routine politeness in american and british english requests: use...

Routine politeness in American and British English requests: use and non­use of please

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Murphy, M Lynne and De Felice, Rachele (2018) Routine politeness in American and British English requests: use and non-use of please. Journal of Politeness Research, 15 (1). pp. 1-24. ISSN 1612-5681

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RoutinepolitenessinAmericanandBritishEnglishrequests:useandnon-useofpleaseM.LynneMurphy&RacheleDeFelicetobepublishedinJournalofPolitenessResearchFinalsubmittedversion.Pleaseaskpermissionbeforequoting.lynnem@sussex.ac.ukAbstract

Thispaperlooksattheuseandnon-useofpleaseinAmericanandBritishEnglishrequests.

Theanalysisisbasedonrequestdatafromtwocomparableworkplaceemailcorpora,which

havebeenpragmaticallyannotatedtoenableretrievalofallrequestspeechactsregardless

offormulation.675requestsareextractedfromeachofthetwocorpora;thebehaviourof

pleaseisanalysedwithregardtofactorssuchasimpositionlevel,sentencemood,and

modalverbtype.DifferencesinuseofpleasebetweenthetwovarietiesofEnglishcanbe

accountedforbyviewingthisasamarkerofconventionalpolitenessratherthanface-threat

mitigationinBritishEnglish,andofrelationshipasymmetryinAmericanEnglish.

Keywords:politenessstrategies;requests;pragmaticvariation;English;please

1. Introduction

1.1Thedualnatureofplease

Watts(2003:183)callsplease“[t]hemostobviousexampleofapolitenessmarkerin

English”,yetitisawordthatdividesspeakersofBritishandAmericanEnglishes(henceforth

BrEandAmE),occurringabouttwiceasfrequentlyinBritishEnglishasinAmerican(Biberet

al.1999:1098;BreuerandGeluykens2007).Thisdifferenceissometimesnotedin

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interculturalcommunicationandcontributestostereotypingregardingpoliteness.Britons

oftenaccuratelyperceiveAmericansasusingpleaselessthantheywould,asin(1)and(2),

andAmericans’perceivedlackofpleaseinexpectedpositionscanbeasourceof

interculturalfriction,asin(3)and(4).

(1) IoftencomplainthatAmericansrarelysay“Please”butboydotheytake“Thank

you”seriously(BritishexpatriateintheUS;

http://pondparleys.blogspot.co.uk/2011/10/americans-brits-always-offending-each.html)

(2) Americansdon’tsaypleaselikewedo[…]andyesitsoundsliketheyhaveno

manners,butit’showtheyare(Britishflightattendants;Liz&Julie2007)

(3) [We]wereintheoutdoorsectionofacafé[intheUK]once–acramped,eat-your-

lunch-and-get-outkindofplace–andasacouplewho’dbeensittingnearbywove

pastourtabletogetthemselvesout,oneofthemsaid,“Inthiscountry,wesay

pleaseandthankyou.”

Sadly,bythetimewe’dprocessedthewords,theyweretoofarawayforasnappy

comeback,but“Inourcountry,we’repolitetostrangers,”didcometomind.

(AmericantravellerinUK;http://notesfromtheuk.com/2015/01/16/manners-american-and-

british/)

(4) Oneday,afterI’dbeeneating[atabakedpotatoshopinCambridge]foraweekor

so,IorderedmyusualasIalwaysdid:“MayIhaveabakedpotatowithcheeseand

broccoli?”Theserverrespondedwith,“no,notunlessyoustartsayingplease.”(Lisa,

AmericanstudentinUK;Murphy2012)

TheAmericansinthelasttwointeractionshadnotperceivedtheirownplease-less

requestsasimpolite.Wouldtheyhaveperceivedtheirownrequestsas“morepolite”ifthey

hadsaidplease?Thereisreasontosuspectnot.SincetheseAmericansdidnotbelievethat

theydeservedscolding,theyseemtofeelthattheirplease-lessrequestswerealready

polite.Furthermore,onecanfindAmericanreflectionson“impoliteplease”,whichhas

“evolvedintoatagmeanttoconveyurgencyorannoyance”(Trawick-Smith2012).

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Thedifferencesinfrequencyindicatedifferentnormsformakingcontext-appropriate

requests,whichmayinturnindicatedifferentprevalentfunctionsofpleaseintheUSand

UK.Thispaper,basedonworkplaceemaildata,takesthepositionthatpleasevariation

revealsdifferentaspectsofappropriateinteractioninBritishandAmericancultures,witha

greateremphasisonconventionalisedformulaeinBrEthaninAmE.TheBritishcasein

particularofferssomesupporttotheargumentthatperceptionsofwhatis“polite”can

dependonwhatisfamiliar,ratherthanacalculatedmitigationoffacethreat(Terkourafi

2015:11).TheexistenceoffewerandweakerpatternsintheAmericandatagivesthe

impressionthattheuseofpleaseinAmEislessamatterofroutine.1

Therestofthearticleisorganisedasfollows.Intheremainderofthissection,we

providesomecontextforourwork,discussingotherstudiesonAmEandBrEplease.In

Section2wedescribeourdataandmethodology,andanalyseourfindingsinSection3.

Finally,inSection4,weconsiderpossibleinterpretationsforourresults.

1.2Backgroundtothestudy

WhilethefunctionofpleasehasnotbeendirectlycomparedinBrEandAmE,differencesin

itsrelativefrequencyarenottheonlyhintwehavethatpleaseisusedfordifferent

purposesinAmEandBrE.Wherepleasehasbeenstudiedinoneofthesenationsorthe

other,theresearchershaveusedlanguageormadeconclusionsthat,whencontrastedwith

oneanother,pointtodifferences–eventhoughtheymostlymaketheirclaimsabout

“Englishplease”withoutreferencetonationalvarieties.Thisistrueregardlessofthedata

1Inconsideringthedata,weattempt,inthefirstinstance,acertaintheoreticalagnosticism.Whereweusethewordpolitewithoutreferencetoaparticulartheory,wemeantorefertofirst-orderpoliteness–thatis,speakers’culturalunderstandingofwhatqualifiesasa“polite”or“impolite”behaviour.Whenconsideringwhetherthefindingsareconsonantwiththeoreticalapproachestopoliteness,wehavenotassumedthatallmodelsareequallyexplanatoryforallcultures.

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typeorresearchmethodologies.WorkingwithBritishdiscourse-completiontask(DCT)data,

House(1989)concludesthatpleaseoccurswhenimpositionisminimalandsocialobligation

ispresent,asinserviceencounters.Wichmann(2004),workingwithspokenrequestsinthe

ICE-GBcorpus,similarlyclaimsthatpleaseisusedonlywhereverylittleface-workis

needed.

ButAmericanstudiesgiveadifferentview.Inobservationsofspontaneousspoken

AmericanEnglish,Stross(1964)foundthatAmericanwaitressesusedpleasetokitchenstaff

onlywhentheymaderequestsforactionsthatwerebeyondnormalexpectationsofthejob,

andErvin-Tripp(1976)foundthatpleasemarksdifferencesinageorrank.Thatpleaseisa

power-differentialmarkerinAmEisalsosupportedbyanecdotalobservationsthatplease

sounds“bossy”ineverydayrequests(Trawick-Smith2012)andbyLeopold’s(2015)USemail

requeststudyinwhichpleaseoccurredinallimperativerequestsforpermission,wherethe

addresseecanbeassumedtohaveauthority,unlikeinrequestsforactionwhereeither

partymightbethemorepowerful(thoughthisisjustsixrequestsinacorpusof450).Pufahl

Bax(1986),againobservingnaturallyoccurringworkplaceinteractions,foundpleaseonlyin

writtenrequests,neverinspokenones,suggestingthatAmericanpleasemarksalevelof

formality.Inexperimentalstudiescarriedoutinnaturalisticsettings,Firminetal.(2004)and

Vaughnetal.(2009),respectively,foundgreatercomplianceforalow-impositionrequest

whenitlackedpleasethanwhenithadit,andgreatercomplianceforahigh-imposition

requestwhenithadplease.Theycharacterisedpleaseasmarkinga“plea”,amarkedly

differentperceptionofpleasethangivenbyBritishcommentatorslikeLeech(2014:135),

thatpleasemarks“averagerequests”asamatterofroutine.

Linguisticgenreanddatacollectionmethodsmustbekeptinmindwhencomparing

theseandthecurrentwork.SomeofthepastworkinvolvesartificialdatafromDCTs(e.g.

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House1989,BreuerandGeluykens2007).Agreatdealofcautionisneededinrelyingon

suchstudies,sinceFlöckandGeluykens(2015)havedemonstratedthatpleaseisusedin

verydifferentwaysinDCTsandnaturallyoccurringdata,concludingthat“pleaseprobably

servesadifferentfunctionintheDCTsthanintheauthenticdata”(2015:29).DCT

respondentsrelyonhighlysalientstrategies,andsotheymayoveruseplease.Forthe

studiesconsideringnaturallyoccurringdata,theamountsofdataareoftensmall–e.g.64

utterancesinPufahlBax(1986)and84inWichmann(2004).

Theliteraturedescribedsofarshowsthat,inavarietyofcommunicativesettings,

thereisamarkedtrendforBrEtousepleasemorefrequentlyandformoreminorrequests,

inawaythatAmEdoesnot.Inthispaper,wetakeamoresystematicandtransatlantic

approachtoplease,andcontributeanewanalysisofpleaseinnatural,computer-mediated

writtencommunicationwithattentiontothetwonationalvarieties.Usingspeech-act-

taggedcorporaofBritishandAmericanbusinessemail,weareabletoinvestigatethe

matteronalargescaleusingcomparabledata.

Ofcourse,theremaybeconsiderablesub-culturalvariationwithinthesediverse

nationalvarieties.Nevertheless,weapproachtheissueatthenationallevelfortworeasons.

First,weexpecttofinddifferencesatthenationallevelbecausethereismorehistorical

opportunityfordifferencestoariseandbemaintainedwherethereisnogeographical

continuityornationalidentityunitingthepopulations.Second,therearepracticalreasons

forinvestigating“AmericanEnglish”and“BritishEnglish”:fewpaststudiesordatasources

givesufficientinformationaboutthevarietiesusedinordertoallowforsub-national

comparison.Thisstudyaddstoagrowingbodyofstudiesonpragmaticvariationinnational

varietiesofEnglish(e.g.Flöck2011,Goddard2012,HaughandSchneider2012).

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2.DataandMethodology

2.1Data

Tokeepextraneousvariablestoaminimum,wehavechosentwocorporarepresentinga

singlegenre:workplaceemails.TheEnronSentCorpus(Styler2011)consistsoftheoriginal,

unmodifiedmessagesextractedfromtheSentMailfoldersofEnronemployees.The

messages,whichcovertheperiod1999–2001,arewrittenmainlybynativespeakersof

AmE.TheCorpusofBusinessEnglishCorrespondence(henceforthCOBEC;Ankeetal.2013;

DeFeliceandMoreton2014)consistsofemailsfromaBritish-basedtelecommunications

company,coveringtheperiod1999–2006;themajorityofitsusersarenativespeakersof

BrE.Thecorporacontainavarietyofcommunications,bothinternalandexternaltothe

company,coveringarangeoftopics.

Cruciallyforthisresearch,thetwocorporahavebeenpragmaticallyannotated,such

thateachutteranceisassignedtoaspeech-actcategory(request,commitment,expressive,

question,statement).Thismakesitpossibletocarryoutacomprehensivestudyofspeech-

actrealisationsregardlessoftheirformulation,aswecansearchthecorpusforall

utterancestaggedasrequestsratherthanjustparticularphrases(e.g.canyouorIneedyou

to).Thismeansouranalysiscanincludebothoccurrencesandabsencesofplease,asweare

notlimitedtoalexicalsearchforthisword,butcanconsiderthefullrangeofrequests

extractedfromthecorpora.

Thespeech-actannotationfortheEnrondatawascarriedoutmanuallybythree

nativeEnglishspeakers,allwithexpertiseinlinguistics.Eachutterancewasannotatedby

tworesearchers,andanydifferencesbetweenthemwerereconciled;thisprocessis

describedindetailinDeFeliceetal.(2013).FortheCOBECcorpus,ahybridapproachwas

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undertaken.Thedatawerefirstprocessedbyanautomatedspeechacttagger(DeFelice

andMoreton2014,2015),whichachievesaccuracyofaround81%.Thetaggeddatathen

underwenthumanpost-processingtoremoveduplicatesanderroneouslytaggedutterances

andtoidentifyfurtherinstancesofrequestsnotrecognisedbythetagger.

Forbothcorpora,wecanonlyanalysetheavailablelinguisticinformation,as

informationabouttheinterpersonalrelationshipsandrolesofthecorrespondentsislimited.

2.2Extractingandannotatingtherequests

Weextracted675requestsfromeachofthetwocorpora.Thesespanabroadrangeof

directness,frombluntimperativestoindirectrequestsformulatedasquestionsorfirst-

personstatements,astheexamplesbelowdemonstrate:

(5) Copyfromthis.[AmE]

(6) Pleaselet<N1>knowyouarecoming.[BrE]

(7) Canyoupleasechase<N2>?[BrE]

(8) Couldyouresendit?[AmE]

(9) IwouldappreciaterepresentativesfromyourareatocoverEstatesBidandOrder

Processes.[BrE]

(10) ThankyouforyourreminderbutIhavenorecordofaresponsefromyoutomy

notewhichIhaveagainattached.[BrE]

Wethenmanuallyannotatedthedatasetwithrespecttoanumberoffeatures,listedin

Table1withexamples.Bothauthorsindependentlycodedalloftherequests,anddiscussed

andreconciledanydisagreements.2Wetookallrequestsatfacevalue;thatis,wedidnot

2. WedecidedagainstusingtheCCSARPclassificatoryscheme(Blum-Kulkaetal.1989)becauseits

focusonbroaderpragmaticstrategiesdoesnotmatchourneedforfine-grainedgrammatical

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considerthepossibilitytheymightbeutteredinjestorsarcastically,asthiscannotbe

judgedwithoutdetailedknowledgeofthecontext,However,weassumethatinsincere

utterancesareunlikelyinworkplaceemail,wherecommunicationisorientedtothe

completionofsharedtasksandsarcasmisopentomisinterpretation.

informationabouteachutterance;forexample,itcategorisesallmodalinterrogativestogetheras

query-preparatorystatements.

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Table1:FeaturesandvaluesforannotationofrequestsFeature Values ExamplesPlease Yes

No• Pleasegetcopiestomeasap• Sittight

Positionofplease Clause-initialClause-medialClause-finalN/A

• Pleasegetcopiestomeasap• Let’spleasediscussthis• Tellmethatitdoesn’tmatter,please• Sittight

Mood ImperativeConditionalInterrogativeIndicative

• Pleasegetcopiestomeasap• Ifyoucangetthecorrectaddresses[…]• Canwediscussthispleaseassoonaspossible?• Iwouldlikeusalsotodiscussthislistofprojects

Subject 01stsingular1stplural2nd3rd

• AnyideasonhowIshouldrespond?• Imusthaveyourinputnolaterthan4pm• Let’spleasediscussthis• Pleasegetcopiestomeasap• Folksshouldfeelfreetodistribute[…]

Modifyingif-clause

YesNo

• Ifyouhaveanyquestions,pleasesendusanemail• Tellmethatitdoesn’tmatter,please

Modalform CanCouldMayMightMustNeedShouldWillWouldPerhapsMaybePossibleNone

• Canwediscussthispleaseassoonaspossible?• Couldyoupleasecallmetodiscusstheproject?• Youmaywanttomakesurethetextiscorrect• Youmightconsiderthatpossibility• Youmustbookaplaceifyouwishtoattend• WeneedtogetthemtoRtoday[…]• Folksshouldfeelfreetodistributewhen[…]• Iamsureyouwillwanttothankhim• Wouldyouletmeknow?• Perhapsgivehimsomeadditionalrecommendations• MaybeI’llseeyoutonight?• Isitpossibletogetsomeideaoftheamount?• Ifyouhaveanyquestions,pleasesendusanemail

Expressionofgratitude

YesNo

• Iwouldappreciateanyinformationyoucangiveme• Wouldyouletmeknow?

Expressionofpreference

YesNo

• Ifwecoulddothe24th,thatwouldbegreat• Perhapswecouldsetupacalltodiscussthis?

Actiontype,forexample:[seeappendixforfulllist]

ContactFind-infoHelpOfferSchedule

• PleasecontactJassoonaspossiblefortickets• Pleasecheckcarefullyyourownrequirements• Couldyoupleaseassistwiththefollowingrequest?• Ifyouneedanything,don’thesitatetocontactme• Canyoudoitpriorto1:30?

Impositionlevel 0(offer)LowMediumHighunknown

• Ifyouneedanything,don’thesitatetocontactme• Pleaseletmeknowyourpreference.• PleasedonottellPIhaveforwardedhisletter• PleaseobtainaprintoutandaskPtocompleteit• Thatpossible?

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Asthetableshows,theanalysedfeaturesincludesyntacticandlexicalcharacteristics–

reflectingpragmalinguisticchoices–andthemoresubjectivesociopragmaticjudgementof

imposition.Thisallowsustodrawapictureofthelinguisticcontextofpleaseandestablish

howitsuseinteractswithdifferentlevelsofimposition.

3.Resultsanddiscussion

3.1Overalluseofplease

ForBrE,373ofthe675(55%)oftherequestsincludeplease,whileonly184ofthe675

(27%)AmErequestsdo.TheloweruseofpleaseinAmEisconsistentwithpreviousclaims

(Biberetal.1999,BreuerandGeluykens2007)thatthispolitenessmarkeroccursabouthalf

asofteninAmE.Italsochimeswiththeimpressionisticobservationsofnon-linguistsin(1)–

(4)above.Still,despiteLeech’s(2014:161)claimthatpleasemarksanutterance“asa

requestspokenwithacertain(oftenroutine)degreeofpoliteness”,itisabsentinalmost

halfoftheBrErequests.Itcouldbearguedthatthisfollowsfromthe“routineness”of

please.Asaconventionalmarkerofrequests,pleaseshouldoccurregularlyinconventional,

unremarkableworkplacerequests,butperhapsnotasofteninlessroutineones.Thenext

subsectionexploresthispossibility.

3.2Useofpleasebylevelofimposition

Thedifferencesinthefrequencyofpleasecouldindicatethatthetwodialectsuseitfor

differenttypesofrequests.Likepreviousstudiesonemailrequests(e.g.Biesenbach-Lucas

2006,Félix-Brasdefer2012),wehavetakenaccountofimpositionlevelsinrelationtothe

typesofrequestsformulated.Unlikeourwork,however,previousemailresearchhasmostly

concernedthehighlyspecificcontextofstudentsemailingtheirinstructors,wherethe

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powerdifferentialisclearlydefined,andtheresearchers,beingacademicsthemselves,can

easilydeterminehowimposingaparticularactionisfortheparticipants.Becausewelack

informationabouttherolesofthewritersandaddresseesandthenatureofthework

involved,ourimpositioncodingconcentratedoninherentrankofimposition(Brownand

Levinson1987),whichwebasedupontheactionsrequested.Themainverbphrasesofthe

requestheadactsweregroupedintomacro-categoriesofactiontypes(e.g.CONTACT,MEET,

INFORM,TAKERESPONSIBILITY;seeappendix).ThesewereinturnjudgedtobeofHIGH,MEDIUM,

LOW,orNOimposition,asinTable2.

Table2:Occurrenceofpleasewithinimpositionlevels High Medium Low Offer unknownAmE 25%(45/180) 19%(17/88) 30%(110/368) 23.5%(8/34) 40%(2/5)BrE 43%(86/201) 30%(21/70) 65%(245/377) 91%(21/23) 0(0/2)

InourAmEdata,impositionlevelhaslittlebearingontheuseofplease.However,

impositionlevelappearstoplayaroleintheBrEdata,withmorefrequentuseofpleaseat

thelowerendofthescale.Thehigherfrequencyofpleaseinlow-stakesrequestsinBrE

supportstheviewthatitisprimarilypartofaconventionalrequestingroutineratherthana

mitigatorofseriousface-threat.ThisiscongruentwithHouse’s(1989)findinginDCTsand

Wichmann’sfindingthatinspokenlanguage“indirectplease-requeststendtobetowards

themoretransparentandconventionalisedendofthescale,wheretheimpositionissocially

licensed(suchasacourthearing)orwheretheimpositionislow(suchaspassingthesalt),

orwhereitisofbenefittothehearer”(2004:1532),bothusingBrEdata.

Bothcorporaincludeseveralexamplesofrequestsimposingeffortfulworkwhichare

notmitigatedbyplease,asin(11)and(12):

(11) SeeifyoucanturnthisnotefromAZintomoreunderstandableEnglish.(BrE)

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(12) Canyoutrackdownthisbillanddetermineimpact?(AmE)

Thedifferenceinoccurrenceofpleaseinhigh-impositioncontextsisnotduetoadifference

insentencetype:inbothAmEandBrEabout76%ofthehigh-impositionrequestswere

imperativesormodalquestions,thesentencetypesthataccommodateplease.

Furtherconfirmationoftheroutinenessandlackofface-mitigationofBrEpleaseisgiven

byitsveryhighfrequencyinthesmallclassofoffers,which,unlikeotherrequestsinthe

database,donotasktheaddresseetoactforthebenefitoftherequester,asin(13)and

(14):

(13) PleaseletmeknowifIcanbeofanymorehelp.

(14) Pleaseacceptmyapologiesforclutteringyourinbox.

Wetakethisasfurtherevidenceoftheroutinenessofpleaseuseinlow-stakesBrE

directives,sinceheretheutterancesrequestnonecessaryactionfromtheaddressee.That

theyonlyhavethesurfaceformofadirectiveisindicatedbyhoweasyitistoparaphrase

themwithoutarequestform:(13)Iamavailabletohelpyouor(14)I’msorry.

3.3Useofpleaseanddirectness:sentencetypeandmodalverbs

Requestscanalsovaryalongthedimensionofdirectness,asexpressedbysyntacticmood

andsubjecttype.Inourdata,imperativesandquestionsfaroutnumberindicativesand

conditionalsinbothvarieties,asshowninTable3.3

3. Thefiguresrelatingtoindicativemoodneedtobetakenwithsomecaution:itispossiblethat

thereareveryindirectrequests,phrasedasdeclarativesentences,whichhavenotbeen

recognisedassuchbyeitherautomatedorhumanannotators,butwhichwouldberecognisedas

requestivehintsbytheintendedrecipient.

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Table3:Requestsbymoodtype Imp Int Cond IndicAmE* 43%

(289)46%(328)

<1%(5)

8%(52)

BrE 38%(258)

46%(309)

3%(21)

13%(87)

*AmEaddsupto<100%becauseoneexamplewasasentencefragment.Pleaseisneverusedinconditionalsorindicativesineitherdataset.Thisistobe

expected,sincethesemoodsrepresentlessexplicitwaysofformulatingarequest.Their

syntacticformmitigatesthedirectnessoftherequest,andaddingpleasewouldonlymake

themovertlydirective(Blum-Kulka1987).Theseindirectformulationsareoftenusedfor

higherimposition,non-routinerequests.Forexample,57%ofBrEconditionals,39%ofBrE

indicatives,and40%ofAmEindicativeswerecategorisedashigh-impositionrequests(based

ontheirverb/actionclassifications).Table4showstherateofpleaseuseinimperativesand

interrogatives.

Table4:Useofpleasebymoodtype Imp Int

AmE 43%(124/289)

18%(59/328)

BrE 86%(221/258)

49%(152/309)

Inbothvarieties,pleaseisusedmuchmoreinimperativesthanininterrogatives,whichisin

linewiththeassumptionthattheinterrogativeisusedformitigation,andthusneedsplease

lessthanthemoredirectimperative.However,pleaseisusedmuchmorebyspeakersof

BrE,wherethevastmajorityofimperativesfeatureplease,thanbyspeakersofAmE,where

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fewerthanhalfdo.4Thereissimilarlylargedisparityintheuseofpleaseininterrogatives.

Thisdifferencerelatestoimpositionlevel:imperativesandinterrogativesaremostoften

usedtoexpresslow-impositionrequests(halfofinterrogativesinbothvarieties,59%of

imperativesinAmE,67%ofimperativesinBrE),and,asdiscussedinSection3.2,BrEismore

likelytousepleaseinthesecontexts.Thesefiguresindicatethatusingpleasewith

imperativesisunmarkedandpreferredinourBrEdata,whereasitcannotbesaidtobe

unmarkedintheAmEdata.

Forinterrogatives,97%ofBrEand80%ofAmErequestsfeaturemodalverbs.5

Amongthese,onlycan,could,andwouldareregularlyused;allothermodals(may,might,

must,need,should,will)occur10timesorfewer,andsowedonotdiscussthemfurther.

Startingarequestwithcan,could,orwouldisafrequent,highlyroutinised

occurrence,andourdataisinlinewithWatts’claimthatcanyouandcouldyouquestions

havebecomethe“unmarkedforms[forrequesting]withinthescopeofpoliticbehaviourfor

averywiderangeofverbalinteractiontypes”(2003:193).Bothdatasetshavebothsecond-

person(henceforth2p)andnon-2psubjectsinmodalinterrogatives,with2pbeingfarmore

frequent.Closeranalysisshowedthatthesmallgroupofnon-2putterancesdifferinthetwo

varieties,withAmEmainlyusingthemasoutrightrequests(CanIhavex),andBrEmore

oftenusingfirst-personmodalinterrogativesashedgedperformatives(CanIsuggest/ask

that…).Giventhesmallsizeandheterogeneityofthefirst-personsubsetandthefactthat

theyrarelyincludeplease,theseexamplesarenotdiscussedfurtherhere.4. ThiscontrastswithLeopold(2015),inwhich67%of155Americanimperativesincludedplease.

Shedoesnotreporttherateofpleaseininterrogatives.Heremaildatadiffersfromoursinbeing

collectedfromself-selectedvolunteersfromarangeofprofessions.

5. Averysmallsetofnon-interrogativeutterancesfeaturemodalverbs.Noneofthesehaveplease,

andtheyconstitutetoosmallagroupformeaningfulanalysis.

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Table5showsdifferentpatternsofpleaseoccurrenceinthetwovarieties,withAmE

consistentlypreferringplease-lessversionswithallthreemodals,andBrEpreferringplease-

fulversions.

Table5:Proportionofpleaseusewithcan/could/wouldyouinterrogativesmodal Canyou Couldyou WouldyouAmE 21%(18/84) 33%(32/98) 29%(5/17)BrE 55%(87/159) 60%(44/74) 65%(11/17)

OurBritishemaildataisnotablydifferentfromthatintheLondon–LundCorpusofSpoken

English,inwhichAijmer(1996)found20can+yourequestswithoutmitigationandonlyone

withplease,and25affirmativecould+yourequestswithoutmitigationand12withplease

(plusotherswithotherlexicalmitigatorsincludingkindlyandmodaladverbs).Thislower

rateofpleaseuseisnodoubtduetotherelativeinformalityofcontextsintheLondon–Lund

corpus,comparedtoourwrittenworkplacedata.Aijmernotestheexpectationthatplease

wouldbemorefrequentinbusinesscorrespondence,aswellasitsgreateruseintelephone

conversationsinthecorpus.

3.4Conventionalisationininterrogativerequests

TobetterunderstandthedegreeofconventionalisationinBrEandAmErequests,weused

AntConcsoftware(Anthony2014)toextract3-gramsand4-gramsinordertoidentify

repeatingphrases.Table6showsthosethatwereparticulartosecond-personinterrogative

requests.

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Table6:Mostfrequent3-gramsand4-gramsin2pmodalinterrogatives AmE BrE

4-grams canyougiveme(6)couldyouletme[know](6)couldyoupleaseforward(5)

canyoupleaseconfirm(10)couldyoupleaseconfirm(8)canyoupleaseensure(7)canyouletme[know](6)canyoupleaseforward(5)canyoupleaseprovide(5)

3-grams couldyouplease(31)

canyouplease(16)canyouhelp(7)canyougive(6)couldyoulet(6)canyousend(5)couldyoucall(5)

couldyouforward(5)couldyougive(5)

couldyouresend(5)wouldyouplease(5)

canyouplease(76)couldyouplease(39)canyouhelp(13)

wouldyouplease(10)pleasecanyou[9]canyoulet(8)

canyouconfirm(5)

TheeffectisthatBrEinterrogativerequestsstartmorerepetitively,withlargernumbersof

requestsstartingwiththesamethreeorfourwords.OnequarterofBrEinterrogativesand

11%ofallrequests(regardlessofmood)startwiththesamethreewords:Canyouplease.

Themostfrequentinterrogative3-graminAmE,couldyouplease,occursinlessthan10%of

theAmEinterrogativerequestsandlessthan5%ofrequestsoverall.Theaveragerateof

occurrenceacrosstheAmEinterrogative3-gramsisjustunder9times,whiletheaveragefor

thesevenBrE3-gramsisabout23times.ThisleadstotheconclusionthattheBrErequests

aremorerepetitivebecausetheystartwithhighlyconventionalisedformulae.Thefactthat

theactionsrequestedinvolvelowimpositionontheaddresseearefurtherevidencethat

convention,ratherthancalculatedface-threateningactmitigation(asperBrownand

Levinson1987),isatplay.Theverbsthatoccurintheseinterrogativesaremuchthesame

acrossAmEandBrE:verbsofcommunication,suchascontactandcall,andtasksrelatedto

emailcommunication,suchasforwardand(re)send.

17

Furthermore,thetableshowsatendencytoplacepleaseinafixedmedialposition,

aspartofthemodalverb+you+pleasechunk.InlinewithSato(2008),ourdatahasno

instancesofinitialpleaseinAmEinterrogatives,andaverystrongpreferenceformedial

overfinalposition(only3%ofAmericaninterrogativesfeatureutterance-finalplease).BrE

canfeaturepleaseinanyposition,butalsostronglyprefersquestion-medialplease(7%are

utterance-initialand6%utterance-final,contraWichmann’s(2004)findingofnoinitial

pleaseinspokenquestions).6Thestrongtendencyformedialpleaseininterrogatives

supportsthepropositionthatpleaseoccursaspartofconventionalisedconstructions,in

thiscaseMODAL-PRONOUN-please.ThisfitsTerkourafi’snotionof“aconceptualizationof

politenessasarepertoireofexpressionsthatareretrievedasawholeincontextandto

whichspeakershaverecourseroutinelywhenbeing(orteachingothershowtobe)polite”

(Terkourafi2015:14).

3.5Otherformsofmitigation

Ininterculturalcommunication,thelowfrequencyofpleaseinAmEseemstocontributetoa

reportedBritishperceptionofAmericanspeakersas“rude”.Howeverspeakerscanuse

otherstrategiestomitigatearequesttomaintainpolitenessandavoidthreatstothe

hearer’sface(Holmes1984,Blum-Kulka1987,CurlandDrew2008).Welookedatwhether

othersentence-internalmitigatorswereusedinplaceofplease,focusingonconventionally

indirectmodalquestions,sincethesearetheformswherespeakershavethegreatest

opportunitytochooseornotchoosetouseplease.Themitigatorsweinvestigatedinclude:

6. Thenumberofutteranceswithinitialpleaseistoosmalltoderiveanymeaningful

generalisationsaboutwhattypesofcontextswouldgiverisetothisuse;theonlyfeaturethey

shareisthattheyaremostlylow-impositionrequests.

18

expressionsofgratitudeandpreference;downtonersincludingpossible,possibility,maybe,

perhaps,chance,wondering,andjust(e.g.whenyougetachance,isitpossible);andif-

clauses.However,fewwerefoundinanygreatnumberandtheirpresencedidnotseemto

dependoneithertheabsenceofpleaseorthelevelofimposition.If-clausesaresomewhat

morefrequentinplease-lessrequests,thoughmoreinBrEthanAmE,buttheseincluded

plainlymitigatingones,likeifyouwouldn’tmindoriffolksagree,andmorecontingent

types,asinIfyouhaveanyproblems,contactme.

Acomplicatingfactorinlookingatmitigators,however,isthatwe,likemanyother

researchers,haveonlyconsideredtheheadactoftherequest(astaggedinthecorpora).

BreuerandGeluykens’(2007)comparativeDCTstudyanalysedmitigationwithin(internal

to)andexternaltotheheadact.Internalmitigatorsincludeplease,non-imperativeclause

types,modals,andsoforth.Externalmitigatorscouldinvolveseparateexpressionsof

gratitude,acknowledgementoftheimposition,expressionsofindebtedness,contextforthe

request,etcetera.BreuerandGeluykenfoundthatBritishrequestersusedmoremitigation

thanAmericans,bothinternalandexternaltotheheadact.ButAmericansubjectswere

muchmorelikelytouseonlyexternalmitigationoftheirrequests.(Inthetwocontextsfor

whichtheygivefigures,external-onlymitigationwasfoundin28%and41.5%ofAmerican

requests,versus7%and22%respectivelyforBritishrequests.)IftheDCTresultsare

comparabletonaturallyoccurringrequests,thenlookingonlyatheadactsgivesalopsided

impressionofAmericanmitigation.(ButseeFlöckandGeluykens’cautionregardingDCT

resultsinSection1.)Theremaybefarmoremitigationthansentence-leveldataextraction

candetect,andsoabsenceofpleaseintheAmericandatadoesnotentailcomplete

inattentiontoconventionalpolitenessorface-work.

19

4.Discussionandconclusions

Thefirstavailablecitationofpleaseasastand-alonepragmaticmarkerisfrom1771(Oxford

EnglishDictionary),andpleaseonlybecamecommonplaceinrequestsinthe19thcentury

(Akimoto2000).Inotherwords,thefirstknownuseofpleaseasastand-alonepragmatic

markerisfrom150yearsaftertheEnglishmadetheirfirstsuccessfulsettlementintheNew

World,anditsusewasnotcommonuntilaftertheUnitedStateshaddeclared

independenceandAmericanEnglishhadbecomenotablydistinctfromBritishvarieties.7

Giventhesefacts,perhapsitismoresurprisingthatAmericanandBritishEnglishuseplease

similarlythanthattheyuseitdifferently.Still,pragmatic-markerpleasearosefroma

commonsituationinAmEandBrE:bothsharedtheolderphrasesfromwhichitispresumed

todevelop(ifyouplease;ifitpleaseyou;pleaseto[verb])andhadexperienceofasimilar

requestmarker,pray(FayaCerqueiro2013).

Investigatingpleaseinpresent-dayEnglish,wehavereportedonthepresenceand

absenceofpleasein1,350requestsinBritishandAmericancorporateemails.Likeother

studiesthathavecomparedpleaseoccurrenceinAmEandBrE(Biberetal.1999,Breuerand

Geluykens2007),wehavefoundthatpleaseisusedinBritishrequestsatmorethantwice

therateofpleaseinAmericanrequests,regardlessofrequestmoodtype.

EarliermonoculturalstudiessuggestedthatBritishpleasewouldbefoundinroutine,

low-impositionrequests,whileAmericanpleasewouldoccurinhigher-impositionrequests

(Stross1964,Vaughnetal.2009),moreformalrequests(PufahlBax1986),andinrequests

withgreaterpowerdifferentials(Ervin-Tripp1976,andpossiblyLeopold2015,although7. Fittinglyforourresearch,thefirstrecordedusageofpragmaticmarkerpleaseisinaletterfrom

VirginiatoLondon(Mason1968).Theletter-writer,PriceDavies,wasanOxford-educatedWelshclergyman,whohademigratedtoVirginiain1763(Weis1955:13).Ofcourse,pleasewasprobablyusedinspokenrequestsfarearlier,buthowfarearlierisdifficulttoknow.AnselmBayly’s1772grammar(London)givesasanexample“pleaseorpraygive”(citedinFayaCerqueiro2013:209).

20

pleasewasnotthemainfocusofherstudy).Thenatureofourdatameantthatwecould

onlyconsiderthenatureoftheactionrequestedwhenconsideringimpositionlevel.The

natureoftheinterpersonalrelationshipsbetweeninterlocutorscanbeexpectedtoaffect

theformalityoftheexchangeandtheextenttowhicharequestisfelttoimpose.However,

wedidnothavesufficientinformationtotakethesemattersintoaccount.Thelargeamount

ofdatawehadtoconsiderandthecomparabilityofitintermsofformalityandcontenttype

goessomewaytowardsreassuringusthattheeffectsfoundhereareamatterofpragmatic

variationbetweennationalvarieties.Thisissupportedbythefactthatourfindingsare

consonantwithearlierindicationsthatBritishpleasewouldbemorefrequentinhighly

routinised,low-impositionrequests.

Whiletheproportionofrequestswithpleaseisgreateratallimpositionlevelsinthe

Britishdata,thepatternofdistributionisnoticeablydifferentinthetwonationaldatasets.

WeindeedfoundthatBritishpleaseisstronglyassociatedwithlowerlevelsofimposition,

with65%oflow-impositionrequestshavingplease,comparedwith30%ofmedium-

impositionones.Americanpleasedidnot,contrarytoourexpectation,leantotheopposite

sideoftheimposition-levelcontinuum.Instead,Americanpleasewasfairlyevenly

distributedatthefourimpositionlevels,withnolevelhavinglessthan19%ormorethan

30%please-marking.Ourcodingforimpositionlevelswasdrivenbytheverbphraseofthe

headactoftherequest,anditwasnecessarilysubjective.Itisperhapsleasttrustworthyin

thedivisionofmedium-andhigh-impositionrequests.Mostoftherequestsinourdata

probablyrelatetoactionsthatarepartoftherecipient’sjobdescription—andtherefore

unlikelytobe“high”inimposition.Butinfavouroftheresultspresentedhere,thecoding

wascompletedindependentlybythetwoinvestigators,whowereveryconfidentinthe

lowesttwocategories:lowimpositionandnoimposition(offers).

21

TheBritishuseofpleaseisparticularlystriking(91%)intheno-impositioncategory,

consistingofperiphrastic,directive-phrasedoffersofhelp,thanks,apologiesand

congratulations(e.g.Pleaseacceptmyappreciation).Giventheformulaicnatureof

expressionslikePleaseacceptmy/our[politeact]andthe(atmost)quasi-directivenatureof

theseoffers,theuseofpleaseintheselargelyBritishcontextsappearstobeamatterof

sayingthehabitualwordsforthesituation,rathernegative-face-threatmitigationina

BrownandLevinson-typepolitenessmodel.Formulaiclanguageisalsoseeninsomeofthe

low-impositionrequests,suchaspleasefindattached[adocument],inwhichtheimperative

formisusedforaninformativeillocution:‘hereisadocumentforyou’.TheBritishdata

included20instancesofindicationofdocumentlocation,allwithplease.TheAmericandata

hadonlytwo.Garner(2002)notesthatAmericanbusiness-writingguideshave“consistently

condemned”enclosedpleasefindandpleasefindenclosed,thepaper-mailpredecessorsto

pleasefindattached.AsearlyasRichardGrantWhite’sEvery-DayEnglish(1880),pleasefind

enclosedwasdismissedwith“Amoreridiculoususeofwords,itseemstome,therecould

notbe”.By1928,Crowell'sDictionaryofEnglishGrammarsawitasa“worn-outformula”

andby1989EffectiveBusinessWritingdescribeditas“borrowedfromanearlier

generation”,withthesuggestionthatIamenclosingwouldbeagoodreplacementfor

pleasefindenclosed(allcitedinGarner2002).Wehavefoundnosuchequivalent

condemnationinBritishwritingadvice.

SinceAmericanpleaseseemslesstiedtoroutine,itsuseprobablydependsmoreon

interpersonalrelationshipfactors,includingpowerrelationsandleveloffamiliarityor

intimacy.Thesameistrueofpleaseusedinnon-routinewaysinBrE,where,asAijmer

(1996)notes,itconveysappealorpersuasion.Butif,asourdataindicate,pleaseisless

routineinlow-impositionrequestsinAmE,itmaybeamoreriskystrategytouseinAmE

22

thaninBrE,sincepleaseismoremarkedintheAmericancontext.FollowingWatts’(2003)

distinctionbetweenthepoliticandthepolite,pleaseinBrElow-impositionroutinesis

politic:itspresencedoesnotmakearequestpolite,butitsabsencemaymaketherequest

seemimpolite.InAmE,ontheotherhand,therelativeweaknessofpleaseroutinesmeans

thepresenceofpleaseinalow-impositionrequesthasmorepotentialtobeinterpretedas

politeorimpolite.

GreateruseofpleaseinBrEgivesrisetomoreandlongerpredictablestringsof

wordsstartingrequests.Repeatedexposuretosuchformulaeconventionalisesthemand

entrenchestheirstatusas“howonedoespoliterequests”foraparticulartypeofcontext(in

thiscase,businessemails).Theassociationofhighlyritualisedexpressionswithpoliteness

followsBlum-Kulka’s(1987)observationthatacrossnationalvarietiesofEnglish,

conventionalisedindirectnessisoftenperceivedasmorepolitethantheunconventionally

indirect.Thisisattributedtothelessercognitiveburdenthatconventionalisedformsplace

ontheaddressee,whocaneasilyrecognisetherequestandknowstheoptionsfor

respondingtoit.

Americanrequestsalsouseconventionaldirectandindirectrequeststructures;the

maindifferenceisthelowrateofplease.Thisisnotpartofagenerallesseruseofpoliteness

formulaeintheUS,sincethanksandthankyouarefoundmoreofteninAmericanspeech

thaninBritish(Biberetal.1999;cf.example(1)above).IfAmericanpleaseisperceivedasa

markerofpowerdifferentiation(Ervin-Tripp1976),thiswouldhelpexplainwhyitisless

consistentlyused.Americancultureenforcestheappearanceofegalitarianisminbusiness

interactions,andsomarkersofpowerdistanceareoftenunwelcome:“Interpersonal

relationsaretypicallyhorizontal,conductedbetweenpresumedequals.Whenapersonal

confrontationisrequiredbetweentwopersonsofdifferenthierarchicallevels,thereisan

23

implicittendencytoestablishanatmosphereofequality”(StewartandBennett1991:89).

Thesameistrueofrequests.8IfAmericanpleaseismoreassociatedwithrelationship

asymmetrythanBritishplease,thenthiscanhelpexplainitssteadyoccurrenceacross

impositionlevels.Pleaseinthiscaseislessamatterofroutinisedbehaviourforaparticular

typeofrequestthanamarkerofaparticulartype(ortypes)ofinterpersonalrelationship.In

thoserelationships,requestsmightbeexpressedthatinvolvevariouslevelsofimposition.

ThisisnottosaythatBritishinteractionswithpleaseareanti-egalitarian,butitisa

suppositionthatpleasesitsmorecomfortablywithinBritishsocialstructuresthanAmerican

becauseBrEspeakershavetheoptiontointerpretpleaseasamatterofroutine,while

Americansdonothavethatoptiontothesameextent.TheinterpretationofAmEuseof

pleaseaslessroutinebringstomindAlexisdeTocqueville’s(1840:506)commentsonthe

divergenceofmannersbetweentheUSandaristocraticBritain,“[American]mannersare

neithersotutorednorsouniform,buttheyarefrequentlymoresincere”.

AmEpleaseseemstomarkbothupwardanddownwardpowerdifferentials,and

thereforeitcanmakerequestssoundlikeeitherordersorpleas.Forinstance,oneAmerican

blogcommenternoted:“Pleasewindsupfeelingimpolitewithpeoplethatyoudon'thave

therighttoorderaround,i.e.anyoneotherthanyourchildren”(WyndesinMurphy2012).

8. InastudyofspokenbusinessinteractioninaNewZealandworkplace,Vine(2004:99)explains

lackofpleasebytheroutinenessoftherequests:“Theinfrequentuseofpleaseinmydatacan

beaccountedforbytheworkplacecontextinwhichmydatawascollected.Theactions

requestedrefertotheparticipants’jobobligationsandarenotoutsidetheresponsibilitiesofthe

addressee.”ThissuggeststhattheNewZealandworkplacemighthavemoreincommonwithan

AmericanonethanaBritishone.Thisisnotsurprising,sincelikeAmericanEnglish,NewZealand

Englishhasdevelopedina“new”culturethatislikelytotendtowardsolidarity-typebehaviours

(ScollonandScollon1981).

24

Intheotherdirection,Firminetal.(2004)concludedthatlow-stakesrequestswithplease

wereunsuccessfulbecausetheysoundedinappropriatelylikepleading.

Totestthismatterfurther,datacollectionwithmoresensitivitytointerpersonal

factorsisneeded.Cross-culturalcomparisonsacrossgenrearealsoneeded.Whileemailisa

usefulsourceofrequestdata,itsitsinaplacebetweeninformalspeechandformalletter-

writing.Normsofemailstructureandtonemaydifferinthetwonationsormorespecifically

inthetwocorporatecultureswehaveexamined,thereforemoresupportisneededfrom

naturalisticspokenandfurtherwrittendata.Inaddition,studiesoftheinterpretationor

perceptionofpleaseinnaturalcontextsinthetwovarietiescouldbeinteresting.These

mustbecarefullydesignedinordertoavoidinterferencefromtheexplicitlytaughtnotion

thatpleaseisa“politeword”.

Butinitself,thiscomparativestudyisasolidstepforwardinunderstandingakey

lexico-pragmaticdifferenceinBritishandAmericanEnglish.Mostcomparativestudiesto

datehaveconcernednative-versus-learnerrequestformationanduseofplease.The

presentstudyemphasisesthat“native-speakerbehaviour”isnotonlynotuniform,itmay

observesomemajordialectalboundaries.

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29

Appendix:ActiontypesforutteranceclassificationImpositionlevel

ExamplerequestsacttypeHighimposition

documentpreparation

• Pleaseamendthenewsflash• Couldyoupleasetranslatethefollowingforme.

favour • Iwouldliketoseekabitofadvice.• IwouldappreciateyourguidanceonwhomIshouldinvolve.

findinfo • CouldyoupleasechaseNasperemailbelow.• Canyoufindmebiosofthesefolks?

gosomeplace • Canyouattendanaudioconference?• Canyouleaveearlyenoughtodaytopickupasleepingbag?

influence • Canyoupersuade[NAME]topartwiththecash?• Couldyouuseyourcontactswith[COMPANY]togetonthe

phonewith[NAMES]tojumpstartthisthing?meeting • Couldwemeetonanyoftheabovedates?

• Canwevisitinadvanceofyourmeeting?read • Pleasereadthisforyourinformation.

• Takealookatthecompetitordata.secretarialtasks • Couldyouprint4copiesofthisforus

• Canyouprovideuswithadeskandphoneforthe3days?takeresponsibility • Canyoupleasearrangeforittobepaidimmediately.

• Canyoutakethison?think-work • Pleasecommenton/amendthisproposalbeforeIsendittoR.

• Canyouplanyourdetaileddiscussionswiththearchitect?Mediumimposition

collaborate • Perhapswecantalkthen?• Canwediscussthesepossibilitiesfurther?

elaborate • Canyouclarifytheirrole&durationofthearrangements.• Canyouexplainwhatistheimpactofthisnewnameonwhat

weagreed?help • Couldyoupleaseassistwiththefollowingrequest?

• Canyouhelp?interact(withthirdparty)

• PleasecanyouaskKwhatthesumrelatestoandwhoauthorisedit.

• Whenyougetachancecanyoutalktohimaboutthis.prevent • Pleasedonotdeviatefromthisstatement.

• PleasedonottellPIhaveforwardedhisletter.Lowimposition

contact • PleasecontactJassoonaspossibleifyourequiretickets.• Pleasecallforfurtherclarification.

endorse • Canyoupleaseprovidefundingauthorizationforthesetwoitemstoday?

• WouldyoupleasesignacopyofeachforC?

30

extendpoliteness • IamsureyouwillwanttothankB.• PleasejoinmeinwelcomingWto[COMPANY]

holddoc • CanyoupleasesavecopiesofyourplansasProject98file.• Writeitdownandkeepitsomewheresafe.

holdinfo • Pleasenotethat…• Keepinmindthatthesituationremainsextremelyfluid

inform • PleaseconfirmASAP• Pleaseletmeknowyourpreference.

nominate • LcanyouidentifypeoplefortheareasIlistedyouunder.• IwouldappreciateitifyouwouldnominateaRecruitment

championforeachoftheseterritories.receivedocument • Pleasefindattachedtwodocuments.schedule • CanIsuggestTuesday12at13:00whenKwillalsobein

[PLACE]?• Canwemakeitat2pm?

transmit • Wouldyoupleasecascadethisinformationwithinyourarea.• CanyoupleaseforwardthistoA.

wait • Untilwe’vehadachancetotalk,couldyouwaitbeforeforwardingmyname?

Noimposition(offer)offer • Ifyouhaveanyqueries,pleasedon'thesitatetocontactme.

• Feelfreetoquestionmyestimates.receivepoliteness • Pleaseacceptmyappreciationforsparingyourtimeand

apologiesforthefactthatwecannotconsideryoufurther.