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E S S AY

32 B O S T O N R E V I E W

a m e r i ca n d r e a m e r sPeteSeeger,WilliamF.Buckley,Jr.,andpublichistory

William Hogeland

Theeighty-nine-year-oldmusicianandactivistPeteSeeger,whoislargelyresponsibleforconnecting

folkmusictotheAmericanleft,joinedtheCommunistPartyinhistwenties.Seegerhasbeencandid,ifattimesself-serving,abouthisearlysupport forStalin,buttherecentPBS“AmericanMasters”doc-umentaryonSeegerissodisingenuous,whenitcomestohisandtheParty’sactivi-ties,thatitgivesanimpressionof1930scommunismasaprogramfornothingmorethanpeace,equality,anddown-homemusic.TheyoungSeegercomesacrossasacheerleadernotforStalin’sRussia,butonlyforthesortsofsocialreformsanyprogressivemightadvancetoday.

EquallymisleadinginitsportrayalofanunsettlingearlypositionhasbeenpresscoverageofthecareerofWilliamF.Buck-ley,Jr.,whodied inFebruary.Buckleymadehisnamebyprovidingintellectualleadershiptothosewhodidmuch,inthe1940sand’50s,topunishSeeger,otherformerPartymembers,fellow-travelingliberals,andcertainbystanders.Apprecia-tionsofBuckley’scontributiontoconser-vatismblurnothisembraceofMcCarthy-ism—someofhisadmirersremainfairlyproudofthat—buthissupportforwhiteSoutherneffortstopreventblackcitizensfromvoting.

BuckleyandSeegershare,alongwithfake-soundingaccentsandpreppieback-grounds,aproblemthatinspiresforget-fulness,falsification,anddenial intheirsupporters.Firedbyopposedandequallyferventpoliticalpassions,bothmenoncetookactionsthattheirculturalprogenyfinduntenable.

But these twomen—their careersstrangely linked in thehunt forcom-munists, thestruggle forequal rights,andtheemerging“culturewars”ofthepostwarera—areworthyofconsider-ationwithoutair-brushedreminiscence.Theirnamesalonemayevoke,forthosewho lived through it, theanxietyandturmoil thatmarkedAmericanculturalandpolitical lifeduringtheColdWar.MutualhostilitybetweenSeegertypesandBuckleytypesdevolvedonfearsofimminent,world-endinginvasions;plansforpreventingevilfromeverrecurringonamassscale;andstarkdisagreementsoverwhatislegitimatelyAmerican.WhentheSovietUnionwasannexingitsneigh-bors,fillinggulags,andmakingswagger-ingpredictionsofworlddominance,andtheUnitedStateswastopplingelectedleaders in favorof authoritariansandhoundingdomesticdissenters,allamidthestockpilingofnuclearweapons,thedivisionamongAmericanscouldfeel,tothoseonbothsides, likethe lastbattleforhumanity’ssoul.WhatSeegerandBuckley’syouthfulactionsmeantintheir

time,deliberatelyobscuredby today’slionizers,continuestomeansomethingcrucialnow.

PeteSeegerinheritedcommunismfromhisfather,adecisiveeventinthehis-

toryofAmericanvernacularmusicthathasnoplaceinthe“AmericanMasters”doc-umentary.CharlesSeeger,anarch-WASPbohemianbornin1886,taughtmusicologyatHarvardandBerkeley.DuringhistimeinCalifornia,heformedanalliancewiththeInternationalWorkersoftheWorld,orWobblies,anespecially lively labor-organizingeffort,whichplannedglobalworking-classtakeoverthroughone,vast,generalstrike.Soon,likemanyothers,hewasconnectinghisradicalismtothemoretangiblesuccessoftheMarxistrevolutioninRussia.HejoinedtheCommunistPartyandstartedaradicalgroupcalled,intheexcitingnewlingo,theComposersCol-lective,whichencouragedpiecesbyleftcomposerslikeAaronCopelandandMarcBlitzsteinandpublishedamagazinecalledMusical Vanguard.

AmericanleftistslikeCharlesSeegerdidnotinterprettheexpression“interna-tionalcommunism”tomean“Sovietdic-tatorshipandexpansion.”TheysawtheyoungSovietstateasthefirstinaseriesofconcertedrevolutionsthroughwhichworkerswouldtakeownershipofthemeansofproductionandhumankindwouldad-vancetowardafuturewithouttheawfulpovertythatwasdestroyingthelivesofso

manylaborers,blacks,andpoorpeopleinAmericaandelsewhere.Americancommu-nistswantedtobuildahomegrownmove-mentthatwouldbringtogetherfactorylaborers,dirtfarmers,mineworkers,fruitpickers,andsharecroppers.Theyhopedtoshattereliteprivilege,endracediscrimina-tion,anddistributefairlythewealthoftheUnitedStatesandtheworld.

CharlesSeegeralsowantedtoconnectMarx-Leninismtohisowndiscipline.TheWobblieswerefamousforsingingonpicketlines,butSeegerwastrainedinthehighclassicaltraditionandcalledformodernistconcertpieces—inaSovietof-ficial-culturevein—celebratingthework-ers’collectivevirtue.HewrotearticlesonmusictheoryforThe Daily Worker,thepaperthroughwhichthePartyup-datedcommunistsandsympathizersonCommunistInternational,orComintern,policy.Bythelate1920s,andespeciallyinpartnershipwithhissecondwife,thecomposerandmusicologistRuthCraw-fordSeeger,hebeganseeingintraditionalAmericanmusicanartformalreadyownedbythemasses.Folkmusic,Seegerthought,existedoutsidethecorruptionandalien-ationofbourgeoisculture;itneededonlyintegrationwithPartyideologytobecomeameansofworkerempowerment.Bythelate1930s—whenhissonPetewasbe-comingapoliticallypassionateHarvardstudent,andtheGreatDepressionwasdeepeningAmericanleftists’desireforchange—theelderSeegerwasdiscovering

muchofvalueinoldballads,worksongs,blues,andtraditionaldancemusic,stillthrivingmainlyinthesouth.

TheAmericanfolkrevivalwasnot,however,theexclusiveprovinceoftheleft.InEurope,folkcollectingandthepromo-tionoftraditionalartshadlongbeenem-blematicofnationalistpatriotism.IntheUnitedStates,anearlypromoteroffolkmusicwastheinveteratereactionaryHenryFord,whosawthemusicasunsulliedbytheimmigrantandurbancultureshedespisedandthesalaciousnessheassociatedwithjazzandvaudeville.Americanfolkmusicanddance,whichFordbelieved,fancifully,tobeessentiallyAnglo-Saxon,wouldbethemusicalcomponentofthehygienicculturehewantedtopromoteamongworkersinfactorytowns—placeswhere,forthesup-posedgoodoftheworkersandcompanyefficiency,everythingfromlabortoedu-cationtorecreationwastobecontrolledandsupportedbytheowner.Tothatend,Fordinvestedinthefirstfiddlers’contests,communitysings,andsquaredancesfromwhichanimportantstrainoftheAmericanfolkrevivalemerged.

Forleftists,too,folkmusicwasfreeofcorruption,butthatmeantfreeofFord-stylemassproduction,whichwas, intheirview,oppressiveinawaythatSovietmassproductionwasnot.Oldsongsandtunes—whichsomeoftoday’sfolkiesstillimaginebeinghandeddownfromtimeimmemorial inbackcountrycommuni-ties—seemedtoembodytheinherentlycooperativespiritofthepeople,anatu-ralsenseofunion.Tothem,radiopopseemedaestheticallyvapidandsociallyregressive.

Yetmostofthemusicheardinhomesinthesouthernbackcountryactuallyhadrootsincommercialpop—themedicineandminstrelshows,TinPanAlley,Victo-rianparlorsheetmusic,ragtimeandjazz,and,bythe1930s,downmarket“race”and“hillbilly”seventy-eight-rpmrecordingsandclear-channelbroadcastsof“barndance”radioshows.Thegeniusofpeoplelivinginneglectedpartsofcountryoftenlayinadaptingpopmusictocheap,some-timeshandmadeinstrumentsandwhoop-ingitup.Onecanonlywonderwhatthebottleneck-guitar-pickingsharecropperorthefiddlingminer,steepedinafecundmixtureoftraditionandcommercialismoldandnew,mightmakeofthearrivalofaleft-wingacademic,completewithnote-padandgianttaperecorder,eagertopre-servesouthernmusic’ssupposedpurity.

That strangerelationshipbetweenhomemademusicandleftpoliticswasfur-thercomplicatedinthe1930sbychangesinboththeU.S.governmentandtheCo-mintern.In1935Stalinannounced“ThePopularFront”—aworldwidecoalitionofcommunismwithliberalpoliticsthatthe

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Partyhadformerlyexcoriated.AgoalwastorestraintheriseofNazi-alliedfascismatanycost.The Daily Workerstartedencour-agingcommuniststocollaboratewithlib-erals.Manyleftists—someofwhomweredisaffectedbyStalin’snationalismanddictatorshipinRussia—foundaplaceintheNewDealgovernment.AmongthemwereCharlesSeegerandAlanLomax,aleft-wingfolkloristwhogavePeteSeegerajobattheLibraryofCongress.

Butthecoalitionofcommunistsandliberalsdidnotlast.In1939StalinmadeanonaggressionpactwithHitlerandre-pealedthePopularFront,leadingmanytofleethePartyindisgustatthealliancewithfascism.Inthisnewideologicalenvi-ronment,PeteSeeger’scareerblossomed.HavingtraveledintheSouthandbecomeadeptatfive-stringbanjo, theyoungerSeegerputhismusic to theserviceofthenewPartyline,whichnowopposedbothNewDealliberalismandU.S.waragainstGermany.In1940and’41,withtheapprovalandguidanceofPartyelders(againstwhosedictatesSeegersometimeschafed), thegroupthatwouldbecomeknownastheAlmanacSingers,mostno-tablyfeaturingSeegeronbanjoandWoodyGuthrieonguitar,yoked“people’ssongs”tothePartyagendainawaythatneitherthephilosophyofCharlesSeeger,northemusiciansoftheSouthernbackcountry,evercould.AsstarsofParty-inspiredor-ganizing,playingforstrikersandatNewYorkrentparties, theAlmanacSingersinventedthemusicthatleftistshadfailedtofindamongtheactualfolk.

TheAlmanacsgave theold songsnewlyrics,celebratingunionsandmock-ingFDRasawarmonger.(InhisbookWhere Have All the Flowers Gone,Seegerisrefreshinglyself-deprecatingabouthis“peace”verses’doggerelandthinsatire.)Theybeganthevogueforwearingworkclothes—overalls,jeans,denimshirts—todenotemembershipinthepeople.Accord-ingtoJoeKlein,inhisdefinitivebiogra-phyofWoodyGuthrie,theyadoptedfakeSouthernaccentsandconcoctedbiogra-phiesofhardtravel.MostimportantlyforAmericanmusic,TheAlmanacsinvestedtheirsound,whichwasfarsmootherthantherealthing,withamoodofauthenticitythattherealfolkneveraspiredto.Headsthrownback andmouthswideopen,strummingand“singingout”withrous-ing,clean-cutintensity,theyconjuredacommunistAmericanfuturethatwasafantasyoftheruralAmericanpast.

SeegerwasplayingarentpartyinJuneof1941whensomebodyrushedinwiththenews:GermanyhadinvadedRussia.Thepactwasbroken.Anotherreversalof theParty line immediatelyensued.TothereliefandbemusementoftheAl-manacs,theywerenowrequiredtosingagainstHitler.Inhisbook,SeegerrecallshishilariouslyrushedconversationwithGuthrieabouthowtoadjusttosupportingChurchill.“‘Why,Churchillsaid“Allsup-porttothegallantSovietallies!”’‘Isthisthesameguywhosaidtwentyyearsago,“WemuststrangletheBolshevikinfantinitscradle!”?’‘Yep.Curchill'schanged.Wegotto!’”Seeger,Guthrie,andtheAlma-nacsstartedwritingandsingingpro-warsongsfullofglibjingoismthatmayhavesurpassed,forsheerdumbness,theiranti-warditties:“RoundandroundHitler’sgrave/RoundandroundIgo.”

Forsixmonths,thegroupralliedtheU.S.toenterthewar,perthePartyline.Then,withthebombingofPearlHarborinDecemberandthedeclarationofwar,theybegansingingrah-rahsongsforvictory.SoonSeegerwasintheArmyandGuthriewasamerchantmarinerandthepre-warphaseofSeeger’scareer,andoftheAmeri-canfolkrevival,cametoanend.

Themajor themeof thedocumen-taryisthe lifelongconnectionbetweenSeeger’smusicandhissocialactivism.Yetiterasesthatconnection’sformativemoment—formativenotonlyforSeeger,butalsoforleftistpoliticsandAmericanmusic.EvenapassingreferencetoCharlesSeeger’sradicalismwouldseempertinenttoPeteSeeger’searlydevelopmentasbothartistandactivist.Trulydisastrous,though,arethefewmomentsthatpurporttodealwithPeteSeeger’scommunism.WeseefootageofHitler,andthenseeSeeger,inarecentinterview,recallingcollegiateargumentsoverwhattodoaboutNazism.Somearguedforpacifism,Seegersays,but“communistssaidthewholeworldshouldquarantinetheaggressor.AndIthoughttheywereright.”SnippetsofSeeger'sin-terviewsthengetstitchedintoahastyandvacuoussummaryofhisPartyactivities.Overastillofan“InternationalofYouth”pamphlet,whichgiveswaytoashotofHarvard’sgates,Seeger’svoiceoverruns:“IendedupjoiningtheYoungCommu-nistLeague,andletmymarksslip,andIlostmyscholarshiptoHarvard.Fewyearslater,”—nowoverastillofyoungSeegerplayingforadance,withagroupsinging“SolidarityForever”inthebackground—“justbeforeWorldWarTwo,IthinkI—”cuttingbacktoSeegerbeinginterviewed“—actually joinedandbecameacard-carryingmember.”Overfootageofcom-munistpicketers,hesays:“Iwasagainstracediscrimination,andCommunistswereagainstracediscrimination.Iwasinfavorofunions,andCommunistswereinfavorofunions.”

That’sprettymuchallthefilmhastosayabouttheroleofcommunismandglobalpoliticsinSeeger’searlymusicandcareer.TheAlmanacSingersareintroducedoverstillsofhandbillsfortheirperformances(onereads“leadingAmericanBalladeersinaprogramofsongsforpeace”),followedbyastillofthegroupitself,withSeegersayinginchoppyvoiceover:“ThegoaloftheAlmanacs—ifanybodyasksus—‘wewanttobuildasinginglabormovement.’Butwe’dbarelygotstartedonthat jobbeforeWorldWarTwobrokeout.”Then,overastillofpeoplereadingaboutthePearlHarborattackinnewspapers,andafaint,cracklingvoiceoversaying“Re-memberPearlHarbor,”Seegersays,“Alltheideaofstrikesandeverything[acutoramumble],‘afterthewariswon,thenwecanthinkaboutthat.’”

Intheedit,thereisnomentionoftheParty’sdecisiverole,whichhadSeegersingingagainstthewar,thenhadhimsing-inginfavorofit,wellbeforePearlHarbor.Lostwithallsalientfactisanyfeelingforthehighpoliticalemotionoftheperiod.NoristhereanymentionofStalinorthepact,althoughSeegerhimselfhasnotbeenafraidtodiscusstheseissuesbefore.Whenhesays,forexample,thatthecommunistswantedtoquarantineHitler,heisprob-ablyrevivinganargumenthemadeinhisbook:thegreatpowerswereactuallyhoping

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HitlerwouldknockoutcommunistRussia;whenambassadorLitvinovasked,inthelate1930s,foraplantobottleHitlerup,theliberaldemocraciesturnedtheirbacks.WhilesomemighttakeamorecriticalviewofStalin’shopeforquarantine,inthebookSeegerismakingapointwithabasisinfact.AnauthorizedbiographybyDavidKingDunaway(whoappearsasatalkingheadinthefilm)presentstheyoungSeegerasunhappyaboutthepactbuttakinga“wait-and-seeattitude.”Asrecentlyaslastyear,inawidelypublishedlettertotheconservativeRonaldRadosh,Seegerdiscussedhisdelu-sionsaboutStalin.

In the filmSeeger’scommentsbe-comemeaningless.Hisdeclarationthatstrikeswouldhavetowaituntilafterthewaronlymakessenseinacontextthatthefilmcannotgive,asdoingsowouldrevealSeeger’stailoringhismusictoCommu-nistPartyinstructions.WhenFDRaskedU.S.laborunionsforawartimeno-strikepledge,thenon-communistpartoforga-nizedlaborgaveit.SignificantforSeeger’scareeristhattheCominternsentwordtotheradicalendofthelabormovementtosupporttheno-strikepledgetoo.SeegermighthavehadsomethinginterestingtosayaboutambiguitiesinPartylaborpolicy.Dunaway’sbiographysuggests thathefoundtheParty’ssupportfortheno-strikepledgefrustrating:strikerswereakeyAl-manacsaudience.

WhatSeegerhassaidbeforeabouttheAlmanacs’anti-warstance,theknee-jerkrelationshiptoPartyprescriptions,andhisownsupportofStalinareallabsent.Cleansingthestoryofanythingpossiblyupsettingorevennuanced,thefilmmak-ersmustbehopingtocertifySeeger,de-spite formerSovietattachments,asanunimpeachablygreatAmericanculturalfigureof thekindoftencelebratedonPBS“AmericanMasters.”Gainedatthecostoffalsehood,certificationnotonlydoesnogood,itweakensourgrasponthetruth.Thereprobablywillnotbeanotherwell-funded,closelyresearched,carefullyedited,widelybroadcastdocumentaryonPeteSeeger,completewith interviews.Thisonehasfailedeachoftheastonishingthingsitpurportstocelebrate:thefolkre-vival,Americanactivists’passions,thepastcentury’sidealisms,andthelong,strangecareerofPeteSeeger.Thefilmdegradesourunderstandingoftheman,hisideas,andhisera.

WilliamF.Buckley, Jr.,whodiedthisyearateighty-two,enjoyeda

busyandinfluentialcareerasthemostfamousgalvanizerofAmericanconserva-tivethought.BuckleymadeThe National Review—themagazinehefounded,edited,andpublished—akindofthinktankforpostwarconservativeideology.Initspages,heandhisideologicalcompatriotschampi-onedstrictlylimitedgovernment,assertivelawenforcement,rollbackofthewelfarestate,freemarkets,andceaselesswaroncommunismathomeandabroad.Asare-sult,friendsandfoesalikehavecreditedhimlatelywithendingliberalism’sintel-lectualhegemony,whichprevailedintheU.S.politicalestablishmentfromFDR’saccessionin1932until1968,thebitterendoftheJohnsonadministration.

TheyoungBuckley’shopeslaypartlyinknockingoutthethen-vibrantliberalwingoftheRepublicanParty.AsGeorge

Will,oneofthemanyleadingconservativewriterswhoonceworkedatThe National Review,eulogizedhiminThe Washington Post:“BeforetherecouldbeRonaldRea-gan’spresidency,therehadtobeBarryGoldwater’scandidacy.Itmadeconser-vatismconfidentandplacedtheRepub-licanPartyinthehandsofitsadherents.BeforetherecouldbeGoldwater’sinsur-gency,therehadtobeNational Reviewmagazine.”

Theaccelerationofconservatismin-volvesanirony:inthemagazine’swidelyquotedinauguralessay,Buckleydescribedthepublicationstanding“athwarthistory,yellingStop.”Hewantedtostopthemod-erntendencyofgovernmenttoengageinwhathecalled“radicalsocialexperimen-tation”intheformofsuchthingsastheNewDealandtheUnitedNations,whichhesawasproductsofamoralrelativismthathadbecomemonolithicinthehallsofAmericanpower.Whathemostwantedto

stopwastoleranceforwhatheconsideredmodernerror’sextremeform,theMarx-Leninistviewofhumanity’sadvancement,throughphilosophicallydiscerniblestages,towardaconditionofperfectequalityfosteredbyanall-powerfulstate.LikeCharlesandPeteSeeger,BuckleylookedtotheSovietUnionasthefulfillmentofanidea—onethathecalledsatanic.

BuckleyoftenreferredtotheSovietempirebyasingleword,“gulag.”OnTVinthe1960sand’70she’dpurrthesec-ondsyllable,eyebrowsshootingpasthishairlinetoshow-stoppingeffect.Bythen,almosteverybodywaslookingattheSo-vietUnioninmoodsrangingfromconcerntofearandloathing.PeteSeegerquittheCommunistPartyinthelate1940s.Evenheandmuchofhisprewarcohorthadgrownpainfullyawareoftheawfulop-pressionimposedonRussiansandmoreandmoreEuropeans.TheIronCurtain,asChurchilldubbedit,hadfallen; the

nuclearbuilduphadbegun;Soviettankshadrolled.Internationalcommunismnowmeant,flagrantly,Soviettakeoveroftheworld,including,inthefamouswordsofPresidentKhrushchev,thegrandchildrenofAmericans.Today,Khrushchev’swordsmayseemdefensivebraggadocio.Fewtookthemthatwayatthetime.

ToBuckleyandlikemindedothers,thesocialistthreattoAmericanlibertylaynotonlyinmassiveprogramslikeSocialSe-curity,butalsointheNewDealpracticeofgivinggovernmentjobstosemi-secretcommunistsandmoreopen“fellowtrav-elers”—theAlanLomaxesandCharlesandPeteSeegersand,moreseriously,theircounterpartsinsectorsinvolvingnationalsecurity.Afterthewar,communistswereofficiallyincludedamongsubversivesseek-ingtobring,inthewordsoftheMcCarranActof1950,“totalitariandictatorship”totheUnitedStates.Partymembersandoth-ershadlongbeeneagerlyacceptinginstruc-tionsfordomesticrevolutionfromapolicestatewithwhichtheU.S.nowvergedonwhatseemedawarforthefutureofhuman-ity.HavingquitthePartywasnodefense,hencethefamousquestion“areyounoworhaveyoueverbeen...?”

DespitehisavowedreservationsaboutSenator JosephMcCarthy, theyoungBuckleygavestrongsupport,asdidmuchoftheliberalestablishment(inBuckley’sviewweaklyandperhapsinsincerely),forwhatMcCarthyandtheHouseUn-Ameri-canActivitiesCommitteedefinedasahuntforRussianspies,Partymembers,andcommunistsympathizersingovernment,entertainment,thearts,andbusiness.

Buckley’s inaugural essay forThe National Reviewascribedsuchgreatandentrenchedpowertoliberalism,andsuchfrailtytonascentconservativism,thatevensmall successescouldbegreetedwithshoutsofastonishedjoy.Andfewwouldnowdeemconservativesuccessessmall.WhilewelfareandentitlementprogramsthatBuckleyitesattackedappearlikelytosurvive,theambitiousyoungBuckleyofthe1950sturnedouttobeon,andtoplayapartindetermining,whatsomeconsiderthewinningsideofhistory.

Butinonearea—thecivilrightsmove-ment—Buckleyconservativesweredeci-sivelynotonthewinningside.“WhytheSouthMustPrevail”isthetitleofa1957editorialbyBuckleyaddressingeffortstoenforcefederallawsensuringblackstheabilitytovote.Thepiecearguedinpart:

TheNAACPandothers insistthattheNegroesasaunitwantintegratedschools.Othersdisagree,contendingthatmostNegroesapprovethesocialseparationoftheraces.WhatiftheNAACPiscorrect,andthemattercomestoavoteinacom-munityinwhichNegroespredominate?TheNegroeswould,accordingtodemo-craticprocesses,wintheelection;butthatisthekindofsituationtheWhitecom-munitywillnotpermit.TheWhitecom-munitywillnotcountthemarginalNegrovote.Themanwhodidn’tcountitwillbehauledupbeforeajury,hewillpleadnotguilty,andthejury,upondeliberation,willfindhimnotguilty.Afederaljudge,inasimilarsituation,mightfindthedefendantguilty,ajudgmentwhichwouldaffirmthelawandconformwiththerelevantpoliti-calabstractions,butwhoseconsequencesmightbeviolentandanarchistic.

Thecentralquestionthatemerges—anditisnotaparliamentaryquestionora

WhenthemoonComesup

DearSufficiency,perhapsyou’llloseyourbestfriend,partner,apartmentMaybethepowergridfails—plant,quadruped,bird,sea,earth,air,soundAndunderpain,pleasure.MaybejuicedrippingfromaveinwillnotoccurInjured,alone,onceyouwereafraid,nowyouknow:withinpresence

Epiclies.Saltandbasalt,treeandlichen,ape,sea-lion,bird,reptileFifteenmillionpurchasedLouisianainthefulltideofsuccessfulexperimentNowcapableofunlimitedexpansionfromCanada’sbordertothemouthOftheMississippi,fromtheGreatRivertoShiningMountainsalmost

Oregon,fromMissouritostatesnowcalledAbandoned,overnightWedoubled,airportsclosed.Toscythe,regret,abolish,refuseTherighttosleep,yourwhitesadnesstothingsindifferentseemsAbominableornecessary,beingneither,astreesorsheeptonight-walkers

Haveunpropershape.Tumultsre-electJefferson.Master,I’llbeplain.Mypoemscanbefoundinrecentorforthcomingeditionsofthe15,000VolumesloadedatMonticello,thelargestinAmerica,hand-collectedWithammunition.Whatfarmer,whatmechanic,whatlaborereversees

Atax-gatherer?MostcitizensknoworangessqueezedthroughmesharebestGrowninclay,lime,gravel,orgranite,deceptivelyfairweathergivenThedevastatingrumors,partmoonlittreachery,partgracecallssalineIntotheWest.DearCaptainLewis,dearLieutenantClark,evenathreat

BadlymaderusheslikeacometintothePacificaswhentherearisesAnew,irregularmeter.Althoughyoucoulddonothingtowardsitsbegetting.WhenIconsiderhowmuchofyourlifecanfallIfindelegies,continualTempestswhereonefoothathovertakenanother,everydeclension

Accompaniedbyleaks.Thusarrivesthesnow,theopal-coloreddaysAs,irritatedbynoliteraryaltercation,Iread:“HereliestheRepublicWhoseschemeofrepresentationopensadifferentprospect,promisesAcure.”JohnAdams.ImaginenothavingtoapologizefortheUnitedStates.Lethistorydecidewhichmattersmost,theweedsortheearth.

—Barbara Claire Freeman

35

questionthatisansweredbymerelycon-sultingacatalogueoftherightsofAmeri-cancitizens,bornEqual—iswhethertheWhitecommunityintheSouthisentitledtotakesuchmeasuresasarenecessarytoprevail,politicallyandculturally,inareasinwhichitdoesnotpredominatenumeri-cally?Thesoberinganswer isYes—theWhitecommunityissoentitledbecause,forthetimebeing,itistheadvancedrace.

Atthetime,BuckleyhadbeeneditingThe National Reviewforonlytwoyears,havingfoundedhismagazineattwenty-nine.Thoughtheeditorial isunsigned,therecanbelittledoubtthatitishiswork:editorialpolicywashisdomain;moretell-ingly,itsidiosyncraticblendofeleganceandprovocationwasalreadybecomingaBuckleytrademark.

TheNational Reviewwouldrejecttheveryterm“civilrightsmovement”as“ludi-crous,”insistinginsteadon“theNegrore-volt”aslateas1964.Notonlydidtheefforttokeepblacksfromvotingfail,Buckley’scarefullyarticulatedjustificationforille-gallydenyingthemthevotefailedtoo,soutterlythattoday’sBuckleyites,celebratingthegreatsweepoftheman’spervasiveinflu-ence,can’tseemtorecallathingaboutit.

TheNew York Times obituarydidmention,briefly,thatBuckleysupportedthesegregationistSouthonthegroundsofwhiteculturalsuperiority.Moretypicalofmainstreamassessmentwasthelongsum-mationofBuckley’scareerinNewsweek,whichsaidonlythatBuckley“tolerated”segregationandsupportedwhitesouth-erners’“protesting.”Thatcharacteriza-tion,misleadinginitsvagueness,softenstheconservativepositiononintegration—thedefiningissueoftheday,alongwiththeColdWar.ReadersofrecentarticlesonBuckley’scareercouldbeforgivenforhavingnoideathatThe National ReviewdescribedMartinLutherKingJr.asa“rabble-rousingdemagogue”whotaught“anarchyandchaos”andidentifiedinte-grationwithSovietcommunism.

Themore textured, less temperatediscussionofBuckley’spoliticsdevel-opedonline,wheresomebloggersandcommentersloudlycelebratedBuckley’sdeathastheendofanevilphony,whomsomecalled,amongotherthings,aracist,citingpartofthe’57editorial.Buckleyfansrespondedthatthecivil-rightsposi-tionwasaglaringexceptiontoatough,notbigotedprogram;thatthepositionamountedtostates-rightsadvocacy,notracism;thatBuckleylatertookamoreen-lightenedview(Newsweeksaidthattoo);andthathe’dacknowledgedandtakenre-sponsibilityforhiserror.ManydefenderscitedBuckley’sanswertoaquestionina2004Timeinterview:“Haveyoutakenanypositionsyounowregret?”Buckley’san-swer:“Yes.IoncebelievedwecouldevolveourwayupfromJimCrow.Iwaswrong:federalinterventionwasnecessary.”

ThereBuckleyadmitstohavingbeenwrongaboutapositionfardifferentfromtheonehetookin"WhytheSouthMustPrevail,"quotedabove,whichassertsaright—evenaduty—ofsouthernwhitestopreserveJimCrow,onthebasisofthewhiterace'ssupposedlygreateradvance-ment.WhileBuckley'sessaymaythere-forestrikereaderstodayastypicalof1950sracistobjectionstocivil-rightslegislation,itsimpactlayinhowsharplyitdeparted

fromthetypical,whichcanberevisitedinastatementbyRobertByrd,todayaU.S.Senatorandin1945atwenty-eight-year-oldmemberoftheKuKluxKlan:"RatherIshoulddieathousandtimes,"youngByrdsaid,inthecadencesthathavelatelymadehimadarlingofanti–IraqWarliberals,"andseeOldGlorytrampledinthedirtnevertoriseagain,thantoseethisbelovedlandofoursbecomedegradedbyracemongrels,athrowbacktotheblackestspecimenfromthewilds."ThatcommentappearedinalettertothesegregationistSenatorandformerGovernorofMississippiTheodoreBilbo,alsoaKlansman,whowroteabookentitledTakeYour Choice, Separation or Mongrelization,andfilibusteredananti-lynchingbillbyinvokingthe“bloodoftherapedandoutrageddaughtersofDixie.”(AperioddittysungbyPeteSeegerwascalled“Listen,Mr.Bilbo”—“Well,youdon't likeNegroes,youdon't likeJews,/Ifthereisanyoneyoudolike,itsureisnews.”)WearingwhitesheetsandfollowingExaltedCyclopsesandGrandWizards,theKlandidnotmakesustainedargumentsinpolishedprose.Asanti-intellectualastheywereanti-black,JimCrowsupporterscouldbereadilydismissedbyeducatedliberalsandmadeunappealingalliesforeducatedconservatives.

UntilthearrivalofBuckley.His1957essay,amasterpieceofintellectualagilityandverbalconfidence,soundedlikeThe New Republic,notThe Fiery Cross.Theessay'soccasionwastherecentsuccessofSenateconservativesinpreventingpassageoflegislationthatwouldhaverequiredfed-eraljudges,notjuries,torenderverdictsinprosecutionsofpoliticaloperativeswhofailedtocountblackvotes.Thelawwasmeanttohamperwhite juries' tenden-ciestofreesuchdefendantsregardlessofevidence.AstrikingfeatureoftheessayisBuckley'soutrightsupportforjurynulli-fication.Evenmoredaringlyheidentifiesarightforwhitesoutherners,whenintheminority,to“takesuchmeasuresasarenecessarytoprevail.” Hepresentsthatrightasbeyondthelaw,whichheassociateswith“politicalabstractions,”andbeyondeventheConstitution,whichhecallsnotadequatetocopewithissuesraisedbyJimCrowandthestruggleagainstit.

Buckleyismakingthekindof“natu-rallaw”argumentforrightstranscendingcharterandlegislationthatlate-18th-cen-turyAmericansmadeagainsttheBritishParliament'sincursionsontheirliberties.ItwasacasethatBilboandByrd,sunkinhysteriaandignorance,neededaYalemantomakeforthem.Insteadofdenyingorglossingovertheconsequenceofthebill'sdefeat,Buckleyannouncesit:“Theeffectofitis—andletusspeakaboutitbluntly—topermitajurytomodifyorwaivethelaw.”Buckleycallsthesupposedfactthatwhitesaremorallyentitledtoprevailbyanymeansnecessarya“sobering”one,admitsthatitis“unpleasanttoadducestatistics”provingthewhiteracesuperior(anddoesnotactu-allydoso),andappealstothebetterangelsofsouthernnature,closingwithaveiledthreatthat,iftheSouthdoesnotbehaveasBuckleyexpectsitto,hissupportmayhavetobewithdrawn:

[TheSouth]mustnotexploit the factofNegrobackwardnesstopreservetheNegroasaservileclass. It istemptingandconvenienttoblocktheprogressof

A M E R i C A N D R E A M E R S

M AY / J U N E 2 0 0 8

E SS AY

3� B O S T O N R E V I E W

aminoritywhoseservices,asmenials,areeconomicallyuseful.LettheSouthneverpermititselftodothis. Solongasit ismerelyassertingtherighttoimposesupe-riormoresforwhateverperiodittakestoeffectagenuineculturalequalitybetweentheraces,andsolongasitdoessobyhu-maneandcharitablemeans,theSouthisinstepwithcivilization,asistheCongressthatpermitsittofunction.

ThatistheevolutionBuckleywascall-ingforin1957:notthat"wecouldevolveourwayupfromJimCrow,"ashesaidin2004,butthat"theNegro"might,duringsomeperioddeterminedandoverseenbythesuperiorrace,evolveupwardfromthebackwardnessthathadmadeJimCrownotonlypermissiblebutnecessary.

WhilethisearlyentryischaracteristicofBuckley’s lifelongapproachtoargu-ment,hisfansandprotégéscannotclaimandcelebrateit,becauseitsmostimpor-tanttheme—aboutwhichBuckleyisalsoblunt,andwhichbearsonhisconservatismasawhole—comesdowntothethree-partstatementthatundergirdstheessayandthatfewconservativestodaywouldwanttoaffirm:

Theclaimsofcivilizationsupersedethoseofuniversalsuffrage . . . If themajor-itywillswhatissociallyatavistic,thentothwartthemajoritymaybe,thoughun-democratic,enlightened. . .sometimesthenumericalminoritycannotprevailex-ceptbyviolence:thenitmustdeterminewhethertheprevalenceofitswillisworththeterriblepriceofviolence.

Civilizationoverdemocracy,evenatthecalculated,possibly tragicpriceofviolence,takenupmoreinsorrowthaninangerandthenfoughttothefinish.ThatisthestancewithwhichBuckleybegancreatingapersonathatmaybeuniqueinourculturalhistory.Buckleyordainedhimself the leisure-classwarrior-phi-losopher,rousedtomilitancybyubiqui-tousbarbarism,defendingonbehalfofconservatismnotmereintellectbutthehighestculturalsophisticationandre-finement.Thatpersonawouldmakehimnotonlyaconservativeleaderbutalsoahouseholdname.OnhisTVshow“Fir-ingLine,”whichranfrom1966to1999,hedidtheeasternestablishmentonebet-ter,atonceaparodyandepitomeofup-per-crustmanner,withanover-the-tophot-potatodrawlthatmadeFDRsoundsalt-of-the-earth.Buckley’sperfectlyphrasedinsultsandlanguorouspolysyl-laberymadehimthepop-culturemodelof intellectual,cultural,andverbalad-vancement,anunflappableconnoisseur,guardianof thebestever thoughtandsaidbyman.Delightinginthejoysofra-tionality,beauty,hierarchy,imagination,humor,andawe,asexpressedespeciallyinthemusicofBach,heseemedcalledfromhisfigtreebyanAtheniansenseofcitizenship,battlingtopushbackboththemobandtheweak-willedmob-enablerswhowereruiningthecivilizationthathadproducedhisowngorgeousness.

Henceacontradiction,whichseemstohavebecomeevidenttoBuckleyearlyon:Southernworkingmenouttoprevent“mongrelization”madepoorexemplarsofadvancedculture.Soonhewaslettinggoofhishopesforthewhitesouth.

Atafamous1965OxfordUnionDe-

batewithJamesBaldwin, forexample,fightingwhatwasalreadya rearguardactiononcivilrights,BuckleytooktheopportunitytoargueagainstwholesalecondemnationofAmericancivilizationforfailingtoliveuptowhatBuckleynowcalleditshighestideals.Heaverredthateverybodyagreedthatraceprejudiceisevil;accusedthecivil-rightsmovementofnolongerseekingequalitybutthere-gressionofthewhiterace(thoughhealsocontinuedtocallslowprogressonequalrightsnecessary);announcedthatiftheissuemustcometoracewar,hewaspre-pared(echoingChurchillforhisOxonianaudience)tofightitonthebeaches,inthehills, inthemountains;andsuggested,foralaugh,thatwhathereallyobjectedtowasanyuneducatedsoutherner,blackorwhite,beingallowedtovote.Thatjokedistilledanunusualmixofstates-rightspopulismandupper-classprerogativeputforthatlength,thatsameyear,byJamesJ.KilpatrickinThe National Review:fed-eralismwillbedestroyedunlessstatesarefreetoimposevotingqualifications,butthosequalificationsmustdiscriminateequally,notonthebasisofrace.

It is not clear what requirementsBuckleythoughtpoorblacksandpoorwhites below the Mason-Dixon lineshouldfulfill,orbedeniedaccesstothefranchise.WhatisclearisthatBuckley’slaterthinkingonintegrationwasnot,ashisdefendersclaim,aturnaboutonracebutaretreattoamorelogicallyconsistentsnobbism.The National Review lost itsall-outfightsagainstschoolintegrationandtheVotingRightsandCivilRightsActs,butracelongremainedadefiningconservative issue.Amongmanyexam-

plesisa1969columninwhichBuckleyhymnedtheresearchofArthurJensenonraceandIQ ,whichshowedblackstest-inglowerthanwhitesonabstractreason-ingskills,afindingfromwhichBuckleydeducedaracialimperviousnesstoim-provementbyeducation.Inthe1970sThe National ReviewpersistentlydefendedapartheidSouthAfricaonthesamebasisthatithadoncedefendedJimCrow.

AlegacyofBuckley’sdevelopmentonraceistoday’sconservativeoppositiontoprogramslikeaffirmativeaction.Nobodytodaybasesthatoppositiononadutytopreservewhiteprivilegeandpreventan-archy;opponentsjumpthroughhoopstoshowdedicationtoequalityanddemoc-racy.Yetcriticismofaffirmativeaction,howeveraltereditstone,isadirectinheri-toroftheideologicalcontributionsBuck-leymadetoconservatisminthe1950s.Today'spositionrepresentsafallback,notabreak,fromBuckley'searlyideas,whichwerenever renounced,onlydefeated.Theimportantissueisnotthepossiblepersistenceofracist ideas inBuckley’sownthinkingbutmodernconservatives’huge—andhugelyconvenient—erasure,whenitcomestorace,oftheintellectualoriginsofmodernconservatism.

Seeger and Buckley were roman-tics.When theywereyoung, and

without regard forconsequence, theybroughtcharisma,energy,andcreativitytodreamingupworlds theywanted—possiblyneeded—to live in.Becausetheymadethoseworldsseemsorealandbeautifulthatotherpeoplewantedtoliveinthemtoo,theybecamelarger-than-lifecharacters,instantlyrecognizablealong

Hover,Coo

Thisdreamofabirdstrange,tangledup.Ahybrid:abuntingandanowlwiththosesadweteyes,clackingbill,moony

face,featheredwithalltheshadesofindigo,lichen,gray,lazulirainbowofoilasifdippedin,iridescent,paintedlikesusans

andpredatory,ofsongandcoyness,perch,aflit,hover,barkacooacry,warble,anundulatingsigh.Thisbirdtangled,netted,

istrappedagainstthescreenclinging,panting,canflybutwithoutjoy,cansee,butthroughacloud,afog

ofitsownbreathing.Carnivore,youwanttoputitinyourmouth.Justaslipof,apocketof,anenvelopeofskin,feather,bone.

Hypnotizewithsmoothingthewild,thefussingandgnashing.Itsfeetunperchanditsleeps,unblinkingother,uncanny

whentheunrealbecomesreal.Pluckthesuffocationout.Laythebirddowninascatteringofdun-coloredleaves

whichthenbecomebird,likeanimationbutmoreadreambroughttolife,thefrighteningofwhatisknownandlongfamiliar.

—Frances Justine Post

wayoff,notquiterealcloseup,andneverquitegrownupevenwhenold.Hence,perhaps,theirdecisiveinfluence.SeegergaveAmerican folkmusicapurisminnowayessentialtoit,afunctionofNewEnglandabstemiousnessinSeeger’sownmakeup,whichalsoconnectedhimtoSovietcommunism.TheSovietUnionisgone,butourmusicwillnevershakethepurism.Seegeroncesaid,withwitandaccuracy,“I’mmoreconservativethanGoldwater.Hejustwantedtoturntheclockbacktowhentherewasnoin-cometax.Iwanttoturntheclockbacktowhenpeoplelivedinsmallvillagesandtookcareofeachother.”Thoseyearn-ingsbeganinhisfather’sdreamsforthefuture,butitwasadreamaboutthepastthatmadehimPeteSeeger.InBuckley’sdream,somebodyisgoingtoliveinthecastleabovethevillage—betterforevery-bodythatitbehe.Thateachinhisownwaydreamedsouthward,withfatefulre-sults,madethemromanticsinaspecialAmericantradition.

An importantdifferencebetweenSeegerandBuckleyisthatSeegersufferedforhisbeliefs.Thefilm’sinnocenceabouthisStalinistprovocationsaside,hebravelyriskedjailbyrefusingtoanswersomeofHUAC’squestions;hewasblacklisted,hiscareerruinedforalongtime.ThefilmshowshisconcertsbeingangrilypicketedbyYoungAmericansforFreedom—Buck-ley’sorganization.YeteveninSeeger’spersecutionliesatellingreminderofwhatthetwomenshared:asensethattherearecertainrightsofwhichonlythequestingindividualhimselfcanbearbiter.WhenrefusingtogivenamestoHUAC,SeegerchosenottorelyonhisFifthAmendmentrightagainstself-incrimination,claiminginsteadatranscendentliberty,thatofas-sociation,whichhecouldnotprovebutbelievedwasnatural,pre-existinganyclaimsmadebyacommitteeoffederalgovernment.

LiberalsmayconcurincallingSeeger’sStalinismromantic, ifunfortunate(al-though“AmericanExperience”viewersarenotsupposedto;theStalinismisnotsupposedtoexist).Butliberalsmayalsofeelthat“romantic”softensthevirulenceofBuckley’sraceideas,lettinghimofftooeasily.Buckleyites,fortheirpart,cannotcallsegregationismromantic,sincetheyhave left itscentral importanceoutoftheirstory—andtheyarelikelytofeelthattheadjectiveunderstatestheevildonebySeeger’sSovietloyalties.Eachsideinthisstoryhasbecomeadeptnotonlyatfalsi-fyingitsownnarrativebutalsoatpickingaparttheother’sfallaciestoexposevenalmotives.Itisunfortunatethateachside,inaccusingtheotherofbadfaith,sooftenseemstoberight.

Buckley’s andSeeger’s sharedat-tractiontoextremesdidhavetheeffectofcondoningawfulcrimes:lynchingofblacksandmurderofcivil-rightsworkersontheonehand,Stalin’smassmurderontheother.Sortingoutkindsanddegreesofawfulnessisasproblematicasdetermin-ingwhethercondoningthosecrimesalsocontributedtothem.(Thementhemselvesremainedprofessionallyinnocent.)Moreimportantisthatthetwowerefarfromalone.Foriftheirdreamswerenotourdreamstoo,wewouldneverhaveheardthenamesPeteSeegerandWilliamF.Buckley,Jr.©

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