on the de + infinitive construction (deÍsmo) in …
Post on 25-Nov-2021
2 Views
Preview:
TRANSCRIPT
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
29
Received28May2015.
Accepted15September2015.
ONTHEDE+INFINITIVECONSTRUCTION(DEÍSMO)INSPANISH
CarlotadeBENITO1&EnriquePATO2
UniversitätZürich1/UniversitédeMontréal2
carlota.debenitomoreno@uzh.ch/enrique.pato-maldonado@umontreal.ca
Abstract
Thispaperaimsatprovidingthefirstcompletedescriptionofthede+ infinitiveconstruction in
Peninsular Spanish. Previousworks have eithermentioned briefly its existence by locating it in some
Southerndialects(AndalusiaorExtremadura)oranalysedthesyntacticbehaviouroftheconstructionin
small areas, and have seldom used data from exhaustive corpora. Using the currently available data
fromtheCorpusOralySonorodelEspañolRural(COSER),weprovideaprecisegeographicaldistribution
ofthephenomenonandadetaileddescriptionoftheconstruction.
Keywords
Spanish,grammar,de+infinitiveconstruction,deísmo
SOBRELACONSTRUCCIÓNDE+INFINITIVO(DEÍSMO)ENESPAÑOL
Resumen
Enesteartículopretendemosproporcionar laprimeradescripción completade la construcción
dede+ infinitivoenespañolpeninsular.Lostrabajosanterioresobienhanmencionadosomeramente
su existencia, localizándola en algunas variedades del sur (Andalucía o Extremadura), o bien han
analizadoelcomportamientosintácticodelaconstrucciónenregionesconcretas,basándoseraravezen
datosobtenidosexhaustivamenteapartirdecorpus.Graciasa losdatosdelCorpusOralySonorodel
EspañolRural (COSER)disponiblesactualmente,podemosofrecerladistribucióngeográficaprecisadel
fenómenoyunadescripcióndetalladadelaconstrucción.
Palabrasclave
español,sintaxis,construcciónde+infinitivo,deísmo
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
30
1.Introduction
Some modern Spanish varieties show a wide number of infinitive clauses
preceded by the preposition de where the Standard language requires a different
preposition or no preposition at all, for example oí de cantar ('I heard [PREP.de]
singing'),videllover ('Isaw[de]raining'), lohevistodecaer ('Ihaveseenhim/it[de]
fall')orcomencéde/alimpiar('Istarted[de/a]toclean').Thisworkwillstudythefirst
three cases, which are examples of the so-called deísmo. The last example, on the
other hand, illustrates a change of the preposition (where de replaces a), a
phenomenonthatwillnotbestudiedhere.1
GómezTorrego(1999:2128)hasdescribeddeísmoasthe“superfluoususeofthe
preposition de in infinitive subordinate clauses” (our translation). This ‘superfluous’
use is very frequent in Andalusia and Extremadura (cf. Zamora Vicente 1970: 330;
Llorente1980:36;GómezTorrego1999:2128)andithasbeentraditionallyconsidered
incorrectfromaprescriptivepointofview(cf.,forexample,DiTullio2011:185).The
casesofdeísmodifferfromotherexamplesofde+infinitiveinthattheprepositionis
not requiredbytheverb, that is tosay, itonlyappearsbefore infinitiveclauses,and
notbeforefinitesubordinateclausesornominalphrases(cf.1).2
(1) a.Lavi(de)llorar ('Isawher[de]crying').
b.Lavi(*de)quelloraba ('Isaw[*de]thatshewascrying').
c.Lavi(*de)vestidadeblanco ('Isawher[*de]dressedinwhite').
d.Vi(*de)laslágrimas ('Isaw[*de]thetears').
Insomeothercases,however,thepresenceorabsenceoftheprepositiondehas
1DiTullio(2011,2012)includesinherstudiesthecaseswecallheredeísmotogetherwiththecasesofalternationbetweendeandanotherprepositionandsomecasesinwhichdeisnotoptional,suchasdijodequedar.Wedonotincludethislasttype,sincetheprepositionisrequiredandthereisnoequivalentsentencewithoutde(*dijoquedar).Infact,inthiscasedecirseemstotakeaslightlydifferentmeaningof the original ‘to say’,meaning ‘to propose’ instead. Considering these cases separately also avoidssomeproblemsfoundinDiTullio’sanalysis,suchasproposingthattheappearanceofdepreventsthe‘posteriority’reading(implyingthatexamplessuchasnomepesadehabermequedadoareimpossible,butseeexample[4a])orthattheinfinitiveprecededbydeallowsforanon-controlledreference,whichdoesnotseemtobethecaseinourcorpus.2Thepresenceof theprepositiondebefore finiteclauses, theso-calleddequeísmo,doesnotseemtooccurinthesamecontextsasdeísmo,cf.§3.2,butmoreresearchisneededonthistopic.
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
31
beenconsideredtoproducesyntacticeffects.Forinstance,insentenceswiththelight
verbdar(‘togive’),thebareinfinitiveisconsideredthesubjectofthemainclause(as
in2a),while theprepositional infinitivewouldworkasanounmodifierof thedirect
object (as in 2b) (NGLE 2009: 2543). That is to say, the presence of the preposition
would trigger a change in the syntactic function of the infinitive. In other cases, it
seemsthattheprepositionissometimespresentwithnominalphrasestoo(cf.2cand
2d). According toNGLE, the presence ofde impersonalizes themain clause, since it
preventstheinfinitiveclausefromappearinginthesubjectposition.
(2) a.Dapenaverlo ('Ifeelsorry(to)seeit/him').
b.Dapenadeverlo ('Ifeelsorrytoseeit/him').
c.MedapenaMaría ('IpityMary').
d.MedapenadeMaría ('Ipity[de]Mary').
This work has several goals. First, it aims to document the phenomenon in
PeninsularSpanishandtopresentitsgeographicalextensionforthefirsttime,thanks
totheCorpusOralySonorodelEspañolRural(COSER)data(§2).Second,itwilltryto
offer a description of the phenomenon, by considering it as an example of
microvariationinPeninsularSpanishsyntax(§3).Inordertodoso,wewillfocusonthe
typeofverb(§3.1)andthedifferentsemanticvaluesoftheprepositionde(§3.2).We
willalsobrieflypresentitsmedievalantecedents(§3.3),assuggestedbyNGLE(2009:
3257), and Pato & De Benito (2012). In section §4, we will shortly examine some
parallelRomanceconstructions.Inthenextsection(§5),wewillreviewthehypothesis
proposed so far aboutdeísmo constructionsandoutline some further research lines
thatwewouldliketopursueinthefuture.Last,wewillsummarizeourfindingsinthe
conclusion(§6).
2.GeolinguisticDistribution
Very fewstudieshaveofferedexamplesof the 'de+ infinitive'construction (cf.
Llorente 1980: 36;Gómez Torrego 1999: 2129). As regards the data in the different
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
32
availableatlases,theAtlasLingüísticodelaPenínsulaIbérica(ALPI)unfortunatelydoes
not shed light onto the phenomena, and provides no data for Andalusia or
Extremadura. Out of four questions that have an infinitive in a context where the
prepositionmayappear(#259.Nosabenfreírunhuevo'Theydon'tknowhowtofryan
egg',#280.Aninguna leagradaponerse laropadeotra 'Noneofthemlikestowear
clothes fromsomeoneelse',#309.Sevaapudrir la fruta 'The fruit isgoing to rot' y
#343.¿Os queréis callar? 'Would you shut up?'), only the second (#280) shows an
example of the infinitive proceeded by the preposition de (a ninguna le agrada de
ponerse la ropadeotra) inone single locality (Córdoba502. Fuenteovejuna, current
Fuente Obejuna), in a 52 year-old labourer who corrects himself right afterwards.
Although the verbs selecting the infinitive in these four questions (saber, agradar,
querer,and ir)arenot theones thatmost favour theprepositionde, theabsenceof
examples shows that the questions of the ALPI where sometimes too structured,
especially in regards to syntax. Examples of prepositional infinitives are frequent in
colloquialspeech,andcanbefoundinliteraryworksprevioustotheALPI:
(3) a. estaba yo tan tranquila sentá enmi escalón cuandovi de venir a Joseíto... (Arturo
Reyes, La bravía, 1888). ('Iwas peacefully sitting onmy stepwhen I saw Joselito [de]
come').
b.LejosmuylejosdeEspaña/Yooídecantaraunruiseñor…(AntonioMacías,Jabegote,
Popularsong).('FarfarawayfromSpain/Iheardanightingale[de]sing').
TheAtlas Lingüístico y Etnográfico deAndalucía (ALEA) includes only onemap
with the conditions to provide some information on the phenomenon under study
(#1869.Nomepudemover'Icouldnotmove').However,thedatafromtheALEA,like
those from the ALPI, do not offer any examples of the preposition de before the
infinitive,whichprovesthatlinguisticatlasespresentsomelimitationstothestudyof
syntacticphenomena(cf.Fernández-Ordóñez2007).
Lastly, the Atlas lingüístico (y etnográfico) de Castilla-La Mancha (ALECMAN)
includes the same question (SIN-59. No me pude ni mover), also with no relevant
information,butaddsanotherone(SIN-77.Suelehaber)wherethevernacularformis
found (suele de haber) in a single locality in the South of Ciudad Real (CR510.
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
33
Mestanza). The Atlas has four more maps that are crucial for the study of the
phenomena in this area (SIN-88: Dejar (de) salir, SIN-89: Hacer (de) reír, SIN-90:
Hacerse(de)rogarySIN-91:Deber(de)hacer).Theyshowthatbothforms,withand
without thepreposition, appear in all theprovincesof Castilla-LaManchawithout a
cleargeographicalpattern.
Map1.DistributionofdeísmoinPeninsularSpanish(COSERdata)
ThedatafromtheCorpusOralySonorodelEspañolRural(COSER)offerprecious
informationforthestudyofdialectalsyntax,sincethecorpusconsistsofsemidirected
interviews to rural elderly speakers. We found examples of deísmo in Andalusia
(Almería, Granada, Huelva, Cádiz, Málaga, Sevilla, Córdoba and Jaén), Murcia,
Extremadura (Cáceres and Badajoz), Castilla-La Mancha (Albacete, Ciudad Real,
Guadalajara, Toledo and Cuenca), the Valencian Community (Alicante, Valencia and
Castellón)andMadrid.3Althoughthe frequencyofdeísmo in theSouth (andEast)of
3 The alphabetical list of localities is the following: Abarán (Murcia), Ahín (Castellón), Alcalá de losGazules (Cádiz), Alcolea (Almería), Alcolea del Pinar (Guadalajara), Aldea de laMesa (Jaén), Algar dePalencia(Cádiz),AlmadéndelaPlata(Sevilla),Almajalejo(Almería),Álora(Málaga),Alozaina(Málaga),Altarejos (Cuenca), Antequera (Málaga), Argelita (Castellón), Arjona (Jaén), Arroyo de San Serván(Badajoz),Bacares(Almería),Barrax(Albacete),Bélmez(Jaén),Belmonte(Cuenca),Benijófar(Alicante),Benimodo (Valencia), Bonares (Huelva), Brozas (Cáceres), Cabra del Santo Cristo (Jaén), Cádiar(Granada),Calasparra(Murcia),Caleruela(Toledo),Campocámara(Granada),Camporrobles(Valencia),Cañada del Gamo (Córdoba), Cañaveral de León (Huelva), Cardenete (Cuenca), Cardeña (Córdoba),
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
34
Spain(Andalusia,Murcia,ExtremaduraandCastilla-LaMancha)isindisputablyhigher,
we have also found some examples of deísmo in the Northern half (Asturias, Ávila,
Burgos, Guipúzcoa, Huesca, León, Palencia, Salamanca, Segovia, Teruel, Valladolid,
Vizcaya and Zaragoza).4 Thanks to COSER data, we can present a first geographical
distributionof thedeísmo and specify the areaswhere is registered (cf.NGLE2009:
3257),seeMap1.Interestinglyenough,themapalreadyseemstosuggestthatdeísmo
isnotasfrequentinExtremaduraorCastilla-LaManchaasitisinAndalusia,Murciaor
the Valencian Community, according to the number of localities that presented
examplesofdeísmo.
3.Verbalinfinitives
Using the examples from the COSER,wewill describe the use of the infinitive
Casarabonela(Málaga),Casares(Málaga),Casariche(Sevilla),CasasdeJuanGil(Albacete),CasasdeSoto(Valencia), Casas del Río (Ciudad Real), Castillblanco de los Arroyos (Sevilla), Constantina (Sevilla),Deifontes (Granada), El Álamo (Madrid), El Álamo (Madrid), El Mojón (Alicante), El Rocío (Huelva),Enguera (Valencia),Escúllar (Almería),EstacióndeSalinas (Málaga),Facinas (Cádiz),Fátima (Granada),Fonelas (Granada), Fontanars dels Alforins (Valencia), Fuente del Pino (Murcia), Fuenterrobles(Valencia), Fuente Vaqueros (Granada), Galera (Granada), GilMárquez (Huelva), Horcajo de Santiago(Cuenca),Huéscar(Granada),Higueruela(Albacete),Humanes(Madrid), Jimenade laFrontera(Cádiz),Jubrique(Cádiz),LaGarrovilla(Badajoz),LaHigueradeArjona(Jaén),LaNavadeRicomalillo(Toledo),LaRomaneta (Alicante), Liétor (Albacete), Llerena (Badajoz), Lo Ferro (Murcia), Los Palacios Blancos(Murcia),LosPascuales(Jaén),LucenadelCid(Castellón),Macastre(Valencia),Malagón(CiudadReal),Manilva (Málaga), María (Almería), Mas de los Mudos (Valencia), Millares (Valencia), Mogón (Jaén),Moraleja (Cáceres), Morata (Murcia), Navahermosa (Toledo), Ojén (Málaga), Orellana de la Sierra(Badajoz),Osuna(Sevilla),PaternadeRivera(Cádiz),PaulencadeGuadix(Granada),Pedralba(Valencia),Peñolite (Jaén), Pilas (Sevilla), Pizarra (Málaga), Pliego (Murcia), Porzuna (Ciudad Real), Povedilla(Albacete), Puebla de Arenoso (Castellón), Puebla de don Fadrique (Granada), Puerto Real (Cádiz),Pulgar (Toledo), Quesa (Valencia), Rincón de Seca (Murcia), Riogordo (Málaga), Rosal de la Frontera(Huelva),Ruiduera(CiudadReal),Salinas(Alicante),SanJosédeMalcocinado(Cádiz),SanlúcarlaMayor(Cádiz), Santa Ana (Jaén), Santaella (Córdoba), Santa Olalla de Cala (Huelva), Santiuste de San JuanBautista (Segovia),SierradeYeguas (Sevilla),Sieteiglesias (Madrid),Singla (Murcia),Talaván (Cáceres),Tomelloso(CiudadReal),TorreAlháquime(Cádiz),Torrecampo(Córdoba),TorrejónelRubio(Cáceres),Torrox(Málaga),Torvizcón(Granada),Totalán(Málaga),Uclés(Cuenca),ValenciadelVentoso(Badajoz),Valeria (Cuenca), Vélez-Blanco (Almería), Villablanca (Huelva), Villaconejos de Trebeque (Cuenca),Villanueva de las Torres (Granada), Villanueva del Duque (Córdoba), Yebra (Guadalajara), Zafarraya(Granada),Zalamea(Badajoz),ZalamealaReal(Huelva),Zufre(Huelva),Zulema(Albacete).4 In Alaraz (Salamanca), Anaya (Segovia), Banastón (Huesca), Bandaliés (Huesca), El Barco de Ávila(Ávila),FuentesClaras(Teruel),Gabiria(Guipúzcoa),Grullo(Asturias),HorcajoMedianero(Salamanca),Humada (Burgos), La Horra (Burgos), Lequeitio (Vizcaya), Lucillo (León), Oliván (Huesca), Pedruzo(Burgos),RubielosdeMora(Teruel),SanMateodeGállego(Zaragoza),SantervásdelaVega(Palencia),Urriés(Zaragoza)andVelascálvaro(Valladolid).OursearchintheNorthernprovincesdidnotincludethefieldnotes,butonlytheCOSERinterviewscurrentlyavailableintheCOSERweb.
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
35
withpreposition,focusingonthetypeofverbandthemeaningofthepreposition.
3.1.TheTypeofVerb
AccordingtoDiTullio(2011:181),verbsthatfavorthepresenceofdeinSpanish
aremainly verbs of volition and intention (espero de verte pronto; pienso de hacer
algunas cosas), verbs of attempt (probé de sacar el tornillo), verbs of acceptance
(aceptó de venir a cenar), verbs of influence (me pidió de ir a jugar) and verbs of
occurrence (me ocurrió de estar en la cama). The presence of de has been also
attestedwithverbsofbelief(creedeserlamáslista)andverbsofcommunication(dijo
dehabervenido).Herdatasuggest,however,thatthegeographicalfactor isofsome
relevance,sinceshedoesnotfindexamplesofverbsofperceptioninAmerica(cf.also
Camus 2013), who finds differences between the verbs that accept deísmo in
AndalusiaandExtremaduracomparedwithCastilla-LaMancha).
TheCOSERdata largely confirm (althoughnot for verbsof communication)5Di
Tullio's previous description and expand it, by attesting verbs of perception. The
attested verbs include: dejar/permitir de, ver de, hacer de, hacer falta de, era
costumbre/probable de, gustar de, dar miedo/pena/reparo de, costar de, poder de,
quererde,desearde,pensarde, interesarde, tocarde,sentirde,conocerde,ofrecer
de,procurarde,intentarde,solerde.Inordertoshedsomelightintotherawdata,we
propose a classification into six semantic groups, namely, verbs of affection,
semantically impersonal constructions, verbs of perception, verbs of volition and
intention,andverbsofmanipulation,whichwebrieflydescribeinwhatfollows:
5Thelackofdocumentationofverbsofcommunicationhastwoexplanations.First,theCOSERdoesnotfavortheoccurrenceofsuchcontextsandsecond,themajorityofverbsofcommunicationcollectedbyDiTullioareexamplesinwhichtheprepositionisrequiredbytheverb(hablódevenir)orseemstobelexicalised(decirdevenir),whichhavenotbeenconsideredinthisstudy.TheonlycasesofinfinitiveprecededbyprepositioninPortuguese(besidesthoserequiredbytheverb)arewithmain verbs of speech (such asdizer, insistir, pedir, rogar, solicitar) andwith the prepositionpara.Interestinglyenough,theusageofdizerparainPortugueseseemstobeverysimilartotheuseofdecirdeinSpanish:Ospaisdisseramaosmiúdos[paravir(em)paracasacedo]∼Lospadreslesdijeronalosniñosdevenirprontoacasa(‘lospadres’aresubjectsofdizer).
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
36
1)Verbsofaffection:Theinfinitiveclauseoccupiesthesubjectpositionandthe
externalargument (anexperiencer) isencodedbyadativepronounornounphrase.
These verbsnotonly showeddeísmo inOld Spanish, but also regularly encoded the
themebyadephrase,regardlessof itssyntacticstatus(beitaninfinitiveclauseora
noun phrase), hence appearing in syntactically impersonal constructions (cf. Elvira,
2011). The subjectof the infinitive is controlledby thedativeargumentof themain
clause.
(4) a.vamos,mepodíahaberidoalafábrica,ocomoseibaalgunagenteaAlemania,pero
me gustaba el campo. Y nomepesadehaberme quedao en el campo (COSER-2103,
Bonares,Huelva).('Comeon,Icouldhavegonetothefactory,orassomepeopledidgo
to Germany, but I liked the country. And I do not regret [de] having stayed in the
countryside').
b.Nohabíasalíodemicasanunca.Mecostódeadaptarmeyoallí(COSER-214,Liétor,
Albacete).('Ihadneverleftmyhouse.Istruggledtoadaptmyselfthere').
2)Semanticallyimpersonalconstructions:Theinfinitiveclausealsooccupiesthe
subject position and the subject of the indefinite is interpreted as generic or
indefinite.6Wefindbothsingleverbs(convenir,tocar,pertenecer)andcomplexverbal
phrasescontainingalightverbandabarenoun(sercostumbre,darpena,darmiedo,
hacer falta, tener costumbre). The impersonal readingmaybecancelledbyaddinga
dativeexperiencer (thatwillcontrol thesubjectof the infinitive),henceobtainingan
affectionreading(convenir,pertenecer).
(5) a.Aquílavísperadelasvendimiasseteníaporcostumbredehacerbailes(COSER-1636,
Valeria,Cuenca).('Heretheharvestevewehadthehabitofmakingballs').
b.Eso tienequedarmuchapena,de irte a la residenciaydejar to loque tienesaquí
(COSER-1607,Cardenete,Cuenca).('Thathastoproducealotofgrief,[de]goingtothe
retirementhomeandleavingallyouhavehere').
6 Example (b) has a reflexive infinitive, which necessarily shows person and number agreement. Thechoiceof the2ndperson singular is actuallydeterminedby the fact that the subjecthas an indefinitereading,sincethisisoneoftheverbalpersonsthatallowforsuchareadinginSpanish.
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
37
3)Verbsofperception:The infinitiveclauseappears intheobjectposition.The
subjectoftheinfinitive iscontrolledbytheaccusativeargumentofthemainclause.7
Thereseemstobearestrictionthatrequiresthatthesubjectoftheperceptionverbbe
an experiencer, since we have not found examples with agentive perception verbs
suchasmirar ('to look') orescuchar ('to listen'), asopposed tover ('to see') andoír
('hear').
(6) a.Jamáshaido,alacercaaunquemehavistodeirp'abajo,nunca,nunca,nunca...no
haidonunca(COSER-723,OrellanadelaSierra,Badajoz).('Heneverwenttothefence,
buthehasseenme[de]goingdown,never,never,never…Hedidnotevergo').
b.Hubounaépocaqueyoami tío leoíadedecir que se llamabadonX (COSER-723,
Orellanade la Sierra, Badajoz). ('Therewas a timewhen I used tohearmyuncle [de]
sayingthathewascalledMrX').
4)Verbsofmanipulation:Theinfinitivealsoappearsintheobjectpositionandits
subjectisalsocontrolledbytheaccusativeargumentofthemainclause.Thesubjectof
themainverb,asopposedtothepreviousgroup,isalwaysanagent.
(7) a.Sabíamoscoger…moverelvinoyolerlo,esofueloquemedejó,debebérmelonome
dejó(COSER-2103,Bonares,Huelva).('Weknewhowtograb…,movethewineandsmell
it,that’swhats/heallowedmetodo,s/hedidnotallowedmetodrinkit').
b.Me ha[n] hecho mis padres de correr (COSER-4235, Navahermosa, Toledo). ('My
parentsmademerun').
5) Verbs of volition and intention: The infinitive also appears in the object
position. The subjectof themain verb is anagent and it controls the subjectof the
infinitive.
(8) a.Ymishijascomosehancriaoconella,posestándeseanditodevenir (COSER-2114,
GilMárquez,Huelva).('Andmydaughters,sincetheyhavegrownupwithher,well,they
7 The syntactic complexityof these clauses, that apparently take twoobjects, isdiscussed inHernanz(1999).
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
38
arewillingtocome').
b.medijo: Luisa, hija,procurade ir aunque seanpoquitosdías, peroprocurade ir al
viajedenovios(COSER-728,ValenciadelVentoso,Badajoz).('Shesaidtome:Luisa,my
daughter,trytogoevenifitisjustafewdays,buttrytogoonthehoneymoontrip').
6)Otherverbalgroups:Althoughthissituationis lesscommon,dealsoappears
beforesomeinfinitives inverbalgroupswithmodalverbssuchaspoder,querer,and
soler,whichbehaveasverbalperiphrasis.
(9) a.Mientras teníaparapoderlededar, se lodaba (COSER-2114,GilMárquez,Huelva).
('WhileIhadenoughtobeabletogivetohim,Igaveittohim').
b.Sueledepasar(COSER-3102,Abarán,Murcia).('Ittendstohappen').
3.2.Theprepositionde
There are several aspects that need to be discussed with respect to the
preposition de. In the first place, its syntactic status is not clear, and several
hypotheseshavebeenofferedintheliterature(Huot1981).Second,thefactthatonly
theprepositiondeisusedinthisstructurealsodeservessomeattention.Last,itshould
beasked if thepresenceorabsenceof thisprepositionhasanyconsequences in the
meaning of the clause. We will also consider the fact that de is precisely the
prepositionthatappearsindequeísmo.
3.2.1.Syntacticstatusofde
The question whether de should be considered an actual preposition or
something else in these constructions has been largely debated in the literature. As
shownabove, thepreposition isnotselectedbythemainverb,since itonlyappears
with infinitive clauses,8 but never (or very seldom, cf. below)with nominal or finite
8 The listof infinitives thatappear in thede + infinitive construction is abundant. The recordedcasesshow that the verbs with a greater number of occurrences are verbs of movement and verbs of
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
39
clausal objects. This suggests that de has stopped working as a real preposition in
these cases, turning instead into a complementizer specialized in introducing non-
finiteclauses.ThisisexactlywhatHuot(1981)proposesforthesimilarconstructionsin
French and what Skytte, Salvi &Manzini (2001) suggest for Italian. For Spanish, Di
Tullio(2011,2012)andCamus(2013)defendasimilarinterpretation.
Ontheotherhand,theNGLE(2009)andDíazMontesinos(2012)considerthatde
keepsitsprepositionalstatus.Thisapproachhassyntacticimplications:sinceSpanishis
saidnot toacceptprepositional subjects, the infinitive clauseprecededbyde is also
assumed not to be the subject, implying that the sentences in types 1) and 2) are
syntactically impersonal.According to this interpretation,when theprepositiondoes
not change the syntactic structure of the clause, it will be merely considered an
expletive.
In section §5, we will explore another possibility that includes these two
approaches. We believe that structures with deísmo are part of a larger tendency
found in Spanish, actually in most Romance languages, to develop preinfinitival
particles,suchasEnglishto(tosay,tosing)orRomaniana(aspune,acânta).
3.2.2.Whyde?
As previously stated, prepositional infinitives are a Late Latin/Romance
innovation(Beardsley1921;Schulte2007).AccordingtoSchulte(2007),inmostcases
theprepositionaddsitsownmeaningtotheconstruction,producingdifferenttypesof
subordinate clauses (final, temporal, etc.). However, there is not a straightforward
explanationastowhytheprepositiondeistheonethatappearsindeísmo.
Asitisknown,themeaningsoftheprepositiondearevariedanddiverse.Among
them are: 1) origin/source (es de Madrid), 2) attribute (hombre de carácter), 3)
indeterminateamount(ledierondepuñaladas),4)partitive(variosde lospresentes),
5)cause(estámuertodemiedo),6)manner(entródeespaldas),7)emphasis(eltonto
deJuan),8)condition(deiralcine,seríaeljueves).
perception,suchassalir,pasar,ir,vivir,llegar,ver,terminar,correr,tirar,trillar,bailar,trabajar,sacar,andar,gastar,moler,callar.Andsomeotherslikehacer,coger,tener,cantar,hablar.
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
40
It is possible thatmore than one of thesemeanings is related to the cases of
deísmo.However,itseemslikelythatasElvira(2009b,2011)notes,thesemanticvalue
of ‘origin’ canbe traced at least in affection verbs, since it appeared inOld Spanish
withtheseverbs,andnotonlywith infinitivalclauses,butalsowithnominalphrases
(reflectingaLatinDative/Genitivepattern).InModernStandardSpanish,however,de
no longer appears (at least not regularly) before nominal phraseswith these verbs,
althoughexampleswithtypes1and2arenotrare(10).
(10) a.Medamiedo de volverme loca (Juan Valera,Pepita Jiménez, 1864). ('I'm afraid of
goingcrazy')
a'.Medamiedo(d)elperro('Iamafraidofthedog').
b.¡Haceañosquebajastelapersianaynoteimportadenadie!(AlbertoDaneri,Matar
las preguntas, 1981; cf.DíazMontesinos, 2012). ('It's been years since you closed the
shuttersandyoudon'tcareaboutanybody!').
On the other hand, the use of de is also explained because, due to its many
differentmeanings, itmay alsowork as a default preposition (it actually appears in
manyverbalperiphrases:debedeser,hadeir,esdenotar).Thisisfurthersupported
bythefactthatde,asopposedtotheothermostfrequentprepositiona,9 isalsothe
preposition that precedes finite clauses in the dequeísmo construction. As Schulte
(2007)notes,adjunctinfinitiveclausesinSpanish,alwaysheadedbyapreposition,are
usuallyincompetitionwithfiniteclauseswhosecomplementizersarecognatesofthe
prepositionsintheinfinitiveclauses.Althoughtheredoesnotseemtobeaonetoone
correspondencebetweendequeísmoanddeísmosentences,itseemsonlylogicalthat
thesameprepositionisusedtointroduceargumentalclauses,betheyfiniteornot.
3.2.3.Doesdeaddadifferenceofmeaning?
Thediscussionofthestatusandthemeaningoftheprepositionisrelatedtothe
questionwhetherthepresenceofdetriggersachangeofmeaning.Authorsdefending
9Schulte(2007)showsthatinfinitiveconstructionswithaarethemostfrequent.
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
41
that de is a complementizer agree that there are no differences of meaning in the
alternationsfoundin(11)(DiTullio2011,2012;Camus2013).Ontheotherhand,Díaz
Montesinos (2012), who only addresses the cases where deísmo appears in subject
clauses,considersdetobeaprepositionthattriggersthesyntactic impersonalization
of themain clause andproposes that a differenceofmeaning is to be found in the
alternation (cf. 11). According to this author, these examples belong to different
constructions: (11c) is an example of the stative construction while (11c’) is an
exampleoftheimpersonalconstruction.
(11) a.Nosmandosalir/Nosmandodesalir. ('Hesentusout').
b.Nopudimosir/Nopudimosdeir. ('Wecouldnotgo').
c.Lesgustatrabajar. ('Theyliketowork').
c’.Lesgustadetrabajar. ('Theyliketowork').
Onceagain,wewould like toproposean intermediatepossibility, according to
whichdewouldhaveoriginallyconveyedsomekindofsourcemeaning—mostlikely
relatedtoDíazMontesinos’(2012)proposal—,butthat,lateron,therapidincreasein
theuseofdewaspossiblebecauseitsverybroadmeaningfavoreditsweakeningand
it eventuallybecameabarely significant introductoryparticle to the infinitive rather
thanarealcontributortothemeaningofthesentence.Themeaningofdethatwould
have permitted such a weakening was most likely relative de (i.e., 'relative to,
concerning, about, in the matter of'), which could be used naturally with a large
numberofverbs(pensarde,asmarde,auenturarsede,dubdarde,etc.).
However, since there seems to be intra-speaker variation on the presence or
absence of de, we believe that de + infinitive clauses may be sensitive to certain
semantic parameters. In future research, we would like to examine this possibility
taking into consideration two different facts: 1) the preposition only appears with
someV1,soitwouldbepossibletotalkaboutaconstructionalmeaningexplainedby
certainfeaturescommontoalltheseV1;and2)theprepositiononlyappearsinsome
(butnotall) casesof the sameV1, therefore,we should look for the reason for this
difference in the discourse. These two possibilities are not exclusive, but they likely
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
42
showdifferentaspectsoftheevolutionofthephenomenon.
3.2.4.Deísmoanddequeísmo
Whether or not deísmo and dequeísmo (the use of de before finite clauses
headedbythecomplementizerde,as inpiensodequeessimpática 'I think(de)that
sheisnice')arerelatedphenomenaisarecurrentmatterintheliteratureondeísmo.
DíazMontesinos(2012),forexample,considersthemnotonlytoberelated,butasthe
samevariationprocess—althoughhedoesnotdevelopthequestionfurther.Onthe
other hand, Camus (2013) categorically rejects the connection between both
phenomena.HestatesthattheCiudadRealspeakersthatacceptdeísmodonotaccept
dequeísmo examples (even more, they seem to show a tendency to the opposite
phenomena, queísmo). This, he says, will support Demonte’s (2003) theory on two
typesofRomancelanguages.
However, the situation is not that simple. Many of the speakers that show
deísmointheCOSERinterviewsalsoshowdequeísmo,anditseemsprematuretostate
thatoneexcludestheother.10
Camusalsobaseshishypothesisofdifferentiatingdeísmofromdequeísmoonthe
factthat,inthelatter,dehasbeensaidtohavesomeevidentialmeaning(Demonte&
Fernández Soriano, 2001, 2005),while in the formerde seems tobemeaningless. It
mustbesaid,however,thatnotallauthorsagreeontheevidentialmeaningofde in
dequeísmo examples, as there isnot a consensusonde’s lackofmeaning indeísmo
examples.
According to Demonte (2003), de would index the relationship between the
speaker and what is stated in the subordinate clause, but not to indicate that
somethingisbeenaffirmed,buttoreferthatthespeakerbelievesthatwhat isbeing
declaredistrue.Ontheotherhand,authorslikeAlmeida(2009)haveshownthatthere
10 Actually, this coexistence of constructions is found even in Ciudad Real (Malagón, COSER-1414),wherewefoundexamplesofdeísmo(i)anddequeísmo(ii)inthesamespeaker:(i)Sinomedejabandejugardigo:"juego",o"jugo",ocomosedecíaeso.('Iftheywouldn'tletme(de)play,Isay:"IplayorIplays"orwhateveritwassaid'.)(ii)Porqueentonces seestipulabadeque habíaquepagaral ayuntamiento […] ('Because itwas thenstipulated(de)thatoneshouldpaytotheCityHall'.)
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
43
seemstobeanimportantinfluenceofprimingeffectsinbothdequeísmoandqueísmo
structures,suggestingthattheabsencesorpresenceoftheprepositionisnotsomuch
determinedbydifferencesofmeaningbutonthesurroundingcontext.
3.3.Historicalpredecessors
In Latin, infinitive subordinate clauses are composedof verbsdicendi, verbsof
understanding/cognitionandmeaning,verbsofvolition,verbsofemotionand‘servile’
verbs (such as possum, debeo and soleo). However, infinitive verbs were never
preceded by prepositions in Latin (cf. Schulte 2007; Meyer-Lubke [Gram. III §386];
Beardsley1921:106-107).
From a historical point of view, we can find some alternating verbs (cf. NGLE
2009:3256-3257).Thatisthecaseofconvienede(hazer):
(12) a.lascosasenqueconuienefazerAtacir(AlfonsoX,Judiziosdelasestrellas).('Thethings
thatmustbedoneAtacir').
b.lascosasquelconuienedefazer(AlfonsoX,Judiziosdelasestrellas).('Thethingsthat
mustbedone').
Dejarde,creerdealsoadmitted(althoughdidnotrequire)thepreposition:
(13) a. Al tiempo que estuvieron en clausura no dejaban de salir algunas á lo que era
menester, pero siempre acompañadas (Jerónimo de Mendieta, Historia eclesiástica
indiana, 1564). ('When theywere enclosed they did not stop going out for whatever
theyneeded,butalwaysaccompanied').
b. creyendo de engañar al dicho Francisco de las Casas (Hernan Cortés, Cartas de
relación,1516).('believeing[de]deceivethesaidFranciscodelasCasas').
Otherverbs likeaconsejar,proponer,acordar,prometer,acostumbrar,procurar
odeterminar:
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
44
(14) a.preguntolesisehauiaaconsejadodefazer labatalla (GranConquistadeUltramar).
('Heaskedhimifithadbeenadvisedtoengangeinbattle').
b. E estos dos reyspropusieron de venir en sus reynos& entrar enellos con poderio
(GuidodeColumna,Historia troyana). ('And these two kingsproposed [de] coming to
theirkingdomsandenterthempowerfully').
c. acordaron de fazer vna carta pora aquel que era cabdiello dela hueste delos
almorauides(AlfonsoX,EstoriadeEspañaII).('Theyagreedtodoaletterforthatwho
wascommanderoftheAlmoravidhost').
d. en aquella priuança grand que tenie prometio de dar le el principado de los
sacerdotes (AlfonsoX,Generalestoria IV). ('In thatgreat favout theprincipalityof the
priestshadpromisedtogivehim').
e.Aquestoacostumbrandefazeralgunoshombresnonmuchosabiosquefablanconlos
labradores(Paladio,TratadodeAgricultura).('Thisiswhatsomenotverywisementhat
speakwiththefarmerstendtodo').
f. procuró de saber por sus espías en la tierra de los moros qué çibdades o villas
estuviesen con menos recaudo (Sebastián de Horozco, El Libro de los proverbios
glosados,1544).('HetriedtoknowthroughhisspiesinthelandoftheMoorswhatcities
ortownswerelessprotected').
g.PizarrodeterminódesalirdeLimaparavisitar lasciudadesdeTrujilloySanMiguel
(PedroCiezadeLeón,CrónicadelPerú,1551).('PizarrodeterminedtoleaveLimatovisit
thecitiesofTrujilloandSanMiguel').
Andevenauxiliaryverbs,suchaspoder(15a)andsoler(15b):11
(15) a.bienterniacausasipudiessedemaldezirtunoblejuuentud(OliverosdeCastilla).('It
wouldberight,ifyournobleyouthcould[de]curse').
b.pordondemaselreydonalfonsosoliadeandar(GaubertoFabriciodeVagad,Crónica
deAragón).('WheremoreoftentheKingAlfonsousedtowalk').
11Fordeber+inf.anddeberde+inf.fromahistoricalpointofviewcf.MartínezDíaz&VilaPujol(2012).
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
45
4.Romanceparallelconstructions
Some similar constructions are found in other Romance languages; especially
French(16a),Italian(16b)andCatalan(16c)(cf.DiTullio2011:185):
(16) a.C’estceque(moi)j’essaiehumblementdefaire.('ThatiswhatIhumblytrytodo').
b.Questoécióchecercodifare.('ThatiswhatItrytodo').
c.Aixòéselquejohumilmentintentodefer.('ThatiswhatIhumblytrytodo').
Evidence from these languages suggests thatde (ordi) is better analysed as a
complementizer. For instance, both in Italian and French, when the preposition is
selected by the verb (meaning that it also precedes nominal arguments) it can be
pronominalized by ne/en, while in cases like (16) it is pronominalized as a
prepositionlessobject(cf.Skytte,Salvi&Manzini2001;Huot1981).
Although these constructions in other Romance languages are certainly similar
(absolutelyidenticalinsomecases),theycannotbeseenasexactparallels:generally,
de introducesdeclarativeclausesinItalian(Tipregodiascoltare 'Teruegoescuchar;I
begyoulisten')andFrench(Paulineaessayédejouerautennis 'Paulinahaintentado
jugaraltenis;Paulinahastriedtoplaytennis').
Moreover, some of the most frequent verbs that show deísmo in Spanish
(perceptionverbsandmanipulationverbs,forinstance)donottaketheprepositionin
Italianor in French, for example (Skytte, Salvi&Manzini, 2001;Huot 1981;Vittorini
1942).Inaddition,thefactthatthisconstructionisfoundinthestandardvarietiesof
theselanguagesprobablyaccountsforthefactthatthereseemstobelessvariationin
thepresenceorabsenceofthepreposition.Thefactthattheseconstructionsarenot
identical in all Romance languages does notmean that they are unrelated, but that
theyhavedevelopeddifferently(althoughlikelyfromacommonsource).
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
46
5.Theoreticalinterpretations
Severalexplanationshavebeenofferedintheliteratureforthepresenceofdein
theseandotherrelated(suchasdequeísmo)constructions. It is important tobear in
mind that this construction already existed in Old Spanish, that is to say, that the
deísmo isnotamoderndialectal innovation,butaninheritedconstruction.However,
this raises more questions, since both the disappearance of the preposition in
StandardSpanishanditssurvivalinothervarietieshavetobeaddressed.
Someauthors,suchasGómezTorrego(1999),proposethatbothdequeísmoand
deísmo have an analogical explanation. According to this hypothesis, structures that
requirethepresenceoftheprepositionsuchashaberde,deberde,dejarde,tratarde,
acabarde,parardeycesarde,amongothers,wouldhavedeterminedtheappearance
oftheprepositioninsimilarcontexts.
Ontheotherhand,DiTullio (2011,2012)andCamus(2013)bothproposethat
the prepositionde is a complementizer that introduces non-finite clauses. Although
their proposals are not identical (Di Tullio confers a semantic value to the
complementizer thatCamus thinks isabsent in theCiudadReal situation), theyboth
makegoodpointsaboutwhytheprepositionisnotintroducingaprepositionalclause.
Nevertheless, as Camus has also shown, the complementizer hypothesis is
problematic, as it does not account for the data of Andalusia and Extremadura.
According to him, in Castilla-La Mancha every deísmo construction has a finite
correlate,whichwouldmeanthat it isanexampleofcomplementation.However,as
wehaveshownandashealsoacknowledges,theperiphrasistype(number(6)inour
classification)doesnotfitthisdescription.
Asitwasnotedabove,prepositionalinfinitiveshavebeenincreasinginRomance
languagessinceearlytimes(Schulte2007).ItseemsthatStandardSpanisheliminated
some medieval solutions, assimilating infinitival clauses to noun phrases. In this
system,adjunctinfinitivalclausesandinfinitiveclausesinobliquepositionsareheaded
byprepositions,whileinfinitiveclausesinsubjectordirectobjectpositionrejectthem
—justasnounphrasesdo.Southernvarieties,ontheotherhand,preservedtheother
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
47
tendency that was already present in Medieval Spanish: introducing infinitives by
prepositions,regardlessitssyntacticrole.12
The hypothesis we would like to pursue here is related to this increase of
prepositional infinitives.Wepropose thatwhatwe find in theSpanishvarietieswith
deísmorepresentsthedifferentstagesofthespreadoftheprepositiondeasaparticle
thatintroducesinfinitives,suchasEnglish13toorRomaniana.
Accordingtoourproposal,theverbtypes1and2,wheretheprepositionhavean
original 'source' meaning and a verbal complex in which the bare noun may be
interpreted as a syntactic antecedent of the infinitive (and the infinitive also as the
source of the feeling described by the noun)would have been the original contexts
(see Elvira 2011). At this stage the preposition would have had both semantic and
syntactic value — at least originally — (which explains that we can find examples
wheretheprepositionprecedesalsonounphrases,suchasMedamiedodelperro,Me
dapenademamá,Nomeimportadenadie(DíazMontesinos2012)—andOldSpanish
Meplugodelvino,etc.).Syntactically, therearesomeconstructions related to these
thatrequiretheuseofthepreposition:MedamiedodeisrelatedtoTengomiedode,
EscostumbredetoTengolacostumbrede,etc.Thisalsoexplainswhythegeneralized
prepositionisasourcepreposition(de)andnotagoalone(Eng.to,Rom.a).
At a second stage, the preposition would have been gramaticalised as a
complementizerthatintroducesinfinitiveclauses,whichhappenedinmanyRomance
languages, as we have seen above. The fact that this development in Spanish
happened innonStandardvarietiesmayaccount for the fact that inSpanishdeísmo
seems to appearwithmore verb types than inotherRomance languages. It is likely
12However,weshouldnotforgetthefactthattheconstructionisalsopresent,althoughmorerare,inNorthernvarieties.Aretheseresidualcasesofthemedievalconstruction?Ifso,adeeperstudywouldprovideveryinterestinginsightonhowsuchalow-frequencyconstructionpreservedsomeproductivity.Or,aretheyjustnewlycreatedexamplesonthebasisofaproductivepatternofthelanguage?AsElvira(2009a) says, regarding impersonal constructions with de prepositional phrases: “[…] no hay quedescartar que la reaparición tardía de estas construcciones pueda deberse sencillamente a lapermanente disponibilidad de este tipo de nociones de sensación y experiencia para distanciarse delpatróndeexpresióntransitiva”['Weshouldnotdiscardthatthelatereapparitionoftheseconstructionsmaybesimplyduetothepermanentavailabilityofthenotionsofemotionandexperiencetogetawayfromthetransitivepattern'](Elvira2009a:143;cf.DíazMontesinos2012,ourtranslation).13 It seems that the most common source for infinitive particles are purposive constructions(Haspelmath1989),asoccurredinEnglishandRomanian.
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
48
thattheStandardvarietypreventedthegeneralizationoftheprepositiontootherverb
types in those languages (Italian, French, and Catalan). Moreover, the influence of
similarconstructionscanalsobedetectedinsomemanipulationverbs:dejarde'stop'/
dejarde'allow',hacerde'prepare'/hacerde'cause,make'.Examplessuchashacerde
comerseemtohaveinfluencedthoselikehacerdecorrer,andwecanactuallyseehow
it isgraduallyentering theStandard language:hacerdecomer 'hacercomida/*hacer
que coma' > hacer de reír 'hacer risa/hacer que ría' > hacer de correr 'hacer que
corra'.14
The last stage corresponds to the periphrasis type (cf. 6), as its reduced
frequency and geographical area also suggest. Here de does not introduce
independentclauses(sincetheydonothaveacorrelativequefiniteclause,cf.Camus
2013)but rather the finiteverb inaverbalphrase.15 It seems likely thatanalogyhas
playedaroleinthedevelopmentofthisnewtype,asGómezTorrego(1999)suggests.
That is to say, other verbal periphrasis that requirede before the infinitive, such as
haberde,deberde,dejarde, tratarde,acabarde,pararde andcesarde,mayhave
influenced the development of this last step. Other cases that allow for the
appearanceofdebeforeaninfinitivecouldhavealsoplayedarole.
6.Finalconclusions
In this paper,wehavepresented anoverviewofdeísmo in Peninsular Spanish
and the many questions it raises. Thanks to the data from the COSER we have
14 Camus’ (2013) data in Ciudad Real are somewhat problematic for our account, since he onlydocuments examples of this second stage in Ciudad Real, while he states that types 1 and 2 (in ouraccount) aremissing. However, it is possible that his method of collecting data (not specified in hispaper)hasplayedarole inthisabsence,sincethesearethemostwell-knownexamplesandprobablythemoststigmatisedaswell,whichmeansthatspeakersmaydenytheyareusingthemwhenaddresseddirectly.IntheCOSERdatawehavefoundseveralexamplesofthesetypes(withV1ssuchasgustar,darmiedo,dargusto,darlástima,hacerfaltaandtenerporcostumbre)bothinAlbaceteandinCuenca,andalsoinCiudadReal(forexampleCOSER-1420,Tomelloso).15CamusdoesnotfindthistypeinCiudadRealanddoesnotconsiderthemcasesofdeísmo,sincetheydonotfitinhisconceptionofdeasacomplementizer,andproposesthattheyarejustcasesofanalogywithotherverbalperiphrasis.Ifthisistrue,however,wewouldnotexpectthatdeísmowithmodalV1sweredocumentedonlyinasubsetoftheareathatpresentsalltheothercasesofdeísmoandpreciselyintheonethatseemstousedeísmomorefrequently,asitactuallyhappens.
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
49
managedtodescribebothitsgeographicaldistributionandsomeofitscharacteristics,
aswellasthetypesofverbsthatparticipateinthisconstruction.Previousapproaches
tothephenomenonhadnotusedsystematicdatacomingfromrealcorpora,probably
causingtheirdescriptionstobesomehowinexact.
After a review of the state of the art, where a discussion onwhether de is a
prepositionoracomplementizer istakingplace,wehaveproposeda(diachronicand
diatopic)hypothesisaccordingtowhichbothanswerswouldbepartiallycorrect.That
istosay,originallydepreserveditsprepositionfeaturesandmeaninganditwaslater
gramaticalised as a complementizer. In a later stage, it would have become an
infinitiveparticle,suchasEnglishto.Itislikelythatthesethreestagesarestillalivein
differentsubareasofthedeísmoarea.Thishypothesispredictsthatdifferenttypesof
deísmoaretobefoundbothindifferentareasandindifferenttimes.Wewouldliketo
furtherpursuesuchahypothesisinfuturework.Inordertodoso,athoroughdiatopic
anddiachronicdescriptionof thephenomenon,on thebasisof corporadata,would
havetobeprovided,soastoshowwhattypesofdeísmoaremostcommonandwhere
(both nowadays and in previous times, since we should not forget that the
phenomenonexistedalreadyinOldSpanish).Onlysuchathoroughdescriptionwould
allowustodeterminewhetherdeísmo isrelatedtodequeísmo,whichoccursinfinite
clauses, andwhether the presence or the absence of the preposition triggers some
differenceofmeaning.
References
ALEA=Atlas LingüísticoyEtnográficodeAndalucía,M.Alvar (dir.),Granada:Universidadde
Granada/Madrid,CSIC,6vols.
ALECMAN = Atlas lingüístico (y etnográfico) de Castilla-La Mancha, P. García Mouton & F.
MorenoFernández(dirs.),AlcaládeHenares:UniversidaddeAlcalá.
ALMEIDA,M.(2009)“Primingyefectosmecánicosenlavariaciónlingüística:el(de)queísmoen
unacomunidadcanaria”,BoletíndeFilología,XLIV(1),11-37.
ALPI=AtlasLingüísticodelaPenínsulaIbérica,Madrid:CSIC.
C.DEBENITO&E.PATO
50
BEARDSLEY,W.A.(1921)InfinitiveConstructionsinOldSpanish,NewYork:ColumbiaUniversity
Press.
CAMUS BERGARECHE, B. (2013) “On Deísmo. Another Case of Variation in Spanish
Complementation”,CatalanJournalofLinguistics,12,13-39.
CASAS,A. (2004)“Exclamativasyexpletividad.Elqueenfático”,RevistadeFilologíaEspañola,
LXXXIV/2,265-284.
COSER = Corpus Oral y Sonoro del Español Rural, I. Fernández-Ordóñez (dir.), Madrid:
UniversidadAutónomadeMadrid.
DEMONTE, V. (2003) “Microvariación sintáctica en español. Rasgos, categorías y virus”, in P.
Álvarez-Santullano, M. Rosas, M. Contreras & P. Jiménez (eds.), Texto, Lingüística y
Cultura,Osorno:UniversidaddeLosLagos/SociedadChilenadeLingüística,9-40.
DEMONTE, V. & O. FERNÁNDEZ SORIANO (2001) “‘Dequeísmo’ in Spanish and the structure and
features of COMP”, in J. Herschensohn, E. Mallen & K. Zagona (eds.), Features and
Interfaces,Amsterdam-Philadelphia:JohnBenjamins,50-70.
DEMONTE, V. & O. FERNÁNDEZ SORIANO (2005) “Features in Comp and syntactic variation. The
caseof‘dequeísmo’inSpanish”,Lingua,115.8,1063-1082.
DÍAZMONTESINOS,F.(2012)“¿Megustaleeromegustadeleer?Fundamentacióngramaticale
histórica de la variación preposicional en estructuras biactanciales estativas”, in J. A.
Villena Ponsoda & A. M. Ávila Muñoz (eds.), Estudios sobre el español de Málaga,
Madrid:Sarriá,353-382.
DITULLIO,A.(2011)“Infinitivosintroducidosporde”,CuadernosdelaALFAL,3,176-187.
DI TULLIO, A. (2012) “Oraciones completivas de infinitivo introducidas por de en el español
moderno”, in T. E. Jiménez Juliá et al. (coords.), Cum corde et in nova grammatica:
estudios ofrecidos aGuillermoRojo, SantiagodeCompostela:Universidadde Santiago
deCompostela,265-276.
ELVIRA, J. (2009a)“El retrocesode la impersonalidadenespañol”,Romanísticasincomplejos.
HomenajeaCarmenPensado,Berna:PeterLang,123-145.
ELVIRA, J. (2009b) “Construcciones y significado: Aspectos diacrónicos de la transitividad en
español”, Seminario Internacional Corrientes de estudio en semántica y pragmática
históricas, 23-24 de noviembre de 2009, Madrid: Instituto Menéndez-Pidal.
[http://www.uam.es/personal_pdi/filoyletras/javel/construc.pdf].
ELVIRA,J.(2011)“Constructionsofuncontrolledstateorevent.Theincreaseinproductivityofa
new argument structure in Old Spanish”, Constructions and Frames, 3.2, Amsterdam:
JohnBenjamins,184-207.
Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),29-51.ISSN:2013-2247
51
GÓMEZ TORREGO, L. (1999) “La variación en las subordinadas sustantivas. Dequeísmo y
queísmo”, in I. Bosque & V. Demonte (dirs.), Gramática descriptiva de la lengua
española,Madrid:EspasaCalpe,vol.2,2105-2148.
FERNÁNDEZ-ORDÓÑEZ, I. (2007) “Nuevasperspectivasenelestudiode lavariacióndialectaldel
español:ElCorpusOralySonorodelEspañolRural(COSER)”,inD.Trotter(ed.),Actesdu
XXIVCongrèsdeLinguistiqueetPhilologieRomanes,Tübingen:MaxNiemeyer,vol.3,29-
44.
HASPELMATH,M.(1989)“Frompurposivetoinfinitive–auniversalpathofgrammaticalization”,
FoliaLinguisticaHistorica,X(1-2),287-310.
HERNANZ,M.L.(1999)“Elinfinitivo”,inI.Bosque/V.Demonte(eds.),Gramáticadescriptivade
lalenguaespañola,Madrid:EspasaCalpe,vol.2,2197-2356.
HUOT,H.(1981)Constructionsinfinitivesdufrançais,Genève/Paris:Droz.
LLORENTE,A.(1980)“Consideracionessobreelespañolactual”,AnuariodeLetras,XVIII,5-61.
MARTÍNEZ DÍAZ, E. & M. R. VILA PUJOL (2012) “La artificialidad prescriptiva y el uso de las
perífrasis <deber + infinitivo> y <deber + de + infinitivo> en la Historia de la Lengua
Española”, Actas del VIII Congreso de Historia de la Lengua Española, Santiago de
Compostela:Meubook,vol.I,911-922.
MEYER-LÜBKE,W.(1890-1906)Grammairedeslanguesromanes,Paris/Leipzig:Welter,vol.III.
NGLE=RealAcademiaEspañola/AsociacióndeAcademiasdelaLenguaEspañola.2009.Nueva
gramáticadelalenguaespañola,Madrid:Espasa.
PATO,E. (2014)“En llegando losdatos, la intuiciónsematiza.Elgerundiopreposicionalen la
historiadelalenguaespañola”,RILCE,RevistadeFilologíaHispánica,30/3,833-860.
PATO, E. & C. de BENITO (2012) “Sobre el infinitivo con de en castellanomeridional”, Edisyn
WorkshoponIbero-RomanceDialects:CliticsandBeyond,Getafe:UniversidadCarlosIII.
SCHULTE,K.(2007)PrepositionalsInfinitivesinRomance:AUsage-BasedApproachtoSyntactic
Change,Bern:PeterLang.
SKYTTE,G.,G.SALVI&M.R.MANZINI(2001)“Frasisubordinateallinfinito”,inL.Renzi&G.Salvi
(eds.),Grandegrammaticaitalianadiconsultazione,Bologna:IlMulino,vol.2,483-569.
VITTORINI, D. (1942) “Use of Prepositions before the Infinitive Mood in the Romance
Languages”,TheModernLanguageJournal,26(6),439-441.
ZAMORAVICENTE,A.(1970)Dialectologíaespañola,Madrid:Gredos.
top related