frank dev of under dev
Post on 02-Feb-2018
237 Views
Preview:
TRANSCRIPT
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
1/11
nto
semi-
vel
s
petty
ot
ow,
some
wire
be
from
s
he
f
he
human
of
f
the
which
e
heY
e
paper
tried to
such
would
most
same
execu-
iving
o
lead
to
Thinking
about
DeveloPment
27
economic
development
as
a cure-all
one
is wont
to
overlook
or belittle
diffi-
culties
which
migirt
stand
n the
way
of the
easy
attainment
of
too
frequently
al l
too
ambitious
;rgets.
An honesi
and
critical
evaluation
of economicr0
nd
non-economic
barriers
to
such
development,
may
therefore
have
the
wholesome
effect
of
inducing
he
drawing
up
of
plans which
are
capable
of
actual
realization
and
will avoid
the emergence
f unforeseen
by-products
which
may
jeopardizethe attainmentof the objectivesof developmental
efforts.
Andre Gunder
Frank,
'The
Development
f Underdevelopment'
Reprinted
n
full
from:
Monthly
Review
September)
1966)
2
We
cannot
hope
to formulate
adequate
development
heory
and
policy
for
the
majority
of the
world's
population
who
suffer
from underdevelopment
withoui
firsi
learning
how
their
past
economic
and
social
history
gave
rise
to
their
present nderdevelopment.
et
most
historians
tudy
only
the
developed
metropolitan
countries
and
pay
scant
attention
to
the colonial
and under-
developed
ands.
For
this
reason
most
of
our
theoretical
categories
and
guides
o
development
policy have
been
distilled
exclusively
rom
the histor-
ical experien""
bf
the
European
and
North
American
advanced
capitalist
nations.
Since
he
historical
experience
f
the colonial
and
underdeveloped
ountries
has
demonstrably
been
quite different,
available
theory
therefore
fails
to
reflect
he
past oi the
underdeveloped
part
of
the
world
entirely,
and reflects
the
past
of
ihe
world
asa
whole
only
n
part. More
important,
our
ignorance
f
the underdeveloped ountries'history eadsus to assume
hat
their
past and
indeed
their
present
resembles
earlier
stages
of
the
history
of the
now
developed
ountries.
This
ignorance
and
this
assumption
ead
us
nto serious
misconieptions
about
contemporary
underdevelopment
nd
development'
Further,
most
studies
of development
and
underdevelopment
ail to
take
account
f
the economic
and
other
relations
between
he
metropolis
and
its
economic
colonies
throughout
the
history
of
the
worldwide
expansion
and-
development
f
the
mercintilist
and
capitalist
ystem.
Consequently,
most
of
our thiory
fails
to explain
the
structure
and
development
of
the
capitalist
r0
I have
not stressed
conomic
barriers
to economic
development
n
this
paper because
hey
have
eensummarized
n a
brilliant
fashion
by Professor
acob
Viner
in Chapter
Yl of his
Lectures
on he Theory
of International
Trade,
published n
Portuguese
ranslation
n Revista
Brasileira
de
Economia, no V, Numero2, June,1951).
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
2/11
28
Development
Studies
system
as
a
whole
and
to
account
or
its
simultaneous
eneration
f
under-evelopment
n
some
of
its
parts
a;;i;
rt
sgenera'if
erd
hat
";;;;;
;i:i#ff
,.:::l",iffi
ff
l*:;
",
apitalist
tages
nd
hat
ooay's
nderi-everopeo
..";;;,
ur."rr,,r
n
a
stage,
ometimes
epicted
T, -"" ::,r,""i
,;d;,
of
history
hrough
which
he
now
eveloped
ountries
assed
o"ng
go.
%t
even
a
modest
cquaintance
ith
istory
shows
hat
underd"""r.i. ",
ii.
r,o,
originar
or
tradiiionar
nd hat
t ::::Yrl-'-r:' nor he r"r"ntiiii" uio"ra"o"ropedountriesesembres
I
any
lmportant
espect
he
past
of
the
now
developed
ountries.
he
now
I
developed
ountries-were
ever
underdeveroped,
though
hey
may
ave-'idn
I
undevetoped.
t
is
arso.widely
;ii;;i;",
the
contemporary
irderdevetofi
ent
of
a
country
ca.n
e
understooJ
,
it
"
-proou.t
o,
,"n""'tion
solery
f
ts
;,1:fi:i,H:.;.ff
:,:.:l
j"li:l *1:urtu,ui"r,u,*tJst#;,,ructure
i
tori
ar'"."
rth
e
m
n
tra
e.,r'
,
o
n,
i,l;:T""x'J:::
fi
jIfi
H:*"flarge
part
the
historicat
roauci;il;;
continuing
conomic
nd
rher
elations
between
he
sate'ite
uni"ra"u"top"o
unJ-
r,"-^n"or'
rurropro
etropolitan
ountries-
urthermor",
l;;
relations
ur"
un
r-r"ntiur
urt
f
he
structure
and
development
;1;;
""pihi"
system
n
a
worrd
care
s
hole'
A
rerated
nd
arso
argety
;;;#;,
view
s
,r,utit
"
oJurropr.nt
r
[i'":J:j"::"#f,:"1":""""":,:t
-",9"
{r,1"
them
f theirmosrndep
evelopedomesticreas,ust noitt'ui ffi:'r"ht:?t*ffii*:lt;
*tt:::f
::iifitl'il:utions,
"rd;;.:,'io,r,"n,
.on,
r,"
nt",n"tion.r
oi
develooert
c..,,r rjpo, llipj-tll,,
Historical
perspective
Uas"a
on
-itre
unOerr._
I
d
eve
ope
co
n
ie
,p
u,
""p"ri"
;;".^r.#
f
ltff
.H:r:Tff:,
:::"::ffi
development
n
the
underde'v;l.o*
.liirr.i",
.un
no*
o"i",
"ry
indepq:
J
dently
of
most
of
these
elations
f
JiifGon.
4:
,0L",,*_.:,,:"11"":lli:::
r
in"o."
uni'liir"r"nr".
in
culture
ave
ed
manj
b
e
vers
o
s
ei
.
d
ua'
soci
i
".
;
ru;;ffi::;
ril,
"HHi#,:J:l
fi:';?::i::,j:"::,:
f:,*:"d;+;l;Fve
a
history
rits
wn,
stru
:l
l
l:
H
l
XTff
r:::
;;;:,''
r"."iffi
:':'J;:
ff
l'
"ilH
intimate
conornin,^,,.:l:T.lllj,:"i"lt
has
been
mportantty
ffecteO
ntimateeconomicrerationswitliil".l"u;rriJ?ffi
ilrlTt"?iflllf;
:lt,"iiJ:::11:Tif:'lf :l'3'::;,$;',"'"erydeveropedpreciseryr
r his ontact.heothei -, i' *iffi';"J"ffi;'::"lLifi:1l1
::?:"Hil:
based'
eudal,
'-p';-.;;,"ist,
-and,r,","ror."i,or.
I
believe
n
he
contrary
hat
he
entire
dua.
society
hesis
s
arse
ndhe
policy
ecommendations
.o
*rtiJiii"ais
w'1,
f
acted
pon,
erve
n/ntensify
nd
perpetuate
he
""ry;;;;;;s
of
underdeveiopment
trfup3osedll
fesigned
o
remedy.
A
mounting
bodv
o-f
evidence
suggests,
nd
I
am
confident
hat
i
lil]tfr',",lff
,:*t#f::llT,
j11fq.*iun,ionorthecapitaristsys
hepastcenruriesemectiverf
ai
;;;j;ffi
#;"J
jiff
?f
i
fi,,'J:fi
sotated
ectors
f
the
"1g"rg"""l"p"i'#-ro.
r,.r"r*"
i.TJ#ortu,
tical,
sociar,
and
culturar
nstitution's
i
i"rutions
we
now
observe
hex
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
3/11
f
n a stage,
now
ith
n
The now
hive been
solelyof
its
Yet
s in
nd other
art
of
as
a
f
by
under-
conomic
ndepen-
oun-
a
structure,
affected
by
part,
t
ecause
and
that
erve nly
to
hat future
most
ol-
here are
Thinking
about
Development
29
the
products
of
the
historical
development
f the capitalist ystem o less hanare
the
seemingly
more
modern
or
capitalist
ieatures-
of
the
national
metropoles
of
these
underdeveloped
ountries.
Analogous
o
the
relations
between
development
and
underdevelopment
n the
international
evel,
the
contemporary
nderdeveloped
nstitutions
f
the
so-called
ackward
or feudal
domestic
areas
of an
underdeveloped
ountry
are no
less
he product
of
the
single
historical
process
f
capitalist
development
han
are the
o-called
capi-
talist
institutions
of
the
supposedly
more progressive
reas.
should
ike
to
sketch
he kinds
of
evidence
which
support
his
thesis
and
at
the
same
ime
indicate
ines
along
which
urther
study
nd
research
ould
ruitfully
proceed.
The
Secretary
General
of
the
Latin
American
Center
or
Research
n
the
Social
Sciences
rites
n
that
center's
ournal:
The
privileged
position
of the
city
has
itsorigin in the colonialperiod.It was oundedby the cbnqueror to serve he
same
ends
hat
it still
serves
oday;
to
incorporate
he indigenous
opulation
into
the
economy
brought
and
developed
by
that
conqueror
and
his
descendants.
he
regional
city
was
an
nstrument
of conquest
nd is
still
today
an instrument
of
domination.'1
The
Instituto
Nacional
ndigenista
National
Indian
Institute)
of
Mexico
confirms
his
observation
whenlt
notes
hat
,the
mestizopopulation,
n
fact,
always
ives
n
a
city,
a center
of
an intercultural
region,
which
acts
as the
metropolis
of
a zone
of
indigenous
population
and
which
maintains
with
the
underdeveloped
ommunities
an intimate
relation
which
inks
he
center
with
the
satellite
ommunities.'2
he
Institute
goes
on
to
point
out
that
'between
the
mestizos
who
live in
the
nuclear
city
of
the region
and
he
Indians
who
live
in
the peasant
interland
here
s in
ieality
u
"16r",conomic
and
social
nterdependence
han
might
at
first
glance
appear,
and
that he provincialmetropolesby beingcenters f intercouisearealio centers
of
exploitation.'3
.
Thus
hese
metropolis-satellite
elations
are
not
limited
to
the
imperial
or
international
evel
but
penetrate
and
structure
he very
economic,
political,
and
ocial
ife
of
the
Latin
American
colonies
nd
countries.
ust
as he
colonial
and
national
capital
and its
export
sector
become
he
satellite
of the
Iberian
(and
ater
of other)
metropoles
of
the
world
economic
system,
his
satellite
immediately
ecomes
colonial
and
hen
a national
metropolis
with
respect
o
theproductive
sectors
nd
population
of
the
interior.
Furihermore,
he
prov-
incial
capitals
which
hus
are hemselves
atellites
f
the
national
metropblis
and
hrough
he latter
of
the world
metropolis
are n
turn provincial
centers
around
which
their
own
local
satellites
rbit.
Thus,
a whole
chain
of
constell-
ations
f
metropoles
nd
satellites
elates
all
parts
of
the whole
system
rom
its
metropolitan enter n Europeor the United Stateso the farttrestoutpost
n
the
Latin
American
countrvside.
I
Amtrica
Latina,
Afio
6, No.
4
(October-December
963), .
g.
2
Instituto
Nacional
ndigenista,
Los
centros
coordinadorei
;digenistas
Mexico,
1962), .
34.
3
lbid., pp.33-34,
88.
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
4/11
30
Development
Studies
'i
W. en
we
examine
his
metropolis-satellite
tructure,
we
ind
hat
each
f
he
satellites,
ncruding
now
undeideveloped
Spain
and'portugar,
serves
s
an
instrument
o
suck
capitar
or
economii
surprus
ut
oi
i;r;;n
satelrites
nd
o
channel
part
of
this
surplus
o
the
world
metropolis
oi*rti.r,
ail
are
satellites.
Moreover,
each
national
and
ocal
metropolis
erves
to
impose
andmaintainthe monopolistic tructureandexploitative
elationshif
"iirrir
system
as
he
Instituto
Nacionar
ndigenista
of
Mexico
.uil,
it)-ur';;;
u,
it
serves
he
interests
of
the
metropoles
which
ake
advantug"
or
trrir-giolur,
nationar,
nd
local
structure
o
promote
heir
own
development
nd
he
enrichment
f
heir
ruling
classes.
These
are
the principal
and
still
surviving
structural
characteristics
hich
were
implanted"in
Latin
America
by
the,c"onquert-
"y-o
examining
he
establishment
f
this
colonial
structuie
n
its
hisioricat
cJntext,
heproposed
approach
alls
or
study
of
the
development
and
underdevelopment
of hese
metropoles
and
satellites
f
Latin
America
throughout
he
ollowing
nd
till
continuing
historical
process.
n
this
way
we
can
understand
why
here
were
and
still
are
tendencies
n
the
Latin
American
and
world
capitalist
tructure
which
seem
o
lead
to
the
development
of the metropotisanatheunder.developmentof
the
satellite_
nd
why,
particularly,
the
satellized
ationar,
regional,
and
local
metropoles
n
Latin
America
find
that
their
economic
devetopment
s
at
best
a limited
or
underdevetopeo
;;.i;;;""t.
That
present
underdevelopment
of
Latin
America
is
the
result
of its
centuries.
Iong
participation
n
the
process
f
world
capitalist
o"n"roprrii,
r
berieve
ave.1 own
n
my
case
tudies
f
the
economic
nd
social
istories
f
chile
and
Brazil.a
My
study
of
chilean
history
suggests
hat
the
conquest
not
onry
incorporated
this
country
fulry
into
ire
Eipansion
and
deveffient
of
the
world
mercantile
and
later
inaustrial
capitalist
system
but
that'it
also
ntro
duced
he
monopolistic
metropolis-satelliie
tructure
nd
developmentof
api.
talism
into
the
chilean
domestic
economy
and
society
tsem.
tris
structurE
:*irl"ll1'"d u,nd ermeareda' of chile veryquickly. Sincehat imeandn
the
course
of
world
and
chilean
history
during
he
epochs
f
colonialism,
reo
trade,
mperialism,
and
he
present,
chite
has
become
ncreasingly
arked
y
the
economic,
social,
and poritical
structure
of
satellite
underieveropment
This
development
f
under-development
ontinues
oday,
uoit,
n
ct itrt
stiu
increasing
atelrization
y
the
woird
metropolis
and
th;;"gh;;
vr
mor :
acute
polarization
of
Chile's
domestic
economy.
The
history
of
Brazil
is perhaps
the
clearest
case
of
both
nationar
nd,
regional
development
.of .underdiveropment.
The
expanrion
oi
the
worrc
economy
since
he
beginning
of
the
sixieenth
century
;".;;r;;;.r;
convertod
a
'capitalist
Deveropment.of^Underdeveropment
in
chile,
and
.capitarist
Deveropment
fnderdevelopment n Brazil'in capitarismani urdirirr"rop^ent
in
Lain
Amenca
lxewyort&
ondon:
Monthly
Review
press,
lb67
and
1969).
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
5/11
f the
as
an
o
he
and
their
which
the
hese
still
were
and
only
of the
ntro-
of
caPi-
and
n
ree
bY
still
more
and
world
of
York
&
Thinking
about
Development 31
the Northeast, he Minas Gerais nterior, the North, and the Center-South
(Rio
de Janeiro, 56o
Paulo, and Paran6) nto export economies
and incor-
porated
them into the structure and
developmentof the
world
capitalist
system. Each of these
regions experiencedwhat may
have appeared as
economic evelopment
uring he
period
of its
golden
age.
But it wasa satellite
development
which
was
neither
self-generating
or self-perpetuating.
s the
market or the
productivity
of the
first three regions declined,
oreign and
domesticeconomic
nterest n them wanedand they
were eft
to
develop he
underdevelopmenthey
live today. In the fourth
region, he coffeeeconomy
experienced
similar houghnot
yet
quite
as
serious ate
(though
he
develop-
mentof a synthetic offeesubstitute
romises
o deal t a mortal
blow n the not
too distant future).
All of this historical evidencecontradicts
he
generally
accepted heses hat
Latin
America
suffers from a
dual society or from the
survivalof feudal institutions and that these are important obstacles o its
economic evelopment.
During the First World War,
however, and even
more during the Great
Depressionand the Second
World War, S5o
Paulo began to build
up an
industrialestablishment
which is the
largest n Latin
America today. The
question
rises
whether his ndustrial
development id or
canbreakBrazil out
of the cycle
of satellitedevelopmentand
underdevelopment
hich has char-
acterized
ts
other
regionsand national
historywithin the capitalist
system o
far. I believe hat the
answer s no. Domestically
he evidence o
far is fairly
clear.The development
f industry n 56oPaulo
hasnot brgught
greater
iches
to
the other
regions of Brazil.
Instead, t has converted
hem into internal
colonial satellites, de-capitalized
hem further, and
consolidatedor even
deepenedheir underdevelopment.
here
s ittle
evidence
o suggest
hat this
processs likely to be reversedn the foreseeableuture except nsofar as he
provincialpoor
migrate and become the
poor
of the
metropolitan cities.
Externally,he evidences hat although
he nitial development
f S5oPaulo's
industrywas relatively autonomous
t is being ncreasingly
atellizedby
the
world
apitalistmetropolisand
ts uture development
ossibilities
re
ncreas-
ingly
estricted.s
his development,my studies
eadme o believe,also
appears
destinedo limited or underdeveloped
evelopment s
ong as t takes
place
n
the
present
conomic,
political,
and
social ramework.
Wemustconclude,
n
short,
hat underdevelopment
s not due o
the survival
of archaicnstitutionsand
he existence f capital
shortage
n regions hat have
remainedsolated rom the streamof
world history. On the
contrary, under-
development as and still
is
generated
by the
very samehistorical
process
which
lso
generated
conomic
development:
he development
of capitalism
itself. hisview, I amglad o say, sgainingadherents mongstudents f Latin
America
nd
s
proving
ts worth
in
shedding
ew ight on
the
problems
of
the
s
Also
see,
The
Growth
and Decline of
Import Substitution,' Economic
Bulletin
for
Latin
America,IX,
No. I
(March
1964); and Celso Furtado,
Dialecticado Desenvolvimiento
Rio
de
Janeiro: undode Cultura. 1964).
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
6/11
32
Development
Studies
;:;tf.:t
in affording
a
better
perspe*ive
for
the
formuration
of
rheorv
and
The
same
historjclland.srrucrural
approach
an
also
ead
o
better
deverop_
ent
theory
and
poricy
uy
g.n.*tiTja
series
r
rrypoir,"r",
uuout
deverop-
ent
and
underdevelopmenisuch
;;-;ior"
I.am
esting
n
my
current
esearch.
I:
:
J;ffi
,ffi
fi
,iT
$
j:,".T
#;
^eln
ic
l
o-r,'s^5rv,,,
,',
"
o
h
e
ca
m
ropor
en
to
.
d
e
op
;J
;;
Hi.i,ffi':i'Ji:l?::*H:TiTxt:
ypothesis
as
arready
""n
*"niion.i
utou",
,r,",
,."""#r
ro
he
deverop_
ent
of
the
world
metropolis
hich
,
no.on",,
ut"rrit"
,
trr"
oluelopment
of
he
ationar
nd
other
suu"ioinut"-r"rr"pir.,
is
rimited
by
heir
satelrite
tatus.
t
sperhaps
orerifficur,...ri,r*'ilil,n"rt, ,r,* ilrr"il"r,n, on.,because
artof
rs
confirmation
depends
""
iili".,
of
rhe
orher
ypotheses.
onerhe_
ess,
his
hypothesi
app";;,
;;;"
;'.;u'y
"onn.n'.a
u;.i,i;;"_r"ronomous
nd
unsatisfa*orr,T^r_"r"ic
anairpJary
indusrriar
everopmenr
of
Latin
i#T:ffi::,:X',
T""iT,t?f;iljnl-en
e
n
lr
s
u
ie
arre
dy
i
ed
m
opo
a
e
i
o
e
u
"
n
,
;ffi
;
i1i :Xli
H::"JI
f
il*LT:Jl:
n
rhe
ninereenti
cenrury,
was
herefore
argery
";;;;;:o'0,
un,
coroniar
eritage
'
bur
was
ano
emains;;;;;irt;;;.vero^pment
rargerv
ependent
n
he
utside
merroporis,
irst
of
e.i,;;;t ir .n
or
the
United
Srates.
-
A
second
ypothesis
r
ti,urirr"
rul",rii",
exp-erience
heir
greatest
conomic
everopmenr
and
especiary
heir
"ri'.i"rri.iry.rpir.irri',io'ur,r,u,
deverop.
ffi::f ilX,,:;r;tnii.
ties
o
i,",
*,,.p"ri.
uL
*.ur";;.iiis
hypothesiss
m n,n
"
u
"
J"
fi
f",ff
S:
:i,t
, r::j,
:f
";:::,::1,Jil;$
onract
with
and
diffusion
r.o,n
tt.
r*tropolitan
oeveropld
countries.
his
ypothesis
eems
,,
ue
confirm.i
o,
i-J'ut1ds.
of
rerative
soration
hat
Latin
merica
has
experienced
in
,r,.
."'".r"""f
its
historf."o".lr?.
remporary
sorarron
aused
v
rhe
crises
f
*u.oi
a"pr..rrron-in
;;;;;
merroporis.
part
from
minor
ongs,
lve
p..ioo,
orlui
malor
crlses
tand
ut
and
re
een
o
confirm
he
hvpothesrr.
hese
..'
irt"'er.;i";
6;1,ill*,,,
Spanish)
epression
f
the
seventeenth
century,
tre
Naporeonic
wars,
the
First
world
ar,
the
Depression
or
tr,"
ig3oi;;;i;"
Second
wr;rd
\i;;.
rt
is
ctearly
stabrished
nd
generaty
".ognl"olt
l,
in.
n'osr
mportant
ecent
ndustriar
evelopmenr
especiatv
"r
a?g"r-J"#
iazir,
anaMexico,
but
arso
f
orher
ounrres
such
as
chile
-
has
akJn
ptac p"recisety
during heperiods f he wo
.
o.
Others
who
use
a
simil
l o g i c a t l y
ro r to w in g ; ; ; ; i ; ' l a p p ro a c h ' th o u g h th e i r i d e o lo g ie s d o n o tp e rm i r th e mro d e r i v e rh e
(santiago:
roi,.rfu-u"i"srons'
are
AniLral
Pinto.
y i,
u,
;;''t";;";;r:;r';*u
frusrrodo
1n-o.i"nJ.o,i""0#"ft:'rar'.'
1957);
elso
Furtado,
r'r^'"*)'
,;;;;;""
do
Brair
y,11,
yi,"^,;;;;",i;;;;:::,;fi',|,,ff|JilT::.,1I:*",r,."Ji".iffinunoo
Historia
con
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
7/11
nd
he
first
f
the
t
Latin
ited.
re
he
began
n
the
s
of
This
Latin
are
seen
World
clearlY
ndustrial
of
other
the
two
derive
he
rustrado
do
Brasil
Published
Junior'
I
I
Thinking
about
DeveloPment
33
world
warsand he nterveningDepression. hanks o theconsequentoosen-
ing
of
trade
and
investment
i,es
during
these
periods,
he
satellites
nitiated
mirked
autonomous
ndustrialization
and
growth'
Historical
research
demon-
strates
that
the
same
thing
happened
n
Latin
America
during
Europe's
seventeenth-century
epresiion.
i{anufacturing
grew in
the
Latin
American
countries,
and
several,
such
as Chile,
became
exporters
of
manufactured
goods.
The
Napoleonic
Wars
gave
ise
o
independence
movements
n
Latin
imerica,
and
hese
should
perf,aps
also
be
nterpreted
as
n
part confirming
the
development
YPothesis.
Tne
bther
kind
of isolation
which
tends
o
confirm
the
second
hypothesis
s
the
leographic
and
economic
isolation
of
regions
which
at
one
time
were
,"tu,In"iy
weakly
tied
to
and
poorly
integrated
nto
the
mercantilist
and
capi-
talist system.
My
preliminary
research
suggests
hat
in Latin
America
it
was
these
iegions
which
initiatld
and
experienced
the most promising self-
g"n"rutirig
economic
development
of
the-
classical
ndustrial
capitalist
type'
ih"
.ort
irrrportant
egionaicases
robably
are
Tucum6n
and
Asunci6n'
as
well
as
other
cities,
u.iu.
Mendoza
and
Rosario,
n
the
nterior
of
Argentina
and
Paraguay
during
the
end
of
the
eighteenth
and
the
beginning
of
the
nineteenti
cinturies]
Seventeenth-
nd
-ighteenth-century
56o
Paulo,
long
before
coffee
was
grown
there,
is anothei
example.
Perhaps
-Antioquia
in
Colombia
and
Puebla
and
Quer6taro
n
Mexico
are
other
examples'
n
its
own
way,
chile
was
also
an
example
since
before
the
sea
oute
around
the Horn
was
opened
his
country
was
rel,atively
solated
at
the
end
of
a
long
voyage
rom
Europe
via
Panama.
All
of
these
regions
became
manufacturing
centers
and
evenexporters,usuallyoftextiles,duringtheperiodsprecedingtheireffective
incorpoiationas sateilites nto the colonial,
national,
and
world
capitalist
system.
Internationally,
of
course,
he
classic
ase
of
industrialization
hrough
non-
participation
as
a
satellite
in
the
capitalist
world
system
s
obviously
that
of
i"p".
"tt*
the
Meiji
Restoration'
Wtty,
one
may
ask'
was
esource-poor
ut
uniatellized
Japan
able
to
industrialize
so
quickly
at
the
end
of
the
century
while
esource-rich
Latin
American
countriei
and
Russia
were
not
able o
do
so
and
he
atter
was
easily
beaten
by
Japan
n the
war
of
1904
fter
he
same
orty
yearsof
development
efforts?
The
second
hypothesis
Suggests
hat the
fun.
damental
eason
s
hat
Japan
was
not
satellized
ither
during
he
Tokugawa
or
the
Meiji
period
and
therefore
did
not
have
its
development
structurally
limited
u.
OiO
tt"
countries
which
were
so
satellized'
Acorol laryofthesecondhypothesisisthatwhenthemetropol isrToy:f
from its crisis and re-establisheshe trade and investment ties which fully
re-incorporate
he
satellites
nto
the
system,
r
when
he
metropolis
expands
o
incorpoiate
previously
isolated
regions
into
the
worldwide
system,
the
pre-
vious
development
and
industrialization
of
these
regions
is
choked
off
or
channeled
nto
directions
which
are
not
self-perpetuating
and
promising'
This
happened
fter
each
of
the
five
crises
cited
ibou".
The
renewed
expansion
of
trade
and
the
spreal
of
economic
iberalism
n the
eighteenth
and
nineteenth
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
8/11
34
Development
Studies
centuries
choked
off
and
reversed
he
manufacturing
development
which
atinAmerica adexp"ri"nceJ""r,g rrr .""ilili.ilr"ury,
uno
n
some
races
t
he
beginning
f
rt"
nin"i""n?rr..arter
iiie
nr.,
#.r,0
war,
he
new
ational
industry
of
Brazil
,"ff";;-;
economicinvasion.^rh".in"r"ur"in;";::T;H':?H;r',o*Lf
ffi::Xl
nd
particularly
of
industrializar;;;'
,ir".,gt
out
t-utin
a*erica
was
again
eversed
and
ndustry
became
ncreasingly-rut"rrir"J
uii";;;
Second
World
ar
and
especiary
aiter
the
p.rl-ii"."",
war
recovery
and
expansion
f
the
etropolis'
Far
from
havingbecome
more
develop"o
,ii""-,hen,
industrial
ectors
f
Brazil
apd
most
conspicuously-ot
arg"ntinu-t
uuJi".on,"
structur_
lly
more
no
*,:ra"ro"""'r"ffi,io
,"r.
;"J
i";;l
io g"n"rute
on_
inued
industrialization
and/or
sustain
oernetopmeni;;-t';"o"omy.
This
rocess'
frory
which
India
also
suffers,
s
reflected
n
,-..rror"
gamut
of
alance-of-piyments,
inffationary,-un-o"otrr",
""ono-i. ini potiticar diffi-
ff-,::
and promises o yield to no
,oiution
short
.f
i".-r"".r,ing
structural
Our
hypothesis
uggests
hat
fundamen
-_.,:
.g:;aticar;
-itr,
r,"
,...n.,"fi
ll'.?il
3J.,ffi.
lT::","".fi
nsatellized
esions.
he
expansioti
igu;n..'irr.,
#
"
,i1",,,r"
of
Grear
ritain
nd
he
ntroduction
irii."
iiJ-n.the
interes,
"r
il"l"rirg
groups
f
oth
metropoles
estroyed
he
manufaciuring
nd
much
of
the
remainder
f
he
economic
ase.of
rt"
p."ui*riiletativety
prosperous
nterior
armost
ntirely'
Manufacturing.
ai
aestry/rla
y
foreign
competition,
ands
were
aken
and
concentrated
nto
rurifriiiu
I
an",
apaciousry
rowing
export
conomy'
ntra-resionar
istribution
f
income
ecame
nu"n?or"
unequal,
nd
the
previousli
developing
egtir'u".u-"
simpre
atelrites
f
Buenos
ires
and
throueir
:
:i
f;,;.j..
iir" p-"i"cial centersiJ no, yietd oatellizationith6uta struggre.
nis
metioporis-satelrite
conflict
was
much
f
he
cause
f
the
ong
politic-ar
na
ur-"a
struggre
etween
he
unitarists
n
uenos
ires
and
hi'Federarir,r;;;;;ovinces.
and
t
may
be
said
o
have
een
he
sole
mportant
ause
f
the
war
of
the
Triple
Ailiun""
in
which
uenos
ires,
Mlntevideo.
"o
nioi"'j
Lo
do
,
o
"'
'ov"J
o
o
n v
r'
"
u
o
no',
l,if,
;
fJ',1"oll-tji.::il'jffii,:l
uay
ut
k'red
off
nearty
tt
or
ts
p;;;-i;rir"
unw'ring
o give
n.
Though
his
s
o
doubt
he
most
pectacurar
.,,rn'pr.
ii.h
tends
"
""#r,n
iireiypothesis,I
elieve
hat
historicar
esearch
J-il
,;;"lrization
"i;;;;i""rry
rerativery
ndependent
eoman-fa'ing
unJin"ip-i#
-unufacturing
egions
uch
s
he
aribbean
srands
it
confirfir
l
f#;;
ihese
regions
id
not
have
chancegainst
he
forces
of
expanding
nd
oevetoping
apitarism,
nd
heir
own
evelopment
ad
o besicrificei to tt ritt otir"ri. rri"
"".".-l
u"o ndustryfArgentina
,Brazir,and
ther
o"";;;
iuri.n
rruu"
xperienced
he
effects
f
7
See
for
instance
Ramiro
Guerra
y
S6nchez,
Azricar^y
probraci,n
en
ras
nt,ras,
2nd
ed.
fi.l:Trlit''
also
ublished
"'
srs"i
"ri
i"ri",yiiin,
coritt"orz
New
Haven:
are
universitv
ri
I
I
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
9/11
which
n some
new
Product
World
the
This
ven
of
f
almost
were
export
unequal,
Buenos
yield
to
much
of
n
o have
n
which
by
his
is
relatively
as
he
a chance
own
ndustry
effects
of
ed.
Thinking
about
Development
3b
metropolitan
ecovery
since
he
Second
world
war
are
today
suffering
much
the same ate, f fortunatelystill in lesserdegree.
-
A third
major
hypothesis
erived
rom
the
metropolis-satellite
tructure
s
that
the
regions
which
are he
most
underdeveloped
nd feudal-seeming
oday
are
he
ones
which
had
the
closest
ies
o
the
metropolis
n
the past.
They
are
the
regions
which
were
he
greatest
exporters
of primary
products
o
and
the
biggest
ources
f capital
or
the
world
metropohjand
werl
abandoned
y
the
metropolis
when
for
one
reason
or
another
business
ell
off.
This
hypotiresis
also
contradicts
he
generally
held
thesis
hat
the
source
of
a region'i
under-
development
s
its isolation
and
ts
pre-capitalist
nstitutions.
This
hypothesis
eems
o
be
amply
confirmed
by
the former
super-satellite
development
nd
present
ultra-underdevelopment
f the
once
sugir-exporting
west
Indies,
Northeastern
Brazil,
the
ex-mining
districts
of Miias
Gerais
n
Brazil,
highland
Peru,
and
Bolivia,
and
the
central
Mexican
statesof Gua-najuato, Zacatecas,and
others
whose
names
were
made
world
famous
cen-
turies
ago
by their
silver.
There
surely
are
no
major
regions
n
Latin
America
which
are today
more
cursed
by
underdevelopment
nd
poverty;
yet
all
of
these
egions,
ike
Bengal
n
India,
onceprovided
he
ife
blood
oi mercantile
and
ndustrial
apitalist
evelopment
in
the
metropolis.
These
egions'
partici-
pation
n
the
development.of
he
world
capitalist
ystem ave
heir,
ahjady
in
their golden
age,
the
typical
structure
of
underdevelopment
f a
capitalist
export
economy.
when
the
market
or
their
sugar
or the
wealth
of theiimines
disappeared
nd
the
metropolis
abandoned
hem
to
their
own
devices,
he
already
existing
economic,
political,
and
social
structure
of
these
regions
prohibited
utonomous
eneration
f
economic
evelopment
nd eft
them
no
alternative
ut
to turn
in
upon
themselves
nd
to
degenerate
nto
the
ultra-
underdevelopment
e find theretoday.
These
onsiderations
uggest
wo
further
and
elated
hypotheses.
ne is
hat
he
latifundium,
rrespective
f whether
t
appears
oday
as
aplantation
or
a hacienda,
was
ypically
born
asa commercial
nterprise
which
created
or
tself
he
nstitutions
which
ermitted
t
to respond
o
increased
emand
n
the world
or national
market
byexpandingthe
mountof
tsland,
apital,
ndlaborandto
ncreasethesupplyof
itsproducts.
The
fifth
hypothesis
s
that
the
atifundia
which
appear
solated,
sub-
sistence-based,
nd
semi-feudal
oday
saw
he
demand
or
ttreii products
or
their
productive
apacity
decline
and hat
they
are
o be ound
principitty
in
the
above-
named
ormer
agricultural
and
mining
export
regions
whose
economic
activity
declined
n general.
These
wo
hypotheses
un
counter
to
the
notions
of most
people,
nd
even
o
the opinions
of some
historians
nd other
students
f the
sub-
ject,
according
o whom
the
historical
oots
and socioeconomic
auses
f Latin
Americanatifundia and agrarian nstitutionsare to be found in the transferof
feudal
nstitutions
rom
Europe
and/or
n economic
depression.
The
evidence
o test
hese
hypotheses
s
not
open
o
easy
general
nspection
and
equires
detailed
analyses
f many
cases.
Nonetheless-,
ome
mportant
confirming
vidence
s available.
The
growth
of the
atifundium
n nineieenth-
century
rgentina
and
cuba
is
a clear
case
n support
of
the fourth
hypothesis
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
10/11
36
Development
Studies
and
can
n
no
way
be
attributed
o
the
transfer
of
feudar
nstitutions
uring
colonial
imes.
The
same
s
evidently
he
case
f
the post-revolutionary
nd
contemporary
esurgence f latifundia,particularlyn the northof Mexico,
which
produce
or
he
American
market,
and
of
similar
nes
n
he
oast
f
peru
and
he
new
coffee
egions
f
Brazil.
The
conversion
f previously
eoman-
farming
aribbean
slands,
uch
s
Barbados,
nto
sugu.-"*fo.trngeconomresa
various
imes
etween
he
seventeenth
nd
wentieth"centuries
nd
he
esulting
rise
of the
atifundia
n
hese
srands
ourd
eem
o
confirm
he
ourth
ypothesis
as
well '
n
Chile,
he
ise
of
the
atifundium
nd
he
creation
f
he
nstitutionsof
servitude
which
ater
came
o
be
called
eudal
occurreo
n
ttre
eigh-t..nth
.ntury
and
have
een
oncrusivery
hown
o
be
he
esult
fand
esponse
o
he
pening
of
a
market
or
chilean
wheat
n
Lima.
Even
he
growth
nd
onsolidation
f
he
latifundium
n
seventeenth-century
Mexico
which
most
expert
tudents
ave
attributed
o
a depression
f
the
economy
aused
y
he
decline
f
mining
nd
shortage
f
Indian
abor
and
o
,
.onr"quent
turning
n
upon
tserf.and
urariza_
tion of the.economy occurredat a time whenurb"an opurutronnd
demand
were
growing,
ood
shortages
ere
acute,
ood
prices
tyr".t.ti"g,
and
hepro-
fitabil ity
f
other
economicactivities
uchas
mining
nd
oreign
rade
ecrining.e
All
of
these
and
other
factors
endered
haciendiagricultui
more
profitabre.
Thus,
even
his
case
would
seem
o
confirm
he
hypoihesi,
r,ut
t
.
g.owth
f he
latifundium
nd
ts
eudal-seeming
onditions
f
servitude
n
Latin
America
as
always
een
and
s
stil l
he
commeicial
esponse
o
ncreased
emand
nd
hat
t
does
not
represent
he
ransfer
r
sun'ival
r
uti"n
nstitutions
hat
have
emarned
beyond
he
reach
of
capitalist
evelopment.
he
emergence
f
atifundia,
hich
today
eally
are
more
or ess
though
ot
entirely)
soi-ated,
ighitlr.n
be
trri-
buted
to
the
causes
dvanced
n
the
fifth
hypothesis
i.e.]
the
decline
f
previously
rofitable
gricultural
nterprises
hose
apital
ur,
und
hor.
un
rently
produced
economic
urplus
tilr
s,
transferred
"tr"r"t "r. uyownersndmerchants ho frequentlyarcthe samepersons
r
families.
esting
his
ypo-
thesis
equires
til l
more
detailed
nalysis,
ome
f
which
have
ndertaken
n
a
study
on
Brazilian
agriculture.r0
-
o
Mario
G-6ngora,
origen
de
ros
'inquilinos'
de
Chite
centrar
(santiago:
Editoriar
Uni-
ersitaria,
1960);
Jean
B-orde
and
uaiio
congora,
Evoruci6rt
de
ra propiedad
urar
n
el
valle
del
puango
(santiago:
nstituro
de
soci"ologia
e
la
Universiduo
i
ir,'.);
srrgio
Seprilveda.
l
ftigo
chileno
en
el
mercado
mundial
santiago:
Editorial
Universitaria,
959).
" woodrow
Borah
makes.depression
he
centerpiece,of
is
explanation
n
.New
Spain
century
of
Depression,'
bero'Americana,
o.35
(Berkeley,
qsrl.
err"EJra;;;;.;irof
turningin
upon
tself
n
the
most
authoritative_study
f
the
uu;".,,
'La
formaci6n
e osgrandes
atifundios
en
M6xico,'
Problemas
gricoras
nduitriates
e
Mexico,
vIII,
No.
1,1956(transratedfromrhe
original
French
and
recently
published
uy
ttre
universrty
of
california
press).
Thedatawhichrovide he basis or my contrary nterpretation
re
supplied
y
these
uthors
hemselves.
his
roblem
s
discussed
n
my
6Con
qu6
modo
oe produccion
onvLrte
u guttinu
,uir.n
huevos
e
oro?'
and
t
is
urther
anarvzed
n
lstu 1.or
rvrexicun
g.rcuttur.
na.,
pi.furutroi'iy
t
,unor.
0
capitalism
and
the
vyth
of
Feudalism
n
s.uriliun
Agricurture,,
n
Capitarism
nd
nder.
developmenr
n
Latin
Amitca.
u( /n .
" Vo
4Po
topo^
,
nnrn,,
",n
,
nJf,rs
"
t '
6
-
7/21/2019 Frank Dev of Under Dev
11/11
nd
eru
f
he
ave
nd
a
the
hat
t
attri-
of
ur-
and
hypo-
n
a
Uni-
rural
en
Sergio
Century
in
tifundios
rom
the
which
This
huevos
de
Under'
Thinking
about
Development
g7
All
of
these
hypotheses
nd
studies
uggest
hat
the
global
extension
nd
unity
of the capitalistsystem, ts monopoly structureand unevendevelopmeni
throughout
ts
history,
and
he resulting
persistence
f
commercial
ather
han
industrial
capitalism
in
the
underdeveloped
world (including
its
most
industrially
advanced
ountries)
deserve
much
more
attention
n
the
study
of
economic
development
nd cultural
change
han
they
have
hitherto
received.
Though
science
and
truth
know
no
national
boundaries
t
is
probably
new
generations
f scientists
rom
the
underdeveloped
ountries
himselves
who
most
need
o,
and
best
can,
devote
he
necessary
ttention
o these
problems
and
clarify
the process
of
underdevelopment
nd development.
t
is their
people
who
in
the
last
analysis
ace
he task
of
changing
hiino
longer
accept-
ableprocess
nd
eliminating
his
miserable
eality.
They
will
not
be
able
to
accomplish
hese goals
by
importing
sterile
stereotypes
rom
the
metropolis
which
do
not
correspond
o
their
satellite
economic eality and do not respond o their liberatingpolitical
needs.
To
change
heir
reality
hey
must
understand
t.
For
this
reason,
hope
hat
better
confirmation
of
these
hypotheses
nd
urther
pursuit
of
the
proiosed
histori-
cal,
holistic,
and
structural
approach
may
help
the
peoples
of
tt"
under-
developed
ountries
o
understand
he
causes
nd
eliminate
he reality
of
their
development
f underdevelopment
nd
heir
underdevelopment
f
deveiopment.
3
David
Booth,
'Marxism
and
Development
Sociology:
Interpreting
the
lmpasse,
Excerpts
rom:
World
Development
13
(71,761-gl
(1gg5)
l.
Dependency
heory
and
the
sociology
ofdevelopment:
ifteen years
after
The
dominant
eature
on
the
horizon
of
radical
development
heory
today
s
undoubtedly
he
decline
and
threatened,
but
nevei
quite
realized,
dis-
appearance
f the
dependency
erspective
s a
widely
aciepted
approach.
refer
ere
o the general
belief,
nfluential
n
research
n a number
oi
parts
of
the
world,that the development roblemsandhence he socialstructures nd
politics
f
less
developed
ountries
are
to
be
understood
rimarily
n
terms
of
the articular
nature
of their
nsertion
nto
the
nternationil
capitalist
ystem
rather
han
n
terms
of
largely
domestic
onsiderations.
ifferent
writeis
n the
dependency
radition
have,
of course,
assigned
ifferent
weights
o the
several
constituent
roperties
of
'dependent'
or
'peripheral'
staius,
emphasizing
top related