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Moore 1

Cross‐CulturalPerspectivesontheCreationofAmericanDance

1619–1950

ByAlexMoore

ProjectAdvisor:DyaneHarvey

SeniorGlobalStudiesThesiswithHonorsDistinction

December2010

[We]needtounderstandthatAfricanslaves,throughlargelyself‐generativeactivity,moldedtheirnewenvironmentatleastasmuchastheyweremoldedbyit.

…AfricanAmericansaredescendantsofapeoplewhoweresecondtononeinlayingthefoundationsoftheeconomicandculturallifeofthenation.

…Therefore,…honestAmericanhistoryisinextricablytiedtoAfricanAmericanhistory,

and…neithercanbecompletewithoutafullconsiderationoftheother.

‐‐SterlingStuckey

Moore 2

Index

1) FindingtheFamiliarandExpressionsofResistanceinPlantationDances‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐6

a) TheRingShout

b) TheCakeWalk

2) ExperimentationandRespondingtoHostilityinEarlyPartnerDances‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐14

a) HuggingDances

b) SlaveBallsandRaceImprovement

c) TheBluesandtheRoleoftheJook

3) CrossingtheRacialDividetoFindUniquelyAmericanFormsinSwingDances‐‐‐‐‐‐22

a) TheCharleston

b) TheLindyHop

TopicsforFurtherStudy‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐30

Acknowledgements‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐31

WorksCited‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐32

AppendixA

AppendixB

AppendixC

AppendixD

Moore 3

Cross‐CulturalPerspectivesontheCreationofAmericanDance

Whenpeopleleavethesocietyintowhichtheywereborn(whetherbychoiceorby

force),theybringasmuchoftheircultureastheyareablewiththem.Cultureservesasan

extensionofidentity.Danceisoneoftheculturalelementseasiesttobringalong;itisone

ofthemostmobileelementsofculture,tuckedawayinthemusclememoryofourbodies.

Whenpeoplefromdifferentbackgroundsfindthemselveslivingsidebysideinanewsetting,theresultisoftenafusionofdanceforms,aspeopleborrowfromoneanotherandtransformwhattheyborrowtoreflectnewsocialrealities.NowherehasthisprocessbeenasdramaticinitsconsequencesasinNorthandSouthAmericaandtheCaribbean,whereEuropeanandAfricaninfluencescombinedtocreatenewdanceformsofgreatpowerandlastingimport.(Jonas164)

InordertogainaglobalperspectiveondanceintheUnitedStates,onemust

recognizethemanyimmigrantstotheU.S.andtheculturesthattheybrought,particularly

thosefromWestAfricaandfromEurope.Europeansbroughtcourtdancessuchasthe

WaltzaswellasfolkdancessuchasIrishclogging.1Thesedancesmixedwithdances

broughtbyAfricans2tocreateuniquelyAmericanstyles.

Thus,asthedanceevolved,theAfro‐Americanelementsbecamemoreformalanddiluted,theBritish‐Europeanelementsmorefluidandrhythmic,buttheover‐alltrendwasoneway—Afro‐Americandanceexertedanincreasinglystronginfluenceonthedanceasawhole.Thistrendreversestheusualpatterndescribedbyanthropologistsinwhichthecultureofanearlymajorityswallowsuptheculturesoflaterminorities.ComingasitdidfrompeoplewhoarrivelateintheUnitedStates,theAfro‐Americanvernaculardemonstratedararevitality.(Stearns24)

Itisnormalforthecultureoftheoppressortobetakenupbytheoppressed;itis

muchlesscommonthatthecultureoftheoppressedprofoundlyinfluencesthatofthe

oppressor.ThatAfricandancehasplayedsuchahistoricallyimportantroleinAmerican

lifeandsocietyisatestamenttotheimportancethatdanceplayedinAfricansociallife,to

itsresiliency,andtoitsabilitytochangewiththepressuresofnewsurroundings.Asimilar1SeeAppendixAforbasicprinciplesoftheEuropeandanceaesthetic.2SeeAppendixBforbasicprinciplesoftheAfricandanceaesthetic.

Moore 4

studycouldbeginwithEuropeandancebroughttotheNewWorld,followitthroughthe

generationstounderstandauniqueAmericanstory,watchitmergeslowlywithAfrican

Americanforms,andconclude,asIwill,withSwingdances.However,thisstudywillbegin

withtheAfricantrajectoryinordertoreachthesameend.Inchoosingthistrajectory,I

hopetoraiseawarenessofandgiverespecttotheinordinatelylargeinfluencethatAfrican

andAfricanAmericanculturehashadinthecreationofAmericandanceandculture;to

understandthroughalandscapeofdancethedifficultandmanystrugglesofAfrican

Americanhistory;andtodemonstratehowdancecanbeusedtoilluminateotherfieldsthat

studythesocial,politicalandculturalevolutionthattookplaceintheAmericas.

ThattheAfricancultureofdance[didn’tdisappearbut]persistedagainstthe

oppressivesurroundingsintheUnitedStatesislesssurprisingwhenwetakeadeeperlook

atAfricandances’culturalrole.IndescribingAfricandancesofthepeople,itisimportant

nottolet“traditional”beconfusedwithanythingthatisstatic;ratherAfricandances’great

cultureofimprovisationactsasacatalystforchange,creatingaconstantlyflowingand

changingartform.Also,unlikeEuropeanswhohistoricallysawadistinctseparation

betweenworkandthecreationofart,

TheAfricanattitudetowardworkcouldscarcelyhavebeenmoredifferent:AfricansandtheirdescendantsinAmericawentoncreatingwhileworkingasbefore.Withsuchaheritageoffashioningartwhileworking,ofseeingnoconflictbetweenthetwo,artisticexpressionwaslargelyregardedbyslaves,asithadbeenbytheirancestors,aspartofthelifeprocess,likeworkitself.Smallwonderthatblacks—exceptforNativeAmericansthemostoppressedpeopleinAmericanhistoryandpreeminentlyaworking‐classpeople—haveremainedattheforefrontofartisticcreativityinmodernworldhistory.(Stuckey1)

ArichvarietyofAfricandanceformsmergedontheplantation;reactedtosocial

realitiesinthenewenvironment;andmixedwithEuropeandanceformstoeventually

createnotonlyuniquelyAfricanAmericandanceforms,butuniquelyAmericandance

forms.Inthisthesis,Iwillcompareseveraldancesandassesstheircreationand

progressionchronologicallyastimesandinfluenceschanged,analyzingtheinfluencesthat

cametogethertoaffecttheirchange.Iwilldothisbycomparingmovementquality,music,

setting,participantsandcontemporarysociety.Throughout,thisthesiswillshowhowthe

Moore 5

principlesoftheAfricanaestheticeitherbecamemoreorlesspronouncedassuch

influenceschanged,howcertainprinciplesinterestinglyre‐emergegenerationslater,and

howprinciplesoftheEuropeanaestheticalsohadlastinginfluence.

ThethreeprincipledancecategoriesthatIwillexploreinchronologicalorderare

earlyplantationdances,earlypartnerdances,andSwingdances.Whilemyanalysiswill

unfortunatelyonlybrushuponasmallfractionoftherichhistorythroughwhichAfrican

AmericanandAmericandancepassed,thedancesthatIchosecanbeusedtotraceAfrican

culturethroughthelandscapeoftheAfricanAmericanexperiencefromtheplantationto

emancipation,andfinallytowardintegration.Ihaveincludedfourappendixeswithmore

indepthdescriptionsofcertaindanceforms,terminology,andvideoexamples.Thiswill

hopefullyproveausefulaidtothereaderwhilenotclutteringthecontentofthisthesis.

ThedatesthatIpresenttoframeeachperiodandeachdancearenottobeseenas

demarcatingeachfromtheothersintosuccessive,definitivecategories.Rather,they

shouldbeunderstoodtobefluid,oneoftenbleedingintoandoftenoverlappingwith

another.

Whiledraftingthisthesisandresearchingdozensoftexts,Ifoundnumerous

differenttermsinusetodescribepeople.Asthiscanbeasensitivesubjectandtermsflow

inandoutofpopularusageandpoliticalcorrectnesswithtimeandlocation,Iwouldliketo

addresstheterminologythatIwilluseinthediscourseofthisthesis.Someofthe

numeroustermsIencounteredinmyresearchwere:African,AfricanAmerican,Black,

Negro,Colored,Slave,EnslavedAfrican;White,EuropeanorEuro‐American,slaveowner,

andplantationowner,amongothers.Whenreferringtopre‐CivilWarAmerica,Iwilluse

theterm“EnslavedAfricans”ratherthan“Slaves”,definingthosesoldintoslaverybywho

theyareasAfricansratherthanbytheroleofslaveryintowhichtheywereforced.Iwill

use“plantationowner”ratherthan“slaveowner”astodelegitimizetheconceptofowning

anyone.Post‐Emancipation,IwilldefineAmericansbasedontheirheritage,usingeither

“AfricanAmerican”or“EuropeanAmerican”.Thisisbecausea)othertermscanorhaveat

timeshadnegativeconnotation,andb)termssuchas“Black”and“White”conveythat

everyindividualpresumablycomesfromeitherahomogeneous“white”backgroundora

homogenous“black”background,ignoringnotonlythespectrumofdifferencewithin

Africa,butalsothatwithinEuropeandthatwhichwascreatedwithintheAmericas.The

Moore 6

exceptionwillremainwithinquotations,whenIwillmaintaintheterminologyusedbythe

author.

FindingtheFamiliarandExpressionsofResistanceinPlantationDances

“There’sanarrativehere.It’sexpressionsofresistance.”–AyandaClarke

Timeline

VersionsoftheRingShoutemergedaspartofplantationlifeveryearly.Thefirst

enslavedAfricanswhoarrivedinNorthAmericabeginningin1619arrivedinsmall

numbers,andtheRingShouttooktimetodevelop.However,becausetheinitialarrivalof

AfricanstoplantationsisintegraltothedevelopmentoftheRingShout,Iwillconsiderits

developmenttohavebegunin1619.Forthepurposesofthistimeline,Iplacetheendof

theRingShoutwithemancipation,butitisnecessarytonotethattheRingShout

maintainedastrongpresenceinsmallcirclesintheSouthuntiltheearly1900s.Astime

advanced,itbecamemoreentwinedwithChristianlifeandworship,anditsconsistent

presenceinsouthernAfricanAmericanlifeinfluencedthedevelopmentofBluesandJazz.

Thesecondplantationdance—theCakeWalk—wascommononplantationsbyatleastthe

early1800s,asAfricansbecamemoreconsciousofthecultureandwaysoftheEuropean

Americansthattheyobservedattheplantationhouse.Inthesecondhalfofthecentury,the

CakeWalkwaspopularizedasperformance,travelingthroughperformanceandminstrel

stages,Vaudeville,andevenlastingtobeshowcasedintheearly1900sonBroadway

stages.JustasinthecaseoftheRingShout,myfocusisCakeWalkasfolkdanceandas

responsetolifeontheplantation,soforthepurposesofthisstudytheCakeWalkwillalso

endwithemancipation.

TheRingShout

AfricansarrivedtotheirnewlivesonAmericanplantationsoftenrelativelyalone.

Thoseorganizingtheslavetrademadesuretoseparatefamilyandcommunitymembers.It

wasintheirbestinteresttopreventanypossibilitythatthesenewlyenslavedpeopleshad

Moore 7

fororganizingagainstenslavement,sotheytookextraprecautiontoseparateAfricans

basedonlanguageandculture.

Culturalsensitivitieswerenottakenintoaccount[andmostwouldarguewerespecificallylaboredagainst]whenslaveswerebroughttofilltheneedofcheaplaborintheAmericas.Slavesfromnumerousethnicgroupswouldlikelyfindthemselvesstucktogetherandexpectedtoco‐existpeacefullywithtotaldisregardfortheiruniquelanguage,culture,orreligion.YettheseAfricansdidhavesomesimilarities.AmajorityofAfricansdoshareahighvaluefordanceintheirday‐to‐daylifeandintheirreligiousspace.Religionthroughdancealsowasabletodevelopbecauseofitsguise.EuropeansinNorthAmericacouldnothaveexpectedreligiontobepartofdance…(DeFrantz42)

AfricanscomingfromotherwisecompletelydistincttribesandnationsinAfricafoundthe

“RingShout”astheirlinguafranca.Africandanceisacomplexart,bothadvancedand

variedinitsmanyformsthroughoutAfrica,butacademicshavefoundcertain

commonalitiesthatexisttomosttraditionalAfricandance.TheRingShoutexemplifies

manyofthesecommonalities.3Itwassimilartoanancestraldance,knowntomost

AfricansastheCircleDance,whichwascommoninmuchofAfrica4.TheRingShoutcame

toservemanyfunctions.Itcreatedacommonlanguageforanotherwiseheterogeneous

people,buildingacommunitythatwouldhaveotherwisebeenmuchmoredifficulttobuild.

Italsoprovidedacommonspiritualspaceforall,includingthosecomingfromvery

differentreligiousbeliefs.

OneoftheRingShout’smostimportantfunctionswastocreateacommonmedium

forcommunicationforenslavedAfricanswhohadbeenbroughtfromAfricancommunities

farandwideandwhootherwisehadfewlinguisticsimilarities.WhiletheseAfricanswere

forcedtocrossphysicalboundariestoreachtheAmericas,theRingShouthelpedthem

crossculturalandimaginativeboundarieswithoneanother,easingthetransitionand

creatingacommonbond.SimilartotheBantaba5inWestAfrica,thecircularstructure

reinforcedthespiritofcommunity,helpingtocreateastrongsenseofonenessamidthe

heterogeneousgroup.ItallowedthemtoincludeallAfricansintheircollective

3SeeAppendixB.4SeeAppendixC.5SeeAppendixC.

Moore 8

understandingofbeingAfricaninAmerica,creatingagroupidentificationthatextended

beyondIbo,Akan,Ashanti,Woloforaregionalclassification.Theheterogeneousmixof

participants,deterritorializedfromtheirvillagesacrossAfrica,foundthattheRingShout

providedatranslocalityofanAfricatheyallshared.

ThroughoutAfrica,danceisalargepartofreligiouspractice,asevidencedinthe

CircleDancecommonamongthesedifferentgroupsofAfricans.TheRingShout,thus,also

allowedparticipantstoexpresstheirspiritualityandprovidedaspiritualvisionintheir

newlivesofenslavement.EuropeanAmericanplantationownershadhopedtodestroythe

cultureandworldviewoftheirnewacquisitionsasaninstrumentofdominance;ifanyold

beliefsystemshouldberetained,thencertainlythenewlyenslavedwouldbemoredifficult

tomanipulatetotheirownadvantage.ThisquotebyaEuropeanAmericanisoneindicator,

however,thattheyviewedtheRingShoutinparticularasasimple“frolic”andhadlittle

fearofitspowerasaceremonyupholdingsignificantsystemsofbelief:

TonightIhavebeentoa“Shout”whichseemstomecertainlytheremainsofsomeoldidolworship.Thenegroessingakindofchorus—threestandingaparttoleadandclap—andthenalltheothersgoshufflingroundinacirclefollowingoneanotherwithnotmuchregularity,turningroundoccasionallyandbendingtheknees,andstampingsothatthewholefloorswings.Ineversawanythingsosavage.Theycallitareligiousceremony,butitseemsmorelikearegularfrolictome.

UnbeknownsttohimandotherEuropeanAmericans,Africandanceandspiritualityare

necessarilyconnected.Thus,retainingtheRingShoutallowedAfricanstoexpressand

retainbeliefssecretlybutinanironicallyovertform,withoutraisingsuspicionatthe

plantationhouse.TheRingShoutevensurvivedevangelization:incommunitieswhere

Christianityhadastrongpresence,hymnswereeasilyintegratedintotheShout.TheRing

Shoutwasmoretoleratedbyplantationownersthanwereotherfolkdancespossibly

becauseitseemedmoredistancedfromwhatEuropeantraditionclassifiedas“dancing”.

Ratherthandistinctsteps,itemployedashufflewithlegsneverliftingorcrossing,and

ratherthandrumsorotherinstruments,itemployedhandclappingandlegstamping.

Africaninstruments,inmostcases,hadbeenbannedbeforeleavingtheshipsoftheMiddle

Passage.Thismeantthattheenslavedneededtofindinventivewaystocreatemusic,and

theyeasilyemployedtheirownbodiesaspercussiveinstruments,notuncommoninAfrica.

Moore 9

WhatwashiddenintheRingShoutwasadesiretoexpressspirituality,joy,andsorrowinwaysthatwerecomfortabletothem.SoyouseealotofAfricanretention,percussivenature,bodysounds,rhythmiccomplexityandpolyrhythmconsistentwithAfricanrhythmicconstruction.Inanattempttoholdontothoseelements—ifyou’rethinkingbacktothatwhichhadalreadybeencreatedandlookingathowitwasexpressedinnewways—itallowedthemtoexpressthemselves.(Clarke2010)

TheRingShoutprovidedacommonspacefortheAfrican,representingculture,

communityandthesacred:acomplexitythattheplantationownercouldnever

understand.Soevenduringtimeswhenitwaslookeduponwithcontemptoractively

suppressed,thepresenceoftheRingShoutinAfricanAmericanSocietywasunchangeable.

ItprovedtobeapowerfulforceintheAmericas,influencingdanceintothetwentieth

century.

TheCakeWalk

AstimepassedonSouthernplantations,communityandculturewerecreated

amongtheenslavedAfricanslivingtogether.TheRingShoutcontinuedtoplayalargerole

indailylifeandcontinuedtoeasethetransitionasnewlyenslavedcontinuouslyarrived,

butovertimelearningacommonlanguageandacclimatingtothenewlifeontheplantation

alsoactedtofortifythesenseofcommunity.Astheyeasedtensionsandbridged

communityamidthemselves,EnslavedAfricanswerestillsubjecttothewhimsofthe

plantationowner.Somehadtheadvantageofplantationownerswhowererelatively

benevolent,didnotoverworkthem,anddidnotencroachonthecommunitytheyhadbuilt;

butotherplantationownersexpectedconstantandperfectwork,wereliabletoboutsof

violence,allowedlittletimeforrecreation,andwerestrictaboutwhatthatrecreationcould

be.EuropeanshadlongknowntheAfricanpopulation’sproclivitytowarddancing.On

someplantations,masterslookedupondancingpositively,encouragingitashealthy

exercise.SeveralaccountstestifythatduringthelongMiddlePassage,Africanswere

“danced”aboardshiptokeepthemhealthy,prescribedbothtopreventscurvyandto

prevent“suicidalmelancholy”(Hazzard‐Gordon7).Separateaccountsclaimthat

Moore 10

plantationownersforcedtheenslavedtodanceasexerciseiftherewaslittleworktodo.At

othertimes,plantationownerswouldaskorforcetheirbestdancerstoentertainthefamily

attheplantationhousewiththeirsinging,dancing,andgeneralantics,creatingwhat

eventuallycametobeknownasthe“CakeWalk”.

IntheCakeWalk,theplantationfamiliesenjoyedwhattheysawasharmless,silly

attemptstomimicthefinemannersofSoutherngentlemen.Thedancers,ontheother

hand,enjoyedsatirizingtheridiculousnessoftheplantationfamilies.“Songsofillusion,

dancesofderision”6(Gittens2010,ascitedinThompsonandGottschild)arecharacteristic

ofmanyAfricancultures.This“derision”translatedontotheplantation,asenslaved

Africans—tryingtobothsatisfytheinterestoftheplantationownersandtosatisfytheir

owninterests—wereabletosubtlyexpresstheirsenseofinjusticeandfrustration.The

CakeWalkwasaninsidejokefortheenslavedwhoperformedit—lostontheplantation

owners—thathelpedtostrengthenthecommonbondbetweentheminthefaceof

oppression.

ItwasgenerallyonSundaywhentherewaslittlework…thattheslavesbothyoungandoldwoulddressupinhand‐me‐downfinerytodoahigh‐kicking,prancingwalk‐around.Theydidatakeoffonthehighmannersofthewhitefolksinthe‘bighouse,’buttheirmasters,whogatheredaroundtowatchthefun,missedthepoint.(Hazzard‐Gordon47)

Mimicrywalksafinelinebetweenflatteryandpokingfun.Satiricaldancessuchas

theCakeWalkhelpedtodeconstructtheimposingandpowerfulpresenceofplantation

owners.“Blackscouldnotopenlycriticizewhites,sodancewasasafertoolforself‐

assertion,ridicule,andcriticismthansong”(Hazzard‐Gordon46).Clarkedescribesmuch

oftheCakeWalkasparody:

Youcan’tsay‘themastermadeafoolofhimselfandgotdrunklastnight’…butyoucanmakeadanceaboutitasaparody.Wheredoesthepowerlieinthisscenario?TheAfricanpeoplethatweremakingthesedanceswere[pokingfun]intentionallytowardthepeoplethatweregoingtopressureandtreatthembadlylateron.Inpart,itwasacompetitionofwhocandobest[betweendancers],butitwasalsothemexpressingsatire.(Clarke2010)

6SeeAppendixC.

Moore 11

JustastheRingShout’sepicmemoryalludedbacktoCircleDancesinAfrica,the

satireandmimicryoftheCakeWalkalsoexpandeduponAfricantradition.InNigeria,the

Patakato7mimickedtheEnglish,asfrustrationmountedwithincreasedEnglishpresence

duringtheColonialEra.TheCakeWalkemulatedtheEuropeanmannerismsandculture

thattheenslavedAfricansencounteredintheplantationfamiliesinthesameway.After

dressingupintheplantationfamily’sdiscardedclothing,dancerswouldtwirltheir

umbrellas,bowrepeatedlytooneanother,walkexaggeratedlyupright,andmimic

Europeancourtlyelegance.Astheystruttedaroundeachother,theirdancecontained

enoughAfricanistelements—itwascentrifugal,polyrhythmicandmadereferencetoepic

memory8—thattheplantationownersdidnotfullyrecognizethesatire.

TheCakeWalkdevelopedonsouthernplantationschronologicallyafterthe

developmentoftheRingShout.InAfrica,danceandarthadbeenoftenintrinsicallylinked

withspiritualbelief.Ontheplantation—duetoreligiousrepression,influencefrom

EuropeanAmericandanceasentertainment,andanewphysicalrealityofAfricanssharing

spaceandmovementbutnotnecessarilysharingsimilarspiritualbeliefsystems—over

timedanceevolvedslowlyawayfromspiritualityandtowardsecularentertainment.“As

theAfricanwastransformedintotheAfricanAmerican…adistinctionbetweensacredand

secular”occurred.“Overtime,acleardemarcationemergedbetweensacred,ceremonial

danceandtheseculardancingassociatedwithfestivitiesandparties”(Hazzard‐Gordon

15).TheCakeWalkdidjustthis:itemergedasasecularizedparalleltothespiritualized

RingShout.Itwasprimarilyforentertainment,sharedbetweenenslavedAfricansand

plantationowners.TheCakeWalkretainedcertainelementsoftheShout,suchasthe

counterclockwisecircularpattern,buttheshufflewasreplacedwithagaystrutandthe

sacredwithentertainment.

WhiletheRingShoutwassharedonlywithinthecommunityofenslavedAfricans,

theCakeWalkcrossedtheborderbetweenenslavedAfricansandEuropeanAmericans.A

youngenslavedgirlfromBeaufort,SouthCarolinaexplainedthatshereceivedspecial

7SeeAppendixC.8SeeAppendixA.

Moore 12

benefitsforbeingagooddancer.Shewastakenfromplantationtoplantationandentered

intocontestswithotherenslaved,oftenasbettingeventsformasters.Shealsoexplained

thatsheandtheotherswouldwatchatwhitefolks’parties,

…Wheretheguestsdancedaminuetandthenparadedinagrandmarch,withtheladiesandgentlemengoingdifferentwaysandthenmeetingagain,arminarm,andmarchingdownthecentertogether.Thenwe’ddoit,too,butweusedtomock‘em,everystep.Sometimesthewhitefolksnoticedit,buttheyseemedtolikeit;Iguesstheythoughtwecouldn’tdanceanybetter.(Stearns22)

Inthesecases,enslavedAfricansreceivedpositivereinforcementforcertain

elementsoftheirdance,encouragingthoseelementstoremainandotherstoperish.This

alsoencouragedcontinuedcreativityandimprovisation,asAfricanAmericans

experimentedwithEuropeandanceelements.“Thefolkdancesofthewhiteswerebeing

adoptedandtransformedoveralongperiodoftime”(Stearns23),asotherslikethisyoung

enslavedgirlimprovisedwithnewelementsoftheEuropeandancetraditions.Overthis

sameperiodoftime,thesteadyarrivalofnewlyenslavedAfricansactedtobalancethis

transformation,constantlyrefreshingAfricanAmericandancewithAfricantradition.

TheRingShout’sspiritofimprovisationwasalsoaliveinthecreationofmusic.In

additiontotheclapping,stompingandbodypercussioncommontotheShout,new

methodsofcreatingsoundwereemployedandnewsoundswerecreated.Commontools,

householditems,andinstrumentsoftheEuropeantraditionbecamemorecommonand

wereusedwithgreatersophistication.Africansalsotriedtorecreatemanyoftheir

instrumentsfromAfrica.Forexample,theAfricangourdfiddlecouldbemadeoutofa

hallowedgourdandhorsehairstrings,andanEkontin—thefatheroftheBanjo(Salaam

2010)—couldbemadeoutofananimalhideandsometimber.Inaddition,new“drums,

tambourines,gourds,bones,quills,kettles,handclaps,jawbones,hoes,woodenboxes,and

anymetalpot”wereturnedintoinstrumentsandemployed(Hazzard‐Gordon31).Many

otherinventivematerialswereused,asoneenslavedmanreminisces:

…Piecesofsheep’sriborcow’sjaworapieceofiron,withaoldkettle,orahollowgourdandsomehorsehairtomakededrum.Sometimesdey’dgetapieceoftreetrunkandhollowitoutandstretchagoat’sorsheep’sskinoveritfordedrum.

Moore 13

Dey’dbeonetofourfoothighandafootuptosixfoot‘cross.Ingen’raltwoniggersplaywithdefingersorsticksondisdrum.…Dey’dtakedebuffalohornandscrapeitouttomakedeflute.…thendey’dtakeamule’sjaw‐boneandrattledesticks‘crossitsteeth.Thenday’dtakeabarrel,andstretchaox’shidecrossoneendandamansat‘stridedebarrel,andbeatondathidewithhehandsandhefeetandiffenhegettofeelin’demusicinhisbones,he’dbeatondatbarrelwithhishead.‘Nothermanbeatonwoodensideswithsticks.(Hazzard‐Gordon31,ascitedinFederalWritersProject,WPA4)

EnslavedorfreeAfricanswereoftenemployedtoplaythemusicatthedancesofEuropean

Americans,forcingthemtolearnEuropeaninstrumentsandtunes.Theythenbrought

theseinstrumentsandrhythmsbacktotheirowncommunities,givingthemthe

opportunitytomixsoundsandtocreatenewanduniqueones.

TheCakeWalk’ssuccessonsouthernplantationsspread.Soonenough,ithadbeen

usurpedasanentertainmentformandwasbeingstagedinminstrelshowsandon

VaudevillestagesintheNorth.TheperformerswereEuropeanAmericansinblackface,

notablyparodyingAfricanAmericanswhowereparodyingthem,EuropeanAmericans.

“Gaininglegitimacyamongwhiteaudiences,theCake‐Walksoonfounditswayintowhite

sociallife,ascelebrated,insomeareas,astheWaltz.VariousinterpretationsoftheCake

Walk,theshuffleandahostofotherplantation‐inspireddancespermeatedAmerican

culture”(Sherman61).TheAfricanformshadbeenappropriatedbyEuropeanAmericans

and“systematized,validated,andinstitutionalizedintheminstrelconstruct(Gottschild

82).

AtfirstitwasonlyEuropeanAmericansperformingtheCakeWalkonstage,but,

“theCakeWalkwasagreatexhibitiondance,withsuchsuperbtheatricalpotentialitiesthat

itservedasaNegrore‐entrypermittothestage”(Emery45,ascitedinWinter45).The

CakeWalkandsimilarminstrelrolesthatstereotypedAfricanAmericansassilly

simpletonsinblackfacebecamethefirstandonlyroleavailabletoAfricanAmericanon

stage,buteventuallythispavedthewayforAfricanAmericanstofindrolesinlegitimate

theaterandperformancespace.TheCakeWalkisoneofthefirstexamplesofdominant

cultureintheUnitedStatesacceptingaspectsofthesubalternculture,showingthepower

thatthesubmissiveculturecanhave.“Thereisnoreasontoassumethattheorytravels

wholefromcentertoperiphery,forinmanycasesitisformedasittravelsthroughthe

interactionbetweentwodifferentregions.Therecognitionoftheexistenceofadynamic

Moore 14

exchangebetweensubalternanddominantcultures,includingsubalternandmetropolitan

anthropologies,mayleadtotherealizationthatmuchofwhattodayiscalled“cultural

anthropology”maybemoreaptlyaddressedas“transculturalanthropology”(Ortizxiii).

WhatwasbeginningtocreateAmericancultureandaestheticswasaproductofcultural

contactandculturalexchange,nottheprocessofacculturationinonedirection.

TheexistenceofboththeRingShoutandtheCakeWalkwerefundamentallylinked

totheplantationexperience.InresponsetothecircumstancesinwhichAfricanAmericans

foundthemselves,thesedancesformedoutofaneedforpersonalandgroupexpressionof

oneness,spirituality,andinresponsetooppression.

ExperimentationandRespondingtoHostilityinEarlyPartnerDances

“TheadditionofCongohipmovementstothedancesofthecourtofVersaillesisratherlikeservingruminateacup”–Stearns17

Timeline

EarlypartnerdancesinAfricanAmericanlifedevelopedontheplantation,butthey

blossomedafteremancipation.Comingfromaculturethatwelcomedexperimentationin

thearts,AfricanAmericansbeganexperimentingearlywiththedancestheysawcreatedby

EuropeanAmericans.Thenafteremancipation,theadoptionoftheEuropeanpartner

structurecametocharacterizetypicalAfricanAmericandance.HuggingDancesexemplify

earlyexperimentation,andtheBluesexemplifieslaterresponsestopost‐emancipation

hostility.HuggingDancesbroadlyincludeearlyexperimentationfromthebeginningof

enslavementintheAmericasthatintegratedpartnering.Thispartnerelementeventually

becameaprominentform,markingthecreationofwhatcametobecalledtheBlues—

whichIwilldescribeasculturallydependentupontheroleoftheJook—asaresponseto

emancipation.TheBluesneverdiedentirely,butforourpurposestheroleoftheBlues

weakenedinthe1920sand1930swiththeJazzAge.Betweenthetwo,IamincludingSlave

BallsandRaceImprovementDances,twoofmanyexamplesofconsciousattemptstoward

assimilation.Includingthesetwodancesinourprogressionisimportantinorderto

recognizethatAfricanAmericanswereincreasinglybecomingalesshomogeneousgroup

Moore 15

andmoredistinctbasedonclass,education,andgeographiclocation.SlaveBallsIwill

placefromthesecondhalfoftheeighteenthcentury,whentheybegintoappearregularly

indocumentation,untilemancipation.RaceImprovementDancesIwillconsidertoexist

fromemancipationuntiltheSwingEra.

HuggingDances

Justastherewasaconvergence,asharingandarecreationofdancebetween

Africans,therewasasimilarconvergence,sharingandrecreationofdancebetweenthe

socialtraditionsofAfricansandEuropeans.ThepartneringofEuropeancourtdances

mergedwithAfricandanceprincipalstocreateanewkindofpartneringwithgreater

improvisation.Dependingontimeandlocation,thereweremanyopportunitiesfor

intermingling.EvenbeforeshipsontheMiddlePassagearrivedtoNorthAmerica,Africans

mayhaveencounteredEuropeancourtdances.OftenshipswouldstopoverintheWest

Indiesforareposeoff‐shipbeforecarryingontothemainlandtoincreasetherateof

survival(i.e.profit).ThiswouldhavebeenanimportantencounterbecausetheCatholic

SpanishweremuchmoreacceptingofAfrica’scultureofdance,allowingittoexistmuch

moreopenlythaninitdidinProtestantNorthAmerica.Theenslavedfromaboardship

mayhaveseenorparticipatedinEuropeancourtdancessuchastheQuadrille,theReel,the

Jig,orContraDance.Ifso,theyweresuretohaveencounteredblendswithnativeAfrican

formsalreadybeingshaped,transformedinstyleandfunction.

Onceontheplantation,theAfricanAmericanmusicianswhoplayedandthe

workerswhomayhaveservedintheplantationhouseoratEuropeanAmericansocial

eventsallwouldhaveencounteredEuropeandanceandmusicforms.Theythencould

havebroughtbackwhattheyexperiencedtotheirowncommunitiesofdanceandmusic.

AsAfricanprinciplesslowlybegantoexperimentwithstyles,partnering,andeventually

male‐femalepartnering9thatwereencounteredthroughtheEuropeanAmerican

plantationownersanddominantculture,blendswerecreatedthatareoftengenerally

called“HuggingDances”.Intheseearlyblends,theelegantformationsofEuropeancourtly

9SeeAppendixA.

Moore 16

dancesoriginallyremainedwhiletotheslow,statelystylewereaddedAfricanistshuffling

andhipandshouldermovement.Thedancesbecamewilderwithincreasedimprovisation

andbecamemorecommunityoriented.StearnsquotesfolkloristLisaLekiswhenshe

describesAfricansinCuba:theyuse“stepsandfiguresofthecourtofVersaillescombined

withhipmovementsoftheCongo”.Stearnsconcludesthat“theadditionofCongohip

movementstothedancesofthecourtofVersaillesisratherlikeservingruminateacup”

(Stearns17).

SlaveBallsandRaceImprovementDances

Well‐to‐dofamiliesofEuropeanAmericans(andevenaristocratsofmixedEuropean

andAfricandescent)senttheirchildrenofftoEuropetolearnEuropeancultureanddance

tobringbacktotheU.S.KnowingWaltzesandpopularEuropeandanceswasimportantif

onewastobeconsidered“cultured”.ThiskeptEuropeanformsrelativelyunalteredinelite

circles:asnewgenerationslearnedtheunadulteratedversionsofEuropeandancestylesin

Europe,theyreturnedwiththemtotheU.S.Atthesametime,thistraveledelitewasa

smallfractionofsociety.ThemajorityofEuropeanAmericanswerenotmakingregular

visitstoEuropefortheconsumptionofartandculturetobringhome.So,whetherthey

likeditornot,theculturalartsofEuropeanAmericanswerenolongerexactreplicasof

thoseofEurope,justastheculturesofAfricanAmericansnolongerreplicatedanyone

Africanculture.

BothSlaveBallsandRaceImprovementDancesmeritmentionbecause,unlikethe

mixesthatwesawemergebefore,theyshowedacompleteabandonmentofAfricanand

AfricanAmericanheritageforthecompleteacceptanceofthedominantgroup’shabitsand

values.Inthisprocessofacculturation,theflowofculturewaspredominantlyunilateral.

Enslavedorfreed,AfricanAmericancommunitieshadneverbeenmonolithic.Before

emancipation,freeAfricanAmericansenjoyedhigherstatusthanthoseenslaved,andeven

betweentheenslavedtherewerehierarchiesinstatus.Thoseinhouseholdserviceenjoyed

higherstatusthanfieldworkers,urbanartisanshigherthanlaborers,andstatusmayalso

havedependedonthestatusofone’splantationowner(Hazzard‐Gordon48).Later,after

Moore 17

emancipation,thedistinctionscontinuedtogrowwithinthishierarchyandbetweenthose

“highlyeducatedblackswhocouldgainlimitedaccesstothemainstream,andattheother

[endofthespectrum]…illiteratesharecropperswhocouldbeconsidered…America’s

peasantpopulation”(Perpener12).Whilethelatterhadlessincentiveorevenabilityto

acculturate,thosefurtherupthepeckingorderweremorelikelytotrytofitintodominant

society.

“SlaveBalls”wereformalizedaffairstypicallyinurbansettings,documentedbackto

thesecondhalfoftheeighteenthcenturyandlastinginthisformuntilemancipation.

UrbanenslavedAfricansorganizedtheaffairswithelaborateinvitationssent,“notonlyto

thefashionableslaves,buttosomeofthemoreesteemedwhitepeople…Allofthe

fashionabledancesareexecuted…andagrandsupperalwaysformsapartofthe

entertainment”(Hazzard‐Gordon51‐2,ascitedinOlmsted).Participantsdancedthesame

proper,refineddancesofEuropeanAmericansociety,ormorespecificallytheyemulated

EuropeanAmericanswhowereinturnemulatingEuropeans.BecauseEuropeanAmerican

menhadtotalaccess—bothtotheirowndancesandtothoseintheAfricanAmerican

community—theysometimesattendedthesedances(andespeciallyonecloselyrelated

referredtoasthe“QuadroonBall”)withtheintentoffindinganAfricanAmericanwoman

tokeepasamistress,orconcubine.Underthesecircumstances,theAfricanAmerican

womenparticipants’desirestomakemodesteconomicandsocialprogressmeantthatthey

hadtorelinquishanyAfricanorAfricanAmericanculture.Thegrowingmixed‐blood

population,thefruitsofsuchrelationships,existedinyetanothersocialranking

somewherebetweentheenslavedandtheEuropeanAmerican.Inresponsetosuch

assimilationattemptsbyAfricanAmericansandthisgrowingmixed‐bloodpopulationand

outoffearofbothfreeandenslavedAfricanAmericansgainingpower,theTerritoryof

NewOrleans1806legislatureisoneexamplethat,“adoptedastatuteforbiddingslavesor

freepeopleofAfricandescenttopresumethemselves‘equaltothewhite’”(Hazzard‐

Gordon55,asquotedinEverett,167).Despitetheirattempts,successfulassimilationinto

mainstreamsocietywassimplynotgoingtobeacceptedbysocietyatlarge.

Anothertypeofaffairdevelopedafteremancipation,alsoanexampleofsuccumbing

tothecultureofthedominantmajorityanddiscardingone’spreviousculture.“Race

ImprovementDances”paralleledcontemporarydancehallsofEuropeanAmericans.A

Moore 18

risingAfricanAmericanmiddleandupperclassgrewwhoseculturebegantodiffermore

andmorefromthatoftheAfricanAmericanworkingclass.Thisreflectedintheirdance.

EitherformoreopportunitiesortodebunkstereotypesabouttheAfricanAmerican,these

groupsoftenchosetorejectdominantAfricanAmericancultureandconformto,identify

withandaspiretodominantmainstreamAmericanculture.RaceImprovementDances

werecreatedwiththehopeofgainingaccesstoEuropeanelementsofAmericanculture,

andthusthestyleofthesedancesemulatedtheseelementsasbesttheycould.Traditional

AfricanAmericanfoods,dance,music,anddresswerediscardedandreplacedwith

EuropeanAmericanones.Sostrongweretheculturalimperialismandtheoccidentalbias

permeatingsocietythatinsuchcasesAfricanAmericansfrequentlyabandonedasmuchof

theiroldcultureaspossible.Acculturation,theyhoped,wouldbringeventualequality

throughtheeyesofthoseinthedominantculture.

TheBlues

AttheendoftheCivilWar,manyfreedAfricanAmericansregardedmobilityasan

expressionoftheiremancipationandheadeddirectlytowardurbancenters.Neveragain

wouldtheyfindthemselvesintherelativelyhomogenouscommunitiesthattheywereable

tocreatewithintheconfinesoftheplantation.WhenAfricanshadfirstarrivedto

plantations,adeculturationoccurred,firstasnumerousgroupswereuprootedandplaced

togetherinaspaceofrelativeculturalvoidtoworkandliveinisolation.Neoculturation

wasagradualprocessoflearninghowtosurviveinthesenew,frequentlyhostile

conditionsoftheplantation;learninghowtocoexistwithAfricansfromentirelydifferent

backgrounds;andunderstandingthecultureoftheoppressor.Thenewculturescreatedby

theAfricanpopulationintheAmericaswereunique:asmuchaproductoftheirAmerican

experiencesasoftheirAfricanones.Thesenewcultureswerecreatedbythesocialforces

aroundthemontheplantation,theworkthatwasexpectedofthem,andsocialrolesthat

werecreatedwithintheirisolatedplantationlife.Danceplayedalargeroleinthislife.

Danceperformedaneducationalfunction;providedalanguagethroughwhichAfricansof

differentbackgroundcouldcommunicateorcommentontheirwork,eachother,ortheir

Moore 19

masters;helpedorganizebehavior;andformedastructureforsocialmorality.With

emancipationanduponleavingtheplantation,aprocessofdeculturationand

neoculturationoccurredoncemore:thecommoncultureoftheplantationwasuprooted

andwasreplacedbythecultureoffreeddominantandoftenhostilesociety(Ortizxxvi).

DeterritorializedoncetotheNewWorldplantations,emancipation

deterritorializedAfricansinAmericaonceagain,removingthelittlestructuretheyhad

beenabletocreateforthemselvesandgivingmanyfamiliesfullresponsibilityfortheirown

upkeepforthefirsttimeinunfamiliar,hostilesurroundings.“Increasedautonomyshould

haveallowedforamorevariedsociallifeforAfrican‐Americans,butwhitessuccessfully

continuedtorestrictmostfacetsoftheirlives”(Buzzard‐Gordon66).

The“Blues”developedinresponsetothishostilityandinjuxtapositionwiththe

RaceImprovementDancesthatweresimultaneouslydevelopingofatypicallymore

privilegedAfricanAmericanclass.The“Jook”10,fundamentallylinkedtothecultureofthe

Blues,becamesynonymouswitha“Negropleasurehouse…abawdyhousefordancing,

drinkingandgambling”(Emery220‐1).BothfreedAfricanAmericanswhohadmigrated

northwardandthosewhoremainedinthesouth—“free”butstillsegregated—soughttofill

avoidwiththecreationoftheirownspacesofentertainmentandspacestoexpresstheir

culture.Intheintensificationofwhitesupremacy,AfricanAmericanswerefurther

separatedfrommainstreamsocietyandfurtherforcedintosmaller,tight‐knitAfrican

Americancommunities.JooksprovidedcommunityandentertainmentspacewhenAfrican

AmericanswereoftennotadmittedintoplacesofentertainmentforEuropeanAmericans.

Jooksallowedthemtoenjoyagreatersenseoffreedomthanwasfeltoutsideandallowed

themtocreateandcelebratetheirownculture,theirownmusic,andtheirowndancesin

relativefreedomandontheirownterms.Theirhistoryofslaveryhadprecludedtheoption

opentomostothernewcomerstotheUnitedStates:assimilation.TheBlues,then,

temperedthedesiretoassimilateintoasocietythatwasnotreadytoacceptthem,

assimilatedornot:

Inearlierdays,musicalexpressionssuchasspiritualshadgrownoutofthecommunalexperienceofadeepmetaphysicalsuffering.Theblueswereasensuous

10SeeAppendixC.

Moore 20

moanthatweldedtogetherpainandpleasurewithseamlessirony.Jazzbecametheblackmusicthatexpressedadesiretobefreeofculturalrestraints.TheseartisticexpressionsmirroredtheparadoxAfricanAmericansfaced—theparadoxofbeingandnotbeingAmerican.(Perpener91)

Duringthisperiod,thedancesofworking‐andlower‐classAfricanAmericansin

particularrelinquishedsomeoftheirEuropeanAmericancharacteristics.Severaltrends

emergedwiththeriseoftheBluesandtheJook,includingafurthersecularizationofmany

dancesoncelinkedtoritualisticorreligiousimportanceandthediminishingroleofthe

group,placinggreaterimportanceontherelationshipbetweenpartners.

TheJookprovidedaspacewhere,“animmeasurableamountofcoreblackculture

includingfood,language,communityfellowship,mateselection,music,anddancefounda

sanctuaryofexpressionwhennoothersecularinstitutionflourishedamongthefolk,”

Hazzard‐Gordonexplains(insidecover).TheJookwasasecularinstitutionbothrootedin

WestAfricantraditionandnecessarilyanoffspringoftheclandestinedancesheldon

plantations.SlaveryhadfosteredthecreationofAfricanAmericansocialinstitutionsthat

defiedEuropeanAmericancontrol,whichinturncontinuedtofosterarecurringpatternof

covertsocialactivity(Genovese570‐1).Tofolksexcludedfromthedominanteconomy,the

Jookprovidedeconomicalternativesforentertainment,includingquasi‐legalactivities

suchasliquorsales,gambling,illegallotteriesandnumbers.IntheseJooks,dancesand

cultureweresecularizedandshared,andnewdanceswerecreatedbyordinaryAfrican

AmericanswhobroughttheiruniqueAfricanAmericanexperienceswiththemintheGreat

Migration.“Whenblacksmovedfromonecommunitytoanother,oneoftheirfirstactswas

tofindaJookJointandshowoffthenewdancestepstheyhadlearnedduringtheirtravels”

(Sherman61).ThisculturemeantthatJookswereofthefirsttosee“large‐scalecross‐

fertilizationofdances,asthousandsoffreedmensharecroppersaswellastraveling

entertainersmigratedfromtownsandfarawayregionssearchingforemployment”

(Hazzard‐Gordon81,ascitedinHurston44).

Inadditiontoafurthershifttowardthesecular,thenatureofthecommunityand

themovementalsochangedinthenewcontext.Insomewaysitreachedbacktoward

Africancultureofmovement,andinotherwaysitdistanceditselffromelementsofthe

Africanaestheticinitsnewurbanenvironment,farfromthevillageorthefields.Hipand

Moore 21

torsomovementreemergedfromanAfricanculturethathadnosenseofshameassociated

withsex,asAfricanAmericansrejectedthedominantEuropeanAmericanculturethat

deniedhumansexuality.Thehip‐shakingandpelvicinnuendocharacteristicofmuch

Africandancereturned,butitbecamemoredirectedtowardone’spartnerthantowardthe

community.These“inappropriate”movementsweredevelopingonthedancefloorsof

working‐classAfricanAmericanswhere“upperclass[EuropeanAmerican]notionsof

respectabilityhadlittlepower”(Hazzard‐Gordon130).

InAfricaandontheplantation,danceshadoftenmimickedlifeinthefields,workat

theplantationhouse,andmovementsofwildanimals.Dancesadjustedtoanurban

environmentofnewoccupations,constantlyreconstructedtofitnewpurposes.The

“MilkingtheCow”oftheplantation,forexample,became“RollingtheToiletPaper”ofthe

serviceworker.Dancebecamemoreuprightandlessflat‐footed,bothsubtlechangesthat

indicatedamoveawayfromagrarianmovement.Attimes,dancesremainedidenticalto

theirpredecessorsontheplantations;atothertimestheywerederivativesofthosedances.

Thefriendlycompetitionand“songsofillusion,dancesofderision”seenintheCakeWalk

andcommontoAfricanverbalanddancetraditionremainedapartofJookdances,taking

theshapeofacompetitionoffriendlyone‐upmanshipknownas“cutting”.This

characteristichaslastedinAfricanAmericanculturethroughtheplantationtoJooks,Jazz

clubs,PlayingtheDozens11,HipHop,andisstillanintegralcomponentofAfricanAmerican

culturetoday.

Bluesmusic—anextremelybroadcategorydependingontimeandlocation—

integratedAfricancallandresponseandvaryingamountsofEuropeanharmonicstructure.

InaJook,oneguitarwasenoughtodance,oneortwomorewouldhavebeenconsidered

excellent.Laterpianosandeventuallyplayerpianos12becamepartoftheJookexperience.

“Musicallyspeaking,theJookisthemostimportantplaceinAmerica.Forinitssmelly

11SeeAppendixC.12PlayerpianoswereacceptedintoAfricanAmericanculturalspacemuchlaterthantheywereacceptedelsewhereinmainstreamAmericansociety.Thisisbecausetheplayerpianonecessarilyremovesthecallandresponsedialoguebetweenmusician,dancerandotherparticipantsthatisfundamentaltotheAfricanandAfricanAmericantradition.Hadthisstyleofset,unchangeablemusicbeenfullyacceptedintoAfricanAmericanculturesooner,laterformsofJazzandSwingdancesmayhaveneverdevelopedastheydid.

Moore 22

shoddyconfineshasbeenbornthesecularmusicknownastheblues,andontheblueshas

beenfoundedjazz”(Hazzard‐Gordon83,ascitedinHurston44).

Whilebyandlargetheworkingclasswasrebellingagainstmainstreamsociety,

assimilationinthehigherclassesremainedcommon.Consequently,eliteAfrican

AmericanshadbeenthemorevisiblearbitersofpubliclydisplayedAfricanAmerican

cultureintheNorthandincities.Thiswasfinallybeginningtochange.Asmoresouthern

AfricanAmericansmigratedNorthattheturnofthetwentiethcentury,theoldelitebecame

aminoritywithinaminority.Thecultureofthesouthernworkingclassestooktheplaceof

perceiveddominanceandsetthenewstandardsamongAfricanAmericans,andsoon,

amongsocietyatlarge.

CrossingtheRacialDividetoFindUniquelyAmericanFormsinSwingDances

Thetrendtowardtheadoptionofanythingblack—andparticularlyofAfro‐American

dance—allbeganwith‘ShuffleAlong,RunningWild,andtheCharleston,’asLangstonHughes

wrote.–Stearns223

Timeline

Bythe1920sand1930sparticularlyinNewYork,theimmenseamountofartthat

AfricanAmericanswereproducing—musicanddance,butadditionallynovels,short

stories,poetry,paintings,andsculptures—caughtgrowingattentionbeyondtheAfrican

Americancommunity,leadingtoaperiodofgreatcreativityknownastheHarlem

Renaissance.AfricanAmericanartformswereincreasinglyappreciated,andinresponse

AfricanAmericansusedartincreasinglytogainaccessandacceptance.“Theblack

intelligentsiaoftheHarlemRenaissancesawartisticpursuits(asopposedtoeconomicor

politicalpursuits)asarelativelyeasywayforAfricanAmericanstogainentryinto

mainstreamAmericansociety”(Perpener22).TheHarlemRenaissanceartistcapitalized

onarttoadvocateasocialagenda,“Likeblackwritersandintellectualsofthetime,[black

dancers]adoptedtheunderlyingphilosophyoftheHarlemRenaissance:artshouldserve

thespecificsocialmissionofchanginghowtheirpeoplewereperceivedbytherestofthe

Moore 23

world”(24).Swingdanceswereabletoslowlychangethisperception,withstepsthat

crossedtheracialdivide.

TheCharleston

ShuffleAlongin1921wasthefirstsuccessfulAfricanAmericanmusical.Itmarked

thebeginningoftheHarlemRenaissanceandintroducedtheBlackBottom13tomainstream

culture.“TheBlackBottom[hadbeen]awell‐knowndanceamongsemi‐urbanNegrofolk

intheSouthlongbefore1919.…”butShuffleAlongpopularizedit.“LiketheCharlestonand

alltheotherdancesthatweretooabandonedintheirearlyphases…theBlackBottomwent

througharefiningstageinwhichthemovementsandstepsweremodifieduntilitfinally

emergedasadancesuitablefortheballroom14’”(Stearns110‐1).“AlltheSwingstepsthat

migratedwiththepeople—TheCharleston,Messin’Around,SusieQ.,Pickin’theCherries,

allalittlesuggestive—eventuallycleanedup”tobeacceptableoutsideoftheJook

environmentandinmainstreamAmerica(Davidson1).TwoyearsafterShuffleAlong,the

1923musicalRunningWildpopularizedtheCharleston.

The“Charleston”,whichhademergedasearlyasplantationtimesandinJooks,

madeparticularuseofmovementsandimprovisationcharacteristicoftheAfrican

aesthetic.15Thesecharacteristicsseemedtohavefinallyaffectedmainstreamsocietyas

theirroughedgesweresoftenedandtheywereshowcasedonstage.AstheCharleston

crossedtheracialdivideintothemainstream,“thedistinctionbetweenpopulardancesto

watchandpopulardancestodancewaseradicated:everybodywasdoingit”(Stearns113).

Itsgenericstepcouldbevariedinseeminglylimitlessways,butitwassimpleenoughthat

itcouldbetaughtinballroomdanceclasses,themethodofdancetransmissiontypicalin

EuropeanandEuropeanAmericanculture.Oneman’sdescriptionsummarizesmainstream

culture’sfascinationwiththeCharlestonatthetime,

13SeeAppendixC.14Atthetime,dancestudioswerealltherageincitiesformiddleandupperclasswhitesociety.TeacherslikeVernonandIreneCastleandArthurMurrayoften“cleanedup”populardancestomakethemmoreacceptablefortheballroom.15SeeAppendixC.

Moore 24

ThefirstimpressionmadebytheCharlestonwasextraordinary.…[Ifelt]pleasureinseeingadancewhichusesthewholebodyfarmorethanthenowconventionalstepsoftheFoxTrotandOne‐Step(bothdancesofEuropeanorigin).TheCharlestonasanexhibitiondanceemployedtoadvantagewhattheextravagantshimmyhadbroughtin—thequiverofthebodyotherwisemotionless,theuseofthetorsoindance;itaddedthemovementsofthehips,thighs,buttocks,madefamiliarsinceShuffleAlong—thecharacteristicnegrofreedomofmovement,frankandengaging;thepattingwhichaccompaniestheBlueswasvariedtoslappingandthehandfellonanyportionofthebody,inafrenzy.Asifexcitedbythedancetothepointwheretheydidnotcarewhethertheyweregracefulornot,thechorusassumedthemostawkwardpostures—knock‐knees,legs“akimbo,”toesturnedinuntiltheymet,squattings,comiclittleleapssidewise.Andthenthevisualhighpointofthedance,theseseeminglygrotesqueelementswereactuallywoven,intherhythmofthedance,intoapatternwhichwasfullofgraceandsignificance,whichwasgayandorgiasticandwild.(Emery226,ascitedinSeldes283)

FirsttheBlackBottomandthentheCharlestonsuppliedtoAmericawhatEuropean

danceswerelacking.TheyallowedthefreedomalreadyassociatedwiththeAmerican

spirit,andtheirengaging,full‐bodymotionanddisregardforwhatwasgracefulandwhat

wasn’tspoketoanation“attemptingtobreakawayfromtheconstraintsofpost‐Victorian

moralityandintothefreedomofthemodernworld”(Perpener9).Inatimecommonly

referredtoas“TheRoaringTwenties”andthe“JazzAge”inadditiontothe“Harlem

Renaissance”,theymarkedaculturalrevolutioninmanystrataofsociety.Asthesenew

socialdancesalongwiththenewdanceculturespread,oneconventiontobebrokenwas

dress.TheaestheticattirethatcametobeassociatedwithSwingdancesmixedAfricanand

EuropeandressnormsintwentiethcenturyAmerica.Europeanskirtsrosetoexposemore

ofthecalvesandtopsshrunktobarethearms.Popularwoman’sCharlestonattireoften

hadtassels,fringe,bows,orpleatsaroundthewaist,accentingthemovementofthecore.

ThisrunsincontrastwithwhatwasacceptableintheEuropeanorJudeo/Christian

aestheticinwhichsuchattentiondrawntoawoman’ssexualitywouldhavebeen

forbidden.InmanyAfricancultures,however,usingcostuming,beads,andcowryshellsto

accentawoman’swaist,behind,orbreastswouldhavebeenbothcommonandentirely

acceptable.TheclassicZootSuitoftheJazzAgemalealsowasamixofEuropeanand

Africanaesthetics.Thesuitofthemodernmaledevelopedpantswithbaggylegsandtight

ankles,andthejacketgrewlonger,looser,andfreeflowing.Thebillowingthatthiscreated

Moore 25

gavetributetoanAfricanaestheticofflowingclothestoaccentbodilymovement(Salaam

2010).

TheLindyHop

Thenumerouspublicdancehallsthathademergedinthenineteenthcenturyoften

maintainedapolicyof“Whites‐only”.Mosteventuallyadoptedonedayaweekdedicated

totheAfricanAmericancommunity,butthecommitmenttosegregationwasclear.

Althoughdividedpublicly,asAfricanAmericanswerecreatingnewstyles,mainstream

Americanculturebecamemoreandmoreinterestedinwhattheyhadtooffer.Young

EuropeanAmericanmenbegansneakingouttofrequentlocalesofAfricanAmerican

entertainment,mesmerizedbywhattheysaw,takingbacknewtrickstotheirowndance

hallsandleadingtothemoreadoptionofAfricanAmericandance,music,andcultureby

mainstreamsociety.ThenewopportunitiescreatedduringtheHarlemRenaissancefor

AfricanAmericanstoentertaincreatedanenvironmentripeforexchange.

Harlem’sSavoyBallroomwasoneofthefewentertainmentexceptionsthatopened

itsdoorssimultaneouslytobothAfricanandEuropeanAmericans,anditmayhave

changedthecourseofhistorybecauseofit.Itopenlycateredtointegrateddancing,making

itimmenselypopularandinfluentialintheconvergenceandsharingofculture(not

withoutcausingsubstantialconcernandunrest).EuropeanAmericansfromdowntown

wentuptovisitfamousHarlemnightspotsliketheSavoyBallroom,theCottonClub,and

Smalls’Paradise,drivingmoreimprovisationandleadingtothespreadofthesenew

AfricanAmericandancesbeyondHarlemandoutintomainstreamsociety.16Langston

Hugheswroteofthetime,

Thelindy‐hoppersattheSavoy[Ballroom]evenbegantopracticeacrobaticroutines,andtodoabsurdthingsfortheentertainmentofthewhites,thatprobably

16Tobeclear,bytheearlytwentiethcenturytheterm“AfricanAmericandance”referstodanceintheUnitedStatesbelongingpredominantlytotheAfricanAmericancommunity.ItisimportanttonotethatwhileoftheAfricanAmericancommunity,AfricanAmericandanceatthispointhadbeenheavilyinfluencednotonlybyEuropeandanceformsbutbyfactorspresentinAmericancultureandtheAmericanexperience.

Moore 26

neverwouldhaveenteredtheirheadstoattemptmerelyfortheirowneffortlessamusement.(Stowe43)

UniquelynewtomanyAfricanAmericans,theHarlemRenaissancewasgivingthemthe

opportunitytotakeprideintheartthattheycreated.

The“LindyHop”foundtheperfectmarriagebetweentheindividualityofAfrican

danceandthepartneringofEuropeandance.Itwasapartnerdance,butwhatmadeit

uniquetopartnerdanceswasthebreakaway.“Thebreakawayisatime‐honoredmethod

ofeliminatingtheEuropeancustomofdancingincouples,andreturningtosolodancing—

theuniversalwayofdancing,forexample,inAfrica”(Stearns324).Bywayofthe

breakaway,LindyHopperswereabletoincorporatemanyotherdancestepsintoits

generalframe—includingthosederivedfrombothAfricanAmericansandEuropean

Americans—andtocreatemanynewones.Thesmallbutubiquitous‘itching’

improvisationmovement,forexample,wasadirectdescendentfromAfricandance.The

influenceof“songsofillusion,dancesofderision”emergedinLindyHopjustasithadinthe

satireoftheCakeWalkandthecuttingoftheBlues.JustasintheJook,coupleswould

standbackinacircletoallowagoodcoupletotakecenterfloor.Thennewcoupleswould

jumpinoneortwoatatimeasasortofsociablegameofcompetition,drivinginnovation.

ThedressofLindyHopperscontinuedtopushboundariessetbymainstream

culture.Allofthelegsandevenundergarmentswereexposedintheaerialsthatbecame

common,somethingthatwouldhavecreatedevenmoreculturalcontroversyifithadnot

beenforthefleetingnatureofsuchfastmovement.Thisnewdressaestheticfurther

integratedAfricanandEuropeanAmericansocietyintooneAmericansociety:justlikethe

musicandthedance,itwasenjoyedbyboth.

TheLindyHopandSwingmusicevolvedco‐dependently.“Greatmusiciansinspire

greatdancers—andviceversa—untilthecombinationpyramidsintothegreatest

performancesofboth....Oneofthereasonsfortheearlydevelopmentofgreatbig‐bandJazz

attheSavoywasthepresenceofgreatdancers”(Stearns325).Thetempoquickened,and

inreplythedancersincreasedtheirenergyandspeedofexecution,anecessarypreliminary

fortheacrobaticstocome.LeonJamesdescribedanightattheSavoyin1937,“Dizzy

GillespiewasfeaturedinthebrasssectionofTeddyHill’sscreamingband.…Everytimehe

Moore 27

playedacrazylick,wecutacrazysteptogowithit.Andhedugusandblewevencrazier

stufftoseeifwecoulddancetoit,akindofgame,withthemusiciansanddancers

challengingeachother”(Stearns325).Swingmusic’smixofelementsfromAfricanand

Europeanculturesmadeituniquelyaccessibletoall.Swing“physicalizedthepervading

spiritofabandonofthe1920s”(Perpener17).The“sensuousmoan”oftheBlueshadbeen

revveduptocreatethefastpaced,“spiritofabandon”(91)ofSwing.

Thesedescriptionsofimprovisationthatrespondtofactorsintheenvironment

alongwithatypicalrhythmsandscalesaremuchmoretraditionaltoAfricanmusicaland

dancetraditionsthantothoseofEurope.Jazzinstruments,however—thesaxophone,bass,

tuba,piano,snaredrumandcymbals—arenearlyallfromaEuropeanschoolofmusic.Just

asontheplantationenslavedAfricanswhowereemployedtoplaymusicduringtheparties

oftheplantationfamilytookaspectsofthemusicandtheinstrumentsbacktotheirown

dances,thesameoccurredtocreateJazz.AfricanAmericanJazzmusicianslearnedtouse

Europeaninstruments,learnedtoplayEuropeanmelodiesandlearnedEuropeanmusical

structure,buttheythenaddedsomeofthesyncopation,sound,andpolyrhythmwithwhich

theyhadgrownup.Ratherthanplayingthepianowiththebent,gentlefingersofMozart,

forexample,theyplayeditasapercussiveinstrument(Salaam2010)withtheflatfingers

andheavystrikesofadjembe17playerfromMali.Butunlikethemusicofthatdjembe

playerandmoreakintothatofMozart,Jazzmusicdidhavearelativelyfirmandsystematic

mathematicalstructure.

Duetobothitspopularityandfactorsofthetimes,thenewSwingculture

disseminatedbeyondbigcities,acrossracialboundaries,andacrosstheUnitedStates.This

wasmadepossiblebecauseoftherisesimultaneouslyinthespeedandfrequencyoftravel

andthespeedofmasscommunication.Itsspreadoccurredquicklybetweenthe1920sand

1940s,atimewhenrailroadtrainsweremovingpeopleandcargoacrossthenationand

showslikeTheEdSullivanShowweremovingcultureandideas.Pullmanporterson

passengerandfreighttrainswerefrequentlyAfricanAmericans;thejobwasdifficultbut

providedmobilityandthuspossibility.Segregation,forbetterorworse,ensuredthatinall

citiesandstopsalongthetracks,therewouldhavebeenanentertainmentspaceforAfrican

17SeeAppendixC.

Moore 28

Americanstocongregate.Oneachextendedstop,itwasherethatPullmanporterscould

showoffthenewdancemovesorthelatestmusicalriffsthattheyhadlearnedinthelast

city,ensuringaquickspreadofnewmaterial.

Bythe1950s,teenagerswerewatchingtheLindyHopontelevisionandthentrying

itoutatlocaldances.“TheLindybecamethefirststepyoungsterslearned,anditremained

thefoundationofmostoftheirdancing”(Stearns329).Despiteitsgrowingappeal,this

newartformcontinuedtostruggleforacceptance:theapparentlackoforderterrified

manymiddleclassparents,andtheabandonwithwhichLindyHoppersdancedwiththe

wholebodyensuredthatcertainlyitwouldcorruptthemoralfabricofsociety.The

“Jitterbug”isoftenthetermusedtodescribeaLindyHopmodifiedtomeetEuropean

Americantasteshalfway,taughtatdancestudiosinAmerica’sbigcities,smalltownsand

suburbsacrossthecountry.AsteenagersdancedtheseversionsofSwingathighschool

proms,itslowlygainedacceptanceasdance,regardlessofage,raceorsocialstatus.It

causedageneralrevolutioninpopulardanceintheU.S.,referredtobysomeas“theonly

trueAmericanfolkdance”(Stearns329).

ThebridgethatSwingdancecreatedopenedthestageformanyAmericandance

andmusiccreationsthatweretocome.TheStearnscredittheAfricanAmericantradition:

“AllinalltheNegrostyleofdancing…wasintheAfro‐Americantradition,whichstresses

twocharacteristics:continualimprovisationandpropulsiverhythms.Thesequalities

becameenergizingfactorsinAmericanvernaculardance.”Theythenillustrateitsinfluence

in20thcenturydanceintheUnitedStates:

FromthisAfro‐Americantradition,muchthatcamelatersurfaced—fromthetastytappingofBillRobinsonandFredAstaire…throughthenaïveshimmyofGildaGrayandsocialdancessuchastheCharleston,totheLindy(orJitterbug)andotherballroomdances,upto,including,andafter,theTwist.Mostofthedancingweseetodayonstageandscreen,inballroomsandnightclubs,atdiscothequesandontelevision,oweswhatvitalityithastothisbarelytappedreservoirofAmericanvernaculardance.(Stearns83‐84)

AfterSwingdances,Americandancecontinuedtoevolve.Itrespondedtouniqueattitudes

intheAmericanexperience,oftenunconsciouslytippingitshattoboththeAfricanand

Europeandancesofitspast.

Moore 29

InSummary

FromtheAfrican’sfirstforcedencounterwiththeNewWorldthroughtothe

twentiethcentury,dancehasplayedanimportantroleinboththeAfricanAmericanand

theAmericanexperience.ItevolvedasaheterogeneousmixofAfricanandEuropean

culturesandtraditionswereforcedtomixontheplantation;itevolvedasitcontinuedto

mixwithEuropeanAmericancultureandhostility;andittookpartincreatingentirelynew,

uniquelyAmericandanceformsoutoftheencounter.Ananalysisofthedifferent

trajectoriesofAfricanAmericandanceformsgoesfarbeyondthescopeofdance.This

papertoldonesmallstory,followingafewofthethousandsofuniquetrajectoriesthat

dancetook.Thesetrajectorieswereshapedinresponsetothesurroundingconditions,

makingthemusefulindicatorsforassessingthoseconditions.Withthisstudy,wecan

exploreandinterpretthepsychological,thesociological,theeconomic,thepolitical,andthe

culturalrealitiesatdistincttimesandplacesintheexperienceoftheAfricanAmericanin

theUnitedStates.

Inaddition,thisstudymaybringattentiontotheprofoundinfluenceofAfrican

AmericansonthecultureoftheUnitedStates,allayingconcernbythosesuchasthe

HistorianSterlingStuckey:

Despitethefactthatslaveart,andtheartofthedescendantsofslaves,hasleftamajorimprintonAmericanculture,itdoesnotappearthatwhiteAmericansregardthemselves,inanydegree,asAfricansculturally,amatterseldomdiscussedeveninspecializedstudiesofslavery.Fewscholars,whiteorblack,havesomuchastouchedonthissubject.(Stuckey1)

Stuckeydrawsattentiontoourlackofculturalself‐awarenessintheUnitedStates.

Withhope,theworkofthisthesiswillinspireagreaterunderstandingofthecollective

influencesthatmergedtomakeourcultureandournationwhatitistoday.

Moore 30

TopicsforFurtherStudy

Thisthesislaysthegroundworkforfutureresearch.Iaddressedarelativelysmall

sampleofdancesthatstoppedwiththe1950s,leavinganopportunityfordeeperanalysis

expandedinbreadth.Inmyresearch,theroleofmusicandsongwasconstantlyatopic

thatIfeltnecessarytoexplorebutfromwhichIhadtodrawback,lestIclutterthethesis.

However,theroleofcodificationinsongontheplantationandlaterinBluesandJazzisa

rolethatmeritsdeeperanalysisinaseparatestudy.IalsohopetoexpanduponWest

AfricandanceandmusicduringthetimeofenslavementandtheMiddlePassagetothe

Americas.AbetterunderstandingoftheroleofdanceandmusicinAfricansocietywillaid

inanunderstandingoftheirroleintheDiasporaandthereasonswhycertainelements

remainedrelativelyunchanged,certainelementsevolvedinthenewcontext,andothers

weredisregardedentirely.

Moore 31

Acknowledgements

MysuccessfulcompletionofthisThesiscouldnothavehappenedwithoutthehelp

ofseveralpeople.Firstandforemost,Iextendmythankstomythesisadvisor,Dyane

Harvey.Shehasactedasamentorformepersonallyandacademically,andformythesis

sheprovidedmewithendlessleads,connectionsandresources.InextthankDr.Zilkia

Janer,mymentorwithintheDepartmentofGlobalStudies,forassumingtheextraroleof

unofficialadvisorwithinthedepartmentandformakingsurethatmythesismaintainedthe

levelofacademicandliteraryintegritythatmyresearchdeserved.Inextthanktheseveral

individualswhogenerouslygavetheirtimetositwithmeforinterviews:(inalphabetical

orderandnotorderofimportance)AyandaClarke,MickeyDavidson,Dr.FatouGittens,and

AbdelSalaam.MyearlyinterviewwithMickeyhelpedmetounderstandhowdanceswere

spreadandhowoneevolvedintoanother,andmylaterinterviewwithAyandahelpedme

tofillinwhereIlackedunderstandingwithmusicanditsimportantroleinthisevolution.

Dr.Gittensprovidedmewiththeimportantconceptof“Songsofillusion,dancesof

derision”thatwassonecessarytotheevolutionthatAfricanAmericandanceculturetook,

andsheprovidedmewithampleinformationformyfutureresearchinatopicclosely

relatedtothisthesisbutintheendnotincluded.Mr.Salaam’sinspiringchoreographyand

artisticvisionprovidedmewithmyinitialinterestinthistopic,andhisexpertiseonsucha

wideareawasabletofillinthegapsofinformationthatIhadbeenunabletofindanywhere

else.IthankDyaneandalloftheseintervieweesprofuselyforthewealthofinformation

theyshared:theyprovidedmewithenoughmaterialtowritevolumes,hardlyreflectedin

the[relative]brevityofmyfinalthesis.

MyparentsJanetandDavidMooredeservefullgratitudeforbeingmyfinaleditors,

notonlymorallysupportivebutalsooncall24/7.IthankDr.GrantSaffandthe

DepartmentofGlobalStudiesforapprovingandallowingmySeniorThesistobesocross

disciplinary,notonlychoosingdanceasmytopicbutchoosingaprofessorfromwithinthe

dancedepartmentasmythesisadvisor.Lastly,Iwouldliketocollectivelythankthethree

professorswhosatonmythesisreviewcommittee:DyaneHarvey,Dr.ZilkiaJaner,andDr.

LindaLongmire.Inadditiontobeingextremelyencouraging,theyprovidedmewithvery

constructivecriticismthatIwillbeabletouseforfuturerevisionsandforfurtherstudy.

Moore 32

WorksCited

Abrahams,RogerD.“PlayingtheDozens.”TheJournalofAmericanFolklore.75.297(1962):

209‐220.

Asante,KariamuWelsh.MovingHistory.“CommonalitiesinAfricanDance:AnAesthetic

Foundation”144‐149.

Clarke,Ayanda.Interview.24Nov2010.

Davidson,Mickey.Interview.3Nov2010.

Emery,LynneFauley.BlackDance:From1619toToday.Second,RevisedEdition.

Princeton:PrincetonBookCompany,1988.

Genovese,Eugene.RollJordanRoll.NewYork:RandomHouse,1976.

Gittens,Dr.Fatou.Interview.13Nov2010.

Gottschild,BrendaDixon.DiggingtheAfricanistPresenceinAmericanPerformance:Dance

andOtherContexts.Westport,Connecticut:GreenwoodPress.1996.

Hazzard‐Gordon,Katrina.Jookin’:TheRiseofSocialDanceFormationsinAfricanAmerican

Culture.Philadelphia:TempeUniversityPress,1990.

Hurston,ZoraNeal.“CharacteristicsofNegroExpression.”NegroAnthology.Ed.Nancy

Cunard.NewYork:NegroUniversitiesPress,1969.

Jonas,Gerald.Dancing:ThePleasure,Power,andArtofMovement.NewYork:HarryN

Abrams,Inc.,1992.

Nicholls,RobertW.“AfricanDance:TransitionandContinuity.”AfricanDance:AnArtistic

Historical.41‐60.

PerpenerIII,John.O.AfricanAmericanConcertDance:TheHarlemRenaissanceand

Beyond.Chicago:UniversityofIllinoisPress,2001.

Salaam,Abdel.Interview.7Nov2010.

Sherman,Shantella.“TheHistoryofBlackDanceinAmerica.”TheNewCrisis.

January/February2000.

Stearns,MarshalandJean.JazzDance:TheStoryofAmericanVernacularDance.NewYork:

SchirmerBooks,1968.

Stowe,DavidW.SwingChanges:BigBandJazzinNewDealAmerica.Cambridge:President

andFellowsofHarvardCollege,1994.

Moore 33

Stuckey,P.Sterling.Ed.SusanLeighFoster.“ChristianConversionandtheChallengeof

Dance.”ChoreographingHistory.Indianapolis:IndianaUniversityPress,1995.

‐‐‐.“SlaveryandtheFreeingofAmericaHistoryIntroduction”.AmericanHistorical

Association.April1995,

http://www.historians.org/perspectives/issues/1995/9504/9504TEC.CFM.

Moore 1

AppendixA:

BasicPrinciplesoftheEuropeanDanceAesthetic

ConventionandUniformity—Ratherthanemphasisonindividualimprovisation,

invention,orfreedomofexpression,theemphasiswasonconventionanduniformity.

DancingMasters—Tobecomefluentinthedancesofthetime,itwasexpectedthat

everyone(inthesocio‐economicclassesthatcouldaffordit)takeprivateclassesfroma

danceinstructorwhoarrangedandtaughtinalimitednumberofrepeatablepatterns.

FixedSteps—Dancingmasterstaughtalimitednumberoffixedstepsinrepeatable

patterns,allowingforonlyslightimprovisation

FloorPatternsandLegMovement—Europeandanceputverylittleemphasisonarm

movement,anddeemphasizedentirelythemovementofthetorso.Instead,walking

patternsandchallenginglegpatternswereimportant.Theidealwasanerectbackand

torsohightowardtheheavens.

MaleDominance—Menweregiventheroleoforderingthesefixedstepswiththeirown

ingenuitywhilethewomenlearnedabroadrepertoireoffixedstepsbutsubmitted

themselvestobeingled.

Male­FemaleCouple—Bytheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies,popularEuropean

danceshaddevelopedtoputfullfocusonthecouple—reflectingsocietalgenderroles—

ratherthanonthelargergrouporindividual.

MeteredMusic—Europeanmusicistraditionallyverymathematicallysituatedinmeter

andcountingschemes.Themaininstrumentsarewind,string,andpiano.

SlowRateofChange—ParticularlyinthecasesofBaroqueandclassicaldance,neither

dancenormusiccouldevolvetooquicklybecausetheywerebothdependentupon

society’sacceptablerateofchange.Artistsneededtofitthemusicandstepsthey

presentedintothatframeworkinordertobecommissioned.InGeneral,howmuch

nuanceisacceptableisdeterminedbytradition,andsuchnuanceorchangewas

generallylessacceptableinEuropeanartthaninAfrican(Clarke2010).

Moore 2

AppendixB:

BasicPrinciplesoftheAfricanDanceAesthetic

AestheticoftheCool—Thegoalistopresenttheselfwithamixofcarelessnessand

calculatedaestheticclarity.Thedancer’sfacemayremaindetachedandcoolwhilethe

bodyandenergymaybeworkingfastandhard,andhis/herexpressionmayplaywith

opposites,jugglingcoolwithsinisterorseductive.

Collective—Thegroupisextremelyimportantandmostfrequentlytakestheformofa

circleformation.Individualsolosorsmallergroupsinthecenterareencouragedwhile

thereisashyingawayfromanybodilycontactbetweeneithersex.

EmbracingtheConflict—Thisistheencounterofopposites.Dealingwithoppositesis

inherentinAfricanistcultures’worldview,andisthusinherentintheirdance.

Ephebism—(fromGreekephebe,meaningyouth.)Thisprincipleencompassesattributes

suchaspower,vitality,flexibility,drive,andattack.Aliveandarticulatemovementis

morevaluedthanalignmentorform.

High­affectJuxtaposition—Mood,attitude,ormovementbreaksmayomitthetransitions

andconnectivelinksvaluedinEuropeanaesthetic.Thisalsoincludestheemphasison

balancethroughthecombinationofopposites.1(Gottschild11‐19).

BareFeet—Dancetakesplaceoutsideonthenakedearth.Thisisimportantforthelackof

sound,unliketheEuropeanJigorClogwheresoundisanintegralfactortothedance.

Centrifugal—Dancebeginsinthehipsandradiatesoutward.

Curvilinear—Seeninform,shapeandstructure,itappliestotheindividualandtothe

group.Thereispoweremphasizedinthecircleandsymmetry.

Dimensionality—Thisistextureinmusicandmotion.

EpicMemory—Thisdrawsuponmemories,feelings,andexperience.

1ThesearethefiveelementsthatBrendaDixonGottschildcodifiesasthemostvisibleintheAfricanDiaspora.

Moore 3

Grounded—Dancingwithaflatfootonearthencouragestheuseofgliding,shuffling,and

draggingsteps.Thecombinationofbeinggroundedwithbarefeetlatercombineswith

Europeaninfluencestoproducetapdance.

Holism—Thepartsofacreationarenotemphasizedoraccentuatedbeyondthewhole.

Imitation—Africandancefrequentlyimitatesthemotionsofdailylifesuchasharvesting

thecrop,anditimitatesanimalsinrealisticdetail.

Improvisation—Africandanceplacesahighimportanceonallowingfreedomof

expressionandflexibilityinevolutionofdance.

Polycentrism/Polyrhythm—Polycentrismreferstothenumerouscentersfromwhich

movementemanates,countertoEuropeanaestheticsinwhichtheidealisfor

movementtoemanatefromonelocus.Africandanceispolyrhythmicbecausedifferent

partsofthebodymayfollowtherhythmsofdifferentdrums,maintainingdistinct

patterns.

Repetition—Thereisfrequentlyrepetitionandtheintensificationofonemovement,one

sequence,ortheentiredance.2

2Theseelementscanbefoundinseveralsources.ItookthemspecificallyfromKariamuWelshAsante,JeanandMarshallStearns,andAbdelSalaam.

Moore 4

AppendixC:

DefinitionsofTerminology

Bantaba—InWestAfricanDance,the“CircleoftheBantaba”,orliterallyinterpretedas

“TheDancingGround”,isacommunityspacearoundwhichthecommunityrevolves.

CakeWalk—TheCakeWalkoftentookplaceatcrop‐overorharvesttime,oratother

timesofcelebrationasacommonfestivaldance.Inthedance,enslavedAfricanswould

dressupintheoldclothesoftheplantationfamilyandimitatethatwhichtheysaw

goingoninatthebigwhitehouse.Everyone—plantationownersandenslaved—would

assembleenmasse,andtheenslavedwouldentertaintheplantationfamilieswith

music,strutting,andotherantics.Oftenthewinnerwouldreceiveaprizecake,thus

creatingthename“CakeWalk”.SometimesCakeWalkerswouldalsowalkwithapail

atoptheirhead,competingtoseewhocouldbalanceitbestintheirstrut.Justasinthe

RingShout,TheCakeWalkintegratedelementsofdailylifeintoitsmovement.“Pitchin’

Hay,”“CornShuckin’,”and“Cuttin’Wheat”wereoftenusedasembellishments.

Charleston—TheCharlestonwascreatedinAfricanAmericancommunitiesintherural

South(namedafterCharleston,NorthCarolina)andbecameapopulardancecrazein

the1920sstartinginHarlemandgrowinginternationally.Atthetimeconsidereda

provocativedance,thestepsfollowthebasicmovementofwalking,doneinplacewith

variouslevelsofexaggeration.Movementcanbeassimpleasarelaxedtwistingofthe

feetandcanalsospeeduptofastkickingforwardandback,low,high,withtapsand

without.Thearmsswingoppositethelegs,theentireperformancetakingonthe

relaxed,“aestheticofthecool”characteristic.Itcanbedancedaloneorwithapartner.

Concubinage—ConcubineswerefairlycommoninmostregionsofAfricanslavery,

includingFrenchLouisiana,Haiti,DutchGuinea,Martinique,Guadeloupe,Jamaica,Peru,

andMexico(Hazzard‐Gordon53).

Moore 5

Djembe—AdrumcommontoWestAfrica,especiallyMali.

Jook—CommonlyknownasaJookHouseorJookJoint,thiswasacommunityspace

fundamentalinthepost‐emancipationeraforthecreationandsharingofAfrican

Americanculture.WhileIreferuniformlytotheJook,awidevarietyofsimilarly

clandestinespacesforthesharingofcoreAfricanAmericancultureareincluded:after‐

hoursjoints,HonkyTonks,rentparties,houseparties,andmembershipclubs.

LindyHop—TheLindyHopwasnamedafterLindbergh’s“hop”acrosstheAtlanticin1927.

Itsbasicstepwasasyncopatedtwo‐stepaccentingtheoffbeat.TheLindyHopmixed

theAfricanaesthetic’straditionalimprovisation,Europeanpartnerdance,andearlyBig

BandJazzorSwingmusic.Thebreakawaythatdeveloped,whenthedancersseparated

andhadtheopportunitytobeindependentlycreativewithimprovisation,setitapart

fromallotherdances.

Patakato—See“SongsofIllusion,DancesofDerision”.

PlayingtheDozens—PlayingtheDozensisanAfricanAmericanoraltraditionofusing

insultstobothgainverbaldexterityandtoconfineaggressiveexpressionwithinthe

AfricanAmericancommunity,directingitawayfromitssourcewithinoppressive

mainstreamsocietywhereitsexpressioncouldleadtodangerousconsequences

(Abrahams213).Itisaformof“Songsofillusion,dancesofderision”thatdevelopedas

ahealthymeansofexpressionandhascontinuedinAfricanAmericanculture,greatly

influencingHipHopandRap.

RingShout—Participantsmovearoundtheradiusofacirclecounterclockwise,bodies

movingasone.Oneparticipantbeatsalargestickrhythmicallyontheground.

Commonmovementelementsincludeshuffling,swaying,stamping,clapping,and

shouting.Alsoincludedareimitationmovementsofdailylifeontheplantation,suchas

shuckingthecorn,polishingthesilver,rockingthebaby,orworkingthefields.

Individualsdetachthemselvesfromthecollectivecircleoneortwoatatime,moveto

Moore 6

theinside,andimprovisemorecomplicatedstepsbeforejoiningthecircleagain.Inthe

circle,allparticipantsareconnectedinacontinuousringwithclearvisionofeachother.

SongsofIllusion,DancesofDerision—Thiscanmanifestitselfinnumerousways.Inthe

cultureofcallandresponse,thismeansthefriendlycompetitionofone‐upmanship

betweendancersorbetweendrummer/musiciananddancer.Acompetitionof

creativity,stamina,anddexterityproceedsbackandforthaseachseemstosaytothe

other,“thatwasneatwhatyoujustdid,butwatchthisasImatchyouringenuityand

thendobetter.”ThissamecompetitioncanbeseenlaterinBluesandLindyHop.Inall

cases,itisbothflatteryandachallenge.

Itcanalsomanifestitselfinadifferentsortofmimicry.IntheNigeriandancethe

Patakato,dancerswouldaddbustlestotheirwaisttomimicthecontemporarystyleof

Europeanfemalefashion,wearwhitemasksandwigs,anddancearoundinpetit

movementsemulatingEuropeans.Suchpoliticaldanceswereoftencreatedtomakefun

ofEuropeansastheirpresenceincreasedatthebeginningoftheColonialEra.Inthese

cases,themimicryismoreofanoutletforfrustrationthanacompliment.AsAfricans

feltgrowingpressurebroughtonbytheirEuropeanColonizers,satirethroughdance

wasoneacceptableoutletfortheirdiscomfortandfrustration.

Moore 7

AppendixD

SelectionofDanceVideo

RingShout

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WrDJ0aIBu7k&feature=related

CakeWalk

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7sDnVIeSn_k

CharlestonandBlackBottomHistoricalTimeline

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RGPnPHrrZeA

CharlestonandSwing

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KJsBa2u9aMQ

Jitterbug

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zSpWJss5Gjc&p=F3CF73269FD5FE0D&index=

8&feature=BF

LindyHop

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mTg5V2oA_hY

top related