymond decidedto have the woman Gerardhad selected marry a Pisanmerchant instead, possiblyone he owed money to.Gerard was understandablypiqued, especially because aPisan merchant didn’t havethesocialstatusofa landlessknight. It was a dreadfulinsult. Sometime later, ratherthan try for another heiress,GerardjoinedtheTemplars.67

This story may not be true,but Gerard did have a deepdislike for Raymond ofTripoli.The new Templar

immediately got involved inlocalpolitics.IthappenedthatRaymondofTripolihadbeendeclared guardian for thechild king Baldwin V,successor to the leperBaldwin IV. Little Baldwindiedbeforeheturnedsix.His

mother, Sybilla, the daughterof King Almaric, wasconsideredbymanytobetheheir to the throne. Others,including Raymond ofTripoli, thoughtthathecoulddo a better job.GuesswhichoneGerardsupported?Alongwiththepatriarchof

Jerusalem, Gerard saw to itthat Sybilla was crownedruleralongwithherhusband,Guy of Lusignan. But the

Latin kingdoms were nowdivided and Saladin, whosepower was growing, wouldmakethemostofthis.68

The first sign of the riftwaswhenGerardencouragedKingGuytotakeanarmyuptoTripoliandmakeRaymondobey him. Wiser headsprevailed but Raymond hadalready made a treaty withSaladin in anticipation of aninvasionbyGuy.

Bythespringof1186,Guyand Sybilla were willing tomake peace with Raymond.Gerard, Roger, theHospitaller master, alongwith severalotherswere sentto see if Raymond wouldmake peace. At the sametime,Saladin’seldestson,al-Afdal, took advantage of thetrucewithRaymond to bringsomemenintoTripoli.Thereare various explanations for

this,dependingonwhichsideistellingthestory.Intheend,Gerard learned about theMoslem incursion and wenttothenearestTemplarhouse,where he gathered up someeightyknights,alongwithtenHospitallers and forty menfrom the royal garrison.69According to the chroniclers,both the Hospitaller masterand the marshal of theTemple tried to stop Gerard

from attacking.He overruledthem.It was called the Battle of

Cresson Springs. Roger desMoulins, master of theHospital, was killed, aswerealltheroyalsoldiersandmostoftheTemplars.70

Gerard of Ridefortsurvived.The next day a few men,

including Gerard and the

archbishop of Tyre, went toseeaboutburying thebodies.Halfway there,Gerard turnedback, “so painful andgrievous were his woundsfromthedaybefore.”71CountRaymondhad tocomeout tohelp with the cleanup, “verysorrowfulandgreatlyangeredat the events of the daybefore,andallbecauseofthepride of the master of theTemplars.”72

The one good thing thatcame out of this was thatKing Guy and CountRaymond were reconciled.Gerard doesn’t seem to havehad any sort of reprimandfromeitherofthem.The main source for this

event is an unknownchronicler who clearlyfavored Raymond. PerhapsGerard didn’t always adviseunpreparedattacks.Itwashis

survivingthemthatmadehimlookbad.When Saladin learned that

Count Raymond had madepeace with the king, heattackedthecount’smaincityof Tiberias while Raymondwas away. Raymond’s wife,Eschiva, sent word to himthat she was holding out inthecitadelofthecitybutthatthingsweredesperate.

Reading the Moslem andChristian accounts of whathappenednext,Iamstruckbythe similarity of the reasonsfor battle, at least accordingto the authors of that time.King Guy is advised to “goand chase Saladin out of thekingdom at the firstopportunity;[because]hewasin the early days of hiskingshipand,ifhelethimselfappear a fool in the eyes of

the Saracens, Saladin wouldtake advantage of him.”73Saladin’s advisers told him“to pillage the FrankishterritoriesandtogivebattletoanyFrankisharmythatmightappearintheirpath,‘BecauseintheEastpeoplearecursingus, saying that we no longerfight the infidels but havebegun to fight Moslemsinstead. So we must dosomethingtojustifyourselves

andsilenceourcritics.’”74

TheBattleofHattinandthe

lossoftheTrueCross.(TheBritishLibrary)

So, being men, they tooktheir armies and rode out tosaveface.Whatbecameknownasthe

BattleofHattintookplaceonJuly 4, 1187. The crusadersweredefeatedinthespaceofsix hours. King Guy, GerardofRidefort, andmany otherswere captured. The True

Cross, which was alwayscarried intobattle,waseitherlostortakenbySaladin.75

All the Templars taken atHattin were beheaded—exceptGerardofRidefort.The Grand Master was

heldcaptiveforaboutayear,during which time Saladin’sarmies rolled over thecountry,takingJerusalemandmany of the coastal cities. It

was said that Gerard tradedhis freedom for the TemplarfortatGaza.Itsurrenderedathisorder.76

Once released, Gerardjoined King Guy in theattempt to regain the city ofAcre. This time he did notsurvive. He died in battle inOctober1191.Werehisrashactsandbad

advice responsible for many

ofthedecisionsthatledtothefallofJerusalem?It’shardtosay. The anonymouschronicler seems to blamehim.But if so, thenwhy didthe king keep taking himback? Why did the otherTemplars still obey him?Maybe he was slandered. Ormaybehewas suchavibrantand charismatic person thathecouldgetawaywithalot.Now the spotlight moves

from the master of theTemple to the twomen whostill define crusading in theminds of most people,Saladin and Richard theLionheart.But firstweneedtosetthestage.1Marquis d’Albon, CartulaireGénéral de l’Ordre duTemple 1119?-1150 (Paris,1913)p.44,charterno.61.

2Alfred Richard, Histoire desComtesdePoitout.IV1086-1137 (Pau: Princi Negue,2004)p.163.3Albon,p.87,charterno.125.4Rudolf Heistand,Papsturkunden für Templaerund Johanniter (Göttingen,1972)pp.205-10.

5T.S.R.Boase,KingdomsandStrongholdsof theCrusaders(London: Thames andHudson,1971)p.86.6Albon, no. 145, p. 102; no.72,p.55;no.324,pp.204-5.Also see chapter 24,Templars and Money, andchapter 8, Go Forth andMultiply.

7Malcolm Barber, The NewKnighthood (CambridgeUniversityPress,1994)p.70.8Suzanne Duparc-Quioc, LeCycle de la Croisade (Paris,1955)p.203.9Barber,p.74.10

Please see chapter 16,Between the Second andThird Crusades (1150-1191).11William of Tyre, 17, 27, pp.797-99.12Ibn al-Qalanisi, TheChronicles of Damascus ed.and tr. H. A. R. Gibb(London: Dover, 2002;

reprintof1935ed.)p.316.13Barber,p.71.14See below for Bernard’sletters to and about Andrew.It’s too bad that we don’thaveAndrew’stohim.15Albon,CartulaireGénéraldel’Ordre du Temple 1119?

-1150(Paris,1913)p.1.16“Fragmentd’unCartulairedel’Ordre de Saint Lazare, enTerre-Sainte,” Archives del’OrientLatinTomeII(Paris,1884)p.126,charterVI.17Bernard of Clairvaux, OperaOmnia Vol. 1 (Paris, 1889)col. 435, letter CCVI, “et siverum est testimonium quod

de vobis perhibit charissimusaunclus meus Andreas, cummultumcredimus,ethic,etineaterum Deo miseranteregnabatis.”18Ibid., cols. 374-375, letterCCLXXXIX. “Saneintervenit Andreascharissimus avunculus meus,cui in nulo decrederepossimus, scripto suo nobis

significans meliora; quodscilicet pascifice etmansuetete habeas; fraters de Templodilegasetfamiliarshabeas.”19Ibid., cols. 572-574, letterCCLXXXVIII.20“Fragment d’un Cartulaire,”129-130,chartersVIIIandX.21

Barber,p.70.22Chartes de Terre SainteProvenant de L’Abbaye deN.-D. de Josaphat, ed. H-François Delaborde (Paris,1880)p.70.23Quoted in Barber,Knighthood,p.70.24

Ibid.25WilliamofTyre.26Cartulaire des Templiers deDouzens,ed.PierreGardandElisabeth Magnou (Paris,1965) charter 200, pp. 172-73.27Douzenscharters,A38,185,

200, 207;C 4, 5, 6; see alsochapter41,TheCathars.28Michael Baigent, RichardLeigh, and Henry Lincoln,TheHolyBloodandtheHolyGrail (RandomHouse,1982)p.514,note12.29WiliamofTyre,book18,14,p. 831. Also in al-Qalanisi,The Damascus Chronicles of

the Crusades, ed. and tr. H.A. R. Gibb (Dover, 2002;reprint of 1932 ed.) pp. 366-67.30Recueil des historiens desGaule et de la France Vol.XVI, ed. Bouquet, et al.(Paris, 1878), letters 123,125,144,145.31For more on this, please see

chapter 16, Between theSecondandThirdCrusades(1150-1191).32MalcolmBarber,“Thecareerof Philip of Nablus in thekingdom of Jerusalem,” TheExperience of Crusading,Vol.2,DefiningtheCrusaderKingdom (CambridgeUniverstiy Press, 2003) pp.62-63.

33I have no idea why he wascalled that and would give agreatdealtofindout.34William of Tyre,Chronicon,Vol.II,ed.R.B.C.Huygens(Turnholt, 1986), book 17,21,p.790.35Barber,“PhilipofNablus,”p.63. Stephanie had the

misfortune to lose threehusbands, the last being theRaynald de Chatillon whowas personally beheaded bySaladin.36H.-François Delaborde, ed.,Chartes de Terre Sainteprovenantdel’AbbayedeN.-D. de Josaphat (Paris, 1880)p.84,charterno.36.37

“Fragment d’un Cartulaire,”126-27.Oneof thewitnesseswas Andrew of Montbard,futureGrandMaster.38Ibid.,p.129.39Ibid.,p.134.40Barber,“PhilipofNablus,”p.68.

41Ibid.,p.69.42Ibid.,p.71.No,Idon’tknowwhat happened to Henry theBuffalo.43Barber,Knighthood,p.106.44William of Tyre, p. 1146,“dominus Arabie Secunde,

queestPetracensi...etSyrieSobalquilocushodieMontisRegalis . . . utque transJordanum.”45Ibid.,19,22,p.893.46Ibid., 20, 22, p. 942,“PhilippumNeapolitatum,quiiammilitiaTemplideposueritmagistrum.”47

“Fragment,” pp. 146-47,charterno.29.48WiliamofTyre,book18,14,p. 831. Also in al-Qalanisi,The Damascus Chronicles ofthe Crusades, ed. and tr. H.A. R. Gibb (Dover, 2002;reprint of 1932 ed.) pp. 366-67.49“Fragment,” p. 140, charter

no.22.50WilliamofTyre,p.913,book20,1.51Ibid.,p.949,book20,26.52Ibid., p. 954, book 20, 30.“Rex autem legationemeorumletoanimoetgrantatorsuscipiens, petitionibus

eorum, sicut virdiscretissimuserat.”53Ibid.,p.955.54Ibid.55Peter W. Edbury and JohnGordon Rowe, William ofTyre: Historian of the LatinEast (Cambridge University

Press,1988)p.23forWalterMap,DeNugisCurialem.56John L. La Monte, FeudalMonarchy in the LatinKingdom of Jerusalem(Cambridge, MA: MedievalAcademy of America, 1932)p.219,WilliamofTyreXXI,xxix.57William of Tyre, 1002, book

21,28.“CaptisuntdenostrisOdo de Sancto Amandomilitia Templi magister,homo nequam, superbus etarrogans, spiritum furorishabens in naribus, nec demtimens nex ad hominemhabens reverentiam.” I don’tknowwhatthepartaboutfuryin the nostrils means. Odomayhavejusthadallergies.58

Dominic Sellwood, KnightsoftheCloister:TemplarsandHospitallers in Central-SouthernOccitaniac.1100-c.1300 (Woodbridge: Boydell,1999)p.155.59AlanForey,TheTemplars inthe Corona of Aragon(Oxford University Press,1973)pp.55-56.60

Cartulaire des Templiers deDouzens, ed. Pierre GérardandElisabethMagnou(Paris,1965) p. 246, charter no. B74.61Rudolph Hiestand,Papsturkunden für Templerand Johnniter (Göttingen,1972)pp.288-90.62Charles-JosephHefeleandH.

Leclercq, Histoire deConciles, Tome V, Part 2(Paris,1913)p.1087.63Ibid.,pp.1095-96.64WilliamofTyre,pp.1015-17,book22,7.65Barber,Knighthood,p.109.66

Peter W. Edbury, TheConquest of Jerusalem andthe Third Crusade: Sourcesin Translation (Ashgate,Aldershot,1998)p.39.67Ibid.,p.38.68Please see chapter 18,Saladin, and chapter 16,Between the Second andThird Crusades (1150-

1191),formoreinformation.69Edbury,p.32.70Ibn al-Athir, in ArabHistorians of the Crusades,tr. Francesco Gabrieli(Dorset,1969)p.117.71Edbury,p.34.72

Ibid.73Ibid.,p.37.74Ibnal-Athir,p.119.75Please see chapter 16 for amore complete discussion ofthe battle ofHattin, althoughnot too complete because Ithink it was stupid to begin

with and none of themseemed to give a thought toanythingbeyondtheirhonor.76Barber,Knighthood,p.117.

CHAPTERSIXTEEN

BetweentheSecondandThirdCrusades

(1150-1191)

In 1149, Louis VII and hisarmy returned to France.They had ac-complishednothingexcept todestroy the

truce between Jerusalem andDamascus and encourage theMoslems, who now saw thatthe Western warriors werenotallthatfearsome.Things just got worse. On

June 29, 1149, the dashingRaymond of Antioch whohad charmed his niece,Eleanor of Acqutaine, waskilled in battle. Nur ad-Dinhad his head and right armsent to Baghdad; the rest of

his body was taken back toAntioch for burial.1 He leftbehindawife,Constance,andfour young children.2 LikeMelisande, Constance wasthe heir of Antioch so shecould rule in her own right.But her cousin, Baldwin III,stillhadtocomeupandhelpwith the transition. Then, inMay 1150, Jocelyn, count ofEdessainexile,wascapturedby Nur ad-Din. He died in

captivitynineyearslater.Hiswife,Beatrice,heldoutinthefortress of Tel Bashir forsome time, but was finallyconvinced to turn over herlands to the Greeks, whocouldn’t hold them, either.3William of Tyre wrote,“Therefore,foroursins,bothcountieswerescarcelyabletosurvive,lackinggoodcouncil,undertheruleofwomen.”4

Nur ad-Din was the real

winner of the SecondCrusade.Becausethecitizensof Damascus had been soangered by the attack of thecrusaders, theyhadagreed in1154 to let the atabeg takeover the city.5 Nur ad-Dinwas then able to bring all ofMoslem Syria under hiscontrol.With the north solidly in

control of Nur ad-Din, KingBaldwin looked to the south.

The town of Gaza had beenabandonedandafortresswasbuilt nearby to block thesouthernroutefortradetothecoastal city of Ascalon.Ascalon was ruled by theFatimid caliphs and wasessential to trade betweenEgypt and the Middle East.When the fortress wasfinished,itwasturnedovertothe Templars to maintain.WhileWilliamofTyreisnot

always kind to the Templarshe states that in this case,“These strong and intrepidmen have held this trustfaithfullyandwiselyuntilthisvery day.”6Now, Everard deBarres was Grand Master ofthe Temple at this time, butprobably back in France. Soit’s not clear who was incharge.Therecordsareprettysparse.By 1153, it was obvious

that Everard wasn’t going tocome back. So Bernard ofTremelay was elected GrandMaster.Nothing is known of

Bernard and his time asGrand Master was so shortthattherearen’tanyexamplesof his administrative ability.His death, however, was anexample of both the positiveand negative images of theTemplars.

According to William ofTyre, King Baldwin hadn’tplanned on capturingAscalon. Itwasanextremelysolid fortress. He was justgoing to annoy theinhabitants by ravaging theirorchards.7But things went sowell that he decided tobesiegethecity.Since this was more than

he had intended, Baldwincalledforreinforcements.All

theprincesof theland,alongwith the patriarch ofJerusalem, various bishopsand archbishops, theTemplars, and theHospitallers, answered thecall.With them they broughtthe True Cross.8As the mostholy relic in Christendom, itwas brought to all the majormilitary engagements. TheTemplars were alwaysentrusted with its care and

protection.9

Thesiegelastedforseveralmonths.Atonepointagroupof pilgrims arrived fromEuropeandwerepressedintoservice as mercenaries.10Finally one of the walls ofthe city was breached.Bernard ofTremelay and theTemplars rushed in first. Forsome reason still debated, noone followed them. TheTemplars were all trapped

inside and killed.11 Despitethis setback, the siegecontinued and in June 1153,thecityfell.Thecitizenswereallowed to leaveunmolested.12

The capture of AscalonachievedwhattheFrenchandGerman crusaders had notbeen able to manage. TheLatin kingdoms nowcontrolled the entireMediterranean coast from

Egypt up to what is nowTurkey. Finally, thingsseemedbegoingwellagain.However, it wasn’t to last

long. In early 1157, a groupofChristiansattackedapartyof nomadic Turkomen nearthetownofBanyas,despiteatruce in effect. Nur-ad-Dinimmediatelybroughthisarmyto besiege the town. In theensuing battle the Frankisharmy was defeated. King

Baldwin barely escaped andseveral of the leaders weretaken hostage, including theking’s marshal and futureTemplar,Odo of St. Amand,andthecurrentGrandMaster,BertrandofBlancfort.13

Baldwin III spent the nextfewyearsshoringupdefensesaround his kingdom andmaking alliances that wouldprotect the territory ofJerusalem from Nur ad-Din.

His work was cut short,however, by his death in1163.WilliamofTyreswearsthatthekingwaspoisonedbythe doctor who gave him atonic against theapproachingwinter. But William issuspicious of the custom inthe East of trusting “Jews,Samaritans, Syrians andSaracens,”whomhefeltwere“absolutely ignorant of thescienceofmedicine.”14

Since Baldwin had nochildren,hisbrother,Almaric(or Amaury), became king.There was a slight glitchabout the succession becauseAlmarichadmarriedhisthirdcousin, Agnes. This wasconsidered incest,although ifshe had been his fourthcousin, it would have beenokay. However, Almaricobliginglyletthemarriagebeannulled as longas their two

children, Sybilla andBaldwin, were consideredlegitimate.Don’t feel too sorry for

Agnes. Almost immediatelyshe married her childhoodsweetheart,HughofIbelin.William of Tyre knew

KingAlmaricwell and givesa very interesting portrait ofhim. Like most of theFrankishkings,hewasblond.

He was slightly abovemedium height, say aboutfive feet and six to eightinches. He had a bit of aspeech impediment, whichmade him uncomfortablespeaking in public.Althoughhedidn’tovereator-drink,hewasmuch too fat “so thathehadbreasts [that]were likeawoman’s, hanging down tohis belt.”15Almaric was onlyin his late twenties! William

also thought Almaric wasgreedy, not very congenial,and a seducer of marriedwomen.And this is someonethatWilliam worked for andsupposedlyliked!Almaric was, however, a

strong ruler who insisted onjustice within the kingdom.His most importantaccomplishment was theAssise sur la liege. Thispronouncement made all the

small landholders and minorlordssubjectultimatelytotheking. In a dispute, the needsof thekingoutweighed thoseoftheliegelord.16

WhattheTemplarsthoughtof Almaric may have beenworse than William’sopinion, although they didn’trecord it. Most of Almaric’sreign was spent in trying toconquerEgyptandinkeepingNur ad-Din’s lieutenant,

Shirkuh,fromencroachingonhis kingdom. In 1165,ShirkuhcapturedacastlethatwasintheguardianshipoftheTemplars. Almaric believedthat they had made a dealwith the Saracens and hadtwelve Templarshanged.17Since thedisciplining of Templarbrothers was the business ofthe Grand Master and thepope, this did not go down

well with the current GrandMaster, Bertrand ofBlancfort.At this time, the Shi’ite

sultanofEgypt,Shawar,wasalsohavingproblemswiththeSunni Shirkuh.18 So Almaricsent an envoy to Cairo tonegotiate a treaty withShawar against the commonenemy.ItwasledbyHughofCaesarea,who spokeArabic,and the Templar Geoffrey

Fulcher.19Geoffrey neverbecame Grand Master butwas the procurator of theorder, something like anattorney. He was also anaccomplished diplomat whowas in contact with rulers intheWest.20

The men concluded atreaty and, for a time,Moslem andChristian joinedforces. However, in 1168,Almaric decided to invade

Egypt again.His excusewasthatShawarhadswitchedhisallegiance to Nur ad-Din, oratleastthattherewererumorsto thiseffect.21As the leaderof the Templars, Bertrand ofBlancfortrefusedtoallowhismen to join the expedition,especially to break a treatythat a Templar had helpedbroker. It seemed wrong tothe Templars to attack afriendly kingdom that relied

on them.Bertrand felt itwasagainstthetermsofthetreatyand against the laws ofreligion.22

Now,Williamthought thatthe real reason Bertrandrefusedtogowasbecausetheman who had suggested theinvasionwas the commanderof the Hospitallers, Gilbertd’Assaily.23 I couldn’t say.But the bad blood betweenthe Templars and the king

wasbuilding.The Templars were

fighting the Third Crusadelong before the ultimatecrusader king, Richard theLionheart, decided to cometo the Latin kingdoms andliberate Jerusalem. The FirstCrusade had succeeded inpart because the Europeanshappened to arrive when thevarious Moslem states werebusy fighting each other.

They were never to be thatluckyagain.By this time Shawar had

been defeated and Damascusand Egypt had been unitedunder oneman, Salah-ed dinYusefibnAyub,orSaladin .And the crusader kingdomswere in disarray. They werefighting among themselvesworsethanusualand, insteadof a strongwarrior, they hadonly a boy as king, Baldwin

IV.AndBaldwinwasaleper.One of the saddest stories

of theKingdomofJerusalemis that of Baldwin IV, onlyson of Melisande’s sonAlmaric.WhenBaldwinwasnine years old his tutor,WilliamofTyre,sawthefirstsigns of leprosy in the child.He says that he noticed thatwhen Baldwin was playingwithotherboysandtheywerepoking and pinching each

other, as boys do, Baldwinseemedtobeextremelybraveabout it. Then he realized itwasbecausetheboycouldn’tfeelthepain.24

Baldwin IV led his armiesand governed the kingdomuntilhis illnessprogressed tothe point of completedisability. When the “LeperKing” died in 1185, thethronewent to the sonofhissister, Sybilla. King Baldwin

Vwasaboutsixyearsoldandonly“ruled”forafewmonthsafter thedeathofhisuncle.25Thechilddiedin1186.After Baldwin V’s death,

his mother, Sybilla, was therightfulheirtothethrone,butthere was another group thatbelievedRaymond of Tripolishould rule. Sybilla wassupported by the currentGrand Master of theTemplars,GerardofRidefort.

The Templars and theHospitallers, along with thepatriarch of Jerusalem, wereentrustedwiththe

WilliamofTyreexaminingthewoundsofBaldwinIV.(TheBritishLibrary)

keys to the chest in whichthe royal crowns werekept.26Gerard convinced themasterof theHospitallers tohelp him open the chest sothat Sybilla could beofficiallycrowned.One objection to Sybilla

was her husband, Guy of

Lusignan. Guy had madeenemies. In return forRaymond’s support, Sybillapromised to divorce Guy, ifshe could be allowed tochoose her second husbandherself. Raymond and hissupporters agreed to this.SybilladivorcedGuyandwascrowned queen. Then shemarriedGuyofLusignan.27

So Guy was now king ofJerusalem. He was to rule

over the disintegration of thekingdom and the loss of thecity.THERE are many chroniclesof the Third Crusade, mostwritten within fifty years ofthe events. So we have thebenefit of many points ofview, not only Christian butalso Moslem. The role thatthe Templars played in theeventsofthetimeistherefore

given from severalperspectives. The trick isdecidingwhichone,ifany,isaccurate.One writer seems to be

impressedbythevalorof theTemplars during the timeleadingup to the crusade.Atthe battle of the Springs ofCresson, which took placetwomonthsbeforethefallofJerusalem, “a certainTemplar, . . . Jakelin de

Mailly by name, brought allthe enemy assault uponhimself through hisoutstanding courage. Whiletherestofhisfellowknights...hadeitherbeencapturedorkilled,heboretheforceofthebattlealoneandshoneoutasa glorious champion for thelaw of his God.”28 Theanonymous chroniclerdescribes thebattle asone inwhich the masters of the

Temple and Hospital withtheir fewmen facedan armyof thousands coming toravagetheland.However, another

chroniclerhasadifferenttakeon the battle. According tohim,SaladinhadatrucewithRaymond, count of Tripoli.The Saracens, under thecommand of Saladin’s son,cameintothecounty,harmedno one, and were leaving

when the master of theTemple, Gerard of Ridefort,insisted that they attack.Raymond had forbiddenanyone to break the truce.“The master of the Templewas a good knight andphysically strong but hetreated all other peoplewrongly as he was toopresumptuous.”29

According to thischronicler, Gerard convinced

the others to attack. Theresult was disaster. ThemasteroftheHospital,RogerdesMoulins,hadhisheadcutoffalongwithall theknightsof the Temple. Only threeescaped,onebeingthemasterof the Temple, Gerard deRidefort.30

Oddly,Gerardwasallowedto continue to give advice toKing Guy. His next counselled to the disaster known as

the Horns of Hattin and thecapture of Jerusalem bySaladin.1WilliamofTyre,Chronichon,ed. R. B. C. Huygens(Turnholt,1986)book17,10,p.772.2Ibid. Constance was thecousin of Baldwin III, whohad been married at the age

ofnine,muchtotheshockofhermother,Alice.3M. W. Baldwin, ed., TheCrusades:TheFirstHundredYears (Wisconsin UniversityPress,1969)pp.533-34.4WilliamofTyre,book17,11,p. 775. “Sic igitur peccatisnostris exigentibus utraqueregio, melioribus destituta

consiliis vix in se subsistens,femineoregebaturimperio.”5Jonathan Riley-Smith, TheCrusades (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 2005) p.105.6WilliamofTyre,book17,12,p.776.7

Ibid., book 17, 21, p. 789.Isn’t it interesting how oftentheneedforfreshfruitcomesintothesecampaigns?8Ibid., book 17, 21, “lignumdominice crucis vivificum etvenerabilesecumhabentes.”9Laurent Dailliez, Régle etStatus de l’Ordre du Temple(Paris:Dervy, 1996) p. 1 38,

rule no. 122, “Quant l’enporte le verais crois enchevauchée,leComandourdeJerusalemet lesXchevaliersla doivent garder nuit etjour.”10WilliamofTyre,book17,24,p.793.11Pleaseseechapter15,GrandMasters1136-1189.

12WilliamofTyre,book17,30,p. 803. This is confirmed bytheArabhistorianal-QalanisiinThe Damascus ChroniclesoftheCrusades,ed.andtr.H.A. R. Gibb (Dover, 2002;reprint of 1932 ed.) pp. 316,“and all of them who coulddepart left the city andproceeded by land or sea toEgyptandelsewhere.”

13Ibid.,book18,14,p.831.14Ibid., book 18, 34, p. 859,“phisicarumrationumprorsusignaris.”15Ibid., book19, 3, p. 868, “utmore femieo mamillashaberet cigulotenusprominentes.”

16Hans Eberhard Mayer, TheCrusades (Oxford UniversityPress,1988)p.117.17Hellen Nicholson, TheKnights Templar (London:Sutton,2001)pp.62-63.18For more on this situation,please see chapter 18,Saladin.

19William of Tyre, 19, 18, p.887.20Malcom Barber, The NewKnighthood (Cambridge,1994)p.96.21William of Tyre, 20, 5, p.917.22

Ibid., 20, 5, p. 917. Theyweresonaïve!23Ibid.24Ibid.25John L. La Monte, FeudalMonarchy in the LatinKingdom of Jerusalem 1100-1291 (Cambridge, MA:

Medieval Academy ofAmerica,1932)p.33.26Ibid.,p.34.27Peter W. Edbury, TheConquest of Jerusalem andthe Third Crusade: Sourcesin Translation (Ashgate,Aldershot,1998)pp.154-55.28

The Chronicle of the ThirdCrusade, ed. and tr.Helen J.Nicholson (Ashgate,Turnholt,1997)p.25.29Edbury,p.32.30Ibid.

CHAPTERSEVENTEEN

WhoWeretheSaracens,Anyway?InthefirstparagraphoftheLatinRuleoftheTemplars,theorder’s

purpose was stated thus: to

“defend the poor and thechurches”oftheHolyLand.1TheRule never actually saysagainst whom, but it wasunderstood that the greatestdanger to the poor and thechurches came from theSaracens.But who were the

Saracens? It’s not certainwhere the word came frombut itwas inuseby the timeof theRomans to refer to the

people of theArab peninsulaand,byassociation,itcametomean Moslems.2 It was ahandy term for the crusadersto use since they were fairlyvague on variations of beliefandethnicoriginsintheNearEast.The people of the area

were, and still are, a mix ofeverymigrationoftheworld.TheNearEastisthepathwayconnecting Europe, Africa,

andAsia,andevenarmiesontheir way to conquersomething else had to gothrough it to get there. Thefirst people to venture out ofAfrica went through on theirway topopulating the rest ofthe earth. The area has beenruledbyHittites,Phoenicians,Greeks, Persians, Jews,Romans, and Arabs. So bythe end of the eleventhcenturythestripoflandfrom

Suez to Constantinoplecontained ArmenianChristians, JacobiteChristians, Greek OrthodoxChristians, Orthodox Jews,Karaite Jews, Samaritans,ArabMoslems,PersianSunniMoslems, Druze, EgyptianShi’iteMoslems,andthenewguys, the Turks, who wereultraorthodox Sunni. Andthat’s just the religions. Thecomingof theFrankswasno

morethananewingredienttothemix.However, one problem the

Western invaders had wasthat they weren’t up on allthese variations. They didn’tunderstand that the JacobiteChristians were lessoppressed by the Moslemsthan by the Byzantines, orthat the Shi’ite city ofDamascus preferred dealingwith Christians than coming

under the dominance of theSunnicaliphsofBaghdad.In some ways, the

Templars as a group learnedtheropessoonerthanthenewprinces and counts of thecrusader kingdoms. In hisautobiography,deUsamaibnMunqidh, emir of Shaizar,relates a tale about visitingthe church that had beenmade next to theTemple inJerusalem (the Templars’

headquarters—before andafterthecrusades,themosqueof al-Aqsa). “Whenever Iwent into themosque,whichwas in the hands of theTemplarswhowerefriendsofmine,theywouldputthelittleoratoryatmydisposal,sothatI could say my prayersthere.”3 Usama was notparticularly fond of theFranksbuthesawandjudgedthem as individuals and did

have friends among them,includingTemplars.The Templars and

Hospitallers also had groupsofMoslemswho paid tributeto them. For instance theAssassins paid two thousandbezants a year to each order.In 1230, the two militaryorders joined forces to exactretribution from the town ofHamah, which refused topay.4

However, themaincontactthat the Templars had withthe “Saracens”was in battle.Among the Turks, their firstopponents, they came upagainst three very differentleaders: Zengi, Nur ad-Din,andSaladin.

ZENGI(IMADAL-DINATABEG)

Thefirstof thegreatTurkishadversaries of the crusaderswas known to the Franks asZengi (Zangi, Zanki), atabegof Mosul. For most of hisearly career Zengi, workingfor the Sunni caliphs ofBaghdad, concentrated ondefeating the Shi’ites ofEgypt and Damascus.5Hisfirst known contact with theTemplars was in 1137 nearMontferrand,inTripoli.

At that time Zengi hadcome to the defense of theMoslem fortress of Homs,anddefeatedPonsofTripoli,who died in the battle. As aresult,KingFulk came northwith a force that includedseveral Templars. TheNorman historian OrdericVitalisrelatesthestoryofthebattleanditsaftermath:Countless thousands of the

Pagansfell,butbythewillofGod, whose judgments arejust and right, almost thewhole Christian forcecrumbledandallexceptthirtyknights were slain. Only thekinghimselfescaped,withtenof his household knights andeighteen knights of theTemple,andfledtoacastle... called Montferrand wheretheystoutlyresisted,althoughbesieged for some time. . . .

Zengi, although he had lostthousands of his men by theswordsoftheChristians,wasnevertheless elated atwinning the victory he hadhopedfor.6

Atthispoint,Zengiwasmoreconcerned with conqueringShi’ite towns than attackingtheFranks.But,sincehewasin the neighborhood, theopportunity was too good to

passup.Hehadn’thadmuchluckwith theShi’ite townofHims, and so the defeat ofFulk and his army wasespeciallysatisfying.He thenbesieged the remnant of thearmyatMontferrandandhadreduced them to eating theirhorses and dogs, when areliefforceappeared.7

The Chronicles ofDamascus reports that Zengiwas still the victor, even

though he had to leave thefield:It became necessary underthe circumstances to grantthebesiegedtheirliberty,andhe made an agreement withthem, on the grounds thatthey acknowledged hissuzerainty,and stipulated fora sum of fifty thousanddinars,whichtheyshouldpayhimforthwith.8

Orderic doesn’t mention apayment or that King Fulkagreed that Zengi should behis lord. He states that thetwo men agreed to anexchange of prisoners andthat Fulk, not knowing thatrelief was on the way,surrendered the castle inreturnforfreedom.9

It’s interesting to me thatboth the Moslem and

Christian accounts use thesame language and that bothZengi and Fulk are fightingby the same conventions.Foot soldiers are killed;leaders and noblemen heldfor ransom. However faraparttheworldsmayseemtobe,thesearemenofthesamewarrior culture. The fact isthat they are part of a longtradition of Romans, Greeks,and Persians invading each

other over many centuries.Even though Fulk was ofGerman stock and ZengiTurkish,theyhadeachgrownup in a society in which therulesofwarwereidentical.Zengi then turned his

attention back to his mainobjective of gaining controlof Shi’ite towns. In 1139 hebegantoprepareforthesiegeof Damascus. After sometime and several bloody

battles outside the walls ofthe city, the leaders ofDamascus sent to Fulk ofJerusalem for aid. Fulkagreedandmadeatreatywiththe city.10On hearing this,Zengi backed off, contentinghimselfwithraidsonsmallervillages, both Moslem andChristian, from which helooted “an innumerablequantity of horses at pasture,sheep and goats, cattle and

furnishings.”11

YouseewhatImeanaboutthe rules of war. That’sexactly what the Christianforcesweredoing.Even though he was more

concerned with uniting theMoslem towns under Sunnigovernment, Zengi stillattacked Christian outposts.The Templar castle near theJordan River was built as a

resultofZengi’smassacreofsixmonkswhowerelivinginachurchthere.12

Whileheneverwasabletotake Damascus, Zengi’sgreatest triumph was theconquestofthecityofEdessaonChristmasEve1144.Thiswas the event that led to theSecondCrusade.

NURAD-DIN

ThesonofZengi,Nurad-Din(Nural-Din,Nurandin)wasafitsuccessortohisfatheranda daunting opponent to thecrusaderstates.Inappearancehe was “a tall, swarthy manwith a beard but nomoustache and a pleasantappearance enhanced bybeautiful,meltingeyes.”13

Unlike Zengi, who was

basically interested in thepolitical conquest of Shi’itesaswellasChristians,Nurad-Din saw his mission as theelimination of the Latinkingdoms and the return ofJerusalemtoMoslemcontrol.He left a number ofinscriptions on publicbuildingsthatemphasizethis.Onesignofhisdeterminationto return to a pure form ofIslam is that the language of

these inscriptions is Arabic,not Turkish or Persian, likethose of his father.14He hasbeen credited withreintroducing the idea ofjihad, or religious war, intotheMoslemworld.15

His most remarkable featwas in 1154 when he tookover the government ofDamascus throughpropagandarather thanforce.The leaders of Damascus

feared him enough to makean alliance with the Franksbut the people of the townhad been listening to stories,songs, and sermons abouthowNur ad-Dinwas a “truemujahid” and the only onewho could assure a victoryfor Islam.16 They decided tooverthrow their leaders andinviteNurad-Dinin.Nur ad-Din died in

Damascus onMay 15, 1174.

Despitethenearlythirtyyearsof war between him and theLatin states,WilliamofTyrestill wrote that “he was ofgreat renown, a just prince,persecutor of the Christianfaith, cunning and prudentandreligiousaccordingtothetraditionsofhispeople.”17

Nur ad-Din would besucceeded not by the son heleft behind,butby the leaderwho, for the West, is the

archetypal Saracen, theKurdSaladin.1“Paupers aut Ecclesiasdefendere,” in LaurentDailliez, Règle et Status del’Ordre du Temple (Paris:Dervey,1996)p.324.2Oxford English Dictionary(Oxford University Press,1971)p.2639.

3“Usama,” in FrancescoGabrieli, Arab Historians ofthe Crusades (New York:Dorset,1989) tr. fromItalianbyE.J.Costellop.79.4Ph.GourdinandG.Martinez-Gros (dirs) Pays d’Islam etmonde latin 950-1250(Tourai,2001)p.263.5

Abua’lá Hamzah ibn AsadIbn al-Qalanisi, TheDamascus Chronicles of theCrusades, tr. H. A. R. Gibb(NewYork:Dover,2002).p.227ff.6Orderic Vitalis, TheEcclesiastical History ofOrderic Vitalis ed. and tr.Marjorie Chibnall (OxfordUniversity Press, 1978) Vol.

VI,bookXIII,v.94,pp.496-97.7Ibid.8IbnAl-Qalanisip.243.9Orderic Vitalis, op. cit., pp.500-03.10IbnAl-Qalanisi,pp.259-60.

11Ibid.,p.262.12Malcom Barber, The NewKnighthood (CambridgeUniversityPress,1996)p.89.13Ibn Al-Athir, in Gabrieli p.68. Ibn Al-Athir (555/1160-630/1233) wrote a history ofthe Moslem world. He wasfourteen when Nur ad-Din

died.14Yasser Tabbaa, “Monumentswith aMessage: Propagationof Jihad under Nur Al-Din,”inVladimirP.Gross,ed.,TheMeeting of Two Worlds(Kalamazoo, MI: MedievalInstitute,1986)p.224.15Ibid.,pp.223-37.16

GourdinandGros,p.195.17William of Tyre,Chronicon,ed. R. B. C. Huygens(Turnholt, 1986) 20, 31, p.956. “Noradinus, maximusnominis et fidei christianepresequutor, princes tamenjustus, vafer et providus etsecundum gentis suetraditionesreligiosus.”

CHAPTEREIGHTEEN

Saladin

In medieval and modernlegend, he was the mostchivalrous of all thoseinvolved with the crusades.Hewasmightyandmerciful,wise and brave.Hewas alsothe man who destroyed the

dream of a ChristianJerusalem and started theslow retreat of the Latinkingdoms.Inthewestheisknownas

Saladin.Salah-ed din Yusef ibn

Ayub was born in the year1138.1His familywasof theRawadiyaclanofKurdswhohadmigratedtoBaghdadandentered the service of the

caliphs. They were devoutSunni Moslems and Yusef,thatis,Saladin,wasashiningexample of the ideal warriorfororthodoxIslam.Saladin’sfather,Ayub,was

governor of the town ofBaalbekinSyria.Saladinwasborn in Tikrit, north ofBaghdad, and spent hischildhoodinMosul.2In1152,at the age of fourteen, heenteredtheserviceofNurad-

Din, the son of Zengi, whohad captured Edessa,precipitating the SecondCrusade.3

Shi’ite Damascus wasoften a reluctant ally of thekingsofJerusalemagainsttheincursions of the newlyconverted Sunni Turks.When, in 1157 Nur ad-Dintook Damascus the onlymajor Shi’ite stronghold leftwas Egypt. The country had

been weakened by internalbattlesforpower.TheShi’iteFatimid dynasty was failing.Around1162,theviziertotheFatimidcaliphs,Shawar,wasunseated in a palace coup.Shawar fled to Syria andconvinced Nur ad-Din tosupport him in an attempt toregain power. Nur ad-Dinsent his lieutenant Asad al-DinShirkuhtoleadthearmy.With him Shirkuh took his

nephewSaladin.4

Shawarwasrestoredtohisposition in1164andShirkuhandSaladinreturnedtoSyria.However, Shawar was“obsessed by the fear of aTurkish invasion.”5Nottrusting his Turkish-Sunniallies, he contacted theFrankish king, Almaric, whohad already been innegotiations with theEgyptiansandaskedtheking

toprotecthimfromShirkuhifnecessary. The king’srepresentatives to the vizierwereHugh,lordofCaesarea,and Geoffrey Fulcher, aTemplar.6

Almaric agreed to joinforces with Shawar. Thecombinedarmieswereabletoroust Shirkuh from the townof Balbis, which he hadrecently taken. But, whileAlmaricandhismenwere in

Egypt, Nur ad-Din tookadvantageofthesituationandattacked the Latin city ofBanyas.7 Thiswas typical ofthe problems of the Latinkingdoms. There were toomanyfrontstodefend.In1167,KingAlmaricand

Vizier Shawar again metShirkuh in battle. In thisbattle Saladin distinguishedhimself, capturing the envoy,HughofCaesarea, andmany

others.8However, afterdefending the city ofAlexandria during a longsiege, Saladin and his unclewere forced to retreat onceagain.Finally in 1168, Almaric

was told that Shawar wassendingmessages toNur ad-Din, asking for his help tomaintainpowerinEgypt.Itisnotatallcertainthatthiswastrue.AccordingtoWilliamof

Tyre,theTemplarsrefusedtotake part in this expeditionbecause they didn’t believeShawarhadbrokenthetreaty.He also suggests that theTemplars were annoyedbecause the invasionwas theideaofGilbertd’Assaily, themaster of theHospital.9Williamalwayshadmixed feelings about theTemplars.Whatever the reason,

Shawar was seriouslyweakened by the Christianattack. After he had madeanother truce with Almaric,the king retreated back toJerusalem, leaving the wayopenforShirkuhandSaladin.Shawar greeted the Turks

as rescuers but Shirkuh washighly suspicious of a manwho made treaties withidolaters against otherMoslems. He felt that this

was because the caliphs ofEgypt were, in his mind,Shi’iteheretics.Therefore,hedecidedtooustthevizier.10

Saladin was dispatched toarrestShawar.ThevizierwasbeheadedandhisheadsenttoCairo. Shirkuh was madevizier in his place.11 TheFatimid caliphs were kept aspuppet kings for the timebeing.

Saladin’s biographer statesthat Shirkuh “was a greateater, excessively given topartaking of rich meats. Hesuffered many bouts ofindigestion.”12OnMarch22,1169, Saladin’s uncle died,perhaps after a particularlyrich meal, and Saladinbecame vizier of Egypt. Henever looked back. In 1170he captured Gaza, a frontiertown long held by the

Templars.Like Nur ad-Din, Saladin

was devoutly orthodox andbelieveditwashisdutytoridthe Holy Land of infidels.Like the Christians, he alsobelieveditnecessarytoeitherconvert or silence hereticswithinhisown faith, like theShi’ites.Oneofhisfirsttasksin Egypt was “strengtheningthe Sunni cause and plantingin the local population pious

learning, law, Sufi practiceand [true] religion.”13 Thisincluded the crucifixion oftheSufihereticalSuhrawadiin 1180 because “itwas saidthatherejectedtheHolyLawanddeclareditinvalid.”14

When the last Fatimidcaliph died in 1171, Saladinreplaced him. His dynastywould be known as theAyyubids, after Saladin’sfather,Ayub.

Onceestablished inEgypt,Saladin put his energy intodrivingout theFranksand inestablishinghisindependencefrom Nur ad-Din withoutcausinganoutrightruptureintheir relations. Hewas aidedin both these things by thedeaths in 1174 of both Nurad-Din,onMay15,andKingAlmaric,onJuly11.15Nurad-Din’s heir was a young boy.Almaric’s was the thirteen-

year-old Baldwin IV, whohad suffered from leprosysincetheageofnine.Neitherwas able to provide theleadership needed, althoughpoorBaldwintried.Saladin seems to have felt

that he was the spiritual heirofNur ad-Din.He took overthe city of Damascus andmarriedNurad-Din’swidow.Now he controlled bothEgyptandDamascus.Hewas

able to attack the Latinkingdoms from both the eastand the west.16Jerusalembraced for the blow. Instead,to the great relief of theChristians,

Saladin.(ArtResource,NY)

Saladin turned east tofinish taking over the landsthatNurad-Dinhadlefttohisyoung son, including thecitiesofMosulandAleppo.In 1180, Saladin made an

alliancewiththeSeljuksultanofAnatolia,KilijArslanII,inordertofightagainstthetownofMosul.17Hemarriedoneof

his daughters to Kilij’s son,whoslowlypushedhisfatherout of office and proved astrongsupporterofhisfather-in-law.While still working to

capture Mosul, Saladin wasabletotakeAleppo,whichhegavetohisbrother,al-Adil,togovern.18

Mosul still heldout, so, in1185, Saladin made a four-

year truce with youngBaldwin, despite his earlierreservations about thosewhomake treatieswith infidels inordertofightotherMoslems.What happened next

depends on one’s point ofview. But, in one of theunpredictable quirks ofhistory, the fate of Jerusalemmayhavebeendecidedbytheactions of one hotheadedman.

Once upon a time therewas a knight namedReynaldde Chatillon. He was goodlooking and adventurous, butpoor.So,perhapsseducedbyromance tales popular inFrance,hecametoAntiochinthe1150stoseekhisfortune.Amazingly,hefounditinthepersonofConstance,princessofAntioch.Shehadbeenthelittlegirlmarriedattheageofnine toRaymond of Poitiers.

Raymond was dead andConstancewasnotinclinedtomarry again for the good ofthe realm. Instead, she choseReynald.19

Hewasn’tpopularwithhisin-laws. When Reynald wascaptured by Nur ad-Din in1160, no one bothered toransomhim.20By the timehewas freed in 1176, his wifehad died. Since she was theheiress of Antioch, Reynald

hadnoclaimonherproperty.The soldier of fortune wasonceagainwithoutfunds.Captivity seems to have

done nothing to diminish hischarm.ThenextyearReynaldmarried Stephanie of Milly,the daughter and heiress ofTemplar Philip of Nablus.Throughher,Reynaldgainedcontrol of the province ofOutrejordan.

According to most of thechronicles, Reynald felt thatthe truce with Saladin didn’tapply to him. He behavedmuchliketheMoslemraidershad in the first part of thecentury.Heattackedpilgrimson their way to Mecca,burnedtowns,and,asthelaststraw, in 1187 he pillaged aMoslem caravan going fromCairotoBaghdad.“Heseizedit treacherously, maltreated

andtortureditsmembers....They reminded him of thetruce, but he replied, ‘Tellyour Mohammad to releaseyou.’”21

Reynald was handsome,charming, adventurous, andstupid.This either gave Saladin

theexcusehe’dbeen lookingfor or tried his patience forthelast time.Itwasprobably

alittleofboth.By 1187 Baldwin IV had

died.Hisreplacementwashissister, Sybilla, and herhusband, Guy of Lusignan.Guy was another adventurerand not universally popular.He and his supporter,Templar Grand MasterGerard of Ridefort, hadproblems with CountRaymondofTripolithatwereserious enough for Raymond

to make his own truce withSaladin.22But,whenReynaldabsolutely refused to returnthe booty he had taken fromthe caravan, even thoughKing Guy insisted, everyoneknew that Saladin had theperfectreasontoattack.The result was the

disastrousbattleoftheHornsofHattinonJuly4,1187.23

Among the men captured

at Hattin were King Guy,Master Gerard of Ridefort, alarge number of TemplarsandHospitallers,andReynaldde Chatillon. The worst losstotheChristians,though,wasthe True Cross, carried intobattleinagoldreliquary.Saladin had the important

prisoners brought to his tent.HeofferedKingGuyacupofwater. When the king hadfinished drinking, he handed

the cup to Reynald. Saladinwas furious. “This godlessman did not have mypermission to drink!” heroared. “And I will not savehis life in that way.”24Withthat he took his sword andbeheaded Reynald ofChatillonhimself.25

It must have been verysatisfying, ifdamaging to thecarpets.

King Guy and Gerard ofRidefort were ransomed butthe rest of the Templars andHospitallers were alsobeheaded. “He had theseparticularmenkilledbecausethey were the fiercest of allthe Frankishwarriors, and inthis way he rid the Muslimpeopleofthem.”26

Afterthis,Saladinwasableto roll across the countrypractically unhindered. He

took Acre on July 10,Ascalon on September 4.Although Queen Sybilladefended the city ofJerusalem as best she could,there were no more fightingmen left. Saladin captured iton October 2, 1187. Heallowed the people of thetown to pay their ownransoms. The patriarch ofJerusalem asked theHospitallers for thirty

thousandbezantstocovertheransoms of seven thousandpoor people. That wasdelivered, but some peoplewere still unredeemed. TheTemplars, Hospitallers, andthe burgesses of Jerusalemwere asked to donate moreandtheydid,“buttheydidn’tgive as much as they shouldhave.”27

Even the Christianchroniclers remarked on the

generosityofSaladinandthatof his family in theirtreatment of the people ofJerusalem. Saif al-Din,Saladin’s brother, asked forthe freedom of one thousandmorepeopleand,onhisown,Saladin freed thousandsmore.28However there weremanywhocouldnotpayandthey were sold as slaves.29One Moslem chroniclerrelates thefateof thewomen

ofthecitywithdelight.“Howmany well-guarded womenwere profaned, . . . andmiserly women forced toyieldthemselves,andwomenwho had been kept hiddenstrippedoftheirmodesty,andserious women maderidiculous, . . . and virginsdishonoured and proudwomen deflowered . . . anduntamed ones tamed andhappyonesmadetoweep!”30

On all sides, it seemschivalryonlygoessofar.Then Saladin set out to

purify the city. “TheTemplars had built theirliving quarters against al-Aqsa, with storerooms andlatrines and other necessaryoffices, taking up the area ofal-Aqsa.Thiswasallrestoredtoitsformerstate.”31

When Europe learned of

thefallofJerusalemthepope,UrbanIV,issaidtohavediedfrom the shock. Henry II ofEngland and Philip II ofFrancewereconvincedtocalla truce in their constantbattles and establish a tax,knownastheSaladintithe,tofinance armies to retake thecity.32

Eventually FrederickBarbarossa, the Holy RomanEmperor, Philip Augustus,

king of France, andRichardthe Lionheart, king ofEngland, came to retake theHoly Land. In the chroniclesoftheEuropeans,Saladinisadangerous but magnanimousruler.Inthechroniclesof theMoslems, Richard is adangerous but cultivatedruler. Perhaps both sides feltthat their respective heroesdeserved a worthy opponent.Each seems to have been

more respected by theirenemiesthantheirownside.Ihaveoftenheardandread

that, when Richard was ill,Saladinwassograciousastosend his own doctor to theking. However, in goingthrough the firsthandaccounts from both sides, Ihaven’t found any referenceto it. What I did find was acomment from Ba’ha al-Dinthat Richard asked Saladin

forfruitandice,ashecravedthem. The sultan “wassupplying him with [these,]while intending to gainintelligence by the to-and-froingofthemessengers.”33

Saladin was in his earlyfifties at the time of thecrusade and his beard hadturnedwhite.Richardwas inhis early thirties and Philipsome ten years younger. Thesultan must have felt that he

was going to war againstschoolboys.Richardseemstohave surprised him with hismilitary and diplomatic skill.Reading through thechronicles, especially theinterminable negotiatingthrough envoys, interspersedwith skirmishes, I get theimpression that this was acontest between equals.Bothmen fought in the name of areligionthateachbelievedin.

Theyhad the same rules andmuchthesamebattletactics.Whether they were

gentlemen or barbarians isentirelyamatterofopinion.Eventually Saladin

accepted a division of thecountryandallowedChristianpilgrims to come again toJerusalem. He returned toDamascus to resume thegoverning of his far-flung

territory. In late February1193, he fell ill and, despiteall the efforts of his doctors,diedonMarch3,attheageoffifty-five.34He left manychildren and grand-children,but his dynasty would onlylast three generations.Without his guidinginfluence, brothers andcousins would fight eachother until they wereovercome by the Mamluks,

the equivalent of the palaceguardofEgypt.Saladin was such a grand

figure that he was respectedaswellasfearedintheWest.Unlike the Templars, hewasthe subject of romanceliterature. By the fifteenthcentury, there were severalstories about him, includinghowhehadmadeajourneytoFrance as a young man andhad an affair with the queen

ofFrance.35

It seemed impossible tosomethatsuchamagnificentman could be totally fromanotherculture.Theauthorofthe thirteenth-centuryromance “The Daughter ofthe Count of Pontieu”decidedthathemusthavehadsome European ancestry. Inthe story, the heroine iskidnapped by a Saracen kingwho treats her well and by

whom she has children.However, she longs to returntoChristian landsand finallyescapes. One of the childrenshe leaves behind becomesthe grandmother of the“chivalrous Saladin.”36Ofcoursethereisnotruthtothestory. But it does show howthe legend of the “chivalrousSaladin” penetrated even inthelandsofhisenemies.Thelegendsurvivestothis

day.1Stanley Lane-Poole, Saladinand the Fall of the Kingdomof Jerusalem (NewYork: G.P.Putnam’sSons,1898)p.6.2Baha’ al-Din Ibn Shaddad,The Rare and ExcellentHistory of Saladin, tr. D. S.Richards (Ashgate,Aldershot,2002)p.17.

3Hans Eberhard Mayer, TheCrusades (Oxford UniversityPress,1988;2nded.)p.121.4Ba’haal-Din,p.17.5Ibid.,p.18.6Malcolm Barber, The NewKnighthood (Cambridge

UniversityPress,1994)p.96.7William of Tyre,Chronicon,ed. R. B. C. Huygens(Turnholt, 1986)19,5-11,pp.872-79. Banyas had been anAssassin town but they hadturned it over to the FranksratherthanlettheSunnihaveit.8William of Tyre, 19, 25, p.

899.9Ibid.,20,5,p.918.10Ba’haal-Din,p.44.11Ibid. They were alwayssendingheads toBaghdadorCairo. Don’t you wonderwhattheydidwiththemall?12

Ibid.,p.45.13Ibid.14Ibid.,p.20.15William of Tyre, 20, 31, pp.956-57.16Mayer,p.124.17

Ibid.,p.125.18Ba’haal-Din,p.63.19Thisstoryisinmosthistoriesof the crusades, as well asWilliam of Tyre. One of thebest summaries of his life isin René Grousset, HistoiredesCroisadesetduRoyaumeFranc de Jérusalem (Paris,1935) p. 699ff. For more on

Constance, see chapter 10,Melisande, Queen ofJerusalem.20Mayer,p.115.21Ba’haal-Din,p.37.22Barber,p.113.23Pleaseseethereferencetothe

Third Crusade elsewhere inthisbook.24Imad ad Din, in ArabHistorians of the Crusades,tr. Francesco Gabrieli(Dorset,1969)p.124.25Ibid.Ba’haal-Din,p.75,saysthat Saladin only cut off hisarm and others finished himoff.Itturnedoutthesamefor

Reynald.26Ibid., p. 124. Otherchroniclers agree that themembers of the militaryorders were killed, but onlythisonegivesareason.27Chronique d’Ernoul et deBernard le Trésorier, ed. m.L. De Mas Latrie (Paris,1871) p. 226, “et li Temples

et leHospitaus idonna;maisn’idonnerentmietantcomeildeussent.”28Ernoul, p. 228. This waswrittenlongaftertheevent.Itmayormaynotbetrue,butitdoes show that theWest sawSaladinasachivalrousman.29Ibn al-Athir in Gabrieli, p.163.

30Ibid.31Ibid.,p.144.32Mayer,pp.139-40.33Ba’haal-Din,p.228.34Ibid.,p.244.

35Suzanne Duparc-Quioc, LeCycle deLaCroisade (Paris,1955)pp.170-205.36LaFilleduComtedePontieu(Paris: Société des AnciensTextesFrançais,1923)p.50,“ensicomveritéstesmoingne,de cele fu nee le mere aucourtoisSalehadin.”

CHAPTERNINETEEN

RichardtheLionheart

He was lofty of stature, ofshapely build, his hairhalfway between red andyellow,hislimbsstraightandsupple. His arms weresomewhat long and,therefore, better fitted than

thoseofmostmentodraworwield a sword. He also hadlong legs in keepingwith thecharacterofhiswholeframe.. . . He far surpassed othermen in courtesy and thegreatnessofhisstrength.”1

Richard I, count of Poitouand king of England, betterknown as “the Lionheart,” isanother figure whose legend

hasobscuredhis realhistory.Like theTemplars,Richard’slegend began in his ownlifetime and continued togrowlongafterhisdeath.Richard was born at

Oxford on September 8,1157.2 His mother, Eleanor,was countess of Poitou andduchess of Aquitaine in herown right as well as havingbeen queen of France beforeshe became queen of

England.3 His father, HenryPlantagenet, was descendedthrough his mother, Matilda,fromWilliam the Conquerorand through his father,Geoffrey of Anjou, from thedevil.4

The story is that a distantancestress of Richard wasMelusine, a demon indisguisewhomarriedacountof Anjou. She seemedperfectlynormalexcept fora

habit of leaving churchhalfway through the Mass.One day, suspicious vassalsforced her to stay in thechurchfortheconsecrationoftheHost, atwhich point, sheshrieked and vanishedforever, leaving a startledhusbandandchildrenbehind.The Plantagenets alwaysseemed very proud of her.However,thissamestorywastold about a number of

medieval families as well asbeing a popular theme infiction so they were notunique in their fascinatingancestry.Nevertheless, according to

acontemporary,Richardwasknown tohavesaid,“It’snotstrange that, with such afamily history, the childrenare always attacking theirparents and each other forthey all came from the devil

and to the devil they willreturn.”5

But Richard also hadstrong ties to the earlycrusaders and to the Latinkingdoms. His great-grandfather Fulk of Anjouhad started a second life asking of Jerusalem when hemarried Melisande, theheiress to the kingdom. Andhismother’suncle,RaymondofPoitiers,haddonethesame

thing when he married theheiress of Antioch.6And, ofcourse, his mother Eleanorhad scandalized half thecontinentwithheradventureswith her first husband,LouisVIIofFrance,ontheSecondCrusade.Richard was the third son

of Henry and Eleanor. Thefirst, William, had died as ababy.Thesecond,Henry,wasbeinggroomedtobethenext

kingofEngland.Richardwasto inherit hismother’s lands.Therefore, he spent much ofhis time in Poitou andAquitaine. This territory wasnotonly larger thanEngland,but much more prosperousand produced much betterwine. I don’t blame Richardforbeingattachedtoit.Oneoftenrepeatedstoryis

thatRichard passed less thanayearofhis life inEngland.

That’s not exactly true. Hespent less than a year inEngland as king. In his earlyyearshewentbackand forthacross the channel severaltimes. His parents probablyleft him with his nanny,Hodierna, much of the time.ShemayhavecomefromtheOxfordarea.Hewascertainlyfond of her, and when hebecame king he gave her alargepensionthatallowedher

toretiretoWiltshireinstyle.7

Like most of the Anglo-Norman nobility, Richardnever learned to speakEnglish. He did, however,learntoreadandwriteFrenchand Provençal and “wassufficiently well-educated inLatin to be able to crack aLatinjokeattheexpenseofaless learned Archbishop ofCanturbury.”8

He became king in July1189attheageofthirty-two.His elder brother Henry haddied.AtthetimeRichardwasatwarwithhisfatherandnoton great terms with hisyounger brothers, Geoffreyand John. His mother hadbeenimprisonedbyhisfatherforseveralyearsasaresultofherplotsagainsthim.Maybethere is something to thedemonstory.

The year before heassumed the throne, Richardhad been one of the first toanswerthesummonsofPopeGregory VII for the ThirdCrusade.Asking,henotonlystillhadtofulfillthisvowbutalso to honor that of hisfather,HenryII,whohadalsopromisedtogo.9

But before that hewent toWestminster for his officialanointingandcoronation.On

September 13, 1189, hebecameRichardIofEngland.He then immediately setabout collecting as muchmoneyashecouldtofinancehis expedition to the HolyLand.10 “He put up for saleeverything he had—offices,lordships, earldoms,sherriffdoms, castles towns,lands,thelot.”11Hewasalsoable to collect the tax thatHenry II had started, known

as the “Saladin tithe,” whichshows that the people ofEurope knew who had takenJerusalem from them. Thiswas not always paidcheerfully, especially by theclergy,butRichardknewhowto convince them. Both heand his father made theTemplars his tithecollectors.12 This didn’tendearpeopletothem.The intense demand for

money from the people ofEngland,alongwiththeusualcrusading fervor, may havebeen responsible for anoutbreak of violence againsttheJewsinEngland.Itseemsto have started when someJews arrived at Richard’scoronation with gifts andweretoldtheycouldn’tcomein.WomenandJewshadnotbeen invited. The crowdoutside, who apparently also

hadn’t been invited in,attacked the Jews, killingsome of them. This led to ageneral riot in London.Jewishhomeswereransackedand burned andmany peoplemurdered.13

Richard was notparticularly pro-Jewish, butall the JewsofEnglandwereunder the king’s specialprotectionandhadbeensincetheyfirstcame toEngland in

the time of William theConqueror.Theywere also agreat source of revenue. Hewas furiousabout theattacksand tried to stop thedestructionbut,over thenextfew months, the violencespread to other towns ofEngland.This culminated in a

horrifying massacre onFriday, March 16, 1190,Shabbat ha-Gadol, during

which150peoplewerekilledinthecityofYorkwhentheytook refuge in a tower there.The chronicler William ofNewburgh lived nearby andreports, “And there were notlackingamongthemobmanyclergymen, among whom acertain hermit seemed morevehement than the rest . . .frequently repeating with aloud voice that Christ’senemies ought to be

crushed.”14 The instigatorsseem tohavebeen friendsofthe bishop of Durham,Richard Malebysse andWilliam Percy. Richard sawthat the men were fined andhad their lands takenaway.15Nooneseemstohaveoffered to help the Jewsrebuild.By the time thishappened,

Richard had already leftEngland.

On the way to the easternMediterranean as part of theThird Crusade, Richarddecided to forge an alliancewith Sancho VI, king ofNavarre,andbecameengagedtohisdaughter,Berengaria.16This immediately proved aproblem with Philip II, kingof France and Richard’sstepbrother.Richardhadbeenengaged to Philip’s sister,Alix, formostofhis lifeand

Alix had been raised at theEnglish court, effectivelykeeping her from meetinganyonenew.The two kings met on

Sicily and Philipwas boughtoff.QueenEleanor,whowasinher latesixtiesat thetime,brought Berengaria toRichard and they weremarried in Cyprus May 12,1191.Richard seems to havespentmostofthetimebefore

the wedding conquering theisland. It later proved to betoomuch trouble tomaintainso he sold it to theTemplars.17 The TemplarsalsofoundCyprusdifficulttoholdand so itwaspassedonto Guy of Lusignan, thewidowed husband of Sybilla,queenofJerusalem.King Philip and Richard

finally arrived at the city ofAcre, which had been taken

bySaladin four years before.They joined the besiegersand,aftera longandhorriblewinter,thecityfinallyfell.18

Here two things happenedthat would come back tohaunt Richard. The first wassomething thatseemedminoratthetime.Leopold,

RiChardtheLionhearttakesACre,fromLesGrandesChroniquesde

France.Notethattheotherlordsarenotshown.(The

BritishLibrary)duke of Austria, had beenfighting at Acre longer thanthe twokings.When the cityfell, he had his standardsraised along with those ofRichard and Philip. Richard,believing that Leopoldintendedtotakeathirdofthebooty, had them torn down.He and Philip had already

decided on a fifty-fifty split.Leopold was naturallyoffended by this and decidedto take his soldiers and gohome. With him, he took agrudgeagainstRichard.19

The second thing wasmuch more immediatelydamaging to Richard’sreputation. He had capturednearly three thousandMoslemcitizensofAcrewhowerebeingheldforaransom

of one hundred thousandbezants. At some point hedecided that Saladin wasn’tgoingtopay.Richardwantedto leave Acre but couldn’tuntilthecaptivesweregotridof. So one morning he tookthem outside the city andslaughtered them all.20Boththe Arab and Christianchroniclers agree that thishappened. The Arabchroniclerstates:

Manyreasonsweregiven forthis slaughter. One was thatthey had killed them as areprisal for their ownprisoners killed before themby theMuslims.Anotherwasthat theKingofEnglandhaddecided tomarchonAscalonand take it, and he did notwant to leave behind him inthe city a large number [ofenemy soldiers]. God knows

best.21

Whateverhisreasons,thisactdid not reflect well onRichard, among his ownpeopleor theMoslems.Eventheking’schronicler,thepoetAmbroise, who thoughtRichard was practicallyperfect, seems to stutter overthisevent.“AndRichard, thekingofEngland,whohadonearth killed so many Turks,

did not wish to be botheredany longer, and so to lessontheprideof theTurksand todisheartentheirbeliefsandtoavenge Christianity . . .” hehadthemkilled.22

It must have soundedprettythineventohim.Richard soon realized that,

evenifhetookJerusalem,hecouldn’t hold it. In 1191, hemade a three-year truce with

Saladin and set out forhome.23 While he had somesuccess in securing thecoastal cities, the Holy City,the goal of the crusade,remainedinMoslemcontrol.On the way back he was

forcedbyshipwrecktotravelthrough the landsofLeopoldof Austria. He and hiscompanionswentindisguise,as simple pilgrims returningfrom the Holy Land.

However, they weren’t verygood at disguise. The menwerefarricherthantheusualpilgrims and always wantedto get the bestaccommodations. Richardwas recognized and capturedby Leopold’s men. He spentthenextyearandahalfinthecustodyof theGermans, firstLeopold and then the HolyRoman Emperor, Henry VI.The pope immediately

excommunicatedLeopoldbutthis doesn’t seem to havemade much difference toanyone.24

Richard’s behavior duringthis time amazed both friendand foe. He passed his dayswriting poetry, playing jokeson his guards, and charmingoneandall.25

Henry VI put Richard upfor ransom. This was one of

thethingsthatwasNotDoneamongChristianrulers,butifthepopecouldn’tstopHenry,nooneelsecould,either.Richard’s youngest

brother,John,hadno interestin seeing him comehome soit fell to Eleanor to raise themoney,onehundredthousandpounds. This was more thantheannualincomeofthekingand had to be found in acountrythathadjustcollected

ahugeamount to finance thecrusade.No one should

underestimate thepowerofamotherwhose favorite son isbeing held captive. Eleanortore off letters to PopeClement III, reminding himthat thekingofEnglandwasalso“thesoldierofChrist,theanointed of the Lord, thepilgrim of the cross.”26Shetook charge of raising the

cash. Taxeswere assessed at25 percent on all moveablegoods.Churcheswere told tosurrender all their gold andsilver. The Cistercian andGilbertine orders may havethoughttheywouldbesparedfortheydidn’tbelieveinsuchextravagance, using plainornaments in their churches.Eleanor told them theycouldhand over that year’s woolcropinstead.

She then took the treasureand the hostages that HenryVIhadalsodemandedandsetout for Germany, arriving atRichard’sprisoninSpeyeronJanuary 17, 1194.27She wasseventy-one years old.Richardwasreleasedamonthlater. She then returned toEngland with him, where hehad a ceremonial wearing ofthe crown, just to remindeveryone that he was back

and in charge.28Oddly, hiswife, Berengaria (rememberher?) was not with him. Shehad stayed on the continent.Eleanor was at his side forRichard’s triumphantreturn.29

TherestofRichard’sreignwas spent inmoppingup themess caused by his babybrother, John, and Philip ofFrance. They had done theirbest to carve out asmuch as

they could from Richard’spropertywhile hewas away.Johnhadeveninsistedatonepoint that Richard was deadand that he, John, should beking.Eleanorhadputherfootdown on that one but, evenso, there were rebellions inRichard’s southern territoriesand he soon left England,nevertoreturn.The story of Richard’s

death is also the stuff of

legend.Thebaldfactsarethathe was shot in the shoulderwhile besieging the castle ofChalus-Chabrol in theLimousin area of southernFrance. Twelve days later hedied of complications fromthe wound. It was April 6,1199.Hewasforty-oneyearsold.Almost before he was

buried (at the convent ofFontevraud, where his

mother, Eleanor, wasspending her last years) therumors were flying. It wassaid that Richard had beenbesieging the castle becausehe had heard there was atreasure there and wanted itfor himself. This was mademorereprehensiblebecauseitwasLent and the churchhadforbidden war during theEasterseason.30

The treasure might have

been a group of goldenstatuesleftbytheRomansora hoard of coins or just a lotof gold and silver.31No onecould agree. The interestingthing is that none of thestories mention whathappened to the “treasure”after Richard died trying togetit.While Richard did indeed

diewhilefightingduringLentand it may have been divine

judgment, the treasure storyseemstohavecomefromthesamesortofwishfulthinkingthat led to the tales of aTemplar treasure. Richardwasputtingdowna rebellionof the viscount of Limogesand Chalus-Chabrol was oneofseveralcastlesthatRichardwasbesieging.32Therewasn’tanything special about it.Like many kings who ledtheir own armies, Richard

diedinbattle.He is remembered as a

hero, a barbarian, a protectorof the poor, a greedy andabsent king, and a valiantknight.Likemanypeople,myfirst introduction to RichardwasattheendofRobinHoodwhen Good King Richardcomes home to save hiscountry from Bad PrinceJohn. It’s hard to shake agloriousimagelikethat.

But it is just an image.Robin Hood is a legend andthe Richard of the story islegend,too.Despitenotbeingable to retake Jerusalem, thecrusade was Richard’s finesthour. He must have been tosome extent a charismaticperson. He certainly inspireddevotionandrespectfromhisfollowers and even fromsomeofhisenemies.The burning question

seemstobewhetherhewasahomosexual. I don’t thinkthere’s enough evidence todecide and actually, I don’tthink it’s important. Heapparentlydidhaveabastardson in Aquitaine, namedPhilip.33 His name wasn’tlinked to any man inparticular, as was the casewith Edward II. He andBerengaria spent very littletime together and, although

they were married eightyears, they had no children.But there might have beenotherreasonsforthisthanhisdistaste for women. Shemight have been unable tohave children. Richard mayhave found her unattractive.The fact that he didn’t leaveanheirwasaseriousproblemfor the stability of hiskingdom. But evenhomosexual kings (and

queens,I imagine)havedonetheir duty and producedchildren.Does it really have

anything to do with whatRichard accomplished orfailedtoaccomplish?The only person it might

have mattered to wasBerengaria.She isoneof thelostchildrenofhistory.AfterRichard’sdeath,sheretiredto

LeMansinNormandy,whereshe founded an abbey. Shediedthereinabout1230.34

Richard’swifehadaslittlepart inhis lifeasshedoes inhis legend. Richard wasdefinitely a “man’s man,” astrong warrior, a brilliantstrategist,notafraidtogethishands dirty and yet stillcultivated, a lover of musicand poetry. His exploits onthe Third Crusade, his

nobility while in captivity,and the dramatic tragedy ofhis death are all the stuff ofhighadventure.As with the Templars, it’s

hardnot toprefer thefantasyof Richard’s life to thereality.1Richard of Aldgate,ItninerariumPeregrinorumetGestisRegisRecardi,tr.A.F.

Scott,inThePlantagenetAge(New York: Crowell, 1976)p.4.2JohnGillingham,Richard theLionheart (NewYork:TimesBooks,1978)p.24.3There are numerousbiographies of Eleanor ofAquitaine.Manyof themareentertainingbut Ihave found

none that are historicallysatisfying.4Gabrielle M Spiegal,“Maternity and Monstrosity:Reproductive Biology in theRoman de Mélusine .” InDonald Maddox and SaraSturm-Maddox, Melusine ofLusignan: Founding Fictionin Late Medieval France(Georgia University Press,

1996)p.101.5Giraud deBarri,DePrincipiInstructione, III 27, p. 301,quoted in Laurence Harf-Lancer, Les Fées au MoyenAge: Morgane et Mélusine,La naissance des fées (Paris,1984) p. 399, “non essemirandum,sidegeneretalietfilii parentis et sese adinvicem fratres infestare non

cessent: de diabolo namqueeos omnes venisse et eddiobolum...iturosesse.”Ofcourse the same thing wassupposed to have been saidaboutthembySaintBernard,in the form of a curse. Thehistoryof this legenddoesn’tbelong here but it’s lots offun. By the end of thethirteenth century, Eleanorhas been demonized as theFairyQueen.

6Fortheproblemsthiscaused,please see chapter 10,Melisande, Queen ofJerusalem, and chapter 14,TheSecondCrusade.7Gillingham,p.32.8Ibid.,p.33.9

Jonathan Riley-Smith, TheCrusades (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 2005) p.141.10Gillingham,pp.129-34.11RogerofHowden.12Malcolm Barber, The NewKnighthood (Cambridge

University Press, 1994) p.278.13Gillingham,p.130.14William of Newburgh, TheHistoryofEnglishAffairs.15A.L.Poole,FromDomesdayBook to Magna Carta 1087-1216(Oxford,1955;2nded.)

p.353.16Gillingham, p. 139. It’s notclear if Richard saw herbefore the marriage or if helethismotherpickherout.17Barber,pp.119-220.18PleaseseethereferencetotheThird Crusades elsewhere in

thisbook.19Gillingham,p.176.20Ambroise, Estoire de laGuerre Sainte, ed. MarianneAiles and Malcolm Barber(Woodbridge, UK: BoydellPress, 2003) p. 89, ll. 5508-36.21

Baha’ al-Din, in FrancescoGabrieli, Arab Historians oftheCrusades, tr. from Italianby E. J. Costello (Dorset,1989)p.224.Iknowthisisatranslation of a translationand am not happy about it,butwetakewhatwecanget.22Ambroise, ll. 5524-30. “ERichardzlireisdeEngleterre,Qui tanz Turs ocist en la

terre, Ne volt plus sa testedebatre, Mais por l ’orgoildesTursabatre,Etporlorleidesaëngier, Et por cristïentévengier.”23Hans Eberhard Mayer, TheCrusades (Oxford UniversityPress,1988;2nded.)p.149.24Gillingham,pp.223-28.25

Ibid.,pp.217-40.26Quoted in Ralph V. Turner,“Eleanor of Aquitaine in theGovernments of Her SonsRichard and John,” EleanorofAquitaine,LordandLady,ed.BonnieWheelerandJohnCarmi Parsons (PalgraveNYC,2003)p.85.27Ibid.

28Gillingham,p.242.29Turner,p.86.30Gillingham, p 11. This wassmart of the church since itwas traditional for thenobility to get out of itswinterstuporbyridingouttofight someone, and thisdelayed them at least until

afterEaster.31According to Eudes Rigord,Guillaume le Breton, andRoger of Howden,respectively, in Gillingham,pp.11-13.32Gillingham,pp. 9-23.This isan excellent example of howhistoriansstudythesourcesinorder to come up with the

mostprobablefacts.33Gillingham,p.162.Thechildmust have been born beforeRichard and Philip II brokeup.34Anne Echols and MartyWilliams, The AnnotatedIndex of Medieval Women(New York: MarkusWiener,1992)p.79.

CHAPTERTWENTY

TheAssassins

The word “assassin” is,unfortunately, so commonnow, that we rarely wonderwhere it comes from, why,and when. While the act ofhired murder is as old ashistory and myth, the first

people to be called assassinslived in the late eleventhcenturyinwhatisnowIran.They did not call

themselves Assassins. Thatnamewasonlygiventothemby theSyrianswhensomeofthemsettledinthemountainsof Syria in the eleventhcentury.The Assassins were

foundedbyHasan-iSabbah,a

Shi’ite Moslem born around1060 in the Persian city ofQummwhomovedasachildto the city of Rayy, present-day Tehran.1Hasan’s familywere Twelver Shi’ites, notmembers of the dominantgroupbutwellintegratedintothe society there. In hisautobiography, Hasan relateshow he came to follow amoreradicalpath:“From the days of my

boyhood, from the age ofseven, I felt a love for thevarious branches of learning,and wished to become areligious scholar; until theage of seventeen I was aseeker and searcher forknowledge, but kept to theTwelverfaithofmyfathers.”2

This ended when HasanmetamanwhotaughthimoftheIsma’iliheresy,aformofShi’ite Islam that followed

the descendants of Isma’il,the son of the eighth-centuryimam Ja’far al-Sadiq. OverthecenturiestheIsma’ilishaddeveloped a very differentphilosophy and worldviewfrom the mainstream ofIslam.3

Aftermuchstudyandsoulsearching, Hasan wasconverted at last during aserious illness. “I thought:surely this is the true faith,

andbecauseofmygreat fearI did not acknowledge it.Now my appointed time hascome,andIshalldiewithouthavingattainedthetruth.”4

Now, in order tounderstand the place of theAssassins in the Islamicworld, both then and now, ithelpstoknowthebackgroundof the divisions within thefaith.5

The twomain branches ofIslam are the Sunni and theShi’ites. This split occurredalmost immediately after thedeath of the prophetMohammed. The first debatewasoverwhoshouldsucceedhim. Those who wanted tofollow his uncle, Abu Bakr,became the Sunni. TheShi’ites followedMohammed’scousinandson-in-law, Ali, married to his

daughter, Fatima. Within afairly short time, afundamental differencedeveloped. It was not somuchaboutbeliefaspractice.The Shi’ites felt that it wasnecessary for individualMoslems to have a teacher(imam) rather than try tointerpret the Koran forthemselves. The Sunnibelieved that the head of thecommunity could be chosen

by the community and, aslongasthemainteachingsoftheKoranwereobeyed,therewas room for a certainamount of variety inbehavior.The Shi’ites then divided

among themselves on whowas the most worthy imam.At first they were chosenfrom the descendants of Aliand Fatima. This group thensplit over the leadership of

thegrandsonsof theProphet,Hasan and Husain. ThosewhobelievedthatHusainwasthe genuine imam looked tohisdescendantsforleadershipuntil themiddleof theeighthcentury.The trouble started when

the imamat that time, Ja’far,disinherited his elder son,Isma’il, perhaps because hewas too fond of wine. Theyounger son, Musa, was

accepted by most of thecommunity, but a few feltthatIsma’ilshouldhavebeenchosen.Isma’il died before his

father and that should haveended the matter. However,the Isma’ili refused to rejointhose who followed Musa.Instead,theytaughtthat,eventhough the “visible” imamsnolongerexisted,therewasaline of hidden imams who

sent out agents to continueteaching the faithful. Whenthetimewasright,thehiddenimamwouldappear to leadaworldofjustice.6

In the meantime, thefollowers of Musa and hisdescendants adapted to lifeunder Sunni rule. When thetwelfth of their imams,Muhammad al-Mahdi,vanished around 874, hisfollowers decided that he

wouldreturnintheendtimesand theyneedednoone else.They settled in to wait forhimand took little interest inearthlypolitics.Theybecamethe Twelvers and theyconsidered the Isma’ili to bethe darkest heretics, hardlyMoslematall.7

SoitwasabigleapfortheTwelver Hasan-i Sabbah todecidetojointheIsma’ili.Heleft his home and spent

several years traveling,learning and eventuallypreachingtheIsma’ilifaith.At this time the Seljuk

Turks had taken over a greatportion of the Islamicworld.They were fiercely orthodoxSunni who did not have thetraditional Moslem toleranceforChristiansandJews.TheywerealsodeterminedtoforcealltheShi’itestoreturntotheSunni path. Not surprisingly,

there was a great deal ofresentment toward themamong the Shi’itecommunities.Hasan’s Isma’ili sect

branchedoffagaintobecomethe Nizari, named afteranother man whom they feltshould have been the trueimam.InmostoftheMoslemdocuments, theAssassins areknown as the Nizari. Theyeventually made their

headquarters in Alamut, innorthern Iran, in about1090.8Itwas at this time thatthelegendsofthesectbegan.At first the Nizari were

concernedwithdestroyingthepoweroftheSeljukinvaders.They did this by infiltratingthe courts of the Seljuksultans until they could getclose enough to them to killthem.Itwasapointofhonorthat they face their victims,

who were usually wellguarded. For this reason, theassassinations wereconsideredsuicidemissions.9

The secrecy andsuddenness of the attacksmade the Nizari feared andhated throughout the Seljukand Sunni people. “To killthem is more lawful thanrainwater,” said one. “Toshed thebloodofaheretic ismoremeritorious than to kill

seventy Greekinfidels.”10Often the murderof an important dignitarywould result in the massacreof local Isma’ili althoughthey were not Nizari. Thedivisions among Sunni,TwelverShi’ites,andIsma’iligrewwider.

THENIZARI

BECOMEASSASSINS

Itwasn’tuntilthelatetwelfthcentury that the crusaderstook much notice of theNizari. At that point theywere known by their Syrianname of Hashishiyya, orAssassins. William of Tyrewrites of them in the 1180s,“intheprovinceofTyre...isacertainpeoplewhohaveten

castlesandsurrounding landsandwehaveoftenheard thatthere are sixty thousand ofthem or more. . . . Both weand the Saracens call themAssassins, but I don’t knowwhere the name comesfrom.”11

It wasn’t until the earlynineteenth century that aFrench historian namedSylvesterdeSacydeterminedthattheword“assassin”came

from the word “hashish.”This led to a number offanciful stories. Oneexplained that young Nizarimenweredruggedinordertobelieve that theyhadbeen toheavenandcouldonlyreturnthere after achievingmartyrdom. Another,repeated even by modernhistorians, is that they weregiven hashish to give themthe courage to go out and

kill.12

I first heard thisexplanation in my collegedaysandeventhenitseemedodd to me. For one thing,hashish doesn’t normallyincreaseaggressiveness,quitetheopposite.Ikepthavinganimage of giggling men indark cloaks gliding throughpalaces, stopping to admirethecolorsof thegardensandfountains as they hunted

down their target. However,most historians today thinkthat the name was given theNizariasatermofcontempt,implying that they were asworthless as those whosuccumbedtodrugs.It is interesting that, as

with the stories of theTemplars, the legends of theAssassins are better knownthantheiractualhistory.

THEASSASSINSANDTHETEMPLARS

William of Tyre wasn’tparticularly concerned withthe Assassins, as they rarelyattacked Christians. As amatter of fact, the SyrianAssassins sometimes alliedthemselves with crusaderlords to fight their mutual

enemies. In 1128 theAssassins living in the townofBanyaswerethreatenedbythe city of Damascus. Theirleader anda fewotherswerecrucified on the battlementsof thewall ofDamascus, “inorder that it might be seenhow God had dealt with theoppressorsandbroughtsignalchastisement upon theinfidels.”13Ratherthanletthetown of Banyas fall to the

Damascenes, the Assassinsturned the town over toBaldwin II, king ofJerusalem.14

From about 1152, theAssassins in Syria paidtributetotheTemplarsoftwothousand bezants a year.15This may have been broughtabout in retribution for theassassination of CountRaymond of Tripoli in thatyear, but the facts aren’t

certain. Soon after, theHospitallers, now inpossession of the fortress ofKrak des Chevaliers, on theborder of Assassin territory,also demanded two thousandbezantsayear.This leads toanother story

fromWilliamofTyre,oneofthemostpuzzlingconcerningthe early days of theTemplars.

According to William, theleader of the Assassins,whomhecalled“theoldmanof the mountain,” wished tomake an alliance with thecrusaders. He sent arepresentative named“Boabdelle” toAlmaric,kingof Jerusalem, asking forinstruction in Christianity.The catch was thatconversion hinged on theremissionofthetwothousand

bezants that the Assassinspaid theTemplars each year.Almaricwasopentotheidea,buttheTemplarswereagainstit.TheywaylaidtheemissaryonhiswaybacktoSyriaandmurderedhim.16

William continues todescribe the anger of theking.Almarictriedtoputtheleader of the attackers,WilliamofMesnil, inprison.The Templars would have

noneofthisandappealedthematter to the pope.Where itwould have gone from thereis hard to say, for Almaricdied. One of the regents forhis son, Baldwin IV, wasRaymond, son of themurderedcountofTripoli.Hewas not interested inpunishing those who killedAssassins. So the Assassinsremained Moslem and thetributecontinuedtobepaid.

Historians have puzzledover this for many years.SomethinkWilliammadethewholestoryup.It’snotfoundinanyotherrecordsfromthetime.ItseemsstrangethattheAssassins would suddenlywish to convert just to savemoney. It seems equallystrange that the Templars,knights of God, would wanttolosethechancetobringsomany souls to baptism.

William believed that theirgreed overcame their pietyandusedthisepisodeasproofof how far the order hadfallen since its humblebeginnings.Unlessnewdocumentsturn

up, the truth will never beknown. William’s story wasbelieved inhisown timeandit reflects the mixed feelingspeople had begun to haveabouttheTemplars.

The Assassins were stillpaying tribute in the middleofthethirteenthcenturywhenthey again tried to have itendedbysendinganenvoytoKing Louis IX of France,whowas then inAcreonhiscrusade.One theoryas towhy they

felt compelled to pay thistributeinsteadoffightingwasthat their normal method ofeliminating troublesome

leaders wouldn’t work withthe military orders. Thebiographer of Louis, Jean deJoinville, explains, “forneither the Templars nor theHospitallers had any fear oftheAssassins,sincetheirlordknew well that if he hadeither the Master of theTemple or of the Hospitalkilled, another, equallygood,would be put in his place;therefore he had nothing to

gain by their death.Consequently,hehadnowishtosacrificehisAssassinsonaproject that would bring himnoadvantage.”17

King Louis refused toeliminate the tribute and themastersoftheTempleandtheHospital threatened theenvoy.Hesoonreturnedwithgifts for theking in aneffortat conciliation.18Louis sentgifts in return along with a

Syriac-speaking priest, Yvesle Breton, who failed toconvince the Assassins toconvert.19

Eighty years afterWilliamof Tyre, Joinville saw theTemplars as heroes anddefendersof thefaithin theirrelationswiththeAssassins.WhiletheChristiansdonot

seem to have understood thedifferences among the sects

of Islam, they did have theidea that the Assassins werenot Moslem. Joinville saysthat they did not followMohammed but his uncle,Ali.20Benjamin of Tudela, aSpanish Jew, also assumedthat the Assassins were agroupapart. Inhis taleofhistravels through the MiddleEast in 1169, Benjaminstates, “it is four days to thelandofMulahid.Herelivesa

peoplewhodonotprofesstheMohammedan religion, butlive on high mountains, andworship the Old Man of theland of the Hashishim. Andamong them there are fourcommunitiesofIsraelwhogoforth with them in war-time.Theyarenotundertheruleofthe king ofPersia, but residein the high mountains, anddescend from thesemountains to pillage and to

capturebooty,andthenreturnto the mountains, and nonecanovercomethem.”21

“Mulahid” is a word thatChristian commentators alsoused for the land of theAssassins. They learned itfrom the Moslems. It means“heretic.”The belief that the

Assassins could strikeeverywhere and anywhere

spread throughout theChristianandMoslemworld.The French chroniclerGuillaume deNangis tells ofhow the Old Man of theMountain sent an assassin toFrance to killKingLouis IX(Saint Louis). “But, in thecourse of their journey, Godchanged his heart, inspiringhimto thinkofpeace insteadofmurder.”22

The Assassins stopped

paying tribute only after thefalloftheHospitallerfortressof Krak des Chevaliers in1271.23

Despite the Westernfascination with the sect, theAssassins were much moreconcerned with theestablishment of theirtheology among otherMoslemsthantheywerewiththeChristians.Eventually,theAssassin strongholds were

conquered and the peopledispersed during theMongolinvasions of the fourteenthcentury.Intheirtime,theAssassins

managed to spread terrorthroughouttheIslamicworld.Nooneknewwhenorwherethey would strike. Storiesweretoldofthefanaticismofthe Assassins and of theimmoral lives they led. Onefrequently repeated tale is of

themotherwhoheardthatherson’s party had succeeded inassassinating a sultan. Sherejoiced that he was now amartyr.When shediscoveredthat he had survived, she putonmourning.All through history there

have been cadres of peoplewho try to change the worldthrough judicious removal ofkey leaders. The killing ofArchduke Ferdinand and his

wife is a good example. Itresulted in the First WorldWar.Ofcourse, it’snotclearifthatwaswhattheassassinsintended.It might be noted that

Assassins, while prepared todie in the execution of theirduty,didnotpracticerandomkilling but prided themselveson only eliminating theirmaintarget.Theirhistoryisacomplex one composed of

faith, altruism, fanaticism,mysticism,andpragmatism.In many ways, they were

not that different from theTemplars.1Bernard Lewis, TheAssassins: A Radical Sect inIslam (London: WeidenfieldandNicolson,2001)p.38.2QuotedinLewis,op.cit.

3Lewis,pp.26-27.4QuotedinLewis,p.39.5This is a very quick outline.For more completeinformation please consultyourlocallibrarian.6J. J. Saunders, A History of

Medieval Islam (London:Routledge and Kegan Paul1965)p.127.The idea thatasecretsavioriswaitinginthewingsisaveryoldone.7Lewis, p. 39; Saunders, p.127.8Marshall G. S. Hogan, TheSecret Order of Assassins:The Struggle of the Early

Nizari Isma’ ilis Against theIslamicWorld (University ofPennsylvania Press, 2005;reprintof1955ed.)p.77.9Ibid., pp. 110-13; Lewis, pp.47-54.10QuotedinLewis,p.48.11William of Tyre, 20, 29. “In

provincial Tyrensi . . . estquondam populus, castelladecemhabenscumsurburanissuis, estque numerus eorum,ut sepiusaudivimus,quasi assexagintamiliavelamplior. .. . Hos tam nostril quamSarraceni, nescimus undenominee deducto, Assissinosvocant.”12Hogan, pp. 134-37; Lewis,

pp.11-13.Bothauthorspointouttheflawsinthistheory.13Ibn al-Qalanisi, TheDamascus Chronicles of theCrusades, tr. H. A. R. Gibb(London, 1932) p. 193.Herethe Assassins are called“Batani.”14Ibid.,p.194.15

Malcolm Barber, The NewKnighthood (CambridgeUniversity Press, 1994) p.103.16William of Tyre, 20, 29 and20,30,pp.953-54.17Joinville,LifeofSt.Louis, tr.Margaret R. B. Shaw(Penguin,1963)p.277.18

Reginald of Vichiers wasprobably the Templar masterat this time. William deChateauneuf was master oftheHospitallers.19Joinville,p.278.20Ibid. Since the Assassinswere an offshoot of theShi’ite and it was the SunniwhofollowedtheruleofAli,

Joinville had it backward, aswellasnotunderstandingthatall theMoslemsfollowed theteachingsofMohammed.21Benjamin of Tudela, Travelsin the Middle Ages, tr. A.Asher (Malibu: PanglossPress, 1983; reprint of 1840ed.) p. 110. I have readnowhereelseofJewishforcesfightingwiththeAssassins.If

anyone finds a reference,pleaseletmeknow.22Guillaume de Nangis,Chroniques capétiennesTomes 1. 1113-1270, tr.FrançoisGuizot(Paleo,2002)p.169.23AlainDemurger,JacquesDeMolay: Le crepuscule destempliers (Paris: Biographie

Payot,2002)p.73.

CHAPTERTWENTY-ONE

TheHospitalers

As their name implies, theOrder of the Knights of St.John, or Hospitallers, beganas a charitable group,intended to assist pilgrims toJerusalem who were in needof care and shelter. They

seem to have been startedsometimeinthelateeleventhcentury by some merchantsfrom the Italian town ofAmalfi. I say, “seem to”because there are no recordsof the foundation andbecause, like the Templars,the Hospitallers invented amythology of their own inwhich, in some versions, theorderwasfoundedbeforethetimeofChristandtheparents

of John theBaptist had oncebeenassociatedwithit.1

In the 1070s, the mostlikely time of establishment,Jerusalem was under thecontrol of the Fatimid caliphof Egypt. He allowedpilgrims from the West tocome to the city to visit thesites of Jesus’ life. ThecanonsoftheHolySepulcherwere Syrian OrthodoxChristians, under the control

of the Orthodox patriarch ofJerusalem. Pilgrims fromItaly felt the need of a placefor pilgrims to rest and becared for where there wouldbe people who spoke theirlanguage and practiced theirreligiousrites.2

The military side of thehospitallersmay have startedas an additional service forthe pilgrims, especially thosegoing to the Jordan River to

wade in the water whereJesushadbeenbaptized.TheHospitallers set up a hostelknown as the Red Cisternwhere pilgrims could getwater and stay the night insafety on their way to theriver.3 Naturally, the cisternneeded to be protected fromraiders and one thing led toanother until theHospitallershad a contingent of knights.However, theynevergaveup

the tradition of hospitalityand often stressed that thiswastheirmainfunction.By the late twelfthcentury

the Templars and theHospitallers were oftenspoken of in pairs, as if theywere interchangeable. Rulerswouldsendonememberfromeach order on diplomaticmissions. But there wereseveral differences betweenthe orders. From the early

days of both, the Templarswere largely drawn fromFrench-speaking areas andtheirs was solely a militaryorder, whereas theHospitallers were mostlySpanish-andItalian-speakingandfocusedonthecareofthesick and the protection ofpilgrims. As the Hospitallersgrew,theorderattractedmoreFrench speakers until it waslargelyFrench-speaking.

It’s clear that the militarysideoftheorderbeganearly.In 1144, Raymond, count ofTripoli, gave theHospitallersthe fortress known as theKrak des Chevaliers.Eventually the Hospitallersacquiredmorepropertyinthecrusader kingdoms than theTemplars.4

The Templars andHospitallersareoftenseenasrivals, even enemies. I think

of them more as brothers.Sometimes they got alongfine, supporting each otheragainst the rest of theworld.Sometimes they were onopposite sides of a questionandfoughteachotherbitterly.In the end, the gallant deathof the Templar masterWilliam of Beaujeu at thesiege of Acre ismourned bytheHospitallerGrandMaster,“On that day the Master of

the Temple also died of amortalwoundfroma javelin.God have mercy on hissoul!”5

Many donation chartersgave property equally to theTemplars and Hospitallers.Themostastonishingoftheseis that of Alfonso I, king ofAragonandNavarre,madein1131 in which he left hisentire kingdom to theTemplars, Hospitallers, and

the Church of the HolySepulcher.6 They weren’tallowedtokeepthekingdom;the heirs that Alfonso hadignored protested and asettlementwas arranged. Butit shows dramatically howeven at that early date, thetwo orders were united inpopular thinking andconnectedwiththeChurchoftheHoly Sepulcher. It didn’thelpintellingthemapartthat

both the Templars and theHospitallers often built theirchurches with a round nave,in imitationof theChurchoftheHolySepulcher.7

The Hospitallers evenloaned money, just as theTemplarsdid.OntheSecondCrusade,LouisVIIofFranceborrowed from the FrenchTemplar master, Everard deBarres, and also theHospitaller master, Raymond

duPuy.8

TheHospitallersalsocameinfortheirshareofcriticism,especially from that late-twelfth-century defender ofthe secular clergy, WalterMap. He was furious at theprivilegesgrantedtoboththeTemplarsandtheHospitallersat theThirdLateranCouncil.Walter saw both orders asequally wicked. “By manytricks they supplant us and

keepus from the churches.”9He felt that they luredimpoverished knights intojoiningtheordersbyrefusingto give them money unlessthey signed up. In that waythey kept donations fromcoming to local parishes.Thereisnoevidencethatthischargewastrue.Even popes would

occasionally chide theHospitallers. In 1209,

InnocentIIIscoldedthemforkeeping concubines and“shamefully involvingthemselves in secular affairsasiftheywerelaymen.”10

There is a general beliefthat the Templars andHospitallers were constantlyin competition and rarely ongood terms. While they didhave their differences,particularly over land, on thewhole they seem to have

worked together quite well.During the crusade ofRichard the Lionheart theTemplars and Hospitallersswitched each day from therearguardtothevanguardofthearmy.11Also theRuleofthe Temple makes it clearthat, in a pinch, the Templarknight should make for thenearestunitofHospitallers:Rule 167. “And if it happens

that any brother cannot gotowards his banner becausehehasgonetoofaraheadforfear of Saracens who arebetweenhimand thebanner,or he does not know whatbecameof it,heshouldgotothefirstChristianbannerthathe finds. And if he finds thatof the Hospital, he shouldstay by it and should informthe leader of thesquadron.”12

The main issues thatdivided the two orders werepolitical. Although in theorythey were supposed to beoutsideof local squabbles, inreality it was impossible notto get pulled into them. Oneof the nastiest was when theordersbecameinvolvedintheconstant rivalry between theItalian city-states of GenoaandVenice.ThecityofAcrewas largely divided among

the military orders and theItalians,withasmallareaforotherreligiousgroupsandtheEnglish. In a struggle thatwent on between 1256 and1258,oversomepropertythatwasownedby themonasteryof St. Sabas, theHospitallerssupported the Genoese andtheTemplarstheVenetians.13This more than once led toblowsbetweentheknights.The most dramatic

divisions had to do with theseveral conflicts over whowas to inherit the crown ofJerusalem.Oneof these tookplace later in the history ofthe Latin kingdoms, longafterJerusalemhadbeenlost.In 1277, the claimants wereHugh III, king of Cyprus,descended from Sybilla, thesister of Baldwin IV, andCharlesofAnjou,thebrotherof the king of France, who

had bought rights to thethrone from Maria ofAntioch, Hugh’s cousin.14The Hospitallers supportedHugh; the Templarssupported Charles. Onereason the Templars did thisis that the Grand Master,William of Beaujeu, wasrelatedtoCharles.The Hospitallers had one

edge over the Templars:when the criticism got too

hot, they could retreat intotheir hospices. They seem tohave done this after thedebacle of the SecondCrusade,althoughtheydon’tseem to have played a largemilitaryroleintheexpeditioninanycase.15

Theideathat theTemplarsand the Hospitallers weremuch the same wasemphasized in the way theywere viewed by chroniclers.

“So the Hospitallers and theKnights Templar armedthemselves taking with thema great many very strongTurcopoles.”16King Richardorders“theTemplarsand theHospitallers to come tohim.”17“Count Raymond ofTripoli wanted the fortressesand castles to be in thekeeping of the Temple andthe Hospital.”18 TheTemplarsandHospitallersare

given joint custody of thetownofMessina, until it canbe decided who should haveit.19

This is reflected in thenumber of times that anenvoy included a Templarand a Hospitaller apparentlyaswitnesses or perhaps evenbodyguards. They are rarelynamed; they are simply seenas representatives of theirorders. The popes, including

Clement V, customarily hadone Templar and oneHospitaller as chamberlains.Thepapacyusedthebrothersindiscriminately asmessengers and relied onloans from both orders toshoreuppapalfinances.20

Even negative remarkswere aimed at the militaryorders as if theywere all thesame. Pierre Dubois, one ofPhilip theFair’semployees,

wrote that the Templars andthe Hospitallers should beable to liveoff their lands inthe Holy Land and Cyprusand donate the money theygained in the West to startschools for missionaries andpay for mercenaries tofight.21

It’s possible that in 1307King Philip the Fair wasinterested in condemning theHospitallers as well as the

Templars, or it may be thatthe Templars were just moreaccessible.WhenJacquesdeMolay was summoned tomeet with Pope Clement Vand the king, the master ofthe Hospitallers, Fulk deVilleret, was supposed to bethere as well. But he was“stopped in his way atRhodes by the Saracens . . .and could not come on thedate set and was given a

legitimate excuse by themessengers.”22Whew!SoFulkescapedthefateof

Jacques de Molay and theHospitallers actually gainedsomething by the dissolutionof the Templars at theCouncil of Vienne, sincemost of the Temple propertyeventually reverted to them,although they had to makedeals with the various kingsinordertogetit.

At the same time that theTemplartrialsweregoingon,the Hospitallers were busyorganizing the conquest ofthe island of Rhodes. OnAugust 11, 1308, PopeClementproclaimedaspecialcrusade to be undertaken bythe Hospitallers for thedefense of Cyprus andArmenia. 23 He offeredindulgences to those whogave to the cause and had

boxes put in the churchesparticularly marked for theHospital.24Fulk de Villeretthought Rhodes was a bettergoal and so took that island.He was right in that it waseasier to hold on to. TheHospitallers would be basedatRhodesuntil1522.Now that they were

headquartered on an island,the Hospitallers concentratedon sea power. They hired a

fleet of pirate corsairs thatwere licensed to harryMoslem trading ships andthose of the Italianswho didbusiness with Moslems. Thebooty made a welcomeadditiontotheirincome.25

In thefifteenthcentury thearrival of theOttoman Turksin the east put theHospitallersonthefrontlinesagain. They had come toterms with the familiar

enemies, like the Mamluks.Now they were faced withanother batch of newlyconverted conquerors. Underthe sultan, Selim, theOttoman armies expandedinto eastern Europe andattacked Rhodes. The lastHospitaller Grand Master onRhodes was forced tosurrender the island to SelimonJanuary1,1523.26

The remnants of the

Hospital had no base forseven years. In 1530, theSpanish Holy RomanEmperor gave the order theislands of Gazon, Camino,and Malta. From there, theChristiansstillhaddreamsofreconquering the HolyLand.27

The Hospitallers becameknown as the Knights ofMalta, the name they bear tothis day. The next time they

wereconquered, itwouldnotbebytheMoslemsbutbythenatural force known asNapoleonBonaparte.For the next two hundred

yearsandmoreafter arrivingin Malta, the Hospitallerscontinued their rear-guardcrusade throughpiracy.Thenthe French Directorate, stillfinding its feet after theRevolution, learned thatMaltamightbetakenoverby

itsenemies,theAustriansandtheRussians.28

TheysentNapoleontotakecare of matters. He tookMalta without a fight. Themaster and the brothers lefton June 17, 1798, takingsome of their relics withthem. Many other relics andall the records theHospitallers had inheritedfrom the Templars wereamong the loot taken by the

French soldiers.Much of theloot was put aboardNapoleon’sshipl’Orient.29

Napoleonsetofftotakehisarmy for a fun summer inEgypt. “On the evening of 1AugusttheBritishfleetunderNelson caught up with theFrench fleet in Aboukir Bayoff the north Egyptian coastanddefeateditinthebattleoftheNile.L’Orientwasblownupandsunk,withtheOrder’s

relicsonboard.”30

Just think how manyquestions could be settled ifthatshipcouldbefound.The next years of the

former Hospitallers wereexceedingly strange andincluded having Paul I, theRussian tsar and son ofCatherinetheGreat,asGrandMaster. That experimentdidn’tlastlong.

In1834PopeGregoryXVIgave the Knights of Malta ahospital,where they returnedtotheiroriginaldutyoftakingcare of poor and sickpilgrims. In this form theorder has spread over theworld, and even hasProtestantaffiliates.31

Why did the Hospitallerssurvive when the Templarsdidn’t? I believe that it wasbecause of the things that

made them different. Theyalways said that the care ofthe poor and sick was theirfirst responsibility. Whentimesgottough,theyhadthatto fall back on. While, likethe Templars, they wereinvolvedinbanking, theydidnot have such high-profiledepositors. So the averageperson did not associate theHospitallers with untoldwealth.

Perhaps the Templarsmight have been saved ifthey’d simply founded a fewhospitals....Perhapsnot.1Helen Nicholson, TheKnights Hospitaller(Woodbridge, UK: BoydellandBrewer,2001)p.3.2William of Tyre,Chronicon,ed. R. B. C. Huygens

(Turnholt, 1986) book 18, 4-5,pp.814-17.3Malcolm Barber, “TheCharitable and MedicalActivities of the Hospitallersand Templars, Eleventh toFifteenth Centuries.” TheWhichardLecture,March23,2000, p. 6. Text at:www.ecu.edu/history/whichard/MBarberCharitable.htm4

Joshua Prawer, TheCrusaders’ Kingdom:European Colonialism in theMiddle Ages (London:PhoenixPress,1972)p.260.5Quoted in Nicholson, p. 37(Cartulaire 4, no. 4157) tr.Edwin James King, TheKnights Hospitaller in theHolyLand(London,1931)p.301.

6The text of this charter istranslated inMalcolmBarberand Keith Bate, TheTemplars: Selected Sourcestranslated and annotated(ManchesterUniversityPress,2002) pp. 161-62. See alsochapter 8, Go Forth andMultiply.7Nicholson,p.6.

8Suger, abbot of St. Denis.OmnittOpera,p.27.9Walter Map, De NugisCurialium tr. FrederickTupper and Marbury Ogle(London:ChattoandWindus,1924)bookxxiii,p.44.10Alan Forey, The MilitaryOrders (London: McMillon,

1992)p.199.11Helen Nicholson tr., TheChronicle of the ThirdCrusade(Ashgate,Aldershot,1997)pp.240-62.12J. M. Upton-Ward tr., TheRule of the Templars(Woodbridge:Boydell,1992)p.60.13

Malcolm Barber, The NewKnighthood (CambridgeUniversity Press, 1994) p.155.14Nicholson,p.37.FormoreonCharles of Anjou please seeTheTemplarsandtheSaint.15Ibid.,p.20.16

Helen Nicholson tr., TheChronicle of the ThirdCrusade(Ashgate,Aldershot,1997)p.258.17Ibid.,p.370.18Peter W. Edbury tr., TheConquest of Jerusalem andthe Third Crusade (Ashgate,Aldershot,1998)p.14.19

JohnGillingham,Richard theLionheart (NewYork:TimesBooks,1978)p.153.20I. S. Robsindo, The Papacy1037-1198 (CambridgeUniversity Press 1990) p.243.21Forey,p.218.22

Guillaume de Nangis,Chroniques capétiennesTome II 1270-1328, tr.FrançoisGuizot(Paris:Paleo,2002).23Sylvia Menache, Clement V(CambridgeUniversityPress,1998)p.105.24Ibid.,p.109.25

Nicholson,p.57.26Ibid.,p.67.27Ibid.28Ibid., p. 135. The Austrianswere especially angrybecause the French haddecapitatedMarieAntoinette,who had been born an

Austrianprincess.29Ibid.,p.136.30Ibid.31Ibid.,p.144.

CHAPTERTWENTY-TWO

GrandMasters1191-1292/93

ROBERTOFSABLÉ,1191-

1193/94

Robert of Sablé came fromAnjou, the core of the landsthatRichard the Lionheartcontrolled before he becameking of England. Robertwasa follower of the Lionheartwho supported the revolt ofRichardandhiselderbrotherHenry, “the Young King,”againsttheirfather,HenryII.1He was in Richard’sentouragewhenthenewkingwent on crusade and served

both as treasurer of the kingandasamessengerduringthecrusade.2

Hemust have been a veryrecent member of theTemplars when he waselected to succeed Gerard ofRidefort, who was killed atthe 1191 siege of Acre. TheEracles chronicler states,“Afterwards, the Templarselected a man of high birthwho was in their house,

named Brother Robert ofSablé as their master.”3 Theway they express it, he mayjust have been visiting at thetime.On the way to the Holy

Land, Richard had taken afew days off to conquer theisland of Cyprus. He reallydidn’t need another islandandsoheofferedtosell it tohis friend Robert and hisTemplars.Heaskedonlyone

hundred thousandbezants forthe whole thing, a realbargain. 4 The Templarsdidn’thavethatmuchmoneysotheygavethekingadownpayment of forty thousandbezants’ worth of propertyandsentsomementoCyprusto tell the natives about thedealandcollectthetaxes.This turnedout tobeabig

mistake.

[T]hey thought they couldgovern the people of theisland in the same way theytreated the rural populationin the land of Jerusalem.They thought they could ill-treat, beat and misuse themand imagined they couldcontrol the island of Cypruswith a force of 20 brothers.The Greeks hated their ruleandwereoppressedbyit....

They rose in rebellion andcame to besiege them in thecastle of Nicosia. When theTemplars saw such amultitudeofpeoplecomingtobesiege them, they weregreatly taken aback. Theytold them that they wereChristians, justas theywere,that they had not come thereby their own strength, andthat, if they would let themquittheislandofCyprus,they

wouldgowillingly.5

The Cypriots, still smartingfrom the injuries inflicted byRichard’s army, preferred totakerevengeontheTemplars.However,thetwentybrothersmanaged to defeat the mobandgetbacktoAcre,whereitwas decided that Cypruswasn’t worth the manpowerneededtotameit.

Robert of Sablé went toRichard and asked him toreturnthedepositandtakehisislandback.Richardsaidhe’dbehappytotakebackCyprusbut he had decided that theproperty the Templars hadgivenhiminpaymentwasn’tworthwhattheyhadsaidandsohewasn’t going to give itback.6Inthosedaystherewasno grace period to rethink apurchasesotheTemplarsjust

hadtogrinandbearit.Richard then sold the

island to Guy of Lusignan.Guy had been king ofJerusalem through his wife,Sybilla.Sybillaand their twodaughters had died around1190, presumably in anepidemic.Thecrown,suchasit was, since Jerusalem hadfallen to Saladin in 1187,passed to Sybilla’s sister,Isabelle.7Guyhadneverbeen

all that popular with anyonebut Sybilla. He went toRichard and offered to buythe island on the same termsas those given to theTemplars.Guythenborrowedmoney from somemerchantsin Tripoli and paid Richard,whohadnowmanagedtoselltheislandtwice.8

Guy remarried and hisdescendants ruledCyprus forthenextthreehundredyears.

I don’t know if therelationship between Richardand Robert of Sablé cooledafterthis.Kingscangetawaywith a lot. In 1192, whenRichard decided to return toEngland,heaskedRobert fortenknightsandfoursergeantsto guard him on thetrip.9Forced to travel throughthe land of his enemy,Leopold of Austria, Richardwas taken captive and held

two years before his ransomcouldbepaid.Robert did not neglect the

administrativesideofhisjob.In1191hemadesurethatthenew pope, Celestine III,confirmed all the rights thatprevious popes had grantedthe Templars.10Other thanthat,histimeasGrandMasterwasoneof themore tranquilones.

Robert de Sablé died onSeptember 28, in either 1193or1194.

GILBERTERAIL,1194-1200

Gilbert was another careerTemplar. He had served inJerusalem, where he wasgrand commander of the city

in 1183.11 He then went toSpain, where he was livingwhen he learned of hiselectionasGrandMaster.One of the first things

Gilbertdidin1194wastogeta papal confirmation of theprivilegesoftheorder.12Thiswas something that noTemplarmasterevertookforgranted. Those privilegeswerethebaseof theTemplareconomy.

Hewas in Acre byMarch5, 1198, perhaps before.13During his tenure theTemplarsbecameinvolvedinproperty disputes with theHospitallersoverrightsinthetownofVilania.Thisbecamesointensethatthematterhadto be settled by the pope,InnocentIII.14

When Gilbert wasexcommunicated by thebishop of Sidon, Innocent

stepped in again, saying thatonlyhecouldexcommunicateTemplars.15I haven’t beenable to find outwhatGilberthaddonetooffendthebishopbutI’msurehewasgladthathe had been to renew theregulation that only the popecould excommunicate aTemplar.Gilbert died on December

21, 1200. His time as GrandMaster seems to have been

oneofconsolidationafter theloss of so much land toSaladin. The fleetingmentions of his argumentswith others in Acre aretantalizing but they don’tseemtohavebeeninterestingenough for chroniclers tomakemuchofthem.

PHILIPOF

PLESSIS,1201-1209

Philip was another Angevinwho came to the Holy Landwith Richard I. He was ayoungersonwhohadalreadymarried and had sons of hisownwhenheleftoncrusade.Heencouragedfightingratherthan making truces with theMoslems.16While InnocentIII supported him, the popealso wrote that he had

succumbedtothesinofprideand abuse of hisprivileges.17Philip diedNovember12,1209.

WILLIAMOFCHARTRES,1210-

1219

William of Chartres is alsoknown asWilliam of Puiset.

He was from a family thathad a tradition of supportingthe crusading movement.Before becoming GrandMasterhewaswoundedinanambush by the Armeniansunder Leo, Roupenid princeof Cilicia.18In 1215 Williamwas one of the signers of anagreement concerningproperty rights among theTemplars, Hospitallers, andthe Order of Santiago,

brokered by Pope AlexanderIII.19He was also the GrandMasterduringthefirstpartofthe Fifth Crusade in whichthe Christian armies underAndrew of Hungary and theexcommunicatedFrederick IIattempted to defeatEgypt.20William’s father,CountMiloofBar-sur-Seine,and his brother,Walter, bothfoughtanddiedon thatsamecrusade.21Williambecameill

while with the crusaders inDamiettaanddiedAugust26,1219.

PETEROFMONTAIGU,1219-

1231

Peter of Montaigu wasprobably elected in anemergency meeting of the

order at Damietta, followingthe death of William ofChartres. Like William,Peter’sfamilywasverymuchinvolved in the religious lifeof the East. Peter’s brother,Guérin,wasGrandMasterofthe Hospital, giving a wholenewmeaning to the fraternalrivalry between the twoorders.OneofhisuncleswasEustorge, archbishop ofNicosia. 22 Another uncle,

Bernard, was bishop of Puy,intheFrenchAlps.Peteralsohadacousinwhodidn’tenterthe religious life butmarriedon Cyprus and died there,fightingimperialtroops.23

Although his family wasfrom theAuvergne region ofFrance, Peter spent his earlycareerinSpainandProvence,becoming master of theTemplars of the region in1206.24He distinguished

himself in battle in Spain,especially at the battle of al-Aqsa, where he and hisTemplars arrived in time tosavetheday.25

The Fifth Crusade wasanotherresoundingdefeatandPeter was one of those whohad to mop up. He wrote aletter of frustration to thepreceptor in England, AlanMartel. In it he describes themiseryof the armywhen the

Egyptians opened the sluicegates in the Nile Delta,cutting off the supply routes.“Destitute of provisions, thearmy of Christ could neitherproceed further nor retreatnorfleeanywhere,...Itwastrappedlikeafishinanet.”26

The letter ends like mostfromthecrusades,withapleaformorefunds.Peterwasalsocaughtupin

thestrugglebetweentheHolyRoman Emperor, FrederickII, and the popes. This wasthe old battle between thetemporal and spiritualpowers. Italy was part ofFrederick’s inheritance,which brought him intoconflictwiththePapalStates.ThenhemarriedIsabelle, theheiress to the throne ofJerusalem, which gave himsome interest in retaking the

city.Frederickmanagedtobeexcommunicatedbyanumberof popes, dying unrepentantin1250.When Frederick arrived in

Acre, after the defeat of thearmy at Damietta, theTemplarsandtheHospitallersrefused to follow him, sincehe was shunned by theChurch. This eventually ledto a nasty scene in which,according to some, Frederick

accused the Templars oftrying tomurderhim.27Theyaccusedhimoftreachery.28

Although Frederick soonleftAcre, he got his revengeon the Templars and theHospitallers by confiscatingall theirproperty in Italyandimprisoning many of thebrothers there. The propertystill hadn’t been returnedwhenPeterdiedin1231.Thetreaty of reconciliation

between Frederick and thepopewasn’tmadeuntil1239,when Armand of Périgordwas Grand Master. As weshall see, this may not havebeenaccidental.

ARMANDOFPÉRIGORD,C.

1231-1244

ArmandofPérigordprobablycame from Guienne, in thesouthofFrance.HehadbeenTemplar preceptor in SicilyandCalabriabeforebecomingGrand Master and it waswidely believed that hiselection was influenced bythe Holy Roman Emperor,Frederick II, who controlledSicilyatthattime.29However,thereseemstobenoproofofthat.

Most of Armand’s careerasGrandMasterwasspentinskirmisheswithbothMoslemandimperialforces.Frederickhad arranged throughnegotiationsfortheChristiansto have most of Jerusalemback, as well as signing aneight-year truce with thesultanofCairo.Armand did nothing to

uphold the truce. The mostnotableofhisactionsresulted

inanotherTemplarslaughter.In1237,againsttheadviceofWalter,countofJaffa,heleda band of knights againstMoslem troops who were“foraging in the regionbetweenAtlitandAcre.”TheTemplars were badlydefeated. Only the GrandMaster and nine of his menescaped.30

Armandslowlylearnedthereality of life in the Latin

kingdoms, what was left ofthem.Hebegantounderstandthe complexity of therelations among thedescendantsofSaladin.Theywere arguing over who hadthebestclaimtotheAyyubidkingdoms;choosingupsides,and fighting each other, justas the Christian lords did.And there were some whowere willing to allythemselves with the

Christians in order to defeattheirbrothersandcousins. In1237, Armand believed itwould be possible to divideandconquertheAyyubids.31

InNovember1239anotherforce of fresh blood arrivedfrom the West, this timeunder the command ofThibaud, count ofChampagne. The knights hebroughtwith himwere eagerfor battle and plunder and

annoyed by the hard-learnedcautionthatthemastersoftheTempleandHospitalshowed.Henry, count of Bar,announced that he hadn’tcome all this way to sitaround and that he and hismenwere ridingout thenextdayto“forage.”They[theMasters]knewverywell that neither theirintentions nor their motives

were good, that they wereinspired by envy, malice,pride and greed. . . . Theytold them [the knights]clearly that if they rode towar as they intended, theywould well be . . . killed ortaken prisoner, to the greatshame and harm ofChristendom. The foragersreplied forcefully that theywoulddonothingofthekind;they had come there to fight

unbelieversanddidnotmeanto keep putting off anyencounter.32

Henry and his men salliedforth to the plain near Gazawheretheyhadheardthatthelocalpeoplehadsentmanyoftheiranimalsforsafekeeping.Theydecidedtocampawhile,have dinner, sleep, and thensneakout inthemorningandcapturethehorses.“Suchwas

their pride and theirarrogance that they felt littleor no concern about theirenemies,intowhoselandtheyhad thrustsofar forwardandwho were very near them.ThentheylearnedindeedthatOur Lord will not be servedinthatway.”33

The sultan Al-Adil AbuBakr II happened to be inGaza and learned of theslowly approaching raiding

party. He summoned allfightingmen from the regionand they went to meet theinvaders. By morning, someof the crusaderswere gettingnervous and decided to turnback. But Henry of Bar andmanyothersdecidedtofight.Theywere surrounded and

annihilated. Any survivorswere taken toCairo and soldintoslavery.34

Although the Rothelinchronicler,livinginAcre,feltthat the men got what theydeserved, some in Europesaw it differently. Both theTemplarsandtheHospitallerswere criticized for failing tosupport Henry of Bar.35There was even a poem,supposedly written by theenslaved count of MonfortandsmuggledtotheWest.

IftheHospitallersTemplarsandbrotherknightsHadshownourmentheway,Hadriddenastheyshould,ThenallourchivalryWouldnotinprisonlie.36

Perhaps itwas to quell thesenegative views of the orderthat a year later Armand, onbehalf of the Temple, gavethemasterandthebrothersofSt. Lazarus the rents from

property they owned in theEnglishquarterofAcre.37

Thesettlers from theWesthad learned a lot about NearEastern politics in the fivegenerations they had beenthere.Inthe1240stheywerekeenly aware of the strugglethatwasgoingonamong theheirsofSaladininEgyptandDamascus. The Templarssupported Damascus; theHospitallers, Egypt. In 1244,

the Templars, under Armandof Périgord, apparentlyconvinced the Christianforces to support Damascuswith military aid. Thecombined armies marchedintoGazaand,onOctober18,were soundly defeated at thebattle of La Forbie(Harbiya).38

Among the dead werePeter,thearchbishopofTyre,and the bishop ofSt.George

of Ramla. Walter ofChâteauneuf, master of theHospitallers, was captured.He didn’t regain his freedomuntil1250.Armand of Périgord was

also captured at La Forbie.He died in prison; no oneknowswhen.

WILLIAMOF

SONNAC,1247-1250

William of Sonnac was thepreceptor of Aquitaine whenhe was chosen as the newGrandMaster.Before thathehad been the commander ofthe Templar house atAuzon.39Since no one wascertain if Grand MasterArmand was dead, Williammay have felt that he wasalways just an acting Grand

Master.Ifso,itwasonehardact.William accompanied

King Louis IX on hisexpedition to Egypt, wheretheGrandMasterwas forcedinto a battle in the town ofMansourah, inwhichRobert,the brother of the king, waskilled. Everyone agreed thattheattackwasamistake,withmost of the blame going toRobert. Jean de Joinville,

seneschal of Champagne,says,“TheTemplars,as theirGrand Master told me later,lost on this occasion sometwohundredandeightymen-at-arms, and all mounted.”40Thereseemssuchaweightofdespair in that simplestatement. In all the years ofthe Templars, the totalnumberofknightsintheEastnever averaged more thanthree hundred. Even

assuming that many of thedead were sergeants, theTemplars had still lost morethanaquarteroftheirfightingmen.William, who had already

lost the use of one eye in anearlierencounter,wasblindedand killed in battle in EgyptonFebruary11,1250.

RENAUDOFVICHIERS,1250-

1256

WhenWilliamofSonnacwaskilled, Renaud of Vichierswasmarshaloftheorder.Notonlywas there no time for aproper election, there alsoweren’tenoughTemplarsleftalive to hold one. Renaudtook over until their return

from Egypt to Acre whereenough men could becollected.When King Louis of

France and many of hisnoblemen were held forransom,Renaud took it uponhimself to allow Jean deJoinville to takemoney fromthe chests that the Templarswere holding for variousdepositors,inordertofreetheking.41

When the king and theremnants of the armyreturned to Acre, “the king,on account of theconsiderationtheTemplehadshownhim,helpedmakehimMaster of the Temple.”42There may not have beenmuch protest from theremaining Templars. Renaudhad done well under terriblecircumstances.Louis seemed to think that

madethescoreevenbetweenthem. He certainly showedRenaud no further favors. In1251 Renaud sent hismarshal, Hughes de Jouy, tonegotiate an agreement withthe sultan of Damascus toshare a rich farming regionbetweenthetwolands.WhenHughescamebacktoAcretohaveKingLouisIXratifythetreaty,Louiswasfurious thatit had been donewithout his

authority. He had theTemplars parade barefootthrough the camp to his tent.Renaud was forced to handthetreatybacktothesultan’srepresentative and say loudlythat he regretted actingwithout the king’spermission. Hughes wasbanished from the kingdomofJerusalem.43

Renaud died January 20,1256.44Louis lasted long

enough to lead anotherruinous crusade. Renaud ismostly forgotten. Louis wasmade a saint. I think thereshouldbearecount.

THOMASBÉRARD,1256-1273

When Thomas BérardbecameGrandMaster,hewas

faced with a terrifying newthreattoallthepeoplesoftheNearEast andalso the lesserbut more immediate troublesof the incessant squabblingamong the inhabitants of thevarioussectionsofAcre.Mostofthequarrelingwas

among the merchants of theItalian city-states Genoa,Pisa, and Venice. They allhad financial stakes in Acreand were fierce competitors

for trade throughout theeasternMediterranean.“In 1258, during the civil

disturbance known as theWar of St. Sabas, themasterof the temple, ThomasBérard, took refuge in thetowerofSt.Lazaruswhenhisownstrongholdwassubjectedto crossfire between thePisans, Genoese andVenetians.”45

This seems tohavebeenanormal day at the office forThomas.Buthealsohadtocontinue

the effort to regain land lostover thepasteightyyears. In1260, the Templars and theIbelin lords attacked a largeencampment of Turks nearTiberias. They were routedand many Templars werekilledorcaptured.Amongtheprisoners were future Grand

Masters William of Beaujeuand Thibaud Gaudin. Themarshal of the Templars,Stephen of Saissy, survivedand, perhaps because of this,Bérard believed that he hadshowed either cowardice ortreachery. He strippedStephenofhishabit andsenthimbackhome.46Consideringthe shortage of manpower,Stephen must have been apretty poor example of a

Templar.But these were all small

matterscomparedtothelong-dreaded arrival of theMongols in the Near East.Under Genghis Khan, theyhad already conquered muchof China and were nowmoving into the ancientPersianEmpire.Talesoftheircruelty flew like crowsthrough the towns in theirpath. However, since they

were considered “pagans”there was hope among theleaders of the Church thattheycouldbebroughtintotheChristian community andwould join forces to liberateJerusalem again. FranciscanmissionariesweresenteastastheMongolsdrewnear.From his vantage point

Thomas saw that this was aforlornhope.Hewrotemanytimes to the West, trying to

make them see theseriousness of the situation.Oneletter,sentin1261totheTemplar treasurer inLondon,hassurvived:Althoughinourusualwaywehavepreviouslyinformedyouon many occasions of theterrible and awesome arrivalof theTartars[Mongols] . . .theyarenowhere in frontofour walls, knocking at our

gatesandnowisnotthetimetohidetheirskirmishesunderabushelburratheropenlytoreveal their stupendous andamazing exploits that haveshaken Christendomexternally with the weaponsofgreatpainandfear.47

The letter continues with arecitation of all the lands theMongols had taken; how thepeople of Antioch begged to

be allowed to pay tributeratherthanbedestroyed;howthe city of Aleppo wasflattened. Then Thomascomes to theessential reasonforhisletter:Because of the poverty andweaknessoftheChristianswedo not see the possibility ofholdingon to theother landsand places unless the Lordshowhismercy....Mayyou

be in no doubt that unlesshelpcomesquicklytousfromyour countries, whatever ourabilitytoresisttheattackandonslaught of such a greathorde, there is no doubt thatthewholeofChristendomthissideoftheseawillbesubjecttoTartar rule.Added to this,youshouldknowthatbecauseof the important andcountless expenses incurredin fortifying our said castles

and the city of Acre toimprovematters,ourhouseissuffering and has sufferedsuchhugerunsonourmoneythat it is recognized that weare in a dangerous financialsituation.48

Thomaswasseriousaboutthedire financial situation. Hewould have been willing totake out loans from theItalians but they had all left

the city. He was ready topawnthecrossesandincenseburners and anything else inthehouse.While waiting for help,

Thomas did everything hecouldtofindcash.In1261henegotiated with thearchbishopofNicosia for thepaymenttotithesowedtotheorderfromlandinCyprus.49

He sold Templar land in

Lucca to theFranciscans.50When the heirsof Saint Francis have moremoney than the Templars,youknowtheworldisupsidedown.Thomas Bérard died on

March25, 1273.51 After himthe sky fell in on the last ofthecrusaderstates.

WILLIAMOFBEAUJEU,1273-

1291

The election of William ofBeaujeu [or Clermont] asGrandMasterwasannouncedby Hugh Revel, the GrandMasterof theHospitallers, ina letter to the count ofFlanders. “The good men ofthe Temple have chosen, as

master and governor of theTemple, Brother Guillaumede Beaujeu. . . . Themessengers of the Templehave left for France, takingthe purse [empty, no doubt]andthenews.”52MasterHughcontinues to say that thingsarebadintheHolyLandand“the funds that the lord kingof France requested of thelord pope for the sustenanceofthelandarenowaslost.”53

It was not an auspiciousbeginning.William was born,

probably in France, about1230.54He was connected tothe family of Beaujeu-Forez,whichwasdistantlyrelatedtothe royal family of France.William joined the Templarsas a young man and was inthe East by the time he wasthirty when he was capturedby the Turks at a battle near

the town of Tiberius.55Evenbefore that, in 1254, he mayhave been preceptor of acommandery inLombardy.56In 1272, he islisted as the master of theKnights Templar inSicily.57He was there whenhewaselected.Knowing how bad the

situation was in Acre,William spent two years

“visitingallthehousesoftheTemple in the kingdoms ofFrance and England andSpain” rather than going tothe city at once.58Hissecretary reportsproudly that“he amassed a great treasureandthencametoAcre.”59

Butwoulditbeenough?Aswithmanyof theother

GrandMasters,Williamcamefrom a family with strong

crusading traditions. Arelative,HumbertofBeaujeu,had died with Saint Louis atDamietta in Egypt.60WhileWilliam was trying topreserve the last of theLatincities in theEast, his brotherLouis, constable of France,diedoncrusadeinSpainwithKingPhilipIII.61

Despitetheoutsidethreats,the Templars still foundthemselves getting caught up

in local politics. Because thelord of Jubail had become alay brother of the Temple,William took his side in afeud with the bishop andprince of Tortosa. Williamsent thirty Templars to helpthe lord of Jubail. As aconsequence, “theprincehadthe house of the Temple inTripoli knocked down, andcut down the Templars’woods.”62

After all the fear of aMongol invasion, the end ofthe Latin kingdoms camefrom Egypt, just as many ofthe later kings and crusadershadfeared.WilliamofBeaujeudiedat

thesiegeofAcrein1291,runthrough with a spear as herodeintobattle.63

THIBAUDGAUDIN,1291-1292/93

The next-to-last GrandMaster of the Temple hadspentmanyyearsintheEast.He had been captured by theTurks and, after his release,was commander of the ever-diminishing land ofJerusalem.64During the siegeofAcre,Thibaudandafewofthe Templars escaped from

the city in ships andwent tothe Templar castle of Sidonfarther up the coast. Thesultansent“oneofhisemirs,Sanjar al Shuja’i, whobesiegedthecastleontheseawith siege engines.”65Thibaud “saw his positionassaulted and thought heoughtnottobeginhistermofoffice by abandoning thecastle.”66

But guess what? “He took

counselwiththebrethrenandwiththeirconsenthewentoffto Cyprus, promising themthat he should send themrelief.”67I suspect that theanonymous Templar of Tyrewent with him or wewouldn’t know anything ofthis. When Thibaud got toCyprus, he didn’t seem allthat energetic about gettinghelp for themen left behind.Finally, other Templars who

hadmadeittotheislandsentword back to Sidon that nohelpwascoming.68

The castle of Sidon wasabandoned to the Mamluksultan,whohaditrazed.Thibaud Gaudin remained

in Cyprus and sent back toEurope for more men toreplace those who had fallenat Acre. Amazingly, theycame.69

It’s hard to say if, havingabandoned two Templarbases, Thibaud could haveinspiredhismenwithfightingfervor. But we are not toknow, for he died April 16,probablyin1292.70

Now the whole mess wasin the hands of Jacques deMolay, the last GrandMaster. His fate deserves achapter of its own, but firstwemustreturntootherviews

of the thirteenth-centurycrusades.1Malcolm Barber, The NewKnighthood (CambridgeUniversity Press, 1994) p.119.2Helen Nicholson tr., TheChronicle of the ThirdCrusade(Ashgate,Aldershot,1997)p.165.

3Peter W. Edbury tr., TheConquest of Jerusalem andthe Third Crusade [Eracles](Ashgate,Aldershot,1998)p.83.4Ibid.,p.112.5Ibid.6

Ibid.7Hans Mayer, The Crusades,tr. John Gillingham (OxfordUniversity Press, 1972) p.146.8Edbury,p.113.9Ibid.,pp.121-22.10

Rudolf Heistand ed.,Papsturkunden für Templerund Johanniter (Göttingen,1972-84)p.402.11Barber,p.122.12Heistand, p. 407. (FromCelestineIII,whohadalreadygiven a confirmation toRobert, but it never hurts tobesure.)

13Barber,122-23.14Ibid.,p.125.15Ibid.16Ibid.,p.123.17Ibid.,p.126

18Ibid.,pp.121-22.19Heistand,p.278.20Formore onWilliam, pleasesee chapter 23, TheCrusadesofLouisIX.21Oliver of Paderborn, TheConquest of Damietta, tr.

John J. Gavigan (Universityof Pennsylvania Press, 1948)p.30,note16.22Ibid.,p.68.23“Histoire des ArchevequesLatin de l’Île deChypre,” inArchives de l’Orient LatinTomeII(Paris,1884)p.214.24

Barber,p.128.25JamesM.Powell,Anatomyofa Crusade 1213-1221(University of PennsylvaniaPress,1986)p.126.26QuotedinBarber,p.130.27Lionel Allshorn, StuporMundi:TheLifeandTimesof

Frederick II, Emperor of theRomans, King of Sicily andJerusalem, 1194-1250(MartinSecker,1912)p.95.28Barber,p.135.29Ibid.,p.136.30Ibid.,pp.137-38.31

Ibid.32TheRothelinContinuation ofthe History of William ofTyre,inCrusaderSyriaintheThirteenth Century, tr. JanetShirley (Ashgate, Aldershot,1999)p.46.33Ibid.,p.48.34

Ibid.,p.50.35Barber,p.139.36Rothelin,p.53.37“Fragmentd’unCartulairedel’Ordre de Saint Lazare, enTerre-Sainte,” Archives del’OrientLatinTomeII (Paris,1884)pp.156-57,charterno.

39.38John France, WesternWarfare in the Age of theCrusades1000-1300 (CornellUniversity Press, 1999) p.217.39Alain Jacquet, Templiers etHospitaliersenTouraine:surles traces des monineschevaliers (Sutton Saint-Cyr-

sur-Loire, France 2002) p.143.40Joinville, “ViedeSt.Louis,”inChroniclesoftheCrusadestr. Margaret R. B. Shaw(Penguin,UK1963)p.219.41Ibid.,p.258.42Ibid.,p.267.

43Ibid.,p.294.44AlainDemurger,JacquesDeMolay: Le crepuscule destempliers (Paris: BiographiePayot,2002)p.61.45David Marcombe, LeperKnights (Boydell, UK 2003)p.11.

46The Templar of Tyre ed andtr. Paul Crawford (Ashgate,Aldershot,UK2003) pp. 36-37.47Thomas Bérard in TheTemplars: Selected SourcesTranslated and Annotated,Malcolm Barber and KeithBate (Manchester UniversityPress,2002)p.101.

48BarberandBate,p.104.49“Histoire des ArchevequesLatin de l’Île de Chypre,” p.237.50Fulvio Bramato, Storiadell’Ordine Dei Templari inItalia Vol. II Le Inquisizioni,Le Fonti (Rome: Atanò,1994)p.131.

51“Etudes sur les DerniersTemps de Royaume deJérusalem,” in Archives del’OrientLatinTomeII (Paris,1884)p.398.52“Six lettres relatives auxcroisades,” in Archives de l’Orient Latin Tome I (Paris,1884)p.390.53

Ibid.,p.391.54Barber,p.178.55TheTemplarofTyre,p.37.56Bramato,p.127.57Ibid.,p.146.58

TheTemplarofTyre,p.69.59Ibid.60Demurger, pp. 64-66. Seechapter 23, The TemplarsandtheSaint.61TheTemplarofTyre,p.85.62Ibid.,p.72.

63For a more complete tellingof this please see,The LastStands.64TheTemplarofTyre,p.37.65Ibid,p.118.66Ibid.67

Ibid.68Ibid.69Barber,p.291.70Ibid.,p.288.

CHAPTERTWENTY-THREE

TheTemplarsandtheSaint,LouisIXof

FranceLouisIX,KingofFrance,whomwenowknowasSaint

Louis,

wasbornin1214,thesecondson of Louis VIII and hiswife, Blanche of Castile. In1226, Louis VIII, onlytwenty-eight, died ofdysentery on his way backfrom fighting heretics in thesouth of France, leavingLouis IX, a boy of nine, asheirtothekingdom.1

Luckily, the regency washeld by the dowager queen,Blanche. At twenty-seven

years old, she had beenmarried more than half herlife and had borne twelvechildren, of whom sevensurvived. And, like herredoubtable grandmother,Eleanor of Aquitaine,Blanche was good at ruling.Not only that, but unlikeQueen Melisande ofJerusalem, all her childrenwere apparently devoted toher. She kept the country in

handuntilLouiscameofageand then, carefully, let himtakethereinsofgovernment.The entire family was

pious,Louisespeciallyso.Hearranged for relics of thePassion of Christ to bebrought from ConstantinopletoParis: thecrownof thorns,apieceoftheTrueCross,andthe sponge soaked invinegarthat the Roman soldiers heldto Jesus’ lips at the

crucifixion. He then built aspecial church to hold them.TheexquisiteSainteChapellestill stands on the Île de laCitéinParis.Then, in 1244, Louis was

struck down with an illnessthat nomedicinewas able tocure. Sure that hewas goingto die, Louis “put his affairsinorder,andearnestlybeggedhisbrotherstotakecareofhiswife and children, whowere

veryyoungandhelpless.”2

At one point, those caringfor him thought he had died,but he rallied. According tothe chroniclers, Louis’ firstwords were to the bishop ofParis, William of Auvergne.“Iwanttotakethecross!”hecroaked.3

When Louis hadcompletely recovered, bothhismother, Blanche, and the

bishoptriedtotalkhimoutofgoing; “When you took thecross . . . you were ill. . . .Blood had rushed to yourbrainso thatyouwerenotofsoundmind,”theyinsisted.4

But Louis would not bedissuaded.Wordhadcomeofthe conquest of Jerusalem inJuly1244,bytheKhorezmianTurks, who were beingpushedwestbytheadvancingMongols, and the defeat of

the Christian forces at Gaza.ItseemedtoLouisthathehadbeen called to save the HolyLand.Healsoconvincedhisthree

younger brothers, Robert,Alphonse, and Charles, tocome with him along withmanyofthegreatlordsofthekingdom. The only holdoutwas Thibaud, count ofChampagne and king ofNavarre, who had just

returnedfromhisowntotallydisastrous crusade and feltthat he’d had enough offoreigntravel.5

Louis also took his wife,Marguerite of Provence. Forthe good of the succession,they left behind their twoyoungsons,LouisandPhilip,in the care of theirgrandmother.6

The rest of the family set

sail from France in August1248, except for Alphonse,who stayed behind to watchout for the kingdom and totake care of Robert’s wife,who was too pregnant for asea voyage.7 Both of themfollowedlater.The family was smart

enough not to have all threebrothers take the same ship,but each one arrived safely.Louisandhispartywentfirst

to Cyprus, landing there onSeptember 17. They weregreeted by William ofSonnac, theGrandMaster oftheTemplars,whohad comefromAcre to accompany thekingonhiscrusade.Itwasdecidedtospendthe

winter in Cyprus. Whileplanning for the campaign inthespring,Louistooktimetosettle a dispute between theHospitallers and the

Templars.8

William accompaniedLouis and the army whenthey shipped out the nextsummer. It had been decidedthat Egypt held the keys toJerusalem and so LouisplannedtoattackthetownofDamietta in Egypt first,therebycuttingoffthesupplyroutesnorth.The landing was a little

tricky. The French armywasfired upon as they cameashoreinsmallboats.“Itwasa sight to enchant the eyes,”the chronicler, Jean deJoinville, remembered. “Forthe sultan’s armswere all ofgold and where the suncaught them they shoneresplendent.” 9Joinville, whoseemstohavebeencousintoalmost everyone, includingKing Louis, was in his early

twenties at the time and thecrusadewasthebigadventureofwhatwastobeaverylonglife.As they approached

Damietta, the Frenchdiscoveredthatthegateswerewide open and the towndeserted. The people of thetownhadrememberedthelasttime Damietta was besiegedby the Franks and theydecided they would rather

abandon it than go throughthatagain.Eventhegarrison,under Fakr ad-Din, chose toflee.When theSultan,onhisdeathbed, heard of this, heorderedthesoldiershanged.10

Louis was delighted. Hesettledintothetownwithhisarmy and his wife. Damiettawasagoodplace towaitoutthe annual flooding of theNileandagoodbaseforraidsintoEgypt.

Aswinterneared,thearmybegan to move through theNileDeltatowardthetownofMansourah. On December 7they were attacked by theEgyptian Turks. “But theTemplars and the others ofoursinthevanguardwerenotin the least startled ordismayed,” Joinville assureshisreaders.11

Of the many things saidabout the Templars, no one

who saw them in battle eversaidtheywerecowards.But all too soon came the

first disaster for the Frenchand the price the Templarspaidforitwashigh.On February 8, the king’s

brother Robert, count ofArtois, was in the vanguardof the army along with theTemplars.TheyhadcrossedariverandLouishadtoldthem

to wait for the rest of theforce before moving on.Instead, Robert and his menraced ahead and beganattacking the Saracen camp.They slaughtered everyonethey found there, regardlessofageorsex.12

William of Sonnac, theGrandMasterof theTemple,“a good knight, valiant,hardy,wiseinwarandclear-sighted in such matters,

advisedtheCountofArtoistowait and rally his men.”13Robert apparently sneered athim and set out. TheTemplarscouldn’t lethimgooff and be killed on his ownso they rode with him,perhaps still hoping toconvincehimtoturnback.Count Robert and the

vanguardenteredthetownofMansourah and were sooncaught in the twisting streets

where they became easytargets for thedefenders. “Atthe moment of supremedanger, the Turkish battalionof theMamluks . . . lions inwarandmighty inbattle . . .drove themback.TheFrankswere massacred one andall.”14

It was said that theTemplars lost 280 men atMansourah.15

Louishopedforafewdaysthathisbrotherhadonlybeencaptured and was being heldforransom,butatlasthewastold that Robert had died.“‘MayGodbeworshiped forall he has givenme,’ repliedthe king and then big tearsbegantofallfromhiseyes.”16

The few Templars thatwere left continued to fightfor Louis. Although he hadlost the use of one eye

previously, William ofSonnac was still at the frontof every fight. On February11hewasat abarricade thathe had made out of parts ofcapturedsiegemachines.TheTurksthrewGreekfireat thetinder-dry barricade and itcaughtatonce.“TheTurks... did not wait for the fire toburn itself out, but rushed inand attacked the Templarsamidsttheflames.”17

In the course of the battle,William’s other eye was putout. He soon died from hiswounds.Until a newGrandMaster

couldbe chosen, themarshalof the order, Renaud ofVichiers,tookcharge.But there were to be no

more glorious battles inEgypt. Louis’ army wastrapped in the delta,

surroundedbyenemysoldiersand attacked daily by flies,fleas, and disease. Supplyships sent from Damiettawere taken and plunderedbefore they could reach theFrench. Scurvy broke outamong the men. Even theking’s diet wasn’t enough toprotect against it. Louis triedto arrange a truce but it wasclearthattheyweredefeated.

LouissickinCaptivity(TheBritishLibrary)The Turks attacked on

April 7. By this point Louisnot only had scurvy but alsodysentery so constant that“they had to cut away thelower part of his

underwear.”18If the kingwasthisbadoff,youcanimaginethe state of the rest of thearmy.Theywererouted.Louis and his two

remaining brothers wereamongthosetakenprisoner.Queen Marguerite was at

that time in Damietta andclose to the end of apregnancy. It was she whohadtodecidewhattodo.Her

main goalwas the release oftheprisoners.After some haggling, the

sultanagreedthat theransomforLouisandhismenwasthesurrenderofDamiettaandthepayment of five hundredthousand livres, or onemillion gold bezants. It waslater reduced to fourhundredthousand livres, which wasstillmorethanLouismadeinayear.

Unfortunately, the nextday, the sultanwas killed byhis body-guard. This was asetback for the negotiationsand the French thought theymight be killed, but the newgovernment was willing toaccept the terms of theransom.19

An interesting note inJoinville’s memoir is that,according to him, Louis wasaskedtoswearanoaththathe

would deliver the ransom.Part of the oath was, “if theking did not keep faith withthe emirs he should bedishonored as a Christianwho deniesGod and his lawandincontemptofHim,spitson a cross and tramples itunderfoot.”20

Now,theseweretwoofthemain charges against theTemplars at theirarrest andtrials. The question is, was

this something that reallyhappened and perhaps wasspoken of by Louis’ family?He refused to take that oathand might have told this tohis children proudly. ThenPhilip IV, Louis’ grandson,might have already knownaboutitandthoughtitagoodthing to charge those infidel-lovingTemplarswith.On the other hand,

Joinvilleliveduntil1317,ten

years after the arrest of theTemplars. He began writinghis memoir in 1305, orperhaps earlier, but it wasn’tfinished until just before hisdeath at the age of ninety-one.Couldhehave confusedtheoathLouisrefusedtotakewithwhathehadheardabouttheTemplars?The Templars had another

role to play in the finding ofLouis’ ransom.When all the

money in Damietta wascounted up, they were stillthirty thousand livres short.The first thought at the courtwas to get a short-term loanfrom the Templars. Themaster having died, Jean deJoinville, the seneschal ofChampagne, went to theTemplarcommander,Étienned’Orricourt. He refused togive the loan, saying, “Youknow that all the money

placed in our charge is leftwith us on condition of ourswearing never to hand itover except to those whoentrusted it to us.”21 TheTemplarsdidnothavemoneyof their own with them atDamietta.Joinville was not going to

stand for that and the twomen were arguing loudlywhen the marshal of thetemple and acting Grand

Master, Renaud of Vichiers,came by and suggested that,while the Templars couldn’tmakea loanof themoney, ifitwerestolenfromthemtherewasn’t much they could doaboutit.HedidpointoutthatLouiscouldrepay themfromhisaccountinAcre.22

And so, thanks to thecreative thinking of Renaudof Vichiers, the ransom waspaid. Louis handed over

Damietta and took his wifeand newborn son to Acre.23Most of the lords, includingLouis’ two remainingbrothers,wenthome.Louis stayed in the East

until 1254. His crusade hadcost a king’s ransom andthousands of lives. Themostthatheaccomplishedwastherebuilding and fortifying ofsome towns in the KingdomofJerusalem.

He seems to have felt thatthis wasn’t enough, for tenyears later he began to plananother crusade. This was inresponse to the arrival of aTemplar messenger fromAcre, telling of the ongoingconquestsoftheMongols.24

Again Louis’ two brotherswentwithhim,aswellashissons,Philip,whohadmissedthe last crusade, along withJean Tristan and Peter, who

hadboth been bornwhile onit.Healso tookhisdaughter,Isobel, and her husband,another Thibaud ofChampagne. This time,Marguerite decided to stayhome. Prince Edward ofEngland also agreed to go,but he arrived too late andeventually went to Acre tofulfillhiscrusadingvow.25

For Louis did not go toAcreagain,nor toEgypt,but

toTunis.Heapparentlydidn’ttellanyoneaboutthisuntilhisships had put to sea. Thelogicbehindthisisstillbeingdebated.SomesaythatLouisbelieved that the emir therewas willing to convert toChristianity but neededmilitary backing.26At onetime it was thought that theking’s brother, Charles ofAnjou,whohadsincebecomeking of Sicily, suggested the

invasionasameansofgettinga foothold inAfrica.27However, it hassince been proven thatCharles wasn’t aware thatLouiswasplanningongoingto Tunis and had to changehis own plans toaccommodatehim.28

For whatever reason, thecrusade was again a dismalfailure. The army wasn’tdefeatedbytheMoslems,but

by the summer heat. Theylanded in August in NorthAfrica.Therewaslittlewaterand no shelter from the sun.Sicknessfilledthecamp.Thefirst of Louis’ family to diewas his son Jean Tristan.Then Philip, the eldest son,becamesick.Louis,whohadnever really recovered fromhis suffering in Egypt,became ill next. Soon herealized that he was dying

andsohehadhimselflaidouton a bed of ashes, armsoutstretched in the form of across. He died August 25,1270.29

Charles of Anjou arrivedshortly afterward. Hearranged for his brother’sbody to be rendered and hisbones taken home forburial.30 Charles conductedthe business side of thecrusadeandarrangedatreaty

with the emir that was veryfavorabletoSicily.31

That was the last majorcrusade ever launched by aEuropeanking.Louis’ son Philip III

survived, but Philip’s wife,Jeanne,diedfromafallfroma horse followed by astillbirth. One wonders iftheir son, Philip the Fair,would have been a warmer

person if his mother hadlived. As a result of thecrusade, Louis’ brother Peterandhiswifealsodied,asdidLouis’ daughter and son-in-law.32

Almost immediatelymiracles were reported atLouis’ grave. His remainingbrother, Charles, built ashrinetohiminhispalace.Itmaybesaidthattheonly

thing theTemplarshad todowith Louis’ last journey isthattheytransferredthefundsforit.Byallaccounts,Louiswas

almostalwaysongood termswiththeTemple.HundredsofTemplars were killed orenslaved in the Egyptiancampaign.Their courage andmilitary wisdom werepraised.So thatdoesn’tseema likely reason why Louis’

grandson, Philip the Fair,would want to condemnthem.However, the popular

feelingthat theTemplarsandthe Hospitallers should havefought harder to protect theHoly Land was onlyincreased by the debacles ofSaintLouis.1Margaret Wade Labarge,

Saint Louis: Louis IX MostChristian King of France(Boston:Little,Brown,1968)p.25.2TheRothelinContinuation ofthe History of William ofTyre,inCrusaderSyriaintheThirteenth Century, tr. JanetShirley (Ashgate, Aldershot,1999)p.66.3

JeandeJoinville,“LifeofSt.Louis,” in Chronicles of theCrusades tr. M. R. B. Shaw(Penguin, 1963) p. 191;Matthew Paris, Chronica tr.RichardVaughn(NewYork,1984)p.131;Rothelin,p.66.4Matthew Paris, p. 131.Matthew wasn’t there butJoinvillealsosaysthatQueenBlanche and BishopWilliam

wereupsetsothismaybethegistoftheirargument.5Rothelin, p. 67. For thedetailsofthatcrusadeseethesection on Armand ofPérigordinchapter22.6Philip was born on May 1,1245, and so was only threeyearsoldwhenhisparentssetoffoncrusade.

7Guillaume de Nangis,Chronique tr. M Guizot(Paris,1825)p.156.8Paris,p.181.9Joinville,p.201.10Jamal ad-Din Ibn Wasil,Mufarrij al-Kurub fi akhbar

Bani Ayyub in ArabHistoriansoftheCrusadestr.Francesco Gabrieli (Dorset,1982)p.286.11Rothelin,p.91.12Ibid.,p.95.13Ibid.14

IbnWasil,p.290.15Joinville,p.219.16Ibid.,p.226.17Ibid.,p.232.18Ibid.,p.240.19

IbnWasil,p.298.20Joinville,p.254.21Ibid.,p.258.22Ibid.,p.259.23Marguerite gave birth threedays after she learned ofLouis’ capture. She named

the boy Jean Tristan, “triste”meaningsadness.Bythetimeshe returned to France, shehad had another child andwas pregnant again. I thinkher story is fascinating but,since no Templars wereinvolved, itwill have towaitforanothertime.24Jonathan Riley-Smith, TheCrusades (New Haven: Yale

University Press, 1987) p.208.25Labarge,pp.227-44.26Riley-Smith,p.210.27Labarge,pp.239-40.28HansMayer,TheCrusadestr.John Gillingham (Oxford

University Press, 1988) p.282.29Labarge,p.243.30Ibid.31Nangis,p.187.32Ibid.

CHAPTERTWENTY-FOUR

TemplarsandMoney

“The whole country of theEast would have beenconqueredlongagohaditnotbeenfortheTemplarsandtheHospitallers and others whocall themselves religious....But the Templars and the

Hospitallers and theirassociates, who are fattenedbyamplerevenues,areafraidthat if the country [Egypt] issubjected to Christian laws,theirsupremacywillcome toanend.”1

These words were put inthe mouth of Robert ofArtois, brother of Louis IX,by the English chroniclerMatthewParis.Matthewwaswriting shortly after the end

of Louis’ useless and veryexpensive crusade in 1250.Robert is supposed to havesaid this in response to theadvice of the master of theTemplars,WilliamofSonnac,that they should put offattacking the Saracens at thetown of Mansourah inEgypt.2

It’s highly unlikely thatRobert actually said thesewords.JeandeJoinville,who

was there, doesn’t mentionanything of the kind. ButMatthew may have beenreflectingpopularhomefrontopinions on the wealth ofboth the Templars and theHospitallers. Matthew was amonkattheEnglishabbeyofSt. Albans and his onlycontactwithTemplarswouldhave been in their role ascompetitors for laydonationsandtithes.

“Everybody knows” thatthe Templars were rich.3They had piles of treasurehiddeneverywhere.Whentheorder was dissolved, notreasure was found.Therefore,it’sstillhidden.There are a lot of

assumptions in the abovestatements.TheTemplarsdidhave a reputation for beingboth greedy andmiserly, butwas it true?Were they rich?

What form did their wealthtake? What was theirfinancial situation when theorderwasdissolved in1312?What’s the real story of theTemplarsandmoney?Let’s start at the end. On

October 13, 1307, theTemplars of Baugy, inCalvados, Normandy, werearrestedalongwiththerestoftheTemplars inFrance.Thatsame day an inventory was

made of their goods. It wasdone in the presence of thethree Templars assigned toBaugyandfiveofficersoftheking.4

The commandery ownedfourteen milk cows, fiveheifers, one ox, seven calvesmore than a year old, twobulls, one calf still nursing,one hundred sheep, ninety-nine pigs, and eight piglets.There was a good horse for

thecommanderandfournagstopullcarts.Therewasalsoagood supply of grain, theharvest just having beenfinished and tithes paid twoweeks before, half a tun ofwine, and a supply of beer“for the boys and theworkers.”5

The chapel had the bareminimum of equipment forservices: vestments, onechalice, books, and altar

linen. The chamber of thecommander had some plainsilvercupsandsomewoodenones. He had bed linen andclothes, including a raincloak. He also had a blueoverdress “belonging to thewife ofM. Roger de Planes,which was being held for adebt, so said the commanderand Bertin du Goisel.”6 Theking’s men seemed to thinkthat women’s clothing in the

commander’s chamber wassuspicious, but there wasother clothing belonging tomen of the neighborhood sothey decided to believe theTemplars.While the Templars in

Paris and London may havemade major loans to kings,theTemplarsintheprovincesseemedtohavefunctionedaslocalpawnbrokers.

There was nothing else atthe commandery thatwouldn’thavebeenfoundonany well-run farm inNormandy. The threeTemplars were the onlymembers of the order livingthere. There were twenty-sixservants, including achaplain, GuillaumeDurendent,whodoesn’tseemtohavebeenaTemplarpriestsince he and the other

servants reminded theofficials that they stillexpectedtobepaid.7

AlltheotherinventoriesofTemplar property gave thesame results. The prestigiousTemple inLondonhad littlemore than the provincialcommandery had. The cellarcontained some maple cups,twenty-two silver spoons,some canvas cloths, and fourtankards. There were seven

horses in the stable, three forfarm work. The master hadsome clothes and bed linen,one gold buckle, and acrossbowwithoutbolts.8

TheTemplarsseemtohavelivedsimply.Theyhadplentyto eat and drink but most oftheircashwenttopaybillsorto the headquarters of theorder in Cyprus. Even inParis there were no greatcaches of jewels or coins.

MostofthevaluablepropertywaseitherheldassecurityforloanstheTemplarshadmadeor was on deposit as inmodernbanks.IftheTemplarsreallywere

terribly rich, thenwherewasallthemoney?Before speculating on

missing pots of gold andmidnight runs through thestreets, it would be a good

idea to try to find out justhowmuchtheTemplarshad.

WHEREDIDTHETEMPLARS’

MONEYCOMEFROM?

The first gift to theTemplars, according totradition,wasthe“Templeof

Solomon”itself.“Astheyhadneitherachurchnoraregularplacetolive,thekingallowedthem to live temporarily in apartofhispalace,whichwason the south side of theTemple of the Lord. Thecanons of the Temple of theLordgavethemthecourtyardthat they had that was nearthe palace, under certainconditions, for the saying oftheOffice.”9

The kingwasBaldwin II.He was living at the time(around 1120) in the al-Aqsamosque and may haveplannedtohavetheTemplarsstay only until they couldaffordaplaceoftheirown.Itturned out that the kingmoved first and let theknights have the wholebuilding. 10Of course, thebuilding was falling downand needed the roof repaired

among other things, so itwasn’t quite such a generousdonation as it might haveseemedatfirst.11

The king and the patriarchof Jerusalem also gave theTemplars funds to supportthemselves, in return for theknights’ promise to protectpilgrims on the road againstthieves and highwaymen.12We don’t know what thesefunds consisted of since the

recordshavebeenlostbutthemost likely gifts would havebeen something that reneweditself,likerentsortithes.Thefirstdonationrecorded

in Europe is from a certainWilliam of Marseille. Thiswasmadebefore1124,whenthe Grand Master, Hugh dePayns, arrived fromJerusalemtodrumupsupportfortheorder.Williamdividedthe gift of a church in

Marseille and all its propertybetween the Knights of theTemple of Solomon, theChurch ofSt.Marie, and themonksofSt.Victor.13

A thirdof a church isn’t abad start. However, theTemplars soon sold theirshare to the bishop of Fréjusin return for eight sestiersofwheat, to be paid annually.14That is about as much as adonkey could comfortably

carry. It wouldn’t have beenenough to make bread for amantolastaweek.Itwasn’t until 1127,when

Hugh de Payns and hiscomrades came back toEurope, that the order begantogetsomeserioussupport.Hugh went first to Fulk,

count of Anjou, who hadlivedwiththeTemplarsforatime when he was on a

pilgrimage to Jerusalem andgave them thirty livres ayear.15It is said that KingHenry IofEnglandmetwithHugh and his comrades inNormandy and gave themgoldandsilverandsentthemon with letters ofintroduction.16 There are norecords of Henry’s exactdonations, but it is certainthathissuccessor,Stephen,orto be more accurate,

Stephen’s wife, Matilda ofBoulogne, made one of thefirst donations of land inEngland. She gave theTemplarsamanorandchurchin the townofCressyngwithall that pertained to it,including woods and fields,ponds and rivers, as well asthe toll from mills and alsolocaltaxes.17

Lords in Flanders,Champagne, Poitou, and

Aragon gave similardonations.AfterHughdePaynswent

back to Jerusalem, severalTemplars, perhaps newlyrecruited,stayedontospreadtheword.18By1150,theorderhad lands in France,Aragon,Castille, Flanders, England,Portugal,thevariouscountiesofProvence,andGermany.19

An example of typical

propertyistheTemplarhousein the Rouergue, a fairlyremote area near thePyrenees, which wasestablishedin1140.Howeverthe Cistercians and theHospitallershadarrivedtherefirst. Though the Templarsestablished a network ofhouses, cleared land, andreceivedmanygifts,theotherordersstillhada largersharein most places and there

wasn’t always enough to goaround. The Cistercians ofSylvane and the Templarsand Hospitallers fought overtherights to tithes fromlocalchurches for over a hundredyears. It came to the pointthat Templars began to beasked to witness donationsmade to the monks ofSylvane in the hope that themonkswouldn’t later contestthe gifts.20 Perhaps this

tendencytodisputetherightsofotherstoreceivedonationswas another case that gavethe order a reputation forgreed.Southern France was one

of the areas in which theTemplars became wellestablished.Thelandhadsentmanyof its noblemenon theFirst Crusade and the countsof Toulouse and St. Gilleshad relatives among the

counts of Tripoli. Actually,mostoftheimportantcentersof Templar commanderies—Flanders, France,Champagne, Aquitaine, andProvence—were the sameareas that produced many ofthe settlers in the Latinkingdoms.InmostofwesternEurope,

the land theTemplarsownedwas used for farming andlivestock. The Templar lay

brothers, men who donatedtheir services withoutbecoming monks, did muchofthefarmwork.Therewerealso paid servants and, inSpain,evenMoslemslavestodo the work.21A few of theTemplar knights lived at thecommanderies, which wereusually buildings that hadbeen donated, but many ofthe houses were run bysergeants. Men of fighting

age and ability wereimmediatelysentoverseas.In the British Isles the

Templars had farms thatproduced wheat, oats, rye,andbarley.Someof thiswasfor their own use, but somewas sold. They also raisedsheep and exported wool.22They had an edge over laywoolsellersinthattheywereexcused from having to paycustoms duty. Of course, the

Cistercians had the sameexceptions and much largerholdings so the Templarscould only capture a smallshareofthemarket.23

They did make somemoneybyrentingoutthelandthey were given to smallfarmers. In some cases thiswasinreturnforaportionoftheharvest, but theTemplarspreferredcashand,especiallyin good years, it was to the

advantage of the farmer topayasetamountannually.Wehaveawindowintothe

Temple lands in Englandfrom a survey of theirproperty made in 1185. Itshows that the Templarsowned and rented out manysmall plots of land. Therenters paid in shillings andalsoinkind.Examplesofthisare not only ale and “2capons at Christmas” or “15

eggs at Easter,” but alsopromises to serve on a localjury, reap half an acre ofTemplar fields, shoe sixTemplar horses, or ploweitherinspringorautumn.24

Someofthecommanderiesmust have raised horses fortheknights overseas. JeandeJoinville comments on thehorses loaded in the hold oftheshipatMarseilleforLouisIX’sfirstcrusade.25Thereare

other accounts of shipsbringinghorsesfortheuseofthe Templars. Thewarhorsesused by European knightswerespeciallybredtohandlethe weight of men andarmor.26However, sincemostof the horses would havebeen used by the Templarsthemselves, breeding themprobably didn’t producemuchincome.Thebest income-producers

of the time were mills andovens. Many people gaveTemplars the rights to watermills, and one of the worstbattles between theHospitallers and Templars intheLatinkingdomswasoverwaterandmillrights.27

Another source of incomewas the right to hold fairs.Theseweremarketsatwhicheverything from localproduce to imported luxury

goods were sold. Merchantscomingtothefairshadtopayfor a spot to set up shop aswell as a tax on the goodsthey brought to sell. TheTemplars could collect thesefees as well as selling theirown goods at the fairswithout having to pay thesamefees.Again, there were

complaints that the Templarswere abusing this privilege.

In around 1260, in the townof Provins, in Champagne,the local tradesmencomplained to the count thatthe Templars were chargingfees to merchants bringingwool into town for the fairs.The merchants reminded thecountthatforapennyaweek,theyhadalwaysbeenexcusedfrom paying what wasbasicallysalestax.Asaresultof the fees imposed by the

Templars, wool sellers weretaking theirgoodselsewhere.“Sir,” theybegged thecount,“[w]e know truly that if youknewthegreatdamagewhichyou are suffering here fromloss of rents, from yourovens,yourmills,yourfabricmanufacturersandyourotherfactorieswhichyouhavehereat Provins, and the greatdamagewhichyourbourgeoisare suffering . . . for God’s

sake, help us.”28Unfortunately, we don’tknow how the count,Thibaud, responded to thispoignant plea. Nor do weknow how much theTemplars earned from theirextortion.Another big source of

income was from theprivileges given to theTemplars by the variouspopes. The first, given by

Pope Innocent II, on March29, 1139, was that theTemplars could keep all thebooty they captured.29 Thiswas a privilege that theBenedictines and Cistercianshadn’t even thought of. InSpain especially, this wasextremely profitable,although the order was oftengiven land by the kings onconditionthattheyconqueritthemselves.30Booty also

brought ina lotof income intheHolyLand,at leastat thebeginning. It was because ofthis that William of Tyreaccused Grand MasterBernard of Tremeley ofrefusing to let anyone butTemplars inside the walls ofAscalon when they hadbroken in. William insistedthat Bernard was too greedyto let anyone else have achancetolootthecity.31

The pope also gave theTemple the right to build itsownsmallchurchesandburyits members and “family” inthem. The “family” was avery loose term,meaning therelatives of the brothers butalso servants, their relatives,andanyonewhohadbecomea lay brother or lay sister ofthehousethroughadonation.One of theworst bones of

contention between the order

andthelocalclergygrewoutoftheprivilegegivenbyPopeCelestine II on January 9,1144. Celestine encouragedpeople to donate to theTemple by allowing them toignore one-seventh of anypenance a priest had giventhem. That wasn’t so bad. Itdidn’t cost anyone anything.The priest could adjust thepenance.ButthenheallowedtheTemplarstocomethrough

villagesonceayearandopenthe churches in places thatwere under interdict. Thismeant that theKnightsof theTemplegotthedonationsthatwere given at marriages andburials that the local clergycouldn’t perform while theinterdict lasted.32 This wasliterally a godsend for theorder.The biggest donation that

the Templars ever received

was one-third of a country.Theydidn’tgettokeepit,butthey traded it back to theiradvantage.In 1134, Alfonso I of

Aragon and Navarre, knownas“theBattler,”diedwithoutdirectheirs.Insteadoffindingsome distant cousin to ruleafter him, he left the wholekingdom of Aragon to bedivided between theTemplars, the Hospitallers,

and the canons of the HolySepulcherinJerusalem.33

Before the celebrations inthecommanderieswereover,the beneficiaries of the willrealized that the nobility ofAragon weren’t going tostand for that. They draggedAlfonso’s brother, Ramiro,out of a monastery, marriedhim off, and crowned himking.34In Navarre, CountGarcíaRamíreztookover.

Pope Innocent II tried toget the terms of the willenforced, but it wasimpractical from thebeginning. The Hospital andthe canons of the HolySepulchercametotermswiththe Spanish nobles by 1140.The Templars held out until1143. Their settlementincluded castles, a tenth ofroyal revenues, one thousandsolidos every year, a fifth of

all lands conquered from theMoors, and exemption fromsometaxes.35

So the Templars (and theHospitallers) had a widevarietyof sourcesof income.Butwasitenough?

WHEREDIDTHEMONEYGO?

CriticssuchasMatthewParisseem to have had theimpression that the Templarsand Hospitallers had morethan enough money toconquer Saracen lands fromCairo to Baghdad. He andothers were certain that theTemplars spent all theirmoney on a luxuriouslifestyle and orientaldecadence.Eitherthatortheywere misers, hoarding cash

thatshouldgotothestruggletoregaintheHolyLand.Were they?What did they

spendtheirmoneyon?First of all, the Knights

Templar did not live likeordinarymonks. Each knightbrother had to have threehorses and tack and onesquire, a ration of barley forthehorse,andarmor,aswellas regular clothing. He

needed his own napkin andwashcloth.36He also had acookpotandbowltomeasurethebarley,drinkingcups,twoflasks, a bowl and spoonmade of horn, and a tent,amongotherthings.37

The sergeants got most ofthe same things as theknights, except for the tentand cook pot. They wereallowedonehorseeach.

The average cost of awarhorse during the twelfthand thirteenth centuries wasthirty-six livres.38 That’smore than the value of agood-sized manor. There aremany stories about poorknights who sold ormortgaged their patrimonyfor a good horse. MostTemplar knights brought atleast one horse with themwhentheyentered,buthorses

were just as often casualtiesofwarasmenandbothwerecostlytoreplace.The Templars also hired

Turcopoles to fight withthem. These men wereChristian Syrians or sons ofGreeksandTurks.Theyweretrainedasmountedarchersinthe Eastern style. Some ofthem were brothers of theorder but most were paidmercenaries. The Templars

had a master in charge ofthem, called a Turcopolier,who also was commander ofthesergeantbrothersintimesofcombat.39

Added to these, there wasthecostof shippingmenandequipmentfromWesttoEast.By the middle of thethirteenth century, theTemplars had some ships oftheir own, but they werecostly to maintain, even if

they took on payingpassengers.Also, not all of those

donations came withoutstrings.For example, in April

1145, two women of Arles,Maria and Sclarmandia, and,ohyes,theirhusbandsandalltheir children, sold propertyto the Templars. They wereveryspecificaboutthemoney

theywouldreceiveasa“gift”in return: 250 sous ofMelgueil in new money and150sousinsmallchange.40

Generally, the chartersaren’tasup frontabout salesas thisonewas.Mostpeoplewanted it to appear that theyweregivingpropertyorrightsfor the good of their souls.For instance, in 1142, amannamed Arnaud gave theTemplars “willingly, of my

ownaccordall that Ihaveorshould have in the town ofBurcafols.”41Headdsthathedoesthis“fortheloveofGodand the remissionofmy sinsandthoseofmyfamilyandtoreceive life everlasting,Amen.”42It’sonlyinthefinalsentences that it’s mentionedthat the Templars are givinghim fourteen livresmorebetani and ten sous anda carton of wheat of the

measureofToulouse.43

Manytimesthepriceoftheproperty being “donated” iscalled a “charity.” In 1152,BernardModulreceivedfortysous from the Temple ascharity for some land hisbrother had given theTemplars of Douzens.Apparently Bernard also hadaclaimtotheland.Inreturn,Bernardreleasedhisclaim.44

Reading through thesurviving charters, it appearsthat a large part of the“donations” to the Templarswereactuallysales.Also, the Templars

accepted what were called“corrodians.” This systemwas something like theretirement homes that take alargefeeupfrontandpromiseto house and feed theresidents until they die. An

early example of a Templarcorrody comes from 1129.Pierre Bernard and his wifegave themselves and theirproperty to the Temple. Inexchange for this, theTemplars promised to feedandclothethemfortherestoftheirlives.Pierreandhiswifeweren’t that old at the time,fortheyputinaclauseaboutthe care of their children, “ifwe have children.” 45 That

meant that, while theTemplars did get everythingthedonorsowned,theymightwellbesupportingthefamilyfortwogenerations.Insomecasesthecorrodies

alsoincludedasetamountofmoney to be paid by theTemplars every year alongwith“atallowcandlenightly,firewood as needed, and agroom assigned by thepreceptortoservethem.”46

The Rule of the Templarsimplies that there are timeswhen they expected to runshortofreadymoney.“Whenthe time after Easter comesforthegreatexpensesthatthehouses have to pay from theharvests,andthecommanderstelltheMasterthattheydon’thaveenoughmeat,theMastermay go to the brothers andask their advice. And if thebrothers agree to give up

meat on Tuesday, then theymay do without. But whenthe wheat is harvested, thenthe meat should berestored.”47Although theTemplars tried toget rents inmoney,mostofthetimetheyseem to have been land richandcashpoor.

BANKERSTOTHE

KINGS

Outside of their militaryactivity,theTemplarsarebestremembered as financiers,holding the treasuries ofEngland and France in theircommanderies, making loansto all the best families ofEurope,andtransferringlargeamounts of funds from oneend of the continent to theother.

TheTemplarsseemtohavegotten into the bankingbusiness almost by accident.ItstartedwithKingLouisVIIof France. On his expeditionto Jerusalem in 1148, he ranshortofmoneyandborrowedfromtheTemplars.Hehadtowrite home to his regent, theabbot Suger, telling him topay the Templars in Paris“thirty thousand sous in themoney of

Poitou.”48Fortunately, Sugercamethroughwiththecash.When Louis came home,

he placed the royal treasury,what was left of it, in thesafekeeping of the Templarsin Paris.49 He made aTemplar, Theirry Galeran,royal treasurer.50Galeran hadbeen in Louis’ service formanyyears and had gone onthecrusadewithhim.

Fromthat time, theFrenchroyal treasury was generallyin the care of the Templars.Under Louis’ son PhilipAugustus,thetreasureroftheTemple took in and countedthemoney theking received,underthewatchfuleyesofsixof theburgessesofParis anda M. Adam.51 The Templarbrothers Giles and Hughseem to have filled the sameoffice under Saint Louis.52

Right up through the earlyyears of King Philip theFair, the Templars not onlyheldthetreasurefortheking,but also kept an account ofcreditors and debtors and theamountsowed.53

However, the Temple inParis was never more than aholding place for cash. ThetreasureroftheTemplarswasnot normally a royal official.He did not have any part in

financial planning nor did heaudit accounts. The Templetookmoney in, stored it, andpaiditout.54Mostofthetimethe Templarsweremore likewarehouse guards thanbankers.Statementsweresenttothe

kings(andotherclients)threetimes a year, at Candlemas(February 2), Ascension(forty days after Easter; thedatechanged),andAllSaints’

Day(November1).Thereareonlyafewfragmentsofthesestatements for the Frenchkings.Fromonefragmentwelearn, however, that, in1202/03theprovostsofParisdeposited18,000livresinthecare of Brother Haimard atthe Temple. The bailiffsdeposited 37,000 livres withBrother Haimard and afurther 5,000 livres withBrother Guérin.55In 1292 at

Candlemas, the treasury tookin72,517 livres, 19 sols, and7 denarii. Expenses were125,000 livres, 1 sol, and 0denarii.AtAscension,ittookin121,806livres,18sols,and3 denarii and paid out111,073 livres, 9 sols, and 3denarii.56

If it was good enough forthe king of France, it wasgoodenoughfor thenobility,too. Louis IX’s brother

Alphonse of Poitiers had allhis revenues sent directly tothe Temple inParis.57Alphonse even sentunrefined silver to theTemple from his mines inOrzals through thecommanderinRouergue.58

TheTemplarsevenobligedbycarryingdepositors’ fundsfor them while on crusade.When Louis IX went on hisfirst crusade and was

unfortunate enough to becaptured, Jean de Joinvillebroke into the money boxesbelonging to some of thenoblemen(overtheprotestofthe Templar guardingthem).59

There is some record ofkingsinothercountriesusingtheTempleasasafeplacetokeeptheircash.In1203,KingEmericofHungaryreceivedaquantity of silver from

Archbishop Urane anddeposited it with theTemplars.60

The Templars must havehad some sort of holding feeforthis,buttheycouldn’tanddidn’t charge interest onloans and they also didn’tlend money left in theirkeeping.It isn’t clear howmuch of

the Templar income came

from banking. They keptmoney for people at theircommanderies and moved itfromonesideoftheseatotheother. They made loans,especially to royalty. Butkingsarenotoriously slow torepay. It seems that most ofthe money kept in Paris andLondon belonged todepositors. When Hubert deBurgh, the justiciar of KingHenry III of England, fell

from power, Henry tried toappropriate the money thatHubert had deposited at theTemple. The master refusedto turn it over withoutHubert’s permission.61Hubert was “convinced” togiveit.There are several other

cases where depositors’money was stolen by thekings or nobleman. In 1263,Prince Edward went to the

NewTempleand“brokeopena number of chests andcarried off a large sum ofmoney belonging toothers.”62

Banking may have beenmore high profile thanlucrative, and the dangersinvolved in transportingvaluableswerehigh.Thereisno indication that theTemplarseverhadmoundsofcash and treasure for their

ownuse,especiallynotintheLondonandParishouses.The Templars did not

invent modern-style banking.For centuries Jews had beenarranging among themselvesto deposit funds at one placeand pick them up at another.Most monasteries acceptedgoods for safekeeping andalsoloanedmoneyatinterest,despite prohibitions onusury.63 The Italian city-

states, particularly Venice,Genoa, and Pisa, had atrading empire that includingbanking. The Templars weresimply one group amongmany.The difference is that the

Templars were trusted byroyalty,particularlythekingsof France and England, tohandle their business affairs.TheTemplecommanderiesinbothLondonandParisserved

as the royal treasuries. Thismeantthatthetreasurestoredtherebelonged to theking. Itcould be retrieved at anytime.TheTemplarstookafeeforguardingitbuttheydidn’tdare use it to invest in otherloansorenterprises.Sometimes the Templars

themselvesneededtotransmitfunds. In 1304,Walter de laMore, Templar master ofEngland, needed to travel to

see the Grand Master. Hepaid a sum to a group ofFlorentine bankers, theMari,whohadanofficeinLondon.Walter was supposed toretrieveitattheMaribankinParisbut theParisofficersofthe company had skippedtown.64No reason is given astowhyWalterhadn’thandledthe matter through theTemple,but it’spossible thathewasn’tsuretherewouldbe

enough cash in the Pariscommandery to take care ofhisneeds.The Templars did indeed

have a lot of property inwestern Europe, but theyusuallydidn’treceiverentforit in money, but in produce.Partof theirearningswent tofeedthepoorandthemselves.Also, one-third of everythingthatwas taken inwent to theEast to maintain the fighting

force.FORyearssomepeoplehavebeenassuming that somehowin1307allthecommanderiesin France got wind of theimpending arrests and eitherhidorremovedeverythingofvalue.Thentheyalljustwentto bed and waited for theking’smentocomeforthem.I find this hard to believe.First of all, it implies anamazing lack of self-

preservation among theknights.Butmostly, it seemsvery unlikely that all thebustle of collecting andsendingawayvaluablescouldhave been accomplishedwithout someone noticing.The streets of Paris werenarrow and crowded. Cartsbig enough to carry tons oftreasure couldn’t have madeit through. Also, there werecity gates that were shut

everyeveningandguarded.Ifanyone had tried to get outwithalargeamountofgoods,they would have beenstopped and the boxessearched.IftheTemplarshadtriedtogetawaybytheSeineRiver, they still would havehadtocrosstowntodoit.Theentirecitywouldhave

heardthem.Finally, the supposed

treasure not only has neverbeen found but it has nevereven been described. Allthese things together makeme think that nothing leftParisfromtheTemplebeforethearrests.The treasure of the

Templars, if there was any,wouldn’t have been inLondon or Paris in any case,but inCyprus in theTemplarheadquarters. On the day of

their arrest in Cyprus, aninventory was taken ofTemplar goods. At Nicosia,alongwithalotofcrossbowsand foodstuffs were 120,000whitebezants (coinsmadeofa mix of silver and somegold).Thatseemslikealottome but legends begin early,and a near contemporarychroniclerinsiststhat“nooneknewwhereintheworldtheyhid the rest, nor has anyone

beenabletofindout.”65

1Matthew Paris, Chronicles,ed. and tr. Richard Vaughan(Gloucester: Sutton, 1894) p.241.2Please see The Templarsand the Saint for more onthisepisode.ForWilliam,seeGrand Masters 1191-1292/93.

3Please see How to Tell ifYou Are ReadingPseudohistory.4GeorgesLizerand,LeDossierde l’Affaire des Templiers(Paris,1923)p.47.5Ibid.,p.50,“cervoisepourlesgarsonsetpourlesouvriers.”

6Ibid.,“quiestalafamemons.Roger de Planes et est engages, si comme lecammandoour et Bertin deuCouiseldisoient.”7Ibid.,p.52.8Evelyn Lord, The KnightsTemplar in Britain (London,2002)pp.27-30.Ifinditvery

responsible of themaster nottokeepa loadedcrossbowinthehouse.9William of Tyre,Chronique,ed. R. B. C Huygens(Turnholt, 1986) 12, 7, p.553. “Quibusquoniamnequeeccesia erat neque certumhabebant domicilium, rex inpalatio suo, quod secusTemplum Domini ad

australemhabetpartemeisadtempus concessit hibiaculum,canoniciveroTempliDominiplateam, quam circapredictumhabebantplatinum,ad opus officiarum certisquibusdam conditionibusconcesserunt.”10This often happens. Baldwinmoved into what was calledthe “Tower ofDavid.” Since

he had four daughters, hemayhave been looking for aplacewithmorebathrooms.11Adrian J.Boas, Jerusalem inthe Time of the Crusades:Society,LandscapeandArtintheHolyCityUnderFrankishRule (London: Routledge,2001) p. 79.Boas quotes thechronicler, Fulcher ofChartres. “Because of our

lackofresourceswewerenotable even to maintain thisbuilding in the condition inwhich we found it. For thisreason it is mostlydestroyed.”12William of Tyre, 12, 7, p.554.13Marquis d’Albon, Cartulairede l’Ordre duTemple (Paris,

1912)p.2.14Ibid.15Please see chapter 11, FulkofAnjou.16Thomas W. Parker, TheKnightsTemplarsinEngland(UniversityofArizonaPress,1983)p.15.

17D’Albonno.124,p.87.18Please see chapter 8, GoForthandMultiply.19D’Albon listed every charterhe could find from 1119through 1150. Thecompilationis500pages.20

PaulOrliac,LaCartulairedeLa Selve, La Terre, LesHommes at le Pouvior enRouergue au XIIe Siècle(Paris,1985)p.76.21AlanForey,TheTemplars intheCoronaofAragon.22Parker,pp.52-53.23

Ibid.,p.56.24Malcolm Barber and KeithBate,TheTemplars:SelectedSources Translated andAnnotated (ManchesterUniversity Press, 2002) pp.184-90.25Jeande Joinville,HistoiredeSaint Louis tr.M. Natalis deWailly(Paris,1865)p.57.

26R.H.C.Davis,TheMedievalWarhorse(London,1989)pp.65-97.Page62alsohasaneatillustrationofhowthehorseswereboardedontheships.27Helen Nicholson, TheKnights Templar (London,2001)p.183.28Nicholson, p. 191. One

interesting thingabout this isthat the wool the merchantswere selling was still on thesheep. They were beingcharged for selling woolfutures.29Omne Datum Optimum, ind’Albon, p. 376. “Ea etiamque de eorum spoiliisceperitis, fidenter in ususvestros convertatis, et, ne de

his, contra velle vestrum,portionem alicui darecogamini,prohibemus.”30AlanForey,TheTemplars inthe Corona of Aragon(Oxford University Press,1973)p.25ff.31William of Tyre, 17, 27, pp.797-99.32

Milites Templi, in RudolfHeistand, Papsturkunden fürTemplar und Johanniter(Göttingen, 1972) p. 215, “siforte locus ipse indterdictussit, . . . in anno aperianturecclesie et et exclusisexcommunicates divinaofficialcelebrentur.”33Forey,p.17.34

Joseph F. O’Callaghan, AHistory of Medieval Spain(Cornell University Press,1975) pp. 233 and 258.Ramiro did his duty, had adaughter to inherit, andreturnedtothemonastery.35Forey.p.22.36Contrary to popular opinion,people in the Middle Ages

didwash.37Laurent Dailliez, Régle etStatutsde l’OrdreduTemple(Paris, 1972)p. 143, ruleno.140.38Charles Gladitz, HorseBreeding in the MedievalWorld (Dublin: Four CourtsPress,1997)p.158.39

Dailliez,p.152,rulesno.169and170.40D’Albon, p. 227, no. 352,“ccl solidos Melgoriensisnovemonete et cl solidos denumis.”41Cartulaire des Templiers deDouzens ed. Pierre Gérardand Élisabeth Magnou(Bibliothéque Nationale,

1965)p.114,no.121.42Douzens,p.115,no.121.43Ibid.44Ibid.,p.51,no.41.45Ibid.,p.269,no.11.46

Parker,p.23.47Dailliez,p.130,ruleno.96.48Sugerii Abbatis S. Dionysii,Opera, Episotolae LVII andLVIII, columns 1377-1378.“Debet autem eis redderetriginta milia solidorumPictaviensis monetae, dequisbus licet mihi bonumresponsumdederit.”

49Achille Luchaire, InstitutionsFrançaises (Paris, 1892) p.588.50Sugerii, column 1402, in aletterfromtheArchbishopofSens. “Vidimusenim fratremGeleranum, qui custodietParisiu domum Templi,redeuntemadominusrege.”51

Ferdinand Lot and RobertFawtier, Histoire desInstitutions Franaise auMoyen Age: Tome II—Institutions Royale (Paris,1958)p.18852Luchaire,p.589.53Ibid.54

Bryce Lyon and A. E.Verhulst, Medieval Finance(Brown University Press,1967)p.41.55John W. Baldwin, TheGovernment of PhilipAugustus: Foundations ofFrench Royal Power in theMiddle Ages (CaliforniaUniversity Press, 1986) p.166.

56LotandFawtier,p.191.Untileverything was put on thedecimalsystem,thel,s,anddbecame the shorthand for“pounds,shillingsandpence”in England, just in case youeverwondered.57Boutaric, Louis IX etAlphonse de Poitiers(Brionne,1879)pp.181-312.

ThereisnoindicationthattheTemplars were financialadvisers.Theysimplytookinthemoneyandkeptaccounts.58Boutaric, pp. 208-10. Therecordsdon’tsaywhorefinedthesilver.59JeandeJoinville,“LifeofSt.Louis,” in Chronicles of theCrusades tr. M.R.B. Shaw

(Penguin,1963)p.259.60Thomas of Spalato,ExThomae HistoriaPontificum Salonitanorum etSpalatinorum in MonumentaGermaniaHistoriaScriptoresed. G. H. Pertz. Vol. 29, p.577.61Parker,p.60.Fromhisprisoncell,Hubertgavetherequired

permission. What a goodsport!62Ibid.,p.61.63BernardofClairvaux.64Demurger,p.121.65Amaldi, quoted in AlainDemurger, Jacques de

Malay: Le crepuscule destempliers (Biographie—Payot, Paris, 2002) p. 319,note 27. “Il resto havevanonascoso cosi secramente chealcun del mondo non hapossuto saver niente diquello.” Demurger adds,“Courage treasure seekers!It’stoCyprusonemustgo!”

CHAPTERTWENTY-FIVE

TheTempleinParis

The closest one can cometoday to the Templecompound in which Jacquesde Molay and the otherTemplars were arrested is totake the ParisMetro (line 3)tothestoplabeled“Temple.”

But don’t expect to findanything of the Templarsthere. The buildings weredestroyed during or shortlyafter the French Revolution.“Oftheimposinggroupofitsmonuments, church, donjon,cloister and monasticbuildings, and constructionsofallsorts,homesandhousesof commerce that wereencircledandshelteredby itsvast enclosure, not one stone

remains.”1

When did the TemplarsfirsthaveabuildinginParis?The commandery of the

Knights Templar in Paris isfirstnotedduring the timeofLouis VII. A woman namedGente, the daughter of thephysician of Louis VI,donated a water mill, underthe Great Bridge in Paris, tothe Templars. Unfortunately,

we can only date this withinthe years 1137 and 1147.2The Templar who accheptedthe gift was Everard deBarres,masterof theTemplein Paris and later GrandMaster.King Louismade a gift to

the Temple in 1143, oftwenty-sevenlivrestobepaidonce a year. However, thedonation charter doesn’tspecify that this is to the

Temple in Paris, only to theTemplars. Neither does adonation made to theTemplars in 1145 byBartholomew, deacon ofNotreDame.3 It’s frustrating,butpartofhistoricalresearchisnot toassumeanything,sowhile it makes sense thatthere would have been acommandery, there is stillnoproof.4

Ameetingwiththeking

outsidetheTemplewallsinParis.The

pointedtowersinthebackgroundaretheLouvre.

(ArtResource,NY)Finally,in1146/47,thereis

a record of a donation fromSimon, thebishopofNoyon,to the Templars. It statesclearly that this was done atthe Temple in Paris, in thepresence of the master andthe “convent of knights.”

Now we can be certain thattherewas a building in PariswheretheTemplarmasterforFrance and the knightslived.5Whether it is the sameas the one that became thecenter of the Templarcompound in Paris still isn’tsure,butwe’recloser.In August of 1147, there

was a great gathering ofTemplars. Pope Eugenius IIIwasintownandpreparations

were being made for theSecond Crusade. LordBernard of Balliol gave theTemplars lands that hepossessed in England. Thiswas witnessed by the pope,King Louis VII, severalarchbishops,and130brothersof the Knights Templar,“wearing the white cloaks.”6This means that there werethatmanynoblybornknightsof theTempleinParis.Since

the fighting force inJerusalem at that timeaveraged from three to sixhundred it’s a good bet thatthese knights had arrivedfrom all over France, andperhapsEngland,before theyleftfortheEast.If we had the charters of

theTempleitself,alotofthemystery surrounding theorderwouldbeclearedup.Asit is, the next major gift in

Paristhatweknowofwasnotuntil 1172, when Constance,sisterofKingLouis,gavetheTemplars a house inChampeaux.Inthiscase,nineTemplars of the house inParisarelistedbyname.7

By the end of the twelfthcentury, the Temple in Pariswas being used for the royaltreasury. Louis’ son Philip II(Philip Augustus) used theTemple as a depository for

taxesandotherrevenues.Hisofficialsthendrewmoneyoutfor personal expenses for thekingandhisfamily.8

This was continued underhis son, Louis VIII, andgrandson,LouisIX.Even though thekingshad

theirownpalace,manytimesthe entire royal family choseto stay at the Templarcommanderywhiletheywere

in Paris. Philip III stayedthere with his wife andchildrenin1275andagainin1283 and 1285.9In order fortheTempletohousethekingand court, they would haveneeded a spacious guesthousewithinthegrounds.The Temple in Paris also

servedasasafeplacetokeeproyal documents, such astreaties.In1258,HenryIIIofEngland agreed to renounce

his claims to Normandy,Maine,Anjou, Touraine, andPoitou,aboutaquarteroftheterritory of modern France.The treaty was deposited atthe Temple. In return, Louispromised to pay a certainamount to Henry, to bedeposited toHenry’s accountattheTempleinParistwiceayear.10

HenryIIIalsostayedintheTemple when he came to

Paris in 1254. He may havejustwantedtobeclosetohismoney,buthe seems tohavebeen on good termswith theTemplars, as well. In 1247,theGrandMaster,WilliamofSonnac, sent the king “acrystal vase allegedlycontaining a portion of thebloodofChrist.”11

As the government of thekingsofFrancebecamemorecomplex, a special section

was created called theChamber of Accounts. “ThisbodymetthreetimesayearattheTemple inParis toactonagenda prepared by a sub-committee which met at theChambre des Deniers in theLouvre.”12 The memberswere not Templars; they justused the house for theirmeetings.The Paris Temple was the

heart of the financial

connectionbetween theLatinkingdoms and the West.When the patriarch ofJerusalem (in exile in Acre)needed to arrange formoneyand weapons to defend thecity, he wrote to Amaury dela Roche, commander of theTemple in Paris. ThepatriarchneededfundssenttoAcre to pay cross- bowmen,knights, and soldiers.13 Heexpected Amaury to be able

tomakethearrangementsforthe loans and the transfer ofthemoney.In1306, just ayearbefore

the arrest of the Templars,KingPhiliptheFairfeltsureenough of the loyalty of theTemplars to seek refuge inthe Paris Temple during theriots caused when hedevalued the money.14Bythen the Templar compoundwas surrounded by thick

walls and included severalbuildings as well as thechurchandlivingquartersforthe brothers. In that year,Philip issued charters thatweremade“attheTemple.”15

It was rumored that Philipeven spent the night ofOctober 13, 1307, at theTemple so that he could bethe first to start counting theloot after the arrests.16It’s anice image but there is no

evidence.After the fall of the

Templars, the Templarenclosure was taken over bythecrownforatimebeforeitwasfinallyturnedovertotheHospitallers. The survivingdaughter-in-law of Philip theFair, Clemence, seems tohave lived there starting in1317untilherdeathin1328.Inapieceofpoeticjustice,

one of the architects of thedownfall of the Templars,Enguerrand deMarigny,wasbriefly imprisoned at theTemple by King Louis X.17Enguerrandhadbeenaccusedoftakingbribesandfalsifyingaccounts. When he wasproved innocent of thosecharges,hewas thenaccusedofsorceryandhanged.EventhoughtheTemplein

Pariswas in thehandsof the

Hospitallers until the FrenchRevolution,itcontinuedtobecalled the Temple. It wasused as a prison off and on,the most famous prisonersbeing King Louis XVI andhis wife, Marie Antoinette.Theywere imprisoned in thetower of the Temple and itwasfromtherethattheyweretakentotheguillotine.18

The church of the Templehas also vanished but an

eighteenthe

From Henri de Curzon,La Maison du Temple deParis,1888.century sketch remains.Thechurchwasmuchliketheone at the Temple inLondon, with a round naveand a long choir. Parts of itmay have been added to inthemid thirteenth century sowecan’tknowwhatitlookedlikeoriginally.

Apart from the buildingsused exclusively by theTemplars,therewasanentirevillagewithinthewallsmadeupofthepeoplewhoworkedfororweredependenton theTemplars and then after theorder was dissolved, theHospitallers. It wasmade upof kitchen gardens, sheds,storehouses,smallshops,andhouses. The Templars mayhavelivedintheirownworld

withinParis,butitwasabusyone.Withallthecomingsandgoings of the wealthy, thenobles, and all of the rest ofsociety that took care ofthem, it would have beendifficult for the Templars tokeepmanysecrets.Oh yes, when the Metro

system was dug for theTemple station, no treasurewasfound.

1Henri deCurzon,LaMaisondu Temple de Paris (Paris,1888)p.1.2CartulaireGénéral de Paris,TomePremier, ed.RobertdeLasteyrie (Paris, 1887) p.265,charterno.270.3Ibid.,p.297,charterno.321.This was made in the

presence of Bernard ofClairvaux and witnessed byother men from Notre Dameand officials of the king, butnoTemplarsarenamed.4Ibid.,p.288,charterno.303.5Ibid.,p.299,charterno.324.“Actum Parisius in Temple,presentemagistroetconventumilitum.”

6Ibid.,p.307,charterno.334,“albaclamideindutis.”7Ibid., pp. 422-23, charter no.507.8John Baldwin, TheGovernment of PhilipAugustus (CaliforniaUniversity Press, 1986) p.165.Also,please seechapter

24,TemplarsandMoney.9Curzon,p.240.10G. P. Cuttino, EnglishMedievalDiplomacy (IndianaUniversityPress,1985)pp.9-12.11Thomas W. Parker, TheKnightsTemplarsinEngland

(UniversityofArizonaPress,1983)p.48.12JohnL.Lamonte,TheWorldof the Middle Ages: AReorientation of MedievalHistory (NewYork,1949)p.468.FormoreontheTemplarand French finances pleaseseechapter24.13Malcolm Barber, The New

Knighthood (Cambridge,1994)pp.266-67.14Curzon,p.241.15Ibid.,p.240.16Ibid., p. 242. He cites thisstory but doesn’t seem tobelieveit.17

Ibid.,p.259.18SaulK.Padover,TheLifeandDeath of Louis XVI (NewYork: Appleton, 1939) pp.285-91.

CHAPTERTWENTY-SIX

TheTempleinLondon

Tuckedawayintoacourtyardin Temple Bar on the banksof the Thames is one of theoldest churches in London,Temple Church. The roundchurchwasoncethecenterofTemplar activities in

England, surrounded byliving quarters, stables,meeting rooms, and storagefacilities. Today one has tofollow a pathway betweenlaw offices until one finds asmall sign pointing to thechurch.This is actually known as

the “NewTemple.” The firstwas built around 1128, soonafterHugh de Payns visitedonhisgrand tour todrumup

interest in the order. The oldTemple was in Holborn inLondon, then a rural area.When the foundations wereuncovered in 1595, it wasfound that this church wasround,madefromstonefromCaen, in northern France.1Many of the Templarchurches were round, inimitationoftheChurchoftheHoly Sepulcher in Jerusalembuilt in the time of

Constantine.2 Roundchurches were also built forthe same reason by theHospitallers.TheTemplarsmovedtothe

present site, between FleetStreet and theThamesRiver,in 1161 and began to buildtheNewTempleChurch.Thechurch was consecrated onFebruary 10, 1185, byHeraclius, patriarch ofJerusalem and dedicated to

the Virgin Mary.3 In time a“hallofpriests”wasbuiltandconnected to the churchbyacloisterand,abitfartherfromthe church, therewas a “hallof knights” to house theTemplarbrothers.4In1240therectangular choir was added(seephoto

TempleChurchnave.(SharanNewman)

above) as well as a chapeldedicated to Saint Anne, the

Virgin’smother.5

This would have been abusyplace,withabakehouse,smithy, stables, and otherdomestic buildings. Theknights would have takencareof repairs to their armorand other equipment in theTemple area. For serioustraining, they had a field ofabout fifteen acres on theother side of the Thames,knownasFickettscroft.6

During the trials of theTemplars in England, oneaccusationmadeagainstthemwas that they had murderedan Irish Templar by puttinghim in the “penitential cell”inthenorthwestcornerofthechoir. The cell is four and ahalf feet long and two feet,nine inches wide. There aretwo window slits that wouldhave allowed the prisoner tosee the round part of the

churchandthealtar.7

At the dissolution of theTemplars in 1313, all theirgoodsweretobeturnedoverto the Hospitaller Knights.However, Edward II ofEngland instead gave theTemple property in LondontohiscousinThomas,earlofLancaster. Thomas, however,lost his head (literally) as aresult of a rebellion againstthe king. Edward then gave

the property to the earl ofPembroke, Aylmer deValence.8It passed throughseveralotherhandsbeforetheHospitallers finally receivedthe property. Since theyalreadyhadaheadquartersinLondon, the Hospitallersleased the Inner and MiddleTemple to a group oflawyers.9

The former servantsof theTemplars stayed on during

the transition, Edward IIpaying their wages andpensions.10

Over the years, throughchanges in kings andgovernmentsthelawyersheldon to the Temple.11 In 1677they were finally rewardedfor their tenacity by beingallowed to buy the propertyfrom King Charles II.12During the sixteenth century,

the church was used inbetween services for lawyer-client conferences, whichtook place while walkingabout between the knightlyeffigiesonthefloor.13

DuringtheReformationthechurch was whitewashedover, then the floor wascovered with “hundred ofcartloads of earth andrubbish.”14A restorationwasmade in 1840, including

clearing the floor andreconstructing the shatteredeffigies.The effigies in the church

are of nine knights and abishop. Unfortunately, it isnotcertainwhichsculptureiswhichknight.Theyhavebeenmoved around so much overthe centuries that theidentifications have beenscrambled. They have alsobeen“restored”severaltimes.

The originals date from thetwelfth and thirteenthcenturies.We know that oneof them is Sir Geoffrey deMagnaville, earl of Essex,who died in 1144 and wasfirstburiedintheOldTempleand moved to the New.Others are of WilliamMarshal, the first earl ofPembroke,whowasadmittedtothesocietyoftheTemplarson his deathbed, and two of

his sons. Marshall isconsidered the prototype ofthe perfect knight, loyal,brave,andvaliant.Hewasthesubject of stories and songseven in his lifetime. TheTemplars must have beenpleasedtohavehispatronage.Most of the other effigies

arejustknownas“knight”or“crusaderknight.”15

The effigies represent not

Templarsbuttheirconfrators,or “associates,” nobles whowished to support the orderwithoutactuallyjoining.

Astraight-leggedknight attheTempleChurch. (SharanNewman)

TempleChurchin1837,beforebombsandrestorations.

(ArtResource,NY)The men were buried inTemplar cemeteries andcommemorated in stone inthe church. The cross-leggedknights are those who haveeithergoneonacrusadeoratleasttakenavowtodoso.The church survived intact

until 1941, when it wasbombedbytheGermans.Thevault survived but thecolumns cracked in the heatandhadtobereplaced.Muchof what we see today isrestorationandre-creation.It’s difficult these days to

imaginetheTemplechurchinits proper setting. Brickbuildings crowd around itnow. Originally, it wouldhave had a grassy courtyard

between all of the buildingsof the Templars. Inside thechurch, Templar knightswouldhaverecitedtheHoursby daylight and candlelight.The wind might have blownin from the river or from thedirection of the stables, ascent theknightswouldhavepreferred. The greatest lordsand the richest merchantswould have come to deposittheir treasure for safekeeping

ortobegaloan.There would have been

noise and color andexcitement. But now all thatremainsisasmallandlonelychurch.1George Worley, The Churchof the Knights Templars inLondon:ADescriptionof theFabricandItsContents,witha ShortHistory of theOrder

(London,1907)p.14.2Malcom Barber, The NewKnighthood (Cambridge,1994)p.195.3Worley,p.15. “Dedicatehececclesia in honore BeateMarie.” The inscription wasdestroyed during repairs in1695 and rewritten on aninsidewall.

4Thomas W. Parker, TheKnightsTemplarsinEngland(UniversityofArizonaPress,1963)p.24.5Worley,p.15.6Parker,p.24.7Worley, pp. 49-50. This

doesn’t mean that theTemplars were all four feettall, but that the cell wasintended to be horriblyuncomfortable.8Worley,p.16.9Ibid.10C. G. Addison, The Temple

Church (London, 1843;reprint)p.11.11Addison,pp.3-4.12Worley,p.16.13Ibid.,p.21.14Ibid.,p.43.15

Ibid.,pp.30-37.

CHAPTERTWENTY-SEVEN

TheLastStands;TheFalofAcreandLossoftheHolyLand

By the end of the thirteenthcentury the principalitiesestablished by the firstcrusaders were reduced to a

few small settlementsclingingtotheMediterraneancoastandthecitiesofTripoliandAcre.ThetitleofkingofJerusalem was almost anafterthought, tacked on as anhonorific to more substantialones, such askingofCyprusor emperor of Germany.There were still some traderoutesthatbroughtinenoughrevenue to make the landworth putting up a fight for,

butnotmuchmore.1

Of course, there wasalwaysthepossibilitythatthelost territory could berecovered. Jerusalem hadbeenlostandregainedbeforeashadAcre.Sotherewasstillinterest in the title. In 1277one of the people claimingthe right to the throne ofJerusalem was Maria ofAntioch. She was convincedto sell it to the younger

brother of Saint Louis,Charles of Anjou.2After hisdeath the title reverted to theLusignanfamily,descendantsof Baldwin II. Theycontinued to call themselveskings of Jerusalem, but theyand many of the noblefamilies of the Latinkingdoms had by thenestablished themselves onCyprus.3

In 1289 the city ofTripoli

fell to the Mamluk sultanMalik al-Mansour. TheTemplar commander of thecity, Peter of Moncada, waskilled along with otherTemplars and Hospitallers.4The king of Jerusalem at thetime, Henry II, arrived inAcre from his home inCyprus.Hedidn’tcomeattheheadofanarmytotakebackTripolibut toarrangea trucewith the sultan.5 This truce

wassignedbyOdo,thebailiffofAcre;WilliamofBeaujeu,Grand Master of theTemplars; Nicholas Lorgne,Grand Master of theHospitallers;andConrad,therepresentative of the GrandMaster of the TeutonicKnights.6

We have an eyewitnessaccount of what happenednextmadebythesecretaryofTemplar Grand Master

William of Beaujeu. Thewriter is known as theTemplar ofTyre although hewasn’t a Templar and heprobably wasn’t from Tyre,butCyprus.Butonceanameis attached to someone, it’shard to change it withoutconfusion. So, here is thestory according to thesecretary of William ofBeaujeu, who wasn’t fromTyre:

It happened that, because ofthe fall of Tripoli, the popesent twentygalleys to theaidof the city of Acre. Thesegalleys were armed inVenice; their captain was agreat nobleman of VenicenamedJacopoTiepole....Agreat number of commonpeople of Italy also took thecrossandcametoAcre.Whenthesepeoplecameto

Acre,thetrucewhichthekinghadmadewiththesultanwaswell-maintained between thetwo parties. Poor Saracenpeasants came into Acrecarryinggoodstosell,astheywere accustomed to do. Ithappened one day, . . . thatthecrusaders,whohadcometo do good and to armthemselves for the succor ofthe city of Acre, broughtabout its destruction, for one

day they rushed throughAcre, putting all the poorpeasants who had broughtgoods to sell in Acre to thesword. They also slew anumber of bearded Syrianswho were of the law ofGreece. (They killed thembecause of their beards,mistakingthemforSaracens.)This was ill-done indeed,

for Acre was taken by theSaracensbecauseofit,asyou

shallhear.7

WordofthisoutragewassentatoncetothesultaninCairo,who demanded retribution.WilliamofBeaujeusuggesteda pragmatic solution for this.Rather than turn over themisguided crusaders to thesultan, he suggested that thecitizens of Acre sendcondemned men from thelocalprisons,sincetheywere

todieanyway.8

However, William wasoverruled and the sultan wastold the truth, adding that,since the perpetrators of theatrocity were Italians, theyweren’tsubjecttothelawsofAcre so they couldn’t beprosecuted.In hindsight, honesty may

nothavebeenthebestchoice.“The Sultan took this

answer badly, and gatheredhis forces and his siegeengines, and also collectedhis host of armed men.”9Hetook his time preparing amassive expedition in orderto drive the Franks out ofAcreforever.The Templar of Tyre and

thevariousArabicChroniclesagree on the basics of thesiege and taking of the city.ThesultanofEgyptarrivedat

Acre on the fifth of April,1291, with a large army andmanysiegeengines.10

By the beginning of May,the sultan had managed toundermineanddestroyoneofthemajor towers of the city.Some negotiating went on,but no agreement wasmade,and so “the two sides beganagain their labors, firingmangonels at one another,and doing the things that are

usually done betweenenemies.”11

Amajor assaultwasmadeon thecity and themasteroftheTemple,William,tookhismenandwenttothegatethatwas being attacked. ThemasteroftheHospitalandhismenjoinedthem.12

They were overwhelmedbythenumberofsoldiersandby the Greek fire that was

being thrown at them. TheTemplar of Tyre must haveseen thishappenforhegivesa gruesome picture of theburning to death of anEnglishmanwhowasunluckyenough to be caught in theflames.13

The fate of William ofBeaujeuwas not so dramaticbut equally fatal. He wasstruck by a javelin and “theshaft sank into his body a

palm’s-length; it camethrough the gap where theplates of the armor were notjoined.”14

The master must havestayed upright enough toappear unharmed, for whenhe turned his horse to go,some of the other defenderspanickedandbeggedhimnottoleave.Heanswered,“‘Mylords, I candonomore for Iam killed, see the wound

here!’...andashespokehedropped the spear on thegroundandhisheadslumpedto one side.”15Before hecould fall fromhishorse, hismen caught him and carriedhim to the Templar fortress.Helingeredfortherestoftheday, dying in the evening.“And God has his soul—butwhat great harm was causedbyhisdeath!”16

Itseemedthat thecitywas

about to fall, so thekingandhis men went to their boatsand left. The remainingpeople in the city rushed tothe Templar fortress, thestrongest in Acre. They heldout for ten days but werefinallyforcedtoaskfortermsof surrender, including safepassage for the women andchildren inside. However,when the Moslem soldierscame in, they began

molesting the women andyoung boys. At this theTemplars went after thesoldiers and killed or drovethemoutofthefortress.Theythen decided to fight to theend.17

All the defenders of theTemple fortress were killed.The remainingnoncombatants were takenprisoner. Abu al-Mahasinnotes that the city fellon the

same day and hour exactlyone hundred years afterRichard the Lionheart hadfirst captured Acre. He addsthat itwas a just revenge forRichard’s slaughter of hisprisonersatthattime.18

The property of theTemplars, Hospitallers, andTeutonic Knights was takenas booty. There is noindication that any treasurewas on the ships that left

before the city fell. A fewTemplars, including the nextGrand Master, ThibaudGaudin, managed to escapeby boat. They went to thefortress of Sidon and then toCyprus. But the idea, oftenstated as fact bypseudohistorians, that theycouldhavebroughtahoardoftreasure with them is highlyunlikely.The entire coastlinewas full of the sultan’s

soldiers and archers. Menburdenedwithanythingmorethan theirclothesandswordswould not have been able togetthrough.19

AuniqueviewofAcrejustbeforethefallcomesfromanItalian Dominican priest,Ricoldo de Monte Croce.BornnearinFlorencearound1240, he joined theDominicans at the age oftwenty-five and spent the

next few years in study. Atsometime around 1288, hedecided to embark on amission of conversion to theEast. We find him first inAcre.20

In many ways Ricoldorepresents the change in theapproachtothenon-Christianworldthathadoccurredsincethefoundationofthe