civic republic of iraq - 2005
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Four Models of Democracy:
Civic Republicanism and the Emerging Iraq
Michael A. Cole
2005
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Two lessons of recent democratization movements are that liberal democratic
regimes are value-charged and that failure to balance the competing demands of culture
and democracy lead to dysfunction and illegitimacy. As the number of nominal
democratic governments grows so too do descriptions of democracy divorced from
Western liberalism. Iraqs longstanding religious, ethnic and tribal conflicts were
suppressed by decades of authoritarianism, and now manifest themselves in the debates
over what Iraq will be, how it will be governed, and by whom. Democracys emergence
as Iraqs form of government begins a complex process of development. Four models of
democracy liberal democracy, civic republicanism, deliberative democracy and radical
democracy are presented. Each is distinctly Western, but they vary in their ability to
mould themselves to the contours of various political cultures. Civic republicanism holds
the greatest promise for Iraq for its ability to capitalize on the particular characters of
Iraqs peoples and build unity around a core of malleable ideals.
LIBERAL DEMOCRACY
Late twentieth and early twenty-first century Western politics is characterized as a
hybrid of democratic forms, but liberalism has assumed such prominence in Western
democracies that its practitioners often do not distinguish it as one particular democratic
theory among several. If they do, then they often assert it is both superior to others and
universally applicable. This is particularly true in the United States, where the emphasis
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on individuals civil rights and civil liberties has dominated decades of debate and given
prominence to the language of liberalism.1 The briefest sketch shows that liberalism is
neither universally applicable nor satisfactory for the attainment of all conceivable,
legitimate objectives of a democracy.
The liberal tradition begins from an explication of the natural condition from
which people escape by joining in communities and constructing governments, thereby
mitigating the danger in nature and obeying its laws.
The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges everyone: and
reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind that being all equal and
independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, liberty or possessions
Every one is bound [by nature and as functionaries of the Divine] to preserve
himself so by the like reason, when his own preservation comes not into
competition, ought he as much as he can, to preserve the rest of mankind, and may
not, unless it be to do justice to an offender, take away, or impair the life, liberty, or
what tends to the preservation of the life, the liberty, health, limb or goods of
another.2
The unit of liberal politics is the individual in a position of unalterable, natural freedom
and equality with others. Individuals are credited with capacities for rational thought,
choice, and freedom of conscience. They are granted freedom from coercion and are
presumed to use their liberty and intelligence to pursue their interests. Lockes reference
to life, liberty, and estate, concerns not only material property (estate), but also
the property each has in his own Person.3
Individuals create government in order to
protect the rights and liberties to which they are naturally entitled,4
and the institution
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and defense of rights and liberties is the sole purpose of legitimate government.5
Legitimacy is a precondition for liberal governance; it is a function of the consent of the
governed; and the same failures and violations of government that undermine legitimacy
are acknowledged to be causes of complaint and even revolution by the governed.
Governments limited ends imply its necessarily limited means. Liberalism accepts
constrained, divided government, and active citizens in competition with each other for
resources,6 as tools to maximize individuals liberty.
Although it suggests no particular political institutions or social movements,
liberalism lends itself to employment by many of each. The values contained in John
Lockes Second Treatise direct the forms assumed by liberal movements and
governments as disparate as feminism, the American founding, and the Iraqs political
development. For example, Martha Nussbaum somewhat controversially conceives of
liberalism as a salient feature of feminism for its idea of the equal worth of human
beings as such, in virtue of their basic human capacities for choice and reasoning The
crucial addition liberal feminism makes is to add sex to that list of morally irrelevant
characteristics [alongside rank, caste, and birth].7
In this feminist model, liberalism
serves to right past wrongs and empower individuals.
The liberal insists that the goal of politics should be the amelioration of lives taken
one by one and seen as separate ends, rather than the amelioration of the organic
whole or the totality. I argue that this is a very good position for women to
embrace, seeing that women have all too often been regarded not as ends but as
means to the ends of others.8
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Writing for The Federalist, Alexander Hamilton addressed in distinctly liberal
language the hazards of inequality and conflict, and the capacity of citizens to guide
politics and as act as arbiters of legitimacy.
It seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and
example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really
capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or
whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on
accident and force Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new
Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious
interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may
hazard a diminution of [their] power and the perverted ambition of another class
of men, who will hope to aggrandize themselves.9
Madisons response to the problem is an expression of liberal values.
There are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by removing its
causes; the other by controlling its effects. There are again two methods of
removing the causes of faction: the one by destroying the liberty which is essential
to its existence; the other, by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same
passions, and the same interests. It could never be more truly said than of the first
remedy that it was worse than the disease It could not be less folly to abolish
liberty, which is essential to political life The second expedient is as
impracticable as the first would be unwise The diversity in the faculties of men,
from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a
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uniformity of interests. The protection of these faculties is the first object of
government.10
The Founders resolved that individual liberty and limited government are beneficial.
They adopted a framework of common procedures and mediated conflict to hamper
excesses of power and capitalize upon competition. The civic republican, deliberative,
and radical models of democracy would conceivably respond to feminism and the
dangers of faction quite differently.
Benjamin Barbers critique of liberalism reveals much of what lies beneath the
democratic faade its practitioners have constructed over the centuries.
Liberal democracy is based on premises that are genuinely liberal but that are
not intrinsically democratic. Its conception of the individual and of individual
interest undermines the democratic practices upon which both individuals and their
interests depend. Liberal democracy is thus a thin democracy, one whose
democratic values are prudential and thus provisional, optional and conditional
From this precarious foundation, no firm theory of citizenship, participation, public
goods, or civic virtue can be expected to arise.11
The liberal conceptions of human nature, knowledge and politics emerge directly from
liberal philosophys myth of the state of nature, yet the image of Man emerging alone and
brutish from prehistory prior to civilization, political attachment, and the assertion of
self-evident rights is rationally un-testable. The myth buttresses a system of rational
conclusions that Barber calls grossly deficient as a model of political thinking.12
In its most common forms, which Barber identifies as anarchism, realism, and
minimalism, liberalism employs ideas about human nature, knowledge and politics that
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are not conducive to participatory citizenship, dynamic communities, and advances in
human understanding. Liberalism maintains a belief in the fundamental inability of the
human beast to live at close quarters with members of its own species. All three [models]
seek to structure human relations by keeping men apart rather than by bringing them
together.13
In its approach to knowledge, liberal philosophy adopts the Cartesian
assumption that there exists a knowable independent ground an incorrigible first
premise or antecedent reality from which the concepts, values, standards, and ends of
political life can be derived by simple deduction.14
Liberal philosophy pursues political
knowledge as part of a quest for certainty, to render intelligibility absolute and justice
incorrigible.15
Determined to develop a politics of applied truth the liberal must
find impossible routes from nowhere (antecedent reality) to somewhere (concrete human
relations).16 Barber suggests that liberalism is rendered intellectually vacuous and
unequal to the solution of real, human problems by this use of knowledge, and that
political theorists should instead endeavor to render political life intelligible and
political practice just.17
The same critique of liberal political theory carries to its
political activity. The liberal democratic view of human nature insists that the human
condition necessarily entails a certain form of political life Liberal democratic politics
is thus the logic of a certain radical individualism It is atomism wearing a social
mask.18
Consistent emphases on individualism, competition, and concern for theoretical
salience in the liberal images of human nature, knowledge, and politics preclude rich
democratic traditions conceived by alternative democratic models.
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CIVIC REPUBLICANISM
Civic republicanism diverges from the liberal tradition by reorienting itself with
respect to the individual and the community and their relationship to each other, the
powers and purpose of government, and by emphasizing the role of the citizen as the
critical political actor. Like liberal philosophers before him, Jean-Jacques Rousseau
conceives of individuals in the state of nature as free and equal, unencumbered except by
ones force upon another to attain the necessities for living. Significantly, Rousseau
mitigates liberals radical individualism by noting that man comes into the world as part
of a family, and are therefore born into a social order writ-small. Similarly, departure
from the state of nature exerts a socializing force on the individual.
[The] passage from the state of nature to the civil state produces quite a
remarkable change in man, for it substitutes justice for instinct in his behaviour and
gives his actions a moral quality they previously lacked. Only then, when the voice
of duty replaces physical impulse and right replaces appetite, does man, who had
hitherto taken only himself into account, find himself forced to act upon other
principles and to consult his reason before listening to his inclinations. His
faculties are exercised and developed, his ideas are broadened, his feelings are
ennobled, his entire soul is elevated19
Entrance into society is not merely functional, but transformative; it is the process by
which men become most distinctly human.
In Rousseaus Social Contract, the political question is a familial question writ
large.20 By entering the social compact,
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Each of us places his person and all his power in common under the supreme
direction of the general will; and as one receive each member as an indivisible part
of the whole This act of association produces a moral and collective body
composed of as many members as there are voices in the assembly, which receives
from this same act its unity its life and its will.21
The relationship between man and state is accurately characterized as an interaction, and
not an exchange; each exerts a formative and empowering influence on the other, but the
state is never the master and is always the servant,22
as the citizen surrenders rights not to
the government but to the body politic composed of his equals. The resulting sovereign
power derives its legitimacy and solvency from the tacit, constant commitment of the
citizenry. The sovereign power is absolute and demands obedience of the citizens from
whom it receives authority. As the sovereign power is of the people, used to enforce the
decisions of the general will composed of the whole citizenry, it can by definition never
err.
The regime with which citizens engaged in politics thus construed should govern
themselves depends on the character of the state in question, provided conditions are met
to maintain the balance of power and the quality of active citizenship. As there is an
inverse relationship between the size of the state (by population) and the size of its
government, it follows that small states should be governed by councils of as many
citizens as is practicable, and large states will be governed by a few individuals. The
same scale exists between the size of a state and the liberty of its citizens. Yet the
sources of their power and legitimacy will remain the same. Representation, or
government by proxy, is anathema to the Rousseauean republic. The laziness, greed and
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cowardice Rousseau attributes to an inattentive citizenry are by definition the character of
the state, which makes it vulnerable to corruption from within and invasion from without.
As the best regime depends on the size of a people, the best government is defined by its
inclination. The goal of political association is the preservation and prosperity of its
members,23
and government is secondarily instituted to achieve objectives defined by
the general will. The government best able to meet these goals and still maintain civil
and political liberty can be said to be the most appropriate and successful government.
According to Aristotle, The end and purpose of a polis is the good life, and the
institutions of social life are means to that end. It is only as participants in political
association that we can realize our nature and fulfill our highest ends.24
As was true in
the Greek polis and in Rousseaus republic, Americas republican tradition demands of
public life opportunities to substantively participate in self-governance and engage in
vibrant communities. Michael Sandel notes the presence of anxiety in American politics
despite the countrys apparent success and happiness, which he argues stems from the
feeling that people are losing control of the forces governing their lives and that the moral
fabric of community is unravelling,25
but that the prevailing procedural republic founded
on liberal political theory is ill-equipped to respond as needed. The challenges to
American republicanism are the same Rousseau attributes to large states, and extension
of government powers entailed therein is followed shortly by diminution of Americans
liberty. The project of reopening public space for deliberation and participation is
undertaken against the flow of powerful political and market forces whose interests lie in
citizens privatism and acquiescence, and it follows the greater task (pursued throughout
American history) of developing citizens capacities of character, judgment and concern
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for the whole26
without resorting to coercion. The much broader project of defining and
promoting civic virtue, as Benjamin Rush said, to save American republicanism from
the deadly effects of [the] private pursuits of happiness,27
may occur only in the context
of rescinding the procedural republic, in which the right is promoted prior to the good.
Clearly, the challenges faced by civic republicanism are as imposing in practice as in
theory.
DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY
Central to each model of democracy is the idea that people, whether radically
individualistic or intimately tied to communities, possess the capacity for reason and the
inclination to pursue either personal or shared interests through political engagement.
Deliberation at all levels, between all participants in public life, about all issues of public
concern is among the most basic activities citizens can engage in to affect governance. It
is essential for legitimacy, and conducive to improved democratic functioning.
Roughly half of eligible American voters regularly choose not to vote; a growing
number of people express distrust for their representatives and dissatisfaction with
governments activities; consecutive presidents appear not to place public engagement on
their agendas.28
The growing gap between citizens and their government suggests
negative consequences for the legitimacy of the American regime, which depends not on
acquiescence but on the consent of participating citizens expressing the public will.
Deliberation benefits the development of functional communities by bringing together
people from disparate corners of society to discuss issues and identify commonalities; it
acts as a conduit for new solutions to public problems to enter the discourse and receive
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action; and deliberation has been shown to lead to increased knowledge and participation,
all of which serve public interests. In Politics for People, David Matthews argues that
politics is not purely instrumental. Politics is a creative activity in that it has to do with
building they kind of community and country we want Politics is about
transformation, not just transactions.29
This differs from Rousseaus models of
decision-making because it peels away actors particularities to uncover a common good,
as opposed to a common will; but it agrees with the civic republicans image of
participation as a transformative activity by which private actors become public
contributors.
RADICAL DEMOCRACY
Benjamin Barbersstrong democracy attempts to formulate a remedy to the
breakdown of community, citizenship, legitimacy, and government effectiveness the
preceding models identify as a growing danger to American democracys solvency.
Building from the Rousseauean belief that politics can be transformative, and the hopeful
Jeffersonian belief in human potential, Barber proposes a program of reforms and new
initiatives which have as their object the extension of democracy into most corners of the
lives of an increasingly competent citizenry. A central premise of his model is that
politics is autonomous of any preconceptual frame, which might otherwise color the
deliberative, participatory process of decision-making at the core of his prescriptions.
Perhaps most useful contribution of Strong Democracy is a reformulation of
politics and an alternative to liberalisms preconceptual frame. The definition ofthat
which is politicalis too often missing from works of political theory. Very briefly,
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Politics is what men do when metaphysics fails; it is not metaphysics reified as a
constitution.30
The political condition is engendered by history, circumstance, and context The
citizen wishes in any case only to act rightly, not to know for certain; only to
choose reasonably, not to reason scientifically; only to overcome conflict and
secure transient peace, not to discover eternity; only to cooperate with others, not to
achieve moral one-ness; only to formulate common causes, not obliterate all
differences.31
Barbers radical democracy consists of the practical solutions determined by reasoning
persons to be best. By un-mediating government and institutionalizing substantive forms
of democratic talk, decision-making and action, Barber says, Strong democracy looks to
wage a second war for suffrage, a second campaign to win the substance of citizenship
promised but never achieved by the winning of the vote32
CIVIC REPUBLICANISM IN IRAQ
Iraqs political troubles have reflected those of its neighbors for centuries as it has
changed from an unruly outpost of the Ottomon Empire to a center of Pan-Arabism, and
finally to the battlefield in a conflict between irredentist extremism and modernizing
forces of democracy. The dual image of Iraqs conflict as both internal and external
carries important consequences for the kind of form its politics may assume in the near
future. Democracy offers Iraq an alternative to the autocratic rule of its past which need
not contradict its native political traditions, but the disjointed model applied first by the
occupation authority and then by Iraqs National Assembly more readily facilitates
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elections than it can foster civic life. Liberalism is weighted with values that conflict
with Iraqs prominent Islamic and tribal traditions. Civic republicanism holds promise
for its ability to capitalize on the native character of Iraqs people, and channel their
differences into cooperation. The distinction is reflected in small ways by ongoing work
in Iraqs political development.
As is often true, particularly in the non-Western world, history is essential to
understanding Iraq. Intellectual exchange between the West and the Near East was so
constant and of such importance through the fourteenth century that the distinction
between them was more artificial than real. It was not until the sixteenth century, as the
West pursued its Renaissance and the East entered the Ottomon age, that their paths
diverged.33
By the end of the eighteenth century, the Near East had changed little, as its
wealth and achievements were concentrated in Ottomon hands, and its imperial lands
remained much as they were for centuries. In the territory now known as Iraq, the period
was marked by consistent conflict as the peoples loyalties were divided between the
Shiite attachment to Persia and the Sunni orientation to the holy cities Mecca and
Medina. Catholic missionaries and British educators entered Iraq in the late seventeenth
century, specifically Basra and Baghdad, but exerted little influence until the resurgence
of East-West contacts across the region following Napoleons entrance into Egypt
(bearing Arabic-script printing presses) in the early nineteenth century.
Iraqs relationship with the West from the early nineteenth to the early twentieth
century was characterized by hostility alongside adoption of Western political forms,
particularly nationalism and democracy. The 1920 rebellion against the British by the
tribes along the lower Euphrates River at the Shiite holy cities of Karbala and Najaf was
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followed by the imposition of the Empires indirect rule through King Faysal. In 1927,
the British recognized Iraqs independence and pursued a series of treaties for trade and
development. In 1958, King Faysal II was assassinated and a socialist republic was
instituted. The rise of Pan-Islam and Pan-Arabism, or Baathism, was pursued as a
means to oppose Western intrusions, while, paradoxically, adopting Western political
models and ideologies. Samuel Huntingtons democracy paradox is a notable modern
observation of the phenomenon. It forms a significant piece of the puzzle represented by
Arab democracy. Adoption by non-Western societies of Western democratic
institutions encourages and gives access to power to nativist and anti-Western political
movements.34
The democracy paradox is everywhere at work in Iraq with important
consequences for the future character of Iraqi politics. As democracy does not
necessarily bring Western values, and as liberal democracy is likely to be rejected by
Iraqs native political centers, the democracy paradox indicates something of Iraqs likely
course.
Native values and power centers are a force to be contended with in Iraq.
Throughout the late twentieth century, political democracy contended with native
feudalism. Liberty had internal and well as external opponents.35
Throughout the Arab East feudalism continued to be a dominant social feature
with political complications. The system centered on chiefs who held power by
virtue of descent and the accumulation of extensive land properties The
institution and functioning of a democratic form of government was not an easy
task. The search for a new political structure has not yet ended. Politically, no less
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than socially and economically, the entire Arab East is still in a state of
transition.36
On 15 December, Iraqis will go to the polls to vote for the first time under the new
Iraqi constitution for a democratic, civilian government. They are expected to vote in
greater numbers than ever before. Hundreds of campaigns have been waged for national,
provincial and local positions. Some candidacies are independent, and many others have
been supported by sophisticated networks of staff and volunteers organized and funded
by national party organizations. Campaign advertisements were released using television
and print; campaign Web-sites were maintained, complete with election-day countdowns
and attention-grabbing photos of Ms. Egypt 2005; and text-messages were sent to Iraqna-
network cellular phones until rules brought campaigning to a close two days prior to the
election. A professor at Baghdad University is attempting the first nation-wide poll by an
Iraqi since the U.S.-Coalition invasion in 2003. Although Iraqs election looks like
democracy in action, it is not properly comprehended as democracy by any of the four
models. Iraqs present occupation and constant unrest is not conducive to any rich form
of democracy. Its troubles reach deeper, to the inclination it is given by history and
tradition to adopt democracy only of a particular form not yet delineated.
To borrow Benjamin Barbers metaphor, Iraq is less a linked chain of identities,
traditions and interests, than a woven cable. Tribes and ethnic groups are multi-
denominational; regions are multi-ethnic; ethnicities are multi-tribal; Iraqis of every
tribal, denominational, and ethnic identity live side by side, and now espouse a wide
array of partisan loyalties. Iraqs politics will ideally reflect this complexity by
permitting participants in its politics to flourish both independently and together, seeking
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some form of genuine cooperation, instead of through liberalisms formula for balance
through regulated conflict. Liberalism asserts values that are antithetical to Iraqs Arab,
Muslim, national, tribal and ethnic identities. The liberal materialists picture of radical,
individualist Man competing for physical and psychic space and property is foreign to a
tribal mindset. Islam, which is remarkable among faiths for its claim to universalism and
its creation of a unifying identity among Muslims, conflicts with liberalisms universalist
claims. Liberalism will serve most effectively to channel Iraqs ever-present conflict into
a tenuous politics. However, it will fail to satisfy Iraqs real need for healing, unity, and
accommodation of its potentially beneficial orientation toward non-Western forms of
community and identity.
Civic republicanism holds limited promise for Iraq that has not been explored by
the scholarly literature and is too quickly discounted by Iraqs foreign advisors. Viewed
as a familial image writ large, Rousseaus republic is wholly consistent with Iraqis many
native sources of identity and repositories of power. The character of the political
association described in the Social Contract conforms to the collective decision-making
processes pursued by tribal and religious leaders, the group action pursued by ethnic and
religious blocs, as well as the completeness with which most Iraqis embrace some or all
traditional sources of identity inherited at birth. Just as political association in the
republic of the Social Contract is nominally voluntary and permanent once chosen, so too
are Iraqis associations with traditional groups. Whereas the Hussein regime used
violence and coercion to manipulate and break religious, tribal and ethnic hierarchies
including mass killings and arbitrary appointments to hereditary sheikdoms civic
republicanism should respect and protect them as sources of legitimacy, national unity,
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and improved government functioning. Individual sheiks, imams and other leaders have
been consulted for support in constructing a democratic political system, but they should
be inducted as a part of the countrys unified civic fiber.
The ability of native cultural groupings to promote national unity is conditioned on
Iraqs adoption of the community-building qualities found in the civic republican
tradition. Beyond the Sunni-Shiite and Arab-Kurd divides featured on the news, Iraq is
composed of many smaller groups that maintain distinctive traditions, often reflecting the
countrys varied landscape. For example, the Marsh tribes near Nassiriya are well-known
across the region for their fishing techniques and music; the Jibouri and Doulaemi tribes
have spread across the country, but maintain ancestral homelands near Sulemaniya; Iraq
is also home to very small cults of fire and devil worshippers the Islamic Empire never
managed to convert. Diversity distinguishes Iraq from the countrys more homogenous
and modernized neighbors. The shared experience by cultural groups not only of ancient
history, but of colonialism and recent traumas, can be seen as contributors to a common
national character. In his letter on the Government of Poland, Rousseau says, the love
of fatherland and of freedom animated by the virtues inseparable from that love37
is
enough to galvanize Poland against subjugation.
As Iraqs tribal and ethnic groups are loosely grouped in specific geographical
locations, confederation may be a practicable means to steel group identities against the
modernizing and homogenizing effects likely to impact the country, and to provide visual
evidence of Iraqs cultural wealth. Rousseau writes, If Poland were what I wish it to be,
a confederation of thirty-three small states, it would contain the force of great Monarchies
with the freedom of small Republics.38
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Small republics offer practical benefits for efficient, responsive government and
maintenance of public morals. Iraqs diverse needs will not be easily satisfied by the
centralized ministries in Baghdad, as has already been seen in nearly three years of
reconstruction, but local governments in a confederation of small republics will easily
assess their own needs and gauge public preferences. In nearly one hundred years, Iraq
has had two kings, two military leaders and a dictator, each of whom has embarked on
public projects for his own glorification. Rousseau suggests that small republics are
potentially more responsible.
Preserve, restore among you simple morals, wholesome tastes, a warlike spirit free
of ambition; form courageous and disinterested souls involve your peoples in
agriculture and the arts necessary for life, make money contemptible and, if
possible, useless, seek, find more powerful and more reliable springs to achieve
great things.39
Iraqs local government has shown that it is inclined to do just this. In the spring of 2004,
as the national-level Governing Council debated the color of handwriting on the new
Iraqi flag, Baghdads City Council appropriated funds to clean up from a long period of
looting.
As Iraqs new constitution and the political world developing around it are
considered by many to be foreign and illegitimate, candidates for office often succeed by
associating their names with traditionally respected power-sources, such as clergy,
influential families, and large tribes. These groups become campaign engines, reliable
voting blocs, and legitimating constituencies identified by other partisans as desirable
allies, much as American partisans align by ideology. Compared to the private interests
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addressed in the Federalist Papers as dangerous factions, native power centers contribute
the legitimacy that is perceived to be in such short supply.
Although civic republicanism more readily allows the assertion of native values,
the development of active citizenship, and the provision of effective governance than
liberal democracy, it is remains uncertain that the democratic form appropriate for Iraq
has been conceived by theory. J.J. Rousseaus caution to Polands Count Wielhorski still
applies: A foreigner can contribute scarcely any but general views, which might
enlighten the institutor, not guide him.40
It remains for Iraq to decide what it most wants
to be.
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Notes:1 Snyder, R. Claire - The Logic of Liberalism 22
Locke, John The Second Treatise 93
Snyder 24
Snyder 45
Snyder 86
Barber Strong Democracy 57
Nussbaum Sex and Social Justice 98
Nussbaum 109
The Federalist Papers 3310
The Federalist Papers 7811
Barber 412
Barber 3113
Barber 2114
Barber 4615
Barber 4916
Barber 6517
Barber 4918
Barber 6819
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques - The Social Contract 15120
Rousseau xv21
Rousseau 14822
Rousseau xvi23
Rousseau 19024
Sandel, Michael Democracys Discontent 725
Sandel 326
Sandel 31827
Sandel 12928
Snyder, R. Claire Democratic Theory and the Case for Public Deliberation, 1-629
Matthews, David Politics for People 20830
Barber 13131
Barber 13132
Barber 26633
Hitti, Philip A History of the Arabs 74934
Huntington Clash of Civilizations 9435
Hitti, Philip 75636
Hitti, Philip 75637
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques - Government of Poland 23838
Rousseau 23139
Rousseau 22440
Rousseau 177
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