learn to use discourse analysis to analyze oral discourse
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Learn to Use Discourse Analysis to
Analyze Oral Discourse
© 2019 SAGE Publications, Ltd. All Rights Reserved.
This PDF has been generated from SAGE Research Methods Datasets.
Learn to Use Discourse Analysis to
Analyze Oral Discourse
Student Guide
Introduction
Discourse analysis is a broad term referring to a range of approaches attentive to
how language is used in various modes in the real world—spoken conversations,
online communication, formal and informal documents, and so on. Discourses
writ large can also refer to how language is combined with actions and ways of
thinking to bring forth a particular identity or claim regarding values or meaning.
Examples of discourse might include spoken gossip, suicide notes, personal ads
on a dating site, a TED Talk, and city planning documents.
What Is Discourse Analysis?
Discourse analysis refers to a range of techniques to analyze language in use.
Rather than focusing on the objective reality of what actually happened during an
event, discourse analysis instead is concerned with language activated around
an event and how that language differs based on who is sharing what to whom.
Discursive analytic techniques may be used by linguists, social psychologists,
literary critics, and social scientists to understand how language functions in
everyday encounters. These encounters could be written, televised, spoken in
conversation, or on an online platform. Some researchers would also consider
discourse to include body language such as gestures and facial expressions as
well as the material world which can activate language. For example, a recycling
bin, though a material object, can generate a conversation on “going green.”
Discourse both reflects and reproduces social relations. Writ large, a discourse
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can include artifacts and the material world.
Discourses are “ways of combining and integrating language, actions,
interactions, ways of thinking, believing, valuing, and using various symbols,
tools, and objects to enact a particular sort of socially recognizable identity”
(Gee, 2014, p. 201). We might analyze dating apps and how individuals use a
profile, a photograph, and online messaging to portray themselves as attractive.
In this case, we might refer to a “discourse community,” a community with an
agreed upon communicative purpose and with established techniques, such as
“ghosting,” which refers to suddenly ending communication with a potential date.
Related to discourse community is a “community of practice,” which has three
dimensions: regular interaction, shared goals, and shared repertoire (Waring,
2017). Another example is the State of the Union addresses of George H. W.
Bush. We might use discourse analysis to make sense of how he uses language
to present an identity as a leader. We could also analyze the visual delivery of the
address to assess his way of comporting, speaking (pausing, changing his tone),
and occupying physical space.
Oral discourse poses particular challenges for the researcher. Oral language is
acquired in functional and natural ways whereas learning to write is a more
formal endeavor. Oral discourse can refer to both speeches and conversation.
As Moerman (1992) says, “Talk is a central part of social interaction, and social
interaction is the core and enforces, the arena and teacher, the experienced
context of social life” (p. 29). In other words, we see spoken speech as a social
action. Hence, conversation analysis would look at how spoken dialogue reveals
how memory, certainty, and importance govern how the conversation plays out.
For this kind of analysis, we would audio record the conversation and then
transcribe it. Even in transcribing, we would have to decide whether to note
stuttering, pauses, and other oral techniques that help the speaker produce the
conversation or undermine it. Even in a formal, orally delivered speech, we
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can note these verbal elements, such as a misspoken word and an immediate
correction, and analyze how these elements help produce a particular discursive
event. In this dataset, we will analyze a state of the union address by a U.S.
President. This dataset is both oral as well as intended to be archived, transcribed,
and read after its presentation to a national audience. In other words, some
examples of discourse are not clearly oral or written; they can be both. The
president wrote his speech and then delivered it orally. Hence, we can analyze
both its characteristics as oral discourse (a one-time delivery) and written
discourse (a document-in-use by historians, political scientists, and others).
Discourse studies can focus on different components of language depending on
the objectives of the research, such as intentionality, acceptability, informativity,
and intertextuality. Intentionality refers to what speakers intend. Acceptability
refers to what hearers engage and whether the discourse meets with their
approval and understanding. Informativity concerns how new or unexpected the
information is, and situationally refers to ongoing circumstances. Intertextuality
refers to relations with other texts (de Beaugrande, 1997, p. 53). Discourse
analysis can involve coding data. Coding refers to applying topics to textual units
and later analyzing these topics for larger patterns. Beyond coding for content,
we might also code for narrative or discursive strategies in data. There are
numerous strategies for doing so (Burman & Parker, 1993; Potter & Wetherell,
1987). For example, discursive coding might pay attention to textual strategies
such as primacy (what comes first in a narrative), negation (negative language),
distortion (such as exaggerations), emphasis (text treated with more regard),
isolation (expressions that stand out from the rest of a transcript), repetition
(repeated phrases), incompletion (unfinished thoughts), and uniqueness (unusual
expressions) (Alexander, 1988). This approach fits studies aimed at not only
identifying what participants say but how they release information, how they
structure their responses, and how they make claims using specific narrative
techniques.
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In discourse analysis, it is common to notice grammatical devices, use of tense,
and other dramatizing features. In linguistically driven analysis, we might be
attentive to particular units, such as a transitive verb and its direct object. Hence,
our analysis might have predetermined rules that guide our observation or, in
other studies, it might be less rigid. For example, in analyzing President Bush’s
speeches, we might inductively notice metaphors, folksy language, and
references to an abstract collective (“we”). In analyzing this kind of discourse, we
would typically be attentive to linguistic devices such as repetition, parallelism, and
conjuncts (e.g., “however,” “anyway,” “on the other hand”).
Discourse analysis provides insight into types of activities or genres. For example,
we might look at the activity of nonprofit organizations sending letters asking for
membership or donations. We might look at how these letters seek a common
ground between the organization and the recipient. The analysis might point out
the consequences of not joining (i.e., threats to the environment or world stability).
Analysts would look at the logical relations these letters invoke and assumptions
regarding the recipients’ level of interest and willingness to engage. Analysis
might also consider how the sequence of words, sentences, metaphors provide
a function. Constructivity refers to how parts of a discourse can be elements of a
larger whole; there is a hierarchical relationship between them. Strategies refer to
interactional strategies that accomplish a communicative goal, such as offering a
gift to join an organization or using a quotation from a historical figure to invoke
past values.
In analyzing written text, analysis can focus on numerous characteristics, such as
textual formality, expression of attitude, assumed knowledge, and what is at risk
(Eggins & Martin, 1997). In a personal ad, the risk is that no one will respond. In a
presidential address, the risk is that critics will dismantle the speech. A discourse
analysis might be used to focus on a particular text or to explain the differences
among texts, such as comparing Bush’s and Obama’s language in their State of
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the Union Addresses. In this case, we might also draw attention to the difference
in social contexts, for example, how political language in the 2000s was different
after the terrorist attacks of September 11. We might also consider the field, tenor,
and mode of discourse. The field refers to the social action, the tenor to the role
structure (the status and roles of the participants), and mode refers to the symbolic
organization, what part language is playing, such as persuasive, expository, and
didactic (Eggins & Martin, 1997).
Illustrative Example
This example presents a discursive analysis of one of President Obama’s State
of the Union Addresses. More specifically, the example considers particular
discursive strategies, such as calls to reason, that allow the President to make
his case. Analyzing all his addresses over time would provide an even more
interesting example of how rhetorical strategies were employed longitudinally to
communicate with a divisive audience.
Research question: What discursive strategies are evident in President
Obama’s State of the Union Address?
The Data
The example dataset is President Obama’s State of the Union Address from
2010: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/sou.php. State of the Union Messages to
the Congress are mandated by the United States Constitution (Article II, section
3): “He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the
union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge
necessary and expedient.” Since 1790, with occasional exceptions, State of the
Union messages have been delivered once annually.
Analyzing the Data
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Established lexical systems exist, such as those classifying modal verbs, verbs
that suggest probability, such as “may,” “might,” or “must” (Yang, 2009).
Nonetheless, the coding approach used in this example was largely inductive and
exploratory. That is, we first read the text and then considered which discursive
practices were in evidence. We discerned repetitive language, such as the word
“but,” as well as the communicative mode that Obama employed, such as being
authoritative, persuasive, or speculative. In addition to the speaker’s apparent
intentionality, we considered rhetorical devices, such as metaphors that bring
the president’s points to life. For example, we coded passages such as the
“worst of the storm,” “the numbing weight,” “victory under one’s belt,” “horse
trading,” “temperatures cooling,” “fiscal hole,” “tightening their belts,” and “closing
the credibility gap.” There are over 15 metaphors used in the speech that function
as commentary on the current state of affairs. They also carry a negative
tone—storms, weight, mountain of debt. One exception to this is “carrying the
dream” forward. So, coding allows researchers to systematically notice and mark
textual components that are similar. We do not know exactly how we will use
our codes in later analysis. The first step is simply to identify textual units that
are similar in some way, then to apply a code to keep track of these similarities.
Put another way, coding is a form of rigor that allows us to ultimately review
communication modes or techniques that are alike. Some of the codes were
descriptive, such as humor, which was applied when laughter or a joke was
evident. Others were more abstract, such as role structure, which refers to the
implied role of the speaker and the audience. In this case, the role structure is
hierarchical; the president has some degree of authority over his audience but
also requires his audience’s support to further legitimize his role. During analysis,
we can see how often a code shows up in the discourse as well as compare the
different text segments coded to a code to assess the topic’s overall discursive
function.
After coding for numerous topics, we assessed the codes regarding patterns and
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how the various communicative modes and techniques served the discourse.
Here is an example of a coded passage. Note that brief definitions of the codes
are included later in this dataset.
So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope, what they deserve, is for all of
us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences, to overcome the numbing weight of our
politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the
anxieties they face are the same.
empathy
metaphor
The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills, a chance to get ahead, most of all, the ability to
give their children a better life.
appeals
to unity
And you know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. question
After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids,
starting businesses and going back to school. They’re coaching Little League and helping their neighbors. empathy
One woman wrote to me and said, “We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.”
It’s because of this spirit, this great decency and great strength, that I have never been more hopeful about
America’s future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our Union is strong.
quote
We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade,
it’s time the American people get a Government that matches their decency, that embodies their strength. And
tonight I’d like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.
claim
making
self-
mention
It begins with our economy. Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped
cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. negation
And if there’s one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans and everybody in between, it’s that
we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. I hated it; you hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal.
[Laughter]
bipartisan
claim
repetition
Rather than working with a long list of unstructured codes, we next grouped
them into clusters based on their similarities. In other words, we grouped codes
in primary codes and related subcodes. For example, we noticed a distinction
between codes suggesting a broader mode of communication, such as being
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authoritative, and more technical codes, such as using transitional words such as
“and” and “but.”
Hence, we made a primary code called communicative mode to help organize
subcodes that capture particular ways of communicating, such as making a claim,
being authoritative, or being benevolent. Similarly, we made a primary code called
rhetorical devices to capture more specific devices employed such as using
absolutes, conversational (informal) language, hedges, humor, and negation. The
primary code content refers to specific topics addressed by the speech, such as
America as character, bipartisan claim, historical trajectory, and appeals to unity.
In other words, content was used to gather together codes capturing what was
said, not how it was stated. The primary code engagement strategies refers to
specific approaches to engage the audience, such as collective “we,” empathy,
quoting citizens, and role structure. These subcodes attend more specifically to
ways to engage the audience, such as using the word “we” to suggest a cohesive
America.
Below is the final structure of primary codes and subcodes. Note that the primary
codes are used as organizing codes, not as codes that we apply to textual
segments.
Rhetorical Devices
• absolutes: this code captures language of extreme magnitudes, such as
“always” and “never.” These suggest an absolute condition or claim.
• conversational: this code captures language that is informal, such as what
you might find in a conversation rather than in a formal speech.
• hedges: this code captures language of uncertainty, such as “perhaps” and
“maybe.”
• humor: this code captures moments of humor, whether intentional or not.
Laughter in the audience was one way of observing humor.
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• negation: this code captures words suggesting the opposite of something
actual or positive, such as “not,” “never,” “didn’t.”
• metaphorical language: this code is applied to language using “like” or
“as” (similes) as well as metaphors.
• repetition: this code is applied to a word or phrase that is repeated often
for emphasis.
• question: this code is applied to a question that either answers itself
(rhetorical) or is answered by Obama in the language that follows it.
• short sentence: this code is applied to simple sentences without complex
clauses.
• transitions (ands, buts): this code is applied to sentences that include
conjunctions such as “and” and “but.”
Communicative Mode
• authoritative: this code is applied to language suggesting the president’s
ultimate power.
• claim making: this code captures a statement presented as a fact or truth.
• benevolent voice: This code is applied to statements suggesting kindness
or compassion.
• conditional: this code captures clauses using the word “if,” suggesting a
condition.
• evidence-based reasoning: this code is applied to instances where
excerpts are cited or where numbers or statistics are referenced.
• imperative/request: this code captures language that presents a demand,
appeal, or call to action.
• making promise: this code is applied to statements that promise resources
or attention to address a problem, situation, or constituency.
• offering solution: this code captures language suggesting an answer or
resolution to an acute or chronic problem.
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• self-mentions (personal): this code captures the use of “I,” “me,” “myself,”
and “mine.”
Content
• America as character: this code is applied to statements that present
America as a character in its own right, as a country with an identifiable
unfolding series of events that point to a meaningful, distilled nature.
• bipartisan claim: there are two primary parties in the United States—the
Republicans and the Democrats. this code captures a claim that is intended
to appeal to both parties.
• historical trajectory: This code captures references to the arc of American
history.
• appeals to unity: this code captures references attempting to unite the
deeply divided political parties.
Engagement Strategies
• collective “we”: this code is applied to language such as “we,” “our,” “us,”
suggesting a collective American perspective.
• empathy: this code is applied to statements suggesting empathy (e.g., “I
feel your pain.”)
• quoting citizens: this code is applied to quotes ascribed to American
citizens, thereby adding texture, illustration, or evidence for a claim.
• role structure: this code is applied to language implying a particular
relationship between the speaker and the immediate audience.
• second person: this code is applied to text using the word “you” or “your,”
thereby addressing the audience directly.
In first reviewing the codes under communicative mode, we begin to see which
topics best help us understand discursive strategies in the speech. For example,
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evidence-based reasoning was applied to numerous textual units, as was self-
mentions.
We first ran a code report for each code in a qualitative software program,
then analyzed quotations per code. In generating a report on self-mentions, for
example, we looked for how Obama used the words “I” or “me” to produce
a particular kind of presidential address. Similarly, in generating a report for
American as character, we assessed a larger pattern across the entire address,
one that illustrates the importance of the United States not just as a country
but as an idea or character that the president tries to invoke. Our analysis does
not simply summarize each topic but rather attempts to assess what patterns
within each code suggest about larger meanings. For example, in looking at self-
mentions along with empathy, we see that these two are balanced. The president
does not only talk about himself, he draws attention to others. This balance points
to a larger discursive mode that goes beyond simply summarizing a single code.
(See report below.) Similarly, in reviewing quotations coded to evidence-based
reasoning, absolutes, and claim making, we see appeals to logical reasoning
more broadly and how they function in the presidential address as a whole.
Furthermore, we assess the codes America as character and historical trajectory
to discern how time is employed in the speech and how America is foregrounded
as a heroic “character” within this constructed history. In other words, our analysis
attempts to connect the “parts” to the “whole.” We can identify the negations in the
data, but the next step is to consider analytically how they contribute to the larger
production of meaning. For this reason, the report below is structured based on
the following sections:
• Discursive Modes: Balancing Self-Mentions With Empathy
• Appeals to Logical Reasoning
• America’s Historical Trajectory
• Repetition as Structure
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• Role Structure and Humor
We could have developed other sections but decided to focus on these larger
topics to illustrate a product of discursive analysis.
Presenting Results
Below is an example of a discourse analysis report focusing on particular
strategies evident in the President’s speech. Note that a different researcher might
focus on other strategies or name them somewhat differently; different analyses
should generally support each other and provide complementary insights. For
example, another researcher might code for different types of modal verbs such
as “should,” “will,” “would,” “have got to,” etc. Our analysis instead looks at how
these verbs are used in claim making and offering solutions.
Discursive Modes: Balancing Self-Mentions With Empathy
In reviewing all text segments coded to self-mentions, we see a pattern in how
the president employs the word “I,” calling direct attention to himself. These self-
mentions reinforce a confident persona, contextualize the president’s role, and
reinforce his purpose for occupying his current role. In addressing the credibility
gap in Washington, he says, “Now, that’s what I came to Washington to do”
(emphasis added in all quotations). Here are additional examples:
One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by
a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a
Government deeply in debt.
They’re not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President.
But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn’t just do what was
popular; I would do what was necessary.
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From the day I took office, I’ve been told that addressing our larger
challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious.
Self-mentions position the president’s discourse not just around himself but
around a perceived mandate. In repeatedly associating himself with a mission, the
two become interchangeable. In reference to the immediate future, this purpose
becomes more tangible, making him seem active in his role.
Tomorrow I’ll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break
ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act.
Some self-mentions suggest intuitive skills. “So I know the anxieties that are
out there right now.” These self-mentions go further to reveal a more personal,
informal tone, making his speech seem perhaps more accessible to viewers of all
educational backgrounds.
Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not
interested in punishing banks.
“Let me know. Let me know. Let me know. I’m eager to see it.”
Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America.
As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates
may become, it’s time to get serious about fixing the problems that are
hampering our growth.
Self-mentions tend to be couched in statements of responsibility or assurance,
such as the following:
Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more
skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not
explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that
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with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans
wondering, “What’s in it for me?”
There will be difficult days ahead, but I am absolutely confident we will
succeed.
Despite powerful mentions of self, Obama also balances calls to himself with
attempts to show empathy with the average American. He does not retain focus
on himself. He shares the “stage” with other Americans he references.
For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast
enough. Some are frustrated, some are angry. They don’t understand
why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work
on Main Street isn’t, or why Washington has been unable or unwilling
to solve any of our problems. They’re tired of the partisanship and the
shouting and the pettiness. They know we can’t afford it. Not now.
This kind of language moves us into the lives of average Americans, who
momentarily take the foreground of the speech.
The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills, a chance
to get ahead, most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.
These empathy-laden statements are also claims. They attempt to show how the
speaker understands his larger audience. Obama even uses direct quotes, not of
famous individuals but of average Americans, threading their voice with his own.
One woman wrote to me and said, “We are strained but hopeful,
struggling but encouraged.”
Textured details make those people seem real, such as a reference to a window
manufacturer who had to “add two more work shifts just because of the business
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it created.” Obama paints a picture of ordinary Americans in a collage such
as the following, which not only activates the lives of ordinary Americans but
encapsulates scenes in just a few lines.
It lives on in the struggling small-business owner who wrote to me of his
company, “None of us,” he said, “… are willing to consider, even slightly,
that we might fail.” It lives on in the woman who said that even though
she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, “We are strong.
We are resilient. We are American.” It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in
Louisiana who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to
the people of Haiti.
Empathy is used not only to engage but as a direct call to action: “People
are out of work. They’re hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill
on my desk without delay” (1:48). Note that this language combines empathy
and an authoritative request, which, on its own, might sound too domineering.
By preceding the authoritative request with empathetic language, it makes the
request less severe, more justified.
By first making strong “I” statements and then moving into empathy-laden scene-
lets, Obama is able to seem both strong and empathetic. Without the empathy,
he would seem too self-involved. Without the “I” statements, he would seem self-
effacing.
Now, our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and
some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that
they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this
country have faced this year. And what keeps me going, what keeps
me fighting, is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination
and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the
core of the American people, that lives on.
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This technique is used not only for Americans but for international citizens as
well, as when he references Haitians, the girl who “yearns to go to school in
Afghanistan,” and a man “denied a job by corruption in Guinea.”
Appeals to Logical Reasoning
Obama’s language, including his self-mentions, frequently employs appeals to
reason and causative sentence connectors such as “if,” “reason,” “why,”
“realizing,” “but,” and “just stating the facts.” For example, “[The anxieties are]
not new,” he says, “These struggles are the reason I ran for President.” This
is the language of explanation, of justification, and of causal logic. It reinforces
the speaker as a person governed by reason, as someone who makes claims
based on connecting points of information, not simply presenting isolated pieces
of information. In addition to relying on a list of items connected with “and,”
Obama uses buts and conceptual therefores to generate and sustain this logical
momentum and to connect apparent facts.
That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that’s why
I’m calling for a new jobs bill tonight.
A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to
access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families
into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we
guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire
economy.
But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements
so our trading partners play by the rules. And that’s why we’ll continue
to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets and why
we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like
South Korea and Panama and Colombia.
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But understand, if we don’t take meaningful steps to rein in our debt,
it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and
jeopardize our recovery, all of which would have an even worse effect on
our job growth and family incomes.
To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted
taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let’s take
that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for 4 years of college
and increase Pell grants. And let’s tell another 1 million students that
when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of
their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after
20 years and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public
service, because in the United States of America, no one should go
broke because they chose to go to college.
Even when the discourse seems to activate emotion, that, too, is often framed in
terms of justification with the use of words such as “despite” and “but,” reinforcing
the speech’s inscribed logic.
But I wake up every day knowing that [political setbacks] are nothing
compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have
faced this year. And what keeps me going, what keeps me fighting,
is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and
optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of
the American people, that lives on.
Obama’s appeals to reason is a way to make claims, a larger strategy for
generating a convincing speech. Few of these claims are “hedges.” Many of them
are simply stated as a general truth, such as declaring that “Now, even as we
prosecute two wars, we’re also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the
American people, the threat of nuclear weapons.” These claims are presented
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as unquestionable, highlighting declarative certainty. Most claim making is framed
in terms of positive statements, couched in logical language, about an improving
economy, or other “good news.”
And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we’ve recovered
most of the money we spent on the banks—most but not all.
Pessimistic claims are less common.
One in 10 Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have
shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural
communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who’d already
known poverty, life’s become that much harder.
Claims suggesting an intuitive understanding, rather than a rational underpinning,
are less frequent, such as “So I know the anxieties that are out there right
now.” Rather than making such empathetic claims, Obama tends to instead pair
emotive statements with vignettes of Americans. Painting the picture of everyday
Americans is what gives statements such as the following their weight: “America
must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity.”
Furthermore, Obama uses words suggesting absolutes (“only,” “never,” “every,”
“always,” “absolutely”) to make his statements easy to follow and to minimize
nuance.
The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation
for long-term economic growth and finally address the problems that
America’s families have confronted for years.
It’s because of this spirit, this great decency and great strength, that I
have never been more hopeful about America’s future than I am tonight.
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It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.
I’m absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do.
Absolutist language is the language of certainty. It simplifies complexities and
reduces confusion. Though absolutist words are often simplistic or reductive,
combined with logical language and facts, absolutist language has the effect of
making Obama’s conclusions seem sound and undeniable. Combining appeals to
logic, absolutist language, and claims about what has happened, is happening,
and will happen generates discourse that, on the surface, seems indisputable—a
discourse that seems reliable and logically sound.
America’s Historical Trajectory
The State of the Union Address is part of a larger social and communicative
situation, an ongoing tradition set against the background of current American
culture. Obama not only mentions current events to contextualize his speech, he
also makes reference to the U.S.’s larger historical arc, as when he calls attention
to the first railroads, the Bull Run, the Allies at Omaha Beach, and Black Tuesday.
References to time are evident in a timescale invoking two centuries but also
apparent in how he personalizes his ties to the past, for example, in embracing
the vision of “John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan.” These references do not
simply foreground the notion of America’s destiny, they also place Obama within
this larger journey, legitimizing his role in the American story. He also connects
the American story to his listeners: “Again, we are tested. And again, we must
answer history’s call.” To engage in his discourse is to engage in time; the listener
is drawn into the trajectory and into the sustained momentum of American history
and mythic exceptionalism.
This recession has also compounded the burdens that America’s families
have been dealing with for decades: the burden of working harder and
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longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with
college.
The spirit that has sustained this Nation for more than two centuries
lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year. We have
come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new
decade stretches before us. We don’t quit. I don’t quit. Let’s seize this
moment to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our
Union once more.
In the end, it’s our ideals, our values that built America, values that
allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of
the globe, values that drive our citizens still.
But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago or
100 years ago or 200 years ago, we wouldn’t be here tonight. The only
reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid
to do what was hard, to do what was needed even when success was
uncertain, to do what it took to keep the dream of this Nation alive for
their children and their grandchildren.
Repetition as Structure
Obama uses repetition to create rhythm and generate a structure for emphasis.
In other words, repetition with variation creates both a melodious rhythm as well
as a structure for making increasingly nuanced points. “We do not give up. We
do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit.” In some cases,
the subject of the sentence changes, but the verb repeats. “I hated it. I hated it;
you hated it.” This technique makes an implicit bond between “I” and “you.” Other
examples include the following:
Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to
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be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work
shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher
raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school
that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn’t be laid off after all.
There are stories like this all across America. And after 2 years of
recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started
to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest
again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.
Repetition is used to make a claim and then suggest an imperative. In the
following, “I know they will” is followed by “They will.” This repetition is not only
rhythmic, it serves an authoritative purpose as well.
Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps.
As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same,
and I know they will. They will. People are out of work. They’re hurting.
They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.
Repetition is just as effective in Obama’s attempts to be accommodating: “let me
know. Let me know. Let me know. I’m eager to see it.” Other examples of
repetition include the following paragraph where three subjects (China, Germany,
and India) are all followed by the same verb form: not waiting. It gives more weight
to the verb, as well as draws a greater implied contrast between the U.S. and the
other countries.
Meanwhile, China’s not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany’s not
waiting. India’s not waiting. These nations are—they’re not standing
still. These nations aren’t playing for second place. They’re putting more
emphasis on math and science. They’re rebuilding their infrastructure.
It lives on in the struggling small-business owner who wrote to me of
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his company, “None of us,” he said, “… are willing to consider, even
slightly, that we might fail.” It lives on in the woman who said that even
though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, “We are
strong. We are resilient. We are American.” It lives on in the 8-year-
old boy in Louisiana who just sent me his allowance and asked if I
would give it to the people of Haiti. And it lives on in all the Americans
who’ve dropped everything to go someplace they’ve never been and
pull people they’ve never known from the rubble, prompting chants of
“U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!” when another life was saved.
Role Structure and Humor
Obama’s speech calls attention to role structure, the implied relationship between
himself and his listener and the attendant roles played by himself, members
of Congress, and viewers at large. For example, in the following quotation, he
mentions letters he has read from children regarding their parents’ financial
struggles. The roles implied here are American citizens as individuals with limited
agency, as those requesting answers, whereas the president is the one whose
responsibility it is to address these troubles.
These struggles are what I’ve witnessed for years, in places like Elkhart,
Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read
each night. The toughest to read are those written by children asking why
they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will
be able to go back to work.
Similarly, in the following quotation, the president makes a request of members of
Congress to be transparent regarding earmark requests. Here, he draws attention
to their role as public servants and his role as leader and request maker.
I’m also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark
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reform, Democrats and Republicans—Democrats and Republicans.
Look, you’ve trimmed some of this spending, you’ve embraced some
meaningful change, but restoring the public trust demands more. For
example, some Members of Congress post some earmark requests
online. Tonight I’m calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on
a single website before there’s a vote so that the American people can
see how their money is being spent.
In assessing role structure in the transcript, we also see moments of humor.
For example, the speech as it is transcribed includes references to laughter and
applause. That is, it captures atmospherics, not just Obama’s spoken words. Note
that not all speeches are transcribed in this manner. This approach to transcription
is, in itself, a decision that researchers make in their study design.
Obama uses humor as a way of activating role structure. In other words, he takes
advantage of the role relationship between himself and those in the immediate
audience. “It was about as popular as a root canal. [Laughter].” In some cases,
Obama reacts to applause or laughter:
We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. [Applause] I
thought I’d get some applause on that one. [Laughter]
We might make a distinction between internal and external relations in the
discourse. By saying, “I thought I’d get some applause,” Obama is referencing an
external relation, outside the internal relation of the textual items in the speech
proper. In some cases, the audience’s laughter seems unexpected, as in the
following:
Let’s meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let’s try
common sense—[Laughter]—a novel concept.
Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don’t also reform
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how we work with one another. Now, I’m not naive. I never thought
that the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony
and—[Laughter]—some postpartisan era.
If we were to analyze the video of the speech, we might also see Obama
grin or pause, another indication that he is engaged in an external relation, to
the situation the audience has created by applauding or laughing. The more
that Obama responds to the audience, the more his speech becomes a fluid
communicative moment that changes form in response to the verbal cues of the
audience.
Review
Discourse analysis is used to make sense of the linguistic, content, and rhetorical
structure of language in use, such as a speech, diary, or online forum. After
reading this dataset, you should be able to:
• Define how and why discourse analysis is used in research.
• Use discourse analytic coding techniques.
• Write a discourse analysis report.
Reflective Questions
The following is an excerpt from President H. W. Bush’s State of the Union
address on January 31, 1990.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the United States Congress:
I return as a former President of the Senate and a former member of this
great House. And now, as President, it is my privilege to report to you on
the state of the Union.
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Tonight I come not to speak about the state of the government, not to
detail every new initiative we plan for the coming year nor to describe
every line in the budget. I’m here to speak to you and to the American
people about the state of the Union, about our world—the changes we’ve
seen, the challenges we face—and what that means for America.
There are singular moments in history, dates that divide all that goes
before from all that comes after. And many of us in this chamber have
lived much of our lives in a world whose fundamental features were
defined in 1945; and the events of that year decreed the shape of
nations, the pace of progress, freedom or oppression for millions of
people around the world.
Nineteen forty-five provided the common frame of reference, the
compass points of the postwar era we’ve relied upon to understand
ourselves. And that was our world, until now. The events of the year just
ended, the Revolution of ’89, have been a chain reaction, changes so
striking that it marks the beginning of a new era in the world’s affairs.
Think back—think back just 12 short months ago to the world we knew
as 1989 began.
One year—one year ago, the people of Panama lived in fear, under
the thumb of a dictator. Today democracy is restored; Panama is free.
Operation Just Cause has achieved its objective. The number of military
personnel in Panama is now very close to what it was before the
operation began. And tonight I am announcing that well before the end
of February, the additional numbers of American troops, the brave men
and women of our armed forces who made this mission a success, will
be back home.
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A year ago in Poland, Lech Walesa declared that he was ready to open
a dialog with the Communist rulers of that country; and today, with the
future of a free Poland in their own hands, members of Solidarity lead the
Polish government.
A year ago, freedom’s playwright, Vaclav Havel, languished as a prisoner
in Prague. And today it’s Vaclav Havel, President of Czechoslovakia.
And one year ago, Erich Honecker of East Germany claimed history as
his guide, and he predicted the Berlin Wall would last another hundred
years. And today, less than one year later, it’s the Wall that’s history.
Remarkable events—events that fulfill the long-held hopes of the
American people; events that validate the long-standing goals of
American policy, a policy based on a single, shining principle: the cause
of freedom.
1. What does President Bush’s discourse suggest about his intent? Does
he present himself as reliable?
2. Consider rhetorical patterns in his data. What kind of language tends
to show up repeatedly?
3. What communicative modes are evident in these data? (Persuasive?
Emotive? Rational?)
References
Alexander, I. (1988). Personality, psychological assessment, and
psychobiography. Journal of Personality, 56, 265–294.
Burman, E., & Parker, I. (Eds.). (1993). Discourse analytic research: Repertoires
and readings of texts in action. London, UK: Routledge
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de Beaugrande, R. (1997). The story of discourse analysis. In T. A. van Dijk
(Ed.), Discourse as structure and process. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Eggins, S., & Martin, J. R. (1997). Genres and registers of discourse. In T. A. van
Dijk (Ed.), Discourse as structure and process. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Gee, J. P. (2014). An introduction to discourse analysis: Theory and method (4th
ed.). New York, NY: Routledge.
Moerman, M. (1992). Life after CA. In G. Watson & R. M. Seller (Eds.), Text
in context: Contributions to ethnomethodology (pp. 20–34). Thousand Oaks, CA:
SAGE.
Potter, J., & Wetherell, M. (1987). Discourse and social psychology: Beyond
attitudes and behaviour. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Waring, H. Z. (2017). Discourse analysis: The questions discourse analysts ask
and how they answer them. New York, NY: Routledge.
Yang, X. (2009). Devices of probability and obligation in text types. Philadelphia,
PA: John Benjamins.
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