JUNE 28~ 1954

The Union Member:

America's Laziest ManBy Victor Riesel

The Debacle of the FabiansBy Russell Kirk

Articles and Book Reviews by Max Eastman, Norbert Muhlen,

James Burnham, Joseph Wood~ Krutch, Robert Cantwell,

Eugene Lyons, Argus, William F. Buckley, Jr.

New Rod Mill at J&L's AI" .Iqulppa Works

Editor~als

'The Fortnight .. 0 • 0 • 0 0 0 0 0 • 0 0 •••••• 0 0 ••••• 0 0 0 •• 0 0 0 o. 689How Not to Run a Party . 0 •••••••••••• 0 •••••••••• 0 •• 691The Oppenheimer Finding 692In Freedom's Calendar 693

Conservativers for Liberty 694

Indian Elephant Surplus 694

Individualists

Executive DirectorManaging Editor

At luncheon not long ago we asked VICTOR

RIESEL for his explanation of the generalapathy we had noticed among most of themembers of labor unions with whom we hadany acquaintance. His answer (p. 699) is asstartling as it is honest. Mr. Riesel's laborcolumn is nationally syndicated.

Among OurselvesWith the publication in 1953 of The Conserva­ti've Mind, RUSSELL KIRK became nationally re­cognized as one of the foremost young leadersof conservative thought in the country. Heenjoys an equal reputation in England, hav­ing contributed frequently to British journalsand taken his doctor's degree at Scotland'sfamous old St. Andrews University. Becauseof his personal acquaintance with the Britishpolitical and intellectual scene, Mr. Kirk hasa more than academic interest in the NewFabianism, which he analyzes in this issue(p. 695). At present Mr. Kirk is finishinga new book, A Program for Conserpatives,to be published by the Henry Regnery Company.

JUNE 28, 1954

A Fortnightly

For

KURT LASSENFLORENCE NORTON

VOL. 4, NO. 20

THE

reeman

Contents

Articles

The Debacle of the Fabians RUSSELL KIRK 695

America's Laziest Man VICTOR RIESEL 699

Why Trade Must Be Free PATRICK E. NIEBURG 701

Let'rs Be Prejudiced JOSEPH WOOD KRUTCH 703

The y,oung Germans-Today NORBERT MUHLEN 705Letter from France ~ 0 • JAMES BURNHAM 707Television Steps In . 0 •••••••• FLORA RHETA SCHREIBER 709

Peace Prize Rules . 0 0 0 • 0 •••••••••••••• 0 ••• M. K. ARGUS 711The Angry Bishop EUGENE LYONS 712

Books

Oppenheimer's Mind 0 •••••••• MAX EASTMAN 713

Worker-Priests 0 • EUGENE M. BURKE 714

Hemingway's Journalism 0 ••• ROBERT CANTWELL 715Hysteria for Henry WILLIAM F 0 BUCKLEY, JR. 717The Thought Flounder .. 0 ••••••••••••••••• KARL HESS 718Book Marks ... 0 • 0 •••••• 0 ••••• 0 0 ••••••• 0 • • • • • • • • • •• 718

From Our Readers 688

THE FREEMAN is published fortnightly. Publication Office, Orange, Conn. Editorial andGeneral Offices, 240 Madison Avenue, New York 16, N. Y. Copyrighted in the UnitedState~~T 1954, by the Freeman, Magazine, Inc. Henry Hazlitt, Chairman of the Boarrl;Leo wolman, President; Kurt Lassen, Executive Vice President; Claude Robinson,Secretary; Lawrence Fertig, Treasurer.Entered as second class matter at the Post Office at Orange, Conn. Rates: Twenty-fivecents the copy; five dollars a year in the United States; nine dollars for two years;six dollars a year elsewhere.The editors cannot be responsible for u'1solicited manuscripts unless return postage orbetter, a stamped, self-addressed envelope is enclosed. Manuscripts must be typeddouble-spaced.Articles signed with a name, pseudonym, or initials do not necessarily represent theopinion of the editors, either as to substance or style.~ 11 Printed in U.S.A., by Wilson H. Lee Co., Orange, Connecticut

What reasons lie behind the postponement bythe Congress ofa showdown at this session onthe President's proposal for a liberal tradeprogram? PATRICK E. NIEBURG, a journalistand specialist on politico-econonlic affairs nowlocated in Washington, refutes the argumentsagainst such a program (p. 701).

In this issue (po 703) JOSEPH WOOD KRUTCH

steps aside brieflY as a drama and book criticto make some cogent comments on a currentlyfavorite horror word being bandied about bythe "liberals."

NORBERT MUHLEN has chosen for his presentreport on Germany (p. 705) the potentiallymost important segment of its population, itsyouth of recently acquired voting age. Heknows them well, having spent considerabletime among them since the war. Mr. Muhlenhad just become launched on his career inGermany as a politica,l scientist and journalistwhen the Nazis seized power and made hisdeparture advisable.

On the subject of "audio-visual communica­tion," FLORA RHETA SCHREIBER is both a teacherof university standing and a practical tech­nicia'n. It is therefore as a two-way authoritythat she reports on the future of educationaltelevision. Her comprehensive handbook-text­book on radio and television-an outgrowth,incidentally, of a FREEMAN article ("The BattleAgainst Print," issue of April 20, 1953)-isscheduled for early publication.

Beginning with the next issue the FREEMAN

will be published monthly under the editor­ship of Frank Chodorov by the IrvingtonPress, Irvington-on-Hudson, of which LeonardE. Read is president. A complete explanatoryannouncelnent will appear in the July issue.

Polemics of Freedom

Your issue of June 14 was a superbexample of the sort of thoughtfulj ournalis,m which today stands aloneas representing the point of view offree men in this Republic. In a timegrown weak with fears of speakingout in defense of liberty and in assaultagainst its enemies, your magazine hassounded the sure, strong polemics offreedom. Without it, freedom wouldbe mute in our land, and the voices ofthe petty hagglers would drone alone.Temple City, Cal. RAY CAHOON

Swedish-Soviet Tr,ade AgreementAlthough not a professional apologistfor Scandinavian social policy, I feelcompelled to take exception to thechar·acterization by Patrick Nieburg(May 31) of the Swedish-Soviet TradeAgreement as an example of "eco­nomic opportunism." As a student atthe University of Stockholm, I hadoccasion to speak to several membersof the Riksdag and to Einar Torvald­son of the Riksbank at the time thatthe treaty was being negotiated. Publicas well as official sentiment was opposedto any economic alliance with theSoviets even in 1946. This sentimenthad its basis partially in the traditionalhostility toward the Russians whichdated back to Charles XII and whicheven the Grand Alliance of WorldWar Two did not dispel.

The fact of the matter is that theSwedes, as they saw it, had no otheralternative available to them. Not­withstanding their efforts to compen­sate for their lack of domestic coaland oil through hYdroelectric develop­ment, Swedish industry is wholly de­pendent upon the importation of theseessential raw materials. Coal and oilaccounted for more than 50 per centof Sweden's imports prior to WorldWar Two. Increased industrializationwhich grew out of the establishmentof new lines of production made neces­sary by the wartime hlockade madethe need for these raw materials evenlTIOre acute.

Germany had previously constitutedalmost the sole supplier of these rawmaterials while Great Britain was byfar the greatest consumer of Swedishpulp,wood and manufactured products.Germany as a consumer land as a sup­plier of raw materials was out of theworld market. Swedish economistsshared the view then prevalent inEurope that an economic depressionin the United States and Great Britainwas inevitable. With Germany andGreat Britain, to whom Swedish tradehad been tied, out of the market,

688 THE FREEMAN

Swedish economists sought to insureaccess to essential raw .materials andprovide a stable market for manu­factured products by broadening thebase of trade through the exten­sion of five billion kroners credit tocountries with whom Sweden had littleor no trade prior to World War Two.Actually, the much publicized Russianloan of one billion kroners representedonly a portion of the total credit ex­tended under this plan.

This action by the Swedish govern­ment may have been motivated by self­interest. It certainly w,as not opportun­istic in the sense that it was un­principled. But even if policies estab­lished solely on the basis of nationalself-interest are to be subject to thecriticism of being opportunistic, Ithink that there are several areas inour own foreign and domestic policieswhere we might well establish a basisfor such ,criticism.

Chicago, Ill. CARL E. BAGGE

[We would be curious to know on whatbasis Swedish economists assumed in1946 that an economic depression wasinevitable in the United States. To usit's news. EDITORS]

A MisnomerYour article on Gross National Productby Lewis Haney (May 31) is timelyand important. However, it is soburdened with the technical terms andpoint of view of the professional econ­omist that ma'ny lay.men may missthe real point at issue. To me, thatpoint is this: Gross National Productis actually a misnomer. I t does notrepresent national production, as mostpeople have been led to believe. Whatit does represe'nt is Gross NationalExpenditure, and it is so describedin the Federal Reserve Bulletin.

For the purpose of getting them­selves re-elected our politicians havein the past referred to a constantlyrising G.N.P. as a sound and reliablemeasure of national welfare. This hasbee'n done in the belief that theycould sell us the idea that the morewe can spend, give away, throwaway,or shoot away, the better off we areregardless of a crushing tax burdenand a constantly increasing debt piledup to mortg,age the future of ourchildren. . . . We should be shockedand alarmed to realize that, includ­ing the amounts to be voted this year,we will have spe'nt on foreign economicand military aid since the war theastounding sum of close to $67 billion.

To base our national policies andcourse of action on the voracious needof a rising G.N.P. can lead to nothingbut more war and ultimate dis­aster....Pasadena, Cal. HERBERT SPENCER

Break Relations with MalenkovOur government should sever all dip·lomatic relations within the very ne:arfuture with the Soviet government andall Communist governments in alliancewith it. Some of the reasons for thisnecessary action are that the Sovietgovernment:

1. Has never become the legitimaterepresentative of the population underits control. This governme'nt, if it canbe so labeled, came into power as theresult of a coup d'etat and has main­tained its internal control by forceof arms ever since. It actually repre­sents only its immediate membership,the Russian Communist Party, a'ndthearmed forces under its control.

2. Has never kept ·any of the agree­ments it has made from time to timewith the United States.

3. Has caused death and torture toour citizens both directly and indirectlyand has refused to accept its clearresponsibility therefor.

4. Consistently practices mass mur­der of, and mass slavery upon Rus­sians and other nationalities under itsmilitary control.

These general facts must lead us toconclude that the Soviet governmentis not a responsible government at all,but is really a military machine inoccupation of the territories of variousnationalities. During the last fifteenyears. this agressive cancer has spreaditself over . . . more than twentyformerly independent political sover-·eignties.•.•Granite City, Ill. LUTHER R. DU NARD

Prefers "Conservative"We have enjoyed the magazine verymuch and are deeply grateful thatsomeone is doing this much neededwork. I have a few suggestions. Wedo not like the word "libertarian" . . .we prefer the good old-fashioned· "con­servative" a'nd think no one shouldobject to being considered that, in thelight of all the good that has beendone under this banner....

DOROTHY L. THOMPSON

East Berlin, Conn.

Voluntary Social Secur,ityIt was most gratifying to read PaulL. Poirot's article "The Price ofSecurity" in the FREEMAN (May 31).For severa,lyears I've tried to con­vince my security-minded friends thatif we can't abolish social securityforthwith, then at least we shouldplace it on a voluntary basis. Theirargument has always been: "But thenit wouldn't be effective"-thereby in­advertently giving the perfect reasonfor immediate abolition.Bayside, N.Y. GERTRUDE J. BUCK

THE

reemanMONDAY, JUNE 28, 1954

The Fortnight

By refusing Joseph Laniel's demand for a vote ofconfidence, the French National Ass,embly haspushed one more jerry-built cabinet into the dis­card pile that has been aecumulating over the pastseven years. 'The 'action would be too routine forcomment except for its almost incredible irrespon­sibility in leaving Franee without a governmentin the 'midst of a major internaltional meeting, acrisis in ,a bi,tterwar, and a turning point in thedevelopment of western ,European defense. Thefinal proof is given, if ,any is ne,eded, that nothingserious 'can be expected of France under its pre­vailing regim,e and mood. If French governmentscollapse by the doz,en at the whim of a handful ofminor domestic politicians, what would happe'll ifSoviet tanks start to roll westward?

There seems to be one accidental gift for whichwe shall be able to thank the 'French assembly.Laniel's downfall 'is bringing rto 'a shabby close thedis'mal 'car,eer of the Geneva Conference. From itsfirst announcement the FREEMAN ,has insisted thatthe United States was wrong to cons,ent to theGeneva Conference and that nothing constructivecould result from it. ,At Berlin w,e let ourselves betalked into it by the British and by a French gov­ernment ,that has vanished in ,smoke while the dele­ga!tes were still sitting around the table. Isn't ittime that we began making our national decisionsin terms of our own capabilities and interests? Dowe need British instruction in order to decidewhether we should and cang.tand by our obligationsto the Republic of Korea? In determ,ining whetherto intervene in Indo-China, and if so, under whatconditions,are we to be guided by humpty-dumptyFrench politicians or by an objective estimwte ofour own available force and long-r,ange needs.

In an address before the National Citizens forEisenhower Congressional Commit,tee, the Presi­dent renewed his plea for enactment· of theAdministrat,ion's full legisla1tive program. The t,extwas a summary of last January's State of theUnion message. With much of what the President

said it would be hard to disagree, but we are againstruck by an ambiguity Ito which we referred inour editorial on the January message, "A FreeEconomy, But-." The President's general state­ments of belief stress economic freedom, boldnes1s,opportunity, and the reward of personal effort.When dealing with specific proposals, however,in such fields as housing, unemployment, medicine,and social insurance, he reverses his conception,speaks of the "responsibility of government," andcans for paternalistic le'g1islation. W,e cannot escapethe imipression that President Eisenhower believesin his own heart in an economy of free enterpriseand individual iniHwtive, butaHows hims-elf to bepersuaded by pseudo-expert advisers that he mustmake collectivist and welfare-state "concessions"in order to seduee coy and corrupted voters.

Whatever the explanation of its origin, the con­tradictory dome,stic program of the Administrationis quite probably inexpedient as well as question­able in principle. The President might. do worsethan ponder the recent bitterly fought Australianelecltions. In a country with a large, fully organizedlabor movement and a relatively sm-all middle class,Prim,e Minister Rohert G. Menzies and his LiberalPa'rty, running on an open free enterprise platform,def.eated the avowedly Socialist Labor P'arty. TheSocialistis promised the book in the way of hig'hbenefits, low taxes, free medical care. The voterswere not t:aken in. They saw inflation hack of thepromise,s. Becaus'e of the Labor Party's performancein the Petrov affair ,and the Labor opposition tostrengthened measures against the AustralianCommunist Party, they suspected Socialist softnessto Communism. Voters are not so dumb as egg­heads and publicity men like to think.

During the past month the Guatemalan crisis hasbeen growiing slte'adily more insistent. The land­ing of two thousand tons of Iron Curtain armshas been followed by nightly arrests of anti­Communists, preliminary steps toward the arm­ing of a "peoples' milHia," and the suspensionof constitutional guarantees of civil rights. Therecan no longer be any doubt that world Communismintends to transform Guatemala into an American"Yenan," an armed redoubt inside the American

JUNE 28, 1954 689

citadel. From the Guatemalan sanctuary, the suc­ceeding phases in the envelopment and conquestof the Americas can be directed and supplied.

Although disguised in the subversive forms oftw,entieth century totalitarianism, the Communistadvance in Guatemala is in substance an invasionof ,the New World by an alien power, and thus aviolation of the Monroe Doctr,ine, which for acentury and a Ithird has been upheld and enforcedby the United Staites. At rbhe same time, i't meansfrom a milita'ry standpoint an ,ene'my conquest of abridgehead within our str,altegic frontier. In theface of so direct and dire a challenge, the Admin­istration seems to be gripped by the same paralysisthat during recent months has affected every limbof our foreign policy. Counteraction has 'So farbeen confined ito a few rather ~mild words of pro­test, sm'all arms shipments to Cost,a Rica and Hon­duras, and the call for a general meet,ing of theAm,erican states.

Our leaders seem unable to get it through theirheads that the Communis'ts m'ean businelss. How­ever hard it is to deal with the Guatem,alan crisistoday, it will be ,twice as hard a year from now,and ten times harder and bloodier~if still pos­sible-in a decade. Nor will the Guatemalan Com­munists be intimidated by notes from the StateDepart'ment or watered-down 'resolutions such ascould be adopted by a general Pan Ameriean con­fer'ence. It require,s iseriousand resolute actions,among which the obvious and immediate steps in­clude: breaking off of diplomatic relations, andwithdrawal of diplomatic, commercial, military,and air missions ; economic boycott, and a blockadeat least sufficient to prevent entry of furthermiHtary supplies; full 'aid to Guatemalan anti­Communist,s, and Ito the neighboring anti ...Com­'munist nations of C,entral America.

The government of Pakistan has acted wiselyand well in ousting the Comimuniist-:supported"united front" regime which came into powerin East Pakis,tan as a result of a recent election.The East Pakistan regime had proved unable orunwilling to repress outbursts of bloody violencein some of the factories, and its leader, the veteranpolitician Fazlul Huk, was talking in terms ofsecession. 'There are political and economic prob­lems in Eas,t Pakistan~ united, by ties of the Moslemreligion with the western part of that new stateand separated from it by .a thousand miles ofIndian territory, that call for long-term solutions.But the ,first duties of a government :are to gove-rnand to assure the independence of its territory andsafety of life and property. It looks as if our mili­taryaid to Pakistan was notmisdirec,ted.

No one can be quite so obtusely unintelligent asthe ultra-sophisticated intelleC'tuaI. Take the fol-

690 THE FREEMAN

lowing pronouncement from the lion of the ParisLeft Bank cafes, the prophet of existentialism,Jean...Paul Sartre: "Do you imagine that the Amer­icans could ever have manufactured !that marvel­ous instrument of propaganda called anti-Com­munis'm if there were any Communists in theUnited States? If, as in France, you meet member8of the Communist Party every day or even everymonth, how can you believe that they eat babies?If, on the other hand, you have never seen aCommunist, how can one prove to you that Com­munis,ts don't eat b3!bies?" Thi,s is on the five-year­old mental level of ,the gullible tourist in SovietRuslsia or Nazi Germany who will not believe' inthe reality of anya't~ocityhe has not seen ,himself,or of the American left-winger· who can't believethat such a nice, gentlemanly looking person asAlger Hiss could have belonged toa spy ring.

Following, in precise line, the old precept thatit takes one to catch one, the New York Times wasquick to spot themos't :soft""headed propositionadvanced by Adlai Stevenson during his recentspeech at Columbi,a Univer,si,ty. To normal listene'rsit sounded as though the pride of Pragm:atic Fallswas telling the scholar's simply ,that they had everyright to quake in their boots because of the on­slaughts of the junior Senator from etc. But tothe Times 'he 'said something ,even more important.It was that "if the universities are free we maybe pretty sure the rest of the nation will be;and if we seek freedom as :a positiv,e good we canprobably handle Communism and similar problemsin our spare time and without anxiety." It hasbeen pretty clear of late that when it comes tothinking both the Times and Mr. Stevenson areskillful spare-timers. And as for an under:st:andingof Communism and "Isimilar problems," they seemto have no time at all.

Representative Richard H. Poff of Virginia is alegislator with a yen for statistics. He has comeup with the conclusion ,that during the last eightyears 120,000,000 words have been exchanged in3,802 meetings between United States representa­tives and spokesmen for Communist countries.According to Mr. Poff, this took 11,400 hours oftalking time. It would require 600 volumes, at400 pages a book, to reprint all these words andit would take one year, three months, and ninedays to play them all back on a tape recorder,operating day and night. These statis,tics shouldbe ,commended to the attention of the simple Simonson both sides of the ,Atlantic who think that acause of international tension is unwillingness ofthe United States to talk things over with Sovietand other Communist representatives at the con­ference table. Representative Poff did not notewhat is pretty obvious anyway: that the 120,000,­000 words add up to precisely nothing, in termsof positive results.

How Not to Run a PartyAs the curtain is being drawn on the long springrun of ,the world's most publicized spectacle, thereis one conclusion concerning which the're will beno disagreement: the Eisenhower Administrationand the Republican Party have been the big losers.About this or that individual~McCarthy andStevens the~mslelves, Cohn, Mundt, Welch, Syming­ton, Adams, Jenkins, and the others--the judgmentof the audience will continue to differ. Unlikelyas it seemed at the sta~t, there may have beena net benefit to the nation from. the prolonged ifrough education in issues and m,en that the hear­ings provided. The Democraltic Party stayed inthe wings, and had little to lose if no honor togain. But the Republican Party and the Administra­tion were fixed mercilessly in the spotlight.

The original occasion for this monstrous showshould not be forgotten. The Army, through Sec­retary Stevens, form/ally charged that SenatorMcCarthy, Roy Cohn, and Francis Carr sought,in the formulation given by the New York Times,"separaltely and collecHvely, by improper m,eans,to obtain special treatment for Pvt. G. DavidSchine, former subcommittee consultant." SenatorMcCarthy eountercharged that Secretary Stevensand the Army counsel, John Adams, had tried tostop the subcommittee's exposure of Communistsat Fort Monmouth, and had 'Used Schine as a"hostage" to this end.

The hearings have ranged far afield, in everydirection, from the original charge and counter­charge. They have jumped from trivial personalirrelevancies to the most serious constitutionalissues. However, in the last act the original chargereturned. to the center of the stage.

Let us put entirely to one side the generalquestion of MeGarthyism and McCarthy, of theSenator',s morals, m:anners, methods, and aim,s. Letus grant that his countercharge against the Armygot lost in the shuffle. Thus confining our attentionto the original charge that launched the whole per­formance, we must note that what little was leftof it after the testimony of Messrs. Stevens andAdams was blown sky-high by the transcript oftelephone calls that was introduced during thefinal sess'ions. When Secretary Stevens was re­vealed as having said, two days before it wasmade public, that the Army's statement of com­plaints agains1t McCarthy was "much exaggerated,"that was the ,end of ",the Army's case," as well asof the pathetic pretense that Stevens himself hadinitiated the action.

What emerged from the tr,anscripts was some­thing much more fantastic, and in part more ugly.What m,any have for some time suspected can nolonger be doubted. Early ,this year, a cabal madeup of cert.ain Administration officials, several Demo-

cratic Senators, the New Deal adviser Clark Clif­ford, and other aSisociates,apparently decidedthat the tim'e was ripe to "get Me:Carthy." Itwould seem that either by explicit agreement orunconscious politic.al osmosis they worked closelywith a number of influential publishers andjournalists-among whom the Alsops and WalterLippmann, and the Luce and New York Timesorganizations may be prominently cited.

I t seems probable tha!t one individual must havedirected the operation, but, though ther!e are

'cogent rumors, the ,evidence does not permit usto s.ay who this may have been. In any case, thecabal sel'ected "the Army issue" as its battlefield,possibly because it was only on this issue thatthe m'embers of the cabal could get the tacit agree­ment of the President to launch the attack.

The cabal charged into the field with all gunsroaring in world-wide salvos. But the shells, ithas now been proved, were blanks. The cabal isshown by the record to have been not far froma ,conspiracy; the charge is perilously close to beingan attempt at a frame-up.

There are, of course, many honest and ardentanti..McCarthyites whose long standing opinionsare not affected by this hearing. Their aversionto the junior Senator from Wisconsin is basedusually on what they believe to be his wrong anddangerous methods; and we share the concern over,som'e at least of his methods and ac.ts. Is theanswer by the anti-McCarthyite leadership to becounter-methods that ethically if not legally areon the verge of conspiracy and frame-up? We awaitwith interest and even anxiety the consideredcomments that will be made by the acceptedprophets of anti-MeGarthy morality. Surely theywnl not ,suggest to us, by what they say and do notsay, that "the end" of destroying McCarthy justifiesthe uSle of "any means."

With no less anxiety we await signs of whatlessons will be drawn by the Republican Party,and in particular by its "liberal wing," from this'Sorry debacle. We believe that the welfare andsafety of the United States call for ,a continuingRepublican Administration and an increasedRepublican majority in the Congress. Adlai Steven­son's soft and defeatist address to the final cere­monies of the Columbia University Bicentennialcelebration serves once more to remind us howdisastrous the Democr,atic alternative might proveto be in these decisive years just .a.hBad.

But the Republican Party will neithe'r keep nordeserve the confidence of the citizens if Repub­lican leaderis treat each other as their m'ain enemies,and if one faction is ready to ally itself even wi,ththe hatc'hetmen of the Democrats in order to try

JUNE 28, 1954 691

to crush an intra-party rival. The Pre'Sident hasof late been frequently called upon to assert hi,sleadership. Nowhere is elear-sighted, responsibleleadership more needed at this moment than inthe conduct of the ,affairs of hi,s own party-the,entire party, not a f,avored tendency or clique. Ifthe President will not or cannot furnish it, thenit is up to those among the R,epublican Governors,Senators, andOongre,ssmen who put the broadinterests of their party above narrow personalrivalry precisely because they put the interestsof their ,country above both.

The Real HysteriaNo' one can be quite so hysterical as the profe~­

sional deplorer of hy,s!teria. Consider Justice Wil­liam ,0. Dougl!as, for instance, with his "bJ,acksilence of fear" aisa description of the state ofAmerica at a time when the ,air is shrill with out­cries of protest and alarm, voiced without letor hindrance In numerous books, magazine articles,radio broadcasts, and commencement addresses.

Or the Synod of -the Pres'b~erian Church com­paring procedures ofcongres1sional investigationswith the methods of the Spanish Inquisition. Onelooks around, in vain, to s'ee the flames of anauto-da-fe.

In thi,s 'crusade of anti-hysteria hysterics onecan recognize the constant iteration of shopworncliehes. How often are we told that w,eare livingthrough a "witch-hunt." Then there is alsothe somewhat curious idea that a profession ofallegi,ance to America makes teachers "second-classcitizens." As Prof.essor Henry Steele Commagerwrote in the New York Times Magazine: "Bythese oaths we put ,a pr,emium on conformity. Thisresults in a society of second-elias'S citizens unableto voice their re,al opinions, although the only kindof advice a society needs is unpalatable advice."

Robert M. ,Hutchins echoes this idea in a recentarticle in Look: "Tea:chers are becoming second­class citizens. In many stiatesthey are requiredto take special oaths that they have not been dis­loyal. -Why not ask them to take oaths that theyhave not been robbers or prost,itutes?"

One wonders whether C.ommager and Hutchinsregard the President of the United States and thehighe,st officers of our armed forces ,as "second­class citizens" beeause they ,are required to takeoaths of affirmative loyalty.

The following three outbursts sound as if theywere all cut from the same piece of intellectualcloth, or fustian:

In the lunacy of the "red scare" and the "spy"hysterics, it is now possible to be "loyal and dis­creet" and still be an untouchable "security risk"... We are sure that the country will vigorouslyprotest this thought-control verdict against Dr.Oppenheimer. . . .

692 THE FREEMAN

Our illness goes deeper than anyone man. Itis a malady of the soul that summons all the evilforces of the Inquisition, of the Gheka, of Hitlerismof Sta.Iinism, of the Ku Klux Klan, and all thos~nauseous forces which claim dominion over the con­duct and souls of other men.

The nation is being weakened by the excessesof our investigating committees, fantastic chargesof treason against our most honored statesmenthe obscene spectacle of distorted denunciation th~hysterical fear of Communist subversion,' theerosion of civil liberties, the daily affront to humandignity.

As it happens, the first of these citations isfrom the Daily Worker, official Communist org,an;the second is from ,an article by Mark Ethridgein the Nation, the third is from a speech by AverellHarriman at Albany. No fair-minded person wouldfor a moment suspect Ethridge and Harriman ofbeing pro-Communisrt; and Y1et in the current din of,anti-anti-Communism it is a litltle hard to dis­tinguish voices and accents.

The Oppenheimer FindingThe repo~t on ",the Oppenheimer case" by the spe­cial Security Board of the Atomic Energy Com­mission is a triumphant refutation of the favoritethemes of anti-,American propaganda. It would behard to imagine an atmosphere further removedfrom "hyst,eria" and "witch-"hunting." Inde,ed, theonly hysteria exhibited over the whole atf'air hascome from certain of the scienMsts and NewDealers who have been deceived into providingcopy for the world Communist press by inter­preting this inquiry as an attack on personalrights and scientific freedom. The Board has amplerea'son to conclude that its proceedings proved "thatloyalty and security can be examined within theframeworks of the traditional and inviolable prin­ciples of American justice."

Apart from lawyers' quibbles, Dr. Oppenheim,ercan have no genuine. complaint against the treat­ment accorded him. All relevant documents, exceptsecret FiBI reports, were m,ade available to him.AU of his witnesses were abundantly heard. He"has been represented by counsel, usually four innumber, at an timeiS in the course of the proceed­ings. H,e has confronted every witness appearingbefore the board, with the privilege of crossexamination."

Deviations of the Board from an attitude ofstrict impartiality were uniformly in Dr. Oppen­heim:er's favor. The Board commended Dr.Oppen­heimer's "discretion" in general, after citing twodozen speci'fic examples of his indiscretions. In acurious wording, the Board "would prefer to havefound" that Dr. Oppenheimer had broken with theCitizens' Committee of the Arts, Sciences, andProfessions "earlier',' than he in fact did (1946),

and would "prefer" not to have made an explicitruling on the question of his clearance. One wouldthink that a Board of this kind "would prefer"merely to discover the facts, and to weigh theirrelation to the security of the United States.

In the report there is thoughtful discussion ofmany psychological, moral, and social problems atstake in the Oppenheimer and similar cases. Un­fortunately, there is not much sign of any realcomprehension of the nature, meaning, and historyof Communist politics, a comprehension which, inthis particular instance, would have reinforced themajority's negative finding on security clearance.

In his March letter of self-defense, Dr. Oppen­heimer had traced his Communist fellow-travelingto the influence of Hitler's treatment of the Jews,the depression, and the Spanish Civil War. Fromthe report (as Max Eastman observes in his com­ments elsewhere in this i.ssue on Dr. Oppenheimer'srecent book), we now know that his active supportof pro-Communist organizations-including theCommunist' Parity-continued at least through 1942,and his more passive support for some yearsthereafter. His pro-Communism thus spread overthe period of the Moscow Purge 'Trials, and wasunchecked by two major r.eversals in the Com­muni.slt Hne (1939 and 1941), one of which madethe Communists the allies of Hitler. The key sig­nifieance of these and the other major "turns"in Communist policy for a political estimate ofan organization or an individual 'is obvious to allwho have made a serious s,tudy of Communism.There is no hint of this understanding in theGray report.

'The re'aetion of an individual (or organization)to successive turns may show the slightness aswell as the depth of a one..,time attachment toCommunism. W,e thoroughly agree with the de­f enders of Dr. Oppenheimer that it is wrong to"pillory" a man for Hyourthful indiscretions" or"mistakes" due to "generous ideals." It is notonly wrong but foolish: this too frequent practicehas deprived the government of services that itbadly needs. The trouble is that Dr. Oppenheimer'sindiscretions were not a youthful or fleetingepisode~his dubious associations, the report shows,had not ceased even in December 1953. And whyis i!t that those who call so loudly for the for­giveness of Dr. Oppenheimer (and Philip Jessup,Owen Lattimore, James W'Hchsler, or John Fair­bank) have such hard hearts when judging thepast "indiscretions" of Louis Budenz, ElizabethBentley, Paul Crouch, or Joseph Kornfeder?

This question of the criteria by which we mayconclude that a man has erased an earlier sub­versive taint de1serves careful and informed re­examination. Potentially it affects both the public'\-veal and several million individual citizens. Letus hope that the Oppenheimer case, whatever itsspecific merits, will force the problem into publica!ttention and official action.

In Freedom's CalendarJune 17, 1953, is an important date in freedom'scalendar. Up to the memorable day when the wholeapparatus of puppet tyranny in the Soviet zone ofGermany collapsed before the spontaneous storm ofmass strikes and popular demonstrations we couldbelieve, on the, basis of much circumstantial evi­dence, that Communist regimes were hated anddespised by the peoples over which they tyrannized.

There was the testimony of fugitives of the mostvaried political and social backgrounds. There wasthe silent but impressive plebiscite representedby the million and more Europeans from IronCUI'itain countries (including many Russians andUkr'ainians) who would not go home after the war,of the million and more Germans who abandonedall their possessions to flee from the Soviet zone tothe overcrowded West. There was Hong Kongbursting at the seams with Chinese fleeing fromRed terror. There was Korea, where the tide orfugitiVies always followed the U.N. forces, neverthe Communist forces. There were the Chinese andNorth Korean pri!soners (some fifty thousandaltogethe'r, as against little more than a score ofAm,erican reneg:ades who stayed with the Com­munis1ts) who steadfastly resisted the suggestionof repatriation.

But it was the Germans of the Soviet zone whofurnished final clinching proof of the inner rot­tenness of Communist regimes and thereby ren­dered an inestimable service to their countrymenon the other side of the zonal boundary and- to the'whole of free Europe. Of course their unarmedrevolt was put down. But it was not put down byGermans. The whole machinery of the police andpara-military formations Which had been builtup in the Soviet zone proved completely unreliable.

There were wider repercussions of the superblybrave June 17 demonstrations. Polish militaryunits, order:ed to cross the Oder-Neisse border andsuppress the demonstrations in the town of Goer­litz, refused to obey.

June 17 will live long in the hearts of the Ger­man people as a testimonial of the indomitablewill of the G\ermans in the Soviet zone for nationalunion in freedom. It should also be a day ofmobilization for every diplomatic and informationagency of the United States governm,ent. It wouldbe an unpardonable moral and psychological blunderif there were any failure to salute this anniversaryof he~oic defeat and to hold out hope and promisethat some day the ideals for which the men ofJune 17 risked life and liberty will be realized,that the last German Red Quislings will be run­ning f'or their lives. And as soon as the Sovietempire cracks in what could become its weakestspot-the Soviet zone of Germany-the knell ofdoom will ,sound for the puppet regimes in Warsaw,Prague, Budapest, and Bucharest.

JUNE 28, 1954 693

Conservatives for LibertyIt is high time to discard the obsolete idea thatthere is an inherent antagonism between conserv­atism and liberty. The precise rev,ers,e of thisproposition is true. The ;supreme threat to humanliberty, now as ,always, comes from the ,exces,sivearbitrary power of a centralized state. This threatis greater now than at any tim'e in history becauseof the tendency of the state to reach out into fieldsof economic and social control on a scale unmatchedby ,any tyrants of the past.

Lord Acton, one of the most authentic voices ofnineteenth-century liberalism, summed up perhapsthe mos't important conclusion of his vast learn­ing in history and political science in one im­mortal phrase: "All power tends to corrupt andabsolute power corrupts absolutely." The brilliantand eloquent Russian historian, V. O. Kluc'hevsky,pronounced the epitaph of seventeenth-centuryTsarist absolutism and an unconscious forecastof the nature of Soviet absolutism when he wrote:"The state swelled, and the people shrank."

Consider the shifting a'ttitudes of what mightbe called the Left ,and Right in American politicstoward the role of the state. Thomas Jeffersonwould certainly have been considered a man ofthe Left, if the expression had been known inhis time. Yet a typical excerpt from Jefferson'santi-statist writing,s suggests the ideology of RohertA. 'Taft, rather than of Frianklin D. Roosevelt:

The way to have good and safe government isnot to trust it all to one, but to divide it amongthe many" distributing to everyone exactly the func­tions he is competent to. Let the national govern­ment be entrusted with the defense of the nation,and its foreign and federal relations; the stategovernments, with the civil rights, laws, police,and administration of what concerns the state gen­erally; the counties with the local concerns of thecounties...

What has destroyed liberty and the rights ofman under every government which has ever existedunder the sun? The generalizing and concentratingall cares' and powers into one body, no matterwhether of the autocrats of Russia or France or ofthe aristocrats of a Venetian senate.

Now :the extension of the power of the' central­ized state, which Jefferson feared, against whichmany provisions of the American Constitution areclearly directed, has become the ideal of theLeft. In its extreme form this leads to Communisttotalitarianism. In the milder forms of WestEuropean socialism and American N'ew Dealism itleads to a slower, but steady atrophy of individualliberty and self-reliance under the pressure ofa state that becomes a more and more universalprovider, controller, and regulator.

On both sides of the Atlantic it is the conserv­ative forces, with their philosophy of a free marketeconomy, respect for private property, the rule oflaw and decentralization of government, that offer

594 THE FREEMAN

the best prospect of conserving individual liberty.For, as Max Eastman showed cogently in theFREEMAN some time ago, the once honorable wordliberal has become horribly perverted, especially inthe United States. A "liberal" in America may nowbe anyone from a believer in low taTiffsand honestmunicipal government to a joiner of fifty-sevenassorted Communis1t fronts and an advocate ofall-out state controls.

As statism has become the' banner of the Left,individual liberty has become the banner of con­servatism, which, in its true form, is as anti­pathetic to fascism as to Communism. Most of themartyrs in the struggle against Hitler were Chris­tian conservatives.

Indian Elephant Surplus"-Thile keeping our fingers firmly on the pulse ofworld economy, we've recently felt a vibrationthat 'had its origin in faraway Calcutita. Seemsthat the bottom has faIlen out of the market inIndian elephants. Whereas a neat specimen, infull possession of its tusks, used to fetch any­where from $1,000 to $1,500, you can now get anaverage-sized elephant for around $630.

The law of supply and demand is, as usual, be­hind this item of economic intelligence from stra­tegic 'southern Asia. Although the' supply remainedmore or less level, the demand for elephants hasslumped since the Indian government broke up.the princely states. These Indian princes usedto commute by riding atop one of these hug:e beasts,while their retinue followed behind on slightlysmaller ones. However, no princes, no market.

We are, frankly, surprised thait the governmentof India has permitted the elephant market tocome to this point. From experience here at home,we would have at least expected the government tosupport the price of elephants close to 90 percent of parity. And while we .can't expect stock­piles of pachydernl.s to he kept in governmentwarehouses, it would not have been surprising tohear of the establishment of an All-India ElephantMaintenance and Marketing Authority. The finalstep, as we see it, would be a government-sub­sidized effor't to sell elephants abroad at bargainprices. Aggressive salesmanship might open upvast markets in such exotic places as the UnitedStates of America.

We realiz'e that the Indian government is notvery keen, these days, on advice offered by U.S.experts. Neverthele,ss, our extensive observationsin the field of bureaucratic surplus managementsuggest that the Indian government might goahead and buy up some excess elephants anyway.This would bring 'prices up. Breeders would en­courage increased output of baby elephant.s, whichin turn could soon become full-grown surpluses.

The Debacle of the Fabians

By RUSSELL KIRK

The recent writing oj the New Fabians givesample proof oj the final Jailure of BritishSocialisln and shows. up the Laborites asdi/lpirited and devoid oj serious thought.

Nearly two and a half years ago, the Attlee gov­ernm'ent gave way to the Cons,ervatives. TheBritish ISocialists had seemed sick of office a goodwhile hefore that, anxious enough to forgetAneurin Bevan's vaunt, before their postwartriumph over Mr. Churchill, that "we shaH do suchthings that never again will there be a Tory gov­ernment." The more reflective men among theSocialists, indeed, had anticipated the defeat ofLabor in 1951 and begun to search their con­sciences. Much was said, in 1950 and 1951, aboutthe necessity for reviewing socialist thought;something has been said on this topic since theLabor government fell; but remarkably littlethinking has been done.

It must strike any close observer of Parliamenthow curiously ineffectual the Labor opposition hasbeen since the return of Churchill. The fire isgone out of the Labor 'members, and they are agood deal more interested in squabbling amongthemselves than in attempting to criticize the Con­servatives intelligently. Not that they have formeda truly loyal opposition. The eagerness of theleft wing of the Labor leadership to encouragethe impossible demand of the engineering unionsfor a pay increas,e of 15 per cent (which theyknew could not be granted), and the embarrassmentthese same people recently caused Mr. Attlee whenhe supported the military appropriations of thegov,ernment, are only the two most conspicuousexamples of the irresponsibility of at least halfthe Labor members. But they have off,ered no realsubstitute for any Conservativemeasur,e, and theyhave shown neither the 'ability to win by-electionsnor, inde'ed, any convincing wish to take office.

Their vague talk of returning to power once theblunders of the Tories have brought on a depres­sion is no 'more than the grumbling, without realhope, of all broken factions. It is almost impos­sible to resist the inference that they have noidea what they would try to do if they shouldsuddenly be asked to assume authority. Mr. Bevan,some months 'ago, hesitantly spoke up for national­izing the land, confessing simultaneously that hehad no idea of just how this could be accom­plished; his proposal was so unmistakably old­fashioned that it met with an awkward silencefrom most of 'his personal adherents.

In the light of the pres-ent confusion of the

Socialists, it is of some interest to turn backto eertain books which 'appeared during 1951 and1952-the work of eminent radical thinkers con­cerned for the mind and heart of their party.Their prophecy of the intellectual bankruptcy ofLabor has been amply fulfilled; and yet the variouscounsels of these w,ell-wishers seem to have madenext to no impression upon the men who controlthe Labor Party, or, indeed, upon the rank andfile..

Mr. Carr"s Perplexity

Among the earlier of these voices of fore­boding was E. H. Carr's. Mr. Carr is not a memberof the Fabian Society; it is difficult to say he isa member of any body, for he veers in his allegianceaccording to the fortunes of particular ideologies,constant only to pleonexia, the search after power.But Mr. Carr, historian of Soviet Russia, is acollectivist, unmistakably, and devoted to the totalstate. His little book, The New Society (1951) ,is significant of the present perplexity of Britishradicalism. The old motives to integrity and dili­gence, Mr. Carr confesses, are being destroyed bythe Welfare State, or 'have already been destroyed;more and more, most men see no reason why theyshould work or:even obey the established rules ofsociety; therefore planneTs must find a new sanc­tion to replace the old sanction of fear of want:"The donkey needs to see the stick as well as thecarrot... I confess that I am less horror-struckthan some people at the prospect,. which seems tome unavoidable, of an ultimate power of what iscalled direction of labor r,esting in some arm ofsociety, whether in an organ of state or of tradeunions."

Here is the first step toward the forced laborcamp. More significant still, perhaps, is Mr. Carr'sconfession that though he thinks "progress" theonly goal of life, he cannot define progress: "Prog­ress is just what it says, a 'moving on-a consciousmoving on toward purposes which are felt to beworthy of human faith and human endeavour." Ifthe ,early Socialists of England had been so vagueas this, they would be as insignificant today asthe American Socialist Party.

A book more truly in the Fabian tradition,Restatem,ent of Liberty (1951), by P. C. Gordon

JUNE 28, 1954 695

Walker, former Secr,etary of State for Common­wealth Relations in the Attlee government, is noless startling. Mr. 'Gordon Walker, too, is 'awarethat somehow thrift, honesty, and simple obedienceto law have diminished alarmingly under the Wel­fare Stat,e; and his 'remedy is increased compulsion."The new Stat'ewill also directly augment authorityand social pressure by ne\v poweTs of punishmentand compulsion. So far from withering 'away, as intheory both the individualist and the total Stateshould, the new IState, if it is to bring into beingand serve the better society, must create newoffenses and punish them." .

Most Socialist writers ,are not so logical asMr. Gordon Walker. A. J. P. Taylor, one of themost industrious of Socialist journalists andscholars, contents himself with denunciations ofthe upper classes-any upper classes, conserva­tive or socialist-and threats against the farmers.Marx, Mr. 'Taylor observes, knew that the towns,in a ,socialist state,mush crush the peasantry;and 'a good thing it would be, too: "He wantedto finish the struggle for good and all by liquidat­ing the peasantry; but, failing this Utopian solu­tion, the towns have to practice the doctrine whichis the basi.s of ,all civilized life: 'We have theMaxim gun, and they have not.' " When suchunprovoked ravings as this fill the columns ofthe New Statesman and Nation, sur,ely the. talentsof the Socialists are at a low ebb; ranting issubstituted for confident planning, the mark of aprofound frustration.

Even suchan elder statesman of Fabianism asG. D. H. Cole is at sea. Dismay,ed at the ineffi­ciency of nationalized industry and the generallack of drive in the Welfare State, he turns backto guild socialism and syndicalism, fumblingly, forremedies; and he says, ominously: "Socialism isan unworkable system without ,a new social drivesuch ,as the Communists have managed to give it."Familiar as 'even the Fabians now are with thesanctions and methods of the Soviets, few of Mr.Cole's colleagues ventured to applaud this candor.

Revisionism Redoubled

'The most ,sober and interesting endeavor of theBritish Socialists to look into their own heartsappeared two years ago: New Fabian Essays,,edited by Mr. R. H. S. Crossman, who contributesthe most interesting essay. 'The authors of thesearticles are the young lions of the Fabian Society:C. A. R. Crosland!, Roy Jenkins, Margaret Cole,Austen Albu, l,an Mikardo, Denis Healey, JohnStrachey-notall of them, perhaps, very younglions. ,Mr. Attlee has contributed a preface, butseveral of the authors are conspicuous among thedevotees of Mr. iB'evan. Now Mr. Bevan, the middle­aged enfant terrible of his party, is the most

1. I can advance no theory as to why Fabians manifest such anaffection for three initials.

696 THE FREEMAN

old-fashioned of all Laborites. His world of oratoryand of polemic is the world of 1918, or 1926, andhe rejoices in all the cliches of the radical agitator;he is still talking of class warfare and capitallevies when 'every practical Socialist politician putsuch fancies out of his head years ,ago. On theface of things, then, it is surprising that theseyounger Fabians, full of revisionist schemes,should profess such an attachment to the most die­hard of old-school Labor leaders.

Whatever their principles of loy.alty, most ofthe contributors to New Fabian Essays have turnedtheir backs, or at least their ~shoulders, upon theoriginal Fabian Essays, ·and their authors. Thisnew book is revisionism redoubled. Not all theseNew Fabians are going in the same direction.

Mr. Crosland Defines "Statism"

Mr. Crosland almost justiifies the Spectator'sjocular refe'rence to "Socialist Conservatism." Thetrouble with the socialist W:elfare State, he saysin substance, is that everything has been madeso jolly that w,e don't ,know which way to turnnext; we have accomplished 'everything, and findourselves bewiIder,ed. Marx was wrong, Mr. Cros­land obs,erves, when he predicted the progressiveimpoverishment of ,the worker, ending in a prole­tarian revolution; instead, the working classeshave grown steadily more prosperous, in spite ofwar and depression, so that their real incom,e inBritain, by 1938, was three and a half times thatof 1870. Capitalism is not going to be overthrownby revolution; instead, a post-capitalist societyis taking shape, characterized by a diminishedinfluenee of individual property rights upon eco­nomic and social power, the transfer of economicmanag,em,ent to a new class of administrative em­ployees, a great increas'e in ,economic controls bythe stat,e, a high level of social s'ervices, a perman­ently high level of 'employment, a steady incr'easeof production, a lessening of the class struggleby the growth of buffer intermediate classes be­tween the top and the bottom strata of society,and the tendency to substitute "the virtues ofcooperative action" for private initiative and com­petition. AIl this, 'Mr.· Crosland says, constitutes"The 'Transition from Capitalism," the subJect ofhis ,essay; and he calls the new society Statism.

What is :the difference betw,een this and Social­ism? !Chiefly, Mr. Crosland writes, in that thesoul of ISocialis'm is 'equality, and this new Statismis not really egalitarian. "The purpose of social­ism is quite simply to 'eradicate this s'ense of class,and to ,create in its place a sense of common in­terest and equal status." To this task of cr,eatinggreater :equality of "living standards and op­portunities," 'but :ev,en more, of "measures on thesocio-psychological plane" for m'akingmen feel,equal, Mr. Crosland advises sincere Fabians toaddress themselves henceforward. Correspondingly,

intelligent Socialists ought now to dismiss ce'rtain"lines of policy which are sometimes put forwardas constituting the essence of good socialism."Thes,e obsolete socialistic objectives are the con­tinued lextension of free social services,morenationaliz'ation of whole industries, the continuedproliferation of controls, and further redistribu­tion of income by dir,ecttaxation.

In short, Mr. Crosland is so bold as to declarethat nearly the whole of the socialist program isantiquat~d,and he implies that it is becomingpositively dangerous if Britain wants to retainthe benefits of IStatism. ,His only strong ambitionis to realize "a society which is not bedeviled bythe .consciousness of class.".

This is moderation ; but it is also smugness.Mr. Crosland's .complacency with the present in­sipidity of British life would have driven ideal­isti.c Socialists like William 'Morris into a Vikingrage. In ,some sense, Mr. Crosland's England issimply the triumph of that lower-middle-class lifewhich Morris and Ruskin detested. Except forhis appetite for a psychological equality, Mr. Cros­land's interests seem to be wholly utilitarian, andhe rejoices in the increasing mechanization ofeverything in life, on Bentlramite principles. Whatattracted great numbers of people' to socialismat the turn of the century was its promise to wipeaway the grubby industrial world and substitutesomething heautiful. The Socialist Party is comedown, instead, to 'Mr. Crosland's world, which isvery like a rather shabby imitation of LookingBackward.

One Town's Experience

If Mr. C'rosland's generalities are reduced toparticularcas'es, just how much good has thismoral undermining of old classes, together withcertain of the features of Statism, done the Eng­lish people? I happen to know something, for in­stance, of what has occurred in the old weavingtown of H uddersfield in Yorkshire. The establishedpattern of industry there was the family business,operated with great pride of workmanship and highefficiency, with ,excellent relations between theowners and their mill-hands. During the pasttwenty years, howev,er, most of this has beenchanging. 'The deeay of the old eertitudes 'amongthe families of the 'mill owners has made many ofthe younger generation reckless and profligate­the end, perhaps, of two ,centuries of integrity.Yet, after ,aU, what have they to look forward to?One or two deaths in the family will r,esult invirtual .confiscation 'becaus,e of the ,enor,mous deathduties, 'and ,the 'mill will have to be sold to acompany of outsiders, commonly abs,ente,e owners,who all too often manufacture shoddy goods. Thereputation of 'English textiles declines in cons'e­quence, ,and so does true efficiency ; the workingpeople I08'e their accustom,ed 'prideand reliability;

and the class which furnished the leadership forthe town sinks into apathy. How long can thisparticular aspect of Statism continue ? Not morethan a generation, at most, I think; and then willcome, not the placid psychological equality thatis Mr. Crosland's dream, but the grim stick toreplace the carrot, the authoritarian state-unlessthere is a restoration of the old motives to in­tegrity.

Advice from Mr. Crossman

When we turn to Mr. R. H. S. Crossman's essay,we find that interesting mixture of sound senseand doctrinaire egalitarianism which occurs in thewhole body of Mr. Crossman's writings. Like Mr.Crosland, Mr. Crossman is willing to concede thatmost of the Socialist program is obsolete; whatis more, he confesses that from the first theF'abians went wrong on a great many philosophicalpostulat,es. The present dreary intellectual Istateof the Labor Party alarms him: "Our socialismmay degenerate into Laborism. If this happens, pol­itics will become a matter of 'ins' and 'outs.'Soon there will be no deep difference between thetwo parties, and the dynamic of social chang,e willbe taken over by new and dangerous politicalmovements." The Fabians must repudiate many oftheir most cherished fancies, if they are to survive,he .continues. 'They must realize that the notionof automatic progress is a delusion, for "the evolu­tionary and the revolutionary philosophies of prog­ress have both proved false." 'They must face thefact that the managerial state, as beheld in SovietRussia, destroys the true equality and respectfor individual personality which Socialists desire.Fabians must admit that mere democracy, appHedabstractly to Asia or Africa, does not bring eitherfreedom or equality-it simply gives the old domin­ant .classes, or new oligarchs, a new instrument ofpower. Fabians should abjure ideology, indeed,and crusading ideals, adopting instead ,a policyof urbane criticism.

At home, intelligent Socialists ought to turntheir attention to three problems: the survivingconcentration of capital in private hands, despitethe redistribution of income through taxation;the surviving influence of laiss,ez~faireconeeptsinthe allocation of profits, wages, 'and salaries; andthe survival, despite nationalization, of "effectivepower . . . in the hands of a small managerialand Civil Service 'elite."

Mr. Crossman decidedly has thrown overboardthe swaggering optimism of the earlier Fabians:

In these conditions it is self-deception to beUevethat the living standards and security enjoyed bythe British people after 1945 were a stable achieve­ment of sodalism. Living in an age not of steadyprogress towards a world welfare capitalism, butof world revolution, it is folly for us to assumethat the Socialist's task is to assist in the gradualimprovement of the material lot of the human race

JUNE 28, 1954 697

and the gradual enlargement of the area of humanfreedom. The forces of history are all pressingtowards totalitarianislu: in the Russian bloc, owingto the conscious policy of the Kremlin; in the freeworld, owing to the growth of the managerialsociety, the ,effects of total rearmament, and therepressing of colonial aspir,ations. The task of socia,l­ism is neither to accelerate this Political Revolu­tion, nor to oppose it (this would be as futile asopposition to the Industrial Revolution a hundredyears ago), but to civilize it.

This, too, certainly is moderation. True, Mr.Crossman retains some vestige of tenderness forthe Soviet 'experiment, so that he does not reallyinquire whether ,Soviet totalitarianism is simplythe ,consequence of having B;ad Men in the Kremlin,or whether it may possibly be the consequence ofabolishing the traditional motive.s to integrity, andso having to rule by force. True, he still turnsup his nose 'at "capitalism," going so far as totry to convince himself that the divorce of owner­ship and management in certain great Americancorporations (a problem which disturbs manyAmerican industrialists even more than it dis­turbs Mr. Crossm.an) is a kind of counterpart toSoviet totalitarianism. But he has come a greatway toward confessing that the traditional endsand methods of W,estern society are worth pre­serving.

For what, according to Mr. Crossman, is theobj,ectof socialism? Why, human freedom. Notdemocracy, not ~equality, nota planned economy,not even prosperity, 'but freedom. Mr. Crossm'anis vague about his definition of freedom, whichsometimes he seems to blend indistinguishably withequality; but it is reasonably clear that he likesold-fashioned liberty, private liberty, and not thesophisticated new definitions of fr,eedom as "op­portunity for creative activity" or "an' activity,an arduous pursuit of a goal that is never reached"offered by Mr. Carr and Mr. 'Gordon Walker. Itwill be inter'esting to see whether Mr. Crossman,holding his present opinions, can continue to beany sort of Socialist, or can continue to makehimself think that socialism is the way to freedom.

A Note of Disillusion

'There are other interesting contributions to NewFabian Essays. 'Through them all, however, runsa note of disillusion and baffled hope. The world,these people hav,e discovered, is not governed bylittle pamphlets, or much altered by tidy littleplans. 'They dread the future, where their predeces­sors rejoiced in the day that was dawning; theyare mightily anxious to consolidate the presentgains of socialism, rather than to :experiment;they ,suffer, inde'ed, from that ancient malady calledthe conservatism of fear. And they have goodr'eason for ,alarm. Their party and principles haveso weakened the old order .. of things, deliberatelyboring from within, inj uring the hearts and minds

698 THE FREEMAN

of the old governing classes, ,that the moral andmaterial capital of traditional 'British society isperilously close to 'exhaustion. Yet they :shudderat the thought of proceeding onward to a regimeof compulsion ,and the total state, the only logicalalternative toa conservative order and a freeeconomy.

They are beginning to realize t'hat their ownmoral convictions were derived from traditionalBritish society, but that they have been consum­ing the vigor of that traditional system, a para­sitic sect. They are beginning to realize also thatthe socialist economy, ,similarly, may have been nomore than a parasitie upon the' free economy itdetested. And now, it occurs to some of .them,they are close to the 'peril of an existence notmerely parasitic, but saprophytic.

Fahianism Now Rootless

'Two years ago, then, the New Fabians exhortedBritish Socialists to rethink their program. Thereis ve'ry little evidence in Parliam,ent or in theLabor Party organizations that any such rethink­ing has occurred. And no wonder, for the N:ewFabians'manifesto was a tissue of negations, notof affirmations; they off.ered no guidance. Britishsocialism, as amoral and intellectual movement,developed from two sources: the utilitarian prin­ciples of B'entham (as Mr. Crossman ,re'minds us)and the ,equalitarian "social gospel" of the Non­comformists, reinforced by certain Anglican church­m'en. A.s Mr. Crossman himse1f candidly pointsout, the great grim events of our time have ex­posed as so many fallacies the Benthamite assump­tions upon which the Webbs, Laski, H. G. Wells,and their friends founded their socialism; andwhen such people turned to Marxism for ,a refuge,they embraced a bear. "Christian" Socialism, onthe other hand, has tended to disintegrate sincethe First World War, declining into a mere secularmoralism, at 'best, or giving up the ghost as thetrue charact'er of socialist states became clear.With both its roots hacked through, how longcan British socialism hope to keep clear of thepit into which ,British Liberalism has fallen?

Fabianism, I ,am inclined to believe, has foughtits last cam:paign. If the Fabian Society survivesas an influence in Briti.sh politics and the aff,airsof the mind, it will survive only in a metamorphosedstate, with new principles, if not new methods. Theold Fabians were strong in irony, statistical learn­ing, and pure rationality. What they lacked wasthe higher imagination, that faculty 'which con­servatives like Burke and Disraeli possessed soconspicuously. Men do not want to be equal, really,or 'efficient, or completely rational, or the recipientsof a planned happiness. What men want is to hesimply themselves. This the Fabians refused toconfess; and so they are come to the end of theirtether.

The Union Member:

America's Laziest Man

By VICTOR RIESELThe apathy oj union members makes' them easy dupesoj Red agents and gangsters, and involves them instrikes crippling both to our economy and to labor.

Much has been said about Communist and gang­ster domination of some of the labor unions andabout the crippling effect upon our economy ofstrikes that result from such domination. Theblame for these costly troubles rests in largepart upon the rank and file of union members. Thetruth is that most dues-payers of the nation's75,000 local unions are too indifferent to devotea few hours each month to attending meetingsat which their economic fate is decided.

A union having, say, 20,000 members on itsbooks may be run by the mere half-hundredmen who are interested enough to turn out formeetings. It is estimated that of this country's16,000,000 union members, only about 750,000vote or monitor their officers' financial, industrialand political policies.

As a result of this apathy, some unions havebecome captives of the criminal underworld orCommunists. There is, for example, a notoriouspro-Soviet labor union called the Mine, Mill, andSmelter Workers. It was expe'1led from the C.I.O.in 1949 after a jury of its peers voted to condemnit as a follower of Soviet policy. Its leaders havebeen accused before congressional ,committees ofbeing part of the Soviet undercover apparatus.Its national counsel, Nathan Witt, invoked theFifth Amendment and refused to deny member­ship in a specific Communist cell within ourfederal government. Witt, it is charged, was amember of the same cell as Alger Hiss.

This union controls workers who dig our vitalcopper, nickel, and uranium. They are in keyuranium smelter plants and in the supersecretheavy-water plant at Trail, British Columbia.The pro-Communist leadership of this union's100,000 members endangers the security of ournation. It can paralyze the production of materialsneeded for weapons that include the hydrogenbomb. Yet a survey of its local 'meetings fromnorthern Canada to southern Texas shows thatoften only thirty to fifty members come toregional headquarters meetings at which unionpolicy is decided upon by vote.

In an election held on November 2, 1953, noone bothered to run against the pro-Soviet clique'scandidate for president, and less than one thirdof the members took the trouble to vote. Further,

the union's incumbent secretary-treasurer wasre-elected, even though a year earlier he hadrefused to answer this question put to him bythe Senate Internal Security subcommittee: "Doyou feel that you are innocent of any part in aconspiracy to undertake to overthrow thegov­ernment by force and violence?"

Thus did the 70,000 rank-and-'file members whowere too lazy to vote deliver their union bydefault to a man whose loyalty to our countryis seriously in dou:bt.

Policies 'Decided by a Few

The apathy of union members is underlinedby the following Icase. In March 1953 a strikeshut down the big General Electric plant atEvendale, O'hio, which was turning out jet motorsto power the aircraft then sweeping Russia'sMIGs out of the Korean skies. It was a majortest of President Eisenhower's new labor policyto remain neutral in any industrial furor aslong as he could. Despite protests from the unions,the Air Force stayed out of the conflict.

The A.F.L. International Association of Machin­ists, one of two unions involved at this G.E.plant-a clean, incorruptible union- had calleda meeting to conduct a strike vote. This unionhad some 1,100 members in the plant. Only 114showed up. Of those who attended, eighty-fivevoted for the walkout. Thus 8 per cent of theaffected membership decided union policy.

The other union there, the C.I.O. United Auto­mobile Workers, had 4,800 dues-payers at theplant. At a meeting caBed to decide its strikepolicy some 1,200 were present-only one memberin four cared enough to come out to vote onmajor policy. And the strike was voted.

The leadership of the United Electrical Workers(U.E.) is as notoriously pro-Communist as thatof the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers and asstrategically located in the heart of our defenseindustry. In congressiona,l hearings witnesseshave linked U.E. leaders such as Jim Matles,national organizer, and Julius Emspak, nationalsecretary-treasurer, with the Soviet apparatus.Is this the result of rank-and-file laziness? Whenthe 17,000 member 'electrieal union at the G.E.

JUNE 28, 1954 699

8chenectady plant was under U.E. control, onlyfifty to two hundred attended meetings. Yetthis plant turns out precision electronic mechan­isms which can be the difference between victoryand defeat in any future war. At Westinghouseplants near Philadelphia local union policy isoften decided by ten to twenty-five members out ofa membership of 8,000.

Normal attendance in locals with from 200 to4,000 members runs from 2 to 8 per cent of themembership, according to a study published byCornell University, and in large locals attendancesometimes drops to 1 per cent.

Reds and Racketeers Take Over

This disease of apathy respects no skill, notalent, no occupation. Artisan and artist alikesuffer from the lazy-bug. The A.F.L. AmericanFederation of Radio and Television Artists, NewYork Local, has 4,000 members, among them thebest-known radio voices and TV faces in theworld. Yet at a meeting on April 2 last yearonly eighty bothered to come and decide on policy.The radio and TV field was at that time the centerof a pro-Communist, ant'i-Communist controversy.The left-wingers had. fifty-eight members present,and they passed pro-Communist resolutions. Torescind them, the union's officers had to resortto a mail referendum of all 4,000 members.

For years the Radio Writers' Guild held monthlymeetings attended by an average of only thirtyof its 500 members, and the left-wingers capturedit easily. A few years ago the national executivecouncil of this union rejected a resolution pro­posed by some of itsanti"'Com'munist 'membersthat it offer its services and talents "in the na­tional interest" in time of emergency.

In July 1950, a few weeks after the Communistsinvaded South Korea, the council again rejecteda resolution which would have placed the Guildin support of our government. One council mem­ber said that he would never vote for such aresolution because he had been informed that thesole purpose of American troops in Korea wasto smash Korean labor unions!

Just as Communists have taken over unions,so have crime syndicates. In New Jersey andelsewhere there are local construction unionswhich almost never hold meetings, and their mem­bers never demand them. These unions becomethe personal property of their officials and areused as fronts for shakedowns and multi-million­dollar gambling rackets.

Edward J. White, president of the E.J. WhiteCompany of Newark, New Jersey, recently issuedthe following appeal: "The card-carrying unionman can correct any defect in 'his leadership ifhe has the moral courage and intestinal fortitudeto attendm,eetingsand vote for a leader who ishonest and capable."

700 THE FREEMAN

So aghast at the apathy of dues-payers was onenewcomer to labor leadership that he recentlylaunched a crusade in his union to place theresponsibility where it belonged-on the rank­and-file member. This man, who refuses to drawa personal expense account from his union, NewYork Musicians Local 802, is its president, AlManuti. Local 802, 'with 30,000 members, is theworld's largest musicians' local. Manuti arrivedat a membership meeting last November to findjust a few seats occupied. As a result, the entirefront page of the next issue of the union's pub­lication, Allegro, was devoted to a simulated classi­fied advertisement appealing to members to attendthe next 'meeting.

Al ,Manuti has many counterparts among the250,000 union leaders in the United States. Thesemen want thememhership to carry some of theresponsibility for policies and to help fight offthe underworld and' undercover vultures who areready to capture unions run by only a handfulof members.

The American ,Guild of Variety Artists hurledat its members this ironic challenge on "How toKill a Union" in the January 1954 edition ofAGVA N eW8: "Don't attend meetings. If you go,go late. Don't accept any office. It's easier tocriticize. Insist on official notices being sent youbut don't pay any attention to them. Under nocircumstances offer constructive suggestions."

Frank Darling, leader of Local 1031, Inter­national Brotherhood of Electrical WorkeTs, inChicago, whose 33,000 members make 'most of theradio and TV sets and parts purchased in theUnited States, found a way to get members toattend meetings. Ten year'S ago disrupters andpropagandists, loud...lmouths from the Chicago mobsand Communist Party haranguers, so bored themembers that they stopped coming, and the organ­ized few threatened to take over the union. Where­upon Frank Darling hired a vaudeville act and afour-piece band and told members to come backtom·eetings and enjoy them:selves. He holds 'abusiness meeting first and then puts on the 'enter­tainment. The local today has its own chorus line­eight dancing girls, all union members.

Frank tells me his union meetings now are theworld's largest. The hall seats 3,600 and takes 800standees, yet he must run each session in four con­secutive nightly installments to accommodate all themembers who are eager to attend. Darling hasproved that you can get 15,000 members to attendto union business.

But this Chicago local is unique. Neither Iscandalsnor the se'C'urity of our nation nor pride of organ­ization stirs the vast majority of the nation's1.6,000,000 rank-and-filers,and labor leadershipcontinues, for the most part, to go by default.It is time that the public, caught up in feudsand shakedowns and ,espionage and danger ofsabotage, put the blame squarely where it belongs.

Why Trade Must Be Free

By PATRICK E. NIEBURG

To end U.S. giveaways, fight Sovie't trade lures,and stabilize cold war economic pressures, thelowering of tariffs and their eventual suspensionis a necessary and, in the long view, sound program.

At no time has the problem of fre,e trade played amore vitally important role than today. PresidentEisenhower sum'med it up in his trade policymessage to Congress when he stated: "If we failin our trade policy, we may fail in all."

The President's message could not have been bet­ter illustrated than by the events immediatelypreceding it. Secretary of IState Dulles was told byLatin American colleagues that hemispheric unityof purpose and action 'Could only be achievedsuccessfully after a clearly defined U. S. foreigntrade policy assuring them of future profitablecommercial relations with the United States.Harold Stassen found himself in the uncomfortableposition of trying to persuade our European alliesto go slow on dealing with the Communist bloc,without being able to offer a positivealt'ernative totheir immediate need for increas'ed trade.

, 'The clamor of free nations to resume, or expand,trade with the Soviet bloc is a result of a soberappraisal of ,their domestic 'economies, which to­day produce more than they can absorb. They musttrade to dispose of their surplus and pay foressential imports. More important still, they musttrade to m'aintain .a high level of employmentand individual income-two of the principal factorsin combatting Communism. Any appreciable in­crease in unemployment will be 'exploited by theCommunists to swell the ranks of local Communistparties and challenge the very existence of govern­ments friendly to the United States. Hence, tradeis not only economically vital, but it is a politicalnecessity for the survival of free governments andthe concept of collective security.

The Communist bloc has gone to great pains toadvertise the trade opportunities it offers. Oneof the m'ajor problems confronting us, therefore,is what we can do to prevent the Communist blocfrom indirectly controlling the economic well-beingof other free nations and threatening the existenceof their governments. For this reason a positiveU.S. foreign tradepoHcy is a'S ess·ential in theS'truggle to defeat Communism as military aidto our allies.

Unfortunately, this issue is easily obseuredbecause of an argumentative dust storm thattraditionally blows during any consideration oftrade policies: the effect on domestic labor of alowered tariff. And the lowering of tariffs, inev-

itably, is the focal change to be considered in anydiscussion of how to ease the free world's marketpressures. One of the more pessimistic ,estimates oflow tariff damage ,envisages ,fifteen million A'mer­icans out of work because of imports of goodsproduced hycheap foreign labor. Thi.s, the arg­ument continues, would weaken the United Stateseconomically and would impair its strength to leadthe free world in its fight against Communism.There is little convincing ev,idence supporting thisthesis.

Arguments of the Free Traders

The other side of the coin is presented by arapidly growing group of free-traders who believethat free trade is or should be an integral part ofa free, competitive society. Convinced that tariffreduction would -cause only isolated hardships inthe United State'S, they point out that both theAmerican consumer and foreign labor would standto benefit; the American 'Consumer by redueedprices, and foreign labor not only by steady em­ployment, but by rising wages, which wouldultimately eliminate the "cheap labor" argument.

Another powerful argument of the free-tradersis that free trade,more than any other measure, "can replace American foreign aid. The advantageof enabling the free nations to ,earn their necessaryforeign exchange is twofold. Not only does it savethe American taxpayer money but the free nationsregain their self-respect by working for their liv­ing rather than being dependent on aid grants.This is one of the best incentives for the develop­ment of efficient economic units which can com­pete successfully and which thus are an asset totheir national economy and a barrier against theslow encroachment of government on business.

What is true for Europe also applies in largemeasure to Asia. For years now, Japan has beenliving on borrowed time and Am'erican 'aid. Despitesome two billion dollars in U. ,So aid the Japaneseeconomy today is still unable to sustain its rapidlygrowing population. American aid has enabledJapan to rehabilitate her productive capacity, butunless it can find markets for those products inthe Western world, Japan too might easily fallprey to tempting trade offers from the Communistbloc, particularly Red China.

JUNE 28, 1954 701

'The gloomy specter of ,cheap foreign goods,dumped on the American market, is horn out of fearof competition but does not correspond to reality.Congresl8'man D. Bailey Merrill, of the Eighth Dis­trict of Indiana, for instance, had his doubts aboutthe 'effect of foreign trade on his constituents.Rather than rely on preconceived fears, he initiateda thorough study which revealed that his constit­uents stand to bene!fit by increased foreign trade.

The 'Merrill case ,study is based on 'eleven typicalAm,erican counties. A detailed -analysis of the totallabor force, commodity by commodity, product byproduct, and company 'by company reveals thatmanufacturing,agriculture, and mining, whichaccount for 57 per cent of those employed, benefitby foreign trade, through direct and indirect ex­ports. Imports do not affect adversely -any of thesix major categories of ,employment in the -area.Only in isolated cas,es did individual enterprisescontend that imports detract from their business,and then indirectly raither than by competition.

If Tariffs Were Sus,pended

The Randall Commission Report on foreign tradepolicy points out· that suspension of tariffs mightresult in an ,annual increas,e of imports of eighthundred million to ,eighteen hundred million dol­lars. 'Based upon the fact that of a total import in1951 of $10.8 billion, some six billion entered thecountry free of duty, allowing the remainder toenter duty free as well, this would account for aminimum increase of imports of 8 per cent and aInaximum of 15 per cent. 'The ,estimated maximumincrease of imports ($1.8 billion) would still onlyconstitute less than 1 per cent of the total personalconsumption in the U. S., which during 1951totaled two hundred and eight billion dollars.

The Randall Report adds that the 'maximum in­crease in import, after suspension of tariffs, mightaffect 'employment to the tune of 200,000 ~ 'man­years. This does not necessarily imply, however,that 200,000 people would be out of work hecauseof imports. While it might displace some workerspermanently, others might lose one or two days oftheir work week, or the benefit of overtime.

The figures mentioned above, essentially, referto ,a temporary suspension. Should tariff suspen­sion hecome a permanent feature, these figuresshould be revised upward. It stands to reason thatpermanent tariff 'elimination would attra.ct moreforeign companies to make ,a bid for the U. S.market. As they become more ,efficient in merchan­dising in the United States, their volume of salesto this country would increase.

From an American point of view, however, a lowtariff structure would remain only a partial solu­tion until the United States could benefit by it. Itseems only reasonable for the United States toexpect that tariff concessions be matched by for­eign nations with a return to free convertibility of

702 THE FREEMAN

currencies, which is the prerequisite :for free, mul-·tilateral trade. The restoration of a free paymentssystem should constitute the forerunner to aboli­tion of discriminatory import quotas which impedethe free flow of trade. Foreign nations could domuch to help overcome the objections of U. 8.protectionists against tariff concessions were theyhonestly and diligently to dedicate themselves tothese .goals.

How about our own import quotas? Would theirelimination,' in addition to tariff suspension, in­crease the "flood" of imports and g.eriously affectour own economy? Undoubtedly, it would intensifyimports. However, the "threat" to our economywould still remain· a minor· prohlem,. since only 5per eent of the gross national product 'Consists ofimports.

There are, of 'Course, isolated cases where im­ports would seriously affect local industries. Theimpact of foreign competition would be 'especiallysevere where aeommunity is dependent upon onelocal industry. However, this impact would he nogreater than that caused by som'e domestic eco­nomic shifts, since it requires a prolonged periodlto make itself felt, and adjustments could mean­time he effected.

Where national security requires that 'an indus­try, threatened 'by imports, be protected, it seemsmore economical to do so by direct subsidy than bytariffs. The watch industry is a good case in point.It would be far more economical to subsidize thisindustry than to eontinueadherence to ,a tariffpolicy (which in effect is an indirect subsidy)which penalizes consumers and fr,equently en­courages production of goods for which there is nosound economic justification because they do notface the test of competition.

The HUluan Element

No discussion of economics, of course, can becomplete unless it considers the human elementinvolved. To do justice to this factor it is necessaryto approach the problem in terms of the individualaffected. Congressman Wayne L. Hays (n.) ,Eighteenth District of Ohio, has for this reasonfought and is presently fighting any tariff con­cessions. It is not because he does not believe infree trade. It is because his district is heavilypopulated with pottery workers and glass blowerscentered around the East Liverpool area. He is.concerned for their jobs. Moreover, he expresses.the local sentiment, which it is his duty to do as,their representative, when he opposes tariff con­cessions.

Both . 'Representative Hays and his constituentscould probably he swayed to change their position,if, as tariffs are reduced gradually, conditions intheir district could be adjusted to provide jobs forthose who would lose 'employment 'because of im­ports. However, this requires a period of adjust-

tnent, a redirection of efforts, before the impact ofreduced tariffs or tariff Isuspension could be mit­igated to a point where it would he less painful.

Translating this into the national level, it seemsthat, though tariff concessions would have only aminor over-all effect, an evolutionary process wouldbene'fit this country more than a sudden revolution­ary 'move. That would mean a rapid reduction oftariffs where it 'can be accomplished without hard­ship, followed ultimately by complete suspension oftariffs. 'This seems more practical than a suddenabolition of all tariffs that would permit no periodof adj ustment.

Benefits to the U.S.

So far only the negative aspects of foreign tradehave been ,examined. But foreign trade is a two­way street from which the United States benefitsas well. Increased imports stimulate increased ex­ports, and thus swell the ranks of those employed,directly or indirectly, by exports while at the sametime reducing the 'effect of displacement by im­ports. Again, it 'might he interesting to comparethe 'magnitude of estimated displacenlentwith thenumber of people dependent upon foreign trade,which totaled 4,376,000, according to :Secretary ofCommerce Sinclair Weeks. Even if one equates200,000 man-years with 200,000 jobs, this wouldstill be less than 5 per cent. Compared to a totalemployment of more than sixty million, the numberis insignificant. At the rate of foreign aid spent bythe United States since 1947, each of the 200,000displaced workers could draw $25,000 annually,were the government to use an equivalent sum forthe relief of displaced labor. This 'would still leavethe United States in a better position because ofthe benefits derived from increased trade, as op­posed to aid.

What int,ernational trade can mean to individualAmerican companies haswell been demonstrated' bysuchexa'mples as Yale & Towne and BurroughsAdding Machines. Yale & Towne has long importedproducts its suhsidiariesmanufacture abroad,sometimes in competition with domestic produc­tion. 'The results have been most ,encouraging. Thecompany has a diversi'fied line of products which ishighly competitive and which has insured profitsfor ,all concerned-consumers, employees, and stock­holders.

When Burroughs moved some of its manufac­turing facilities to England and "imported" themto the United States, no one was discharged. In­stead, increased domestic 'sales added to the laborforce. While A'mericans, whether 'employees, con­sumers, or stockholders benefited from this trade,foreign countries got their share of profit, too, inthe form of wages, taxes, 'etc., which in turn con­tributed to their solution of the dollar 'gap, m'adethem less dependent on U. IS. aid, :and 'better pros­pective customers for American goods.

The validity of the argument for reduction oftariffs and their eventual suspension can be seenfrom the wide support it has gained from a repre­sentative cross-section of the American people. Themajor trade unions have come out strongly in favorof it. Manufacturers of various kinds of productssupport it. The International Relations Committeeof the National Association of Manufacturersrecommended reduction of tariffs and other tradebarriers. The U. S. Chamber of Commerce gave itsstamp of ,approval.

The 'economic well-being and possibly the polit­ical independence of the free nations depends toa large measure upon our foreign trade policy.Tariff reductions now and eventual suspension aretherefore not a problem to be m,easur,ed only interms of ,economic gain or loss to us, but againstthe requirements of national security which demandthat the free nations remain free and allied withus in the common struggle :against Communism.

Let's Be PrejudicedBy JO'SEPH WO,OID' KRUTCH

"Prejudice" is the dirtiest word in the modernvocabulary. So perhaps it ought to be-if only wewere quite sure what it meant. But at least thisreader of contemporary discussions is gettingbewildered. He doesn't know what the writer,s meanand he wonders if they do either.

'Take the case where the "liberals" protest thatwe are "prejudiced" in favor of the Western con­ception of democr.acy as opposed to the Russian.They seem to imply that a really "unprejudiced"man would necessarily agree that one is just asvalid as the other. But just how unprejudicedcan you get if· you are going to think at all?

To clear the air let us put the word "prejudice"alongside the word "preference" and ask if thereis really no difference between them. It can hardlybe said that we ought to be completely free ofpreferences. If we were, then we would be incap­able of making what the philosophers call a valuejudgment. And a society in which nothing seemedpreferable to anything :else would be more barbarousthan any which anthropology has ever discovered.Yet as the word "prejudice" is frequently used itis difficult to see how we could give up what itis taken to mean without giving up preferencestoo. Is there really anything so shameful aboutpreferring the Western concept of democracy tothe Soviet?

Ever since the Renaissance the course of Westerncivilization has been determined by our prefer­ene-es-or prejudices, if you insist-in favor, letus say, of investigation as opposed to dogma, healthas opposed to disease, liberty as opposed to con­formity, kindness as opposed to cruelty. No tech-

JUNE 28, 1954 703.

nique ever invented to undermine that civilizationwas ever more subtle than that which seeks toconvince us that every preference is a prejudice,that all prejudices are wrong, and that, for ex­ample, we are only "prejudiced" in favor of ourown mores when we find the Western concept offair play more attractive than the doctrine thatclass intere;st alone determines .rbhe meaning of"justice" or that policy, not a respect for truth,should det-ermine what w-ewill promise or say.

Any man so unprejudiced as all that is a mon­ster. If his condemnation is not that he choosesdarkness raither than light, it may be somethingeven worse-that he perceive,s no distinction be­tween them. Yet a reviewer who is pretending topraise a group of recent books about the SovietUnion finds it necHssary to interject the remarkthat "'All the writers ... assume that our way ofHfe is mysteriously ri~ht 'and that the other s'ideis evil." Why that adverb "mysteriously"? What i,ssomY'steriolis about the assumption that one thingis be1tter than another ? How can one possiblyindulge in any meaningful comparisons unless onedoes assume that a choice between them is legiti­mate? Is it really necessary to invoke a "mystery"to explain the feeling that judicial assassination

, is "somehow" not right?

The "Intellectual" Pattern

Unfortunately, the "liberal" to whom all prefer­encesexcept his own are wicked prejudices had theway prepared for him by the so...called "impartial­ity" of the kind of history and sociology whichwas written during the second half of the nine­tenth century and the first half of the twentieth.When a Lecky popularized the conviction that therei.s no distinction between mores and morals, thewhole disastrous paralysis of judgment as a legiti­mate function of thinking man set in. Soon thesociologists with their "objective" studies' fol­lowed, and shortly after them came the anthro­pologists with their "cultural relativism." The onewas soon telling us that the only criterion forwhat men ought to do is what it has been dis­covered the'Y are doing; the other that the civiliza­tion of the European is not hetter than that of theplains Indian but only "different.".By the premisesof either it is only natural to conclude also thatWestern democracy i,s only "differe'nt" from whatthe Kremlin has stolen the word to describe.

Such convictions three fourths of the "intel­lectuals" firmly hold. By now they have also se,epeddown until they have begun to permeate not onlythe middle class but almost every stratum of society,until the strongest prefe'fences begin .to waver whenthose who entertain them are reminded that theyare "mere prejudice,s" after all.

It is not likely that "our way of life" can bepreserved by those who would like to pr·eserve itunless they believe that it is preferab~e-whether

704 THE FREEMAN

"mysteriously" or not. Perhaps the time has cometo realize this fact and to re-establish the first lineof defense where logically it has to be. In oneof his saner moments Nietzsche declared that "Alllife is a disput,e about taste"-and tastes are pref­erences. To assert their legitimacy is to take aposition midway between: "Right is right becauseGod so ordained it" and ";Nothing is right or wrongexcept as custom makes it so." It is to assert thatif there are no absolutes in the universe then theonly escape from anarchy lies through those "pref­erences" which man himself asserts when he chooseshonor rather than treachery, love rather than hate',beauty rather than ugliness, light rather than dark­ness. If the'Y are all the same to the universe theyare not all the same to him. If to find them notall the same is "nothing but" a taste or a preferencearbitrarily chosen, then such arbitrary choicesare among the most fateful that ·R man or a civiliza­tion can 'make, and nothing is more inappropriatethan to talk about "mere tastes" and "mere pref­erences."

A society without what are commonly called pre­judices is unthinkable. iObviolisly the "liberal" isaware of that fact when he defends his own set ofpreferences and is a relativist in respect to every­thing except his own. To he prejudiced even withina reasonable meaning of the term is not quite sobad as it would be to have no preferences at all-.if such a thing were possible. A prejudiced manmay som;etimes be a bad man; a man without pref­erences would not be ,a man at all. To every humanbeing some things are better than others. To havemany preferences and to consider them importantis-no matter what some may call them-somethingto he proud of, not ashamed.

Needling the NewsChiang's navy has sunk a ship belonging to theChinese Reds. If this were 1950, reealling theinfamous blockade against a willing ally, the U.S.iSeventh Fleet would now he steaming towardFormosa with open gun-hatches.

John L. Lewis "has found the banking business arnoney-making proposition," according to a newsreport. He has also found his end of the coalbusiness prodrzwtive of profit-in sharp contrastto several thousand investors who ,have put theirmoney into the industry.

The Soviet Union has reimposed the death penaltyfor murderers, it having been abolished in 1950except for traitors, spies, ,and diversionist agents.Two questions: 1) Narne a single Russian who couldnot be liquidated before the law's coverage wasexpanded; 2) Are murders by M,alenkov included?

MARTIN JOHNSTON

The Young Germans-Today

By NORBERT MUHLEN

It is not the ghosts of Nazism that haunt Germany'syouth, but rather the fear of being rejected intheir fervent hope to' participate in, and evenfight for, a Europ'ean community of free natio.ns.

In ,a large West IGerman city in the winter of1953, six thousand boys and girls 'were invited toa birthday party. The birthday to be celebratedwas their own political birthday; they had reachedvoting age in the past three months. A middle­aged woman interested in political education hadhit on the idea of collecting their names, sendinginvitations to them as well as to a hundred orso local leaders, s,ecretaries, aldermen, Congress­men, and other spokesmen of all political parties,and hiring a festive hall in which they could meetand talk.

The young people, dressed in their Sunday best,sat quietly at long tables while the politicians­most of them bald and with bulging briefcases-ar­rived and :settled down among them. Solemnlyev.erybody ordered a cup of coffee or soft drinks.A few 'even asked for beer.

For the first half hour only the politicianstalked. After they had had their say, they askedthe young guests for questions. An ,eager lookingboy in a blue !serge suit asked why he eould not usea transfer on the tramway to work. A very prettygirl, at another table, asked why her mother wasnot assigned a new apartment, since she had beenpromised it for five years and had to live nowwith four children in two rooms. Another girlalsked the Bundestag deputy next to her whethershe needed a passport for a bicycling trip toDenmark she 'planned for the summer. I movedfrom table to table listening in on the discussions.N'ot one of the young people mentioned politics,either to ask a question or to sta'te an opinion.

After an hour of strained and stolid ,talk, thetables were removed and dancing began.

'This was a repr,esentative group of the Germanyouth which, just a few years ago, many Americanswere writing off as completely ruined by theirindoctrination under Hitler. These young people,it was said, could nev,er be redeemed, wouldaggressively retain their Nazism forever,and were,in short, the problem children of Europe. Afterthis early harsh view subsided, bias often con­tinued to replace observation.

What kind of people are today's young 'Germans?Much depends not only on the answer, but on whatEurope thinks is the answer. Tomorrow these youngGermans will be the people-and probably thearmy-of Europe's strongestcountry~

It seems that 'Germany's youth in the last fewyears has undergone ,a change less conspicuous, per­haps, 'though hardly less impressive than the changevlhich has transformed the destroyed 'Germany ofyesterday into the prospering nation of today."Ruins are t'heessence of our time," W'erner Heist,a young poet, wrote shortly after the war. Thatwas the mood of his generation. The thing most,ruined was their faith. :They thought they couldnever again trust a man, a program, or an ideaafter their trust in Nazi teachings had let themdown so badly. When the Third Reich fell it had"debunked" itself in the 'eyes of the young who hadbeen taught by the,s:e very Nazis to judgie politicalideas in terms of power and succ,ess alone. Sur­rounded by the wreck of this teaching, they em­braced at least tentatively a complete lack of faithin all ideas, programs, 'men, ,and communities.

Since then another g,eneration has grown up.The five years of the Adenauer administrationhas already had a much greater impact on theirminds than the few last years of the Hitler erathey 'experienced.

The New Skepticism

At first glance these young 'Germans seem tohave gotten ov,er their past. They seem to havefirm ground under their feet ,again and an urge toenjoy themselves somewhat like young Americans,whose habits, fads, and styles they have adopted-from the way they dress to the obsession ofhoys with motors, the obsession of girls withmovies, a passionate interest in popular music andcomic strips, and so on.

Below this surface, the less happy vestiges ofthe recent past have not heen entirely removed.Cynicism has given way to 'a skepticism which leadsto a still deeper distrust, 'a reluctance to acceptnew ideas, and to serious difUculties in becomingpart of a genuine community.

'These impressions, gained in my associationswith young :Germans over the past few years, wereconfirmed by an extraordinarily comprehensive andcareful survey undertaken at the end of 1953 byteams of IGerman researchers who gauged themoods, opinions, habits, and attitudes of Germanyouth by personal interviews with a stratifiedsample of 1,498 girls and boys from fifteen to

JUNE 28, 1954 705

twenty-four years of age (collected and publishedin Jugend zwischen 15 und24, by,EM,NI:D Institutefor Opinion 'Research, Bielefeld, 1954). Whether itsfindings are correct within a few percentage pointsor not, they cle,arly indicate the new direction inwhich 'German youth is moving.

The direct impact of the Nazi past on the youngGermans of today is surprisingly faint; few con­scious, and even fewer fanatical followers ofHitler and his doctrines ,survive. To most youngGermans, Nazism is today a dim, distant memory,and to the youngest of the 'war children it is abygone chapter, somewhat similar to, say, theGreat Depression, or Prohibition, in the eyes ofyoung Americans today. When I mentioned theThird Reich, I usually encountered a 'rather dis­passionate and often ignorant image-those werethe times when everybody had to wear a swastikaand had to salute with "Heil Hitler," 'a girl oftwelve explained to ID,e. And 'a boy of fourteensaid: "The Nazis were for big 'parades, and theyhad a fl:ag of their own."

One out of two (52 per eent) could not name anessential characteristic of N'azism, and almost asmany (46 per cent) were unable to give an essen­tial ,characteristic of Hitler himself. Where animage of the Nazi past persists it tends to benegative; it does not conjure up good 'memories.The majority were quick to point out as Nazism',schief features its lack of personal freedom, thebrute force with which it dominated the individual,its single law of "thou must."

Today's Government on Trial

'This lack of interest in, and even rej ection ofN:azism by the great majority of young Germansdoes not imply that they actively support the pres­ent form of government. They tend rather to tol­erate it with notable reservations and reluctance.Except for a few professional spokesmen of "Youth"connected with political parities, I cannot remem­ber a young 'German talking to me with warmthand conviction in favor of today's order. If theyaccept it for the time being, it is because theyare willing to give it a chance.

From the survey cited above it appears thatabout one third (35 per cent) accept the presentstat,e, while about one fifth (19 per cent) do not,and almost one half (46 percent) have no con­scious, clear-cut opinion about it one way or theother, although they tend to be rather for thanagainst it in a vague, half-hearted manner.

I tseems, nevertheless, that many young 'Germanshave a rather precise idea of how they want their,country to be. 'This might not be a democraticcountry in the sense in which most Americansunderstand it, yet it would be a peaceful, lawful,constitutional republic. Tn their view, a benevolent,strong, successfuIgovernment should take care ofan public affairs, without interfering in any way

706 THE FREEMA,N

with the citizens f total privacy, which ,enablesthem in full freedom to pursue their profit andpleasure. To a high degree, this is the presentGern1an order; it is the traditional society ofthe Unpolitische, the "unpolitical" people, as itexisted in IGerm'an thinking before Hitler, and towhich the majority reverted after Hitler's attemptto "politicize" Germany.

More than one third of the youth (37 per cent)approved of the dictum that "rather than every­body being intere'Sted in, and feeling responsiblefor the politics of our country, politics shouldbe left to the man who holds the state power inhis hands." But 57 per cent said they did notagree with such an opinion-a ratio of free mindscertainly considerably better among young Ger­mans than among those of the older generation.

Even those young GeTmans, however, who want astrong state leadership have no desire for a dicta­torship. 'This was demonstrated by the fact thata large majority (69 per cent) do not want "thestate to have the right of interrupting educationin the common interest of, ,say, labor service."Just as many were against ",a single, state-ledyouth organization" such as existed under theNazis 'and ,exists again today in lEast IGermany.

If there is still a strong sentiment concedingto the 'State a superior political authority in whichthe individual citizen has no shar,e of responsibilityor participation, one of the reasons is probablythat 'many young IGermans are willing to acceptsuperior authority from their elders in priv,atelife. 8eventy-three per cent of the young Germanssaid they would ,educate' their own children exactlyas they themselves were being educated by theirparents.

In contrast with the manner in which they ac­ceptauthority, their community 'Spirit is ratherweak. A third (32 per cent) say they have nobodywith whom they .can discuss their personal prob­lems; 50 peT cent say they have no good friend;22 per cent, not 'even a comrade. Some three fifths(62 per cent) do not belong to 'any organization,and one out of ,two objects to going to youthcamps.

This loneliness extends all the way up from thepersonal level of family 'and friends to the nation.Yet their longing for a new community has madethem accept the vista of a united Europe. Theyoung iGermans who want to participate moreactively in public. life and who desire personalresponsibility rather than orders from above, havetaken the lead in what has become the most wide­spread and also the most promising hope of youngGermany. Impressed by Adenauer's ,sincere appeals,fed up with nationalist heroics and the lust forconquest and domination, strongly opposed to newwars and desirous to live in friendship with theirW,est European neighbors, they set their hopes onthe integration of IGermany with the Europeancommunity. This was the only idea which in my

discussions with young Germans evoked a strik­ingly warm, and often enthusiastic response.

Sixty-five per cent of the young Germans ques­tioned by the pollsters saw the best ,solution ofthe problems of their nation in "Germany',s beingan equal partner in a united Europe." That thisra'tio of decidedly pro-European, anti-naitionalistfeeling is considerably higher among young Ger­mans than among older Germans today, seems avery promising fact.

T'heir Goal-European Unity

That nationalism is on the wane among youngGermans with their 'almost exaggerated interest inforeign books, foreign movies, and foreign travel,is demonstrated by' their conviction that "we Ger­mans can learn a ,great deal from other peoples."Of the countries considered as teachers, Americatakes first place. 'The lessons to be learned fromit in the eyes of young Germans are---in additionto economic and technological progress, which playsthe largest role-the arts of peaceful living, ofdemocracy, and of tolerance.

For the goal of European unity, rather thanof German national interests, young 'Germans areready to do their part. Only 28 per cent claimedthey would "like to be soldiers." But 70 per centsaid they would be willing ,to serve "under specialconditions." What these conditions should be isone of the main topics of discussion. The majorityview is that they would volunteer for militaryservice in defense of Europe against an aggressor.Three out of four agree that they would have todefend their homeland against invaders (named,or tacitly understood, as the ISoviets). Only 1 percent mentioned, as a cause for which they wouldfight, the unification of Germany or the recon­quest of the 'German 'East.

In the last year, and particularly in the lastmonths, these high hopes have 'begun to cool offsomewhat. The reason is the ,setbacks to Europeanintegration in Western countries and the deepdistrust, particularly of ,Britain and France, towardthe new ,Germany. They begin to f.ear they mighthave to ,fight a war with unwilling allies who willleave them in the lurch after final defeat. Evenif the methods, appeals, and goals of Adenauerseem to he the very opposite to those of Hitler,traumatic memories begin to stir up fears of an­other total letdown.

'The rehabilitation of German youth has onlybegun. 'The attempt at democratic participation andthe preparedness to join the W,estern communityare slowly gaining ground. IThese may not be ableto survive cantinued discourq,gement and rejectionfrom the other prospective partners, which threatento throw the young Germans back into a state ofselfish isolation. But today they are still willingto bind themselves to the West if the West willbind itse'lf to [Germany, and act a.ccordingly.

I~etter from France

Food, Sports, TouristsBy JAMES BURNHAM

Imagine a sausage of delicate young pork seasonedwith herbs from a ga,rden continuously tended sincethe thirteenth century. Think of that sausage assurrounded with a rich dough .the recipe for whichwas handed down for generations among the secrettreasures of a famous Priory of Provence. Imaginethe compound baked to the moment of airy per­fection, and covered with 'a sauce that raises everytaste bud to an exact harmonious pitch. And notethat this end product of so much art and thoughtand craft is but the first and least of the sixcourses that compose the lesser of the two prixfixe meals that appear on the menu of a com­paratively modest provinci'al French restaurant.

It is too much, you say? Too much skill, feel­ing, and tim.e to spend on such an object? Yes,or so at any rate it seems to me. Entering Francefrom the bare and austere dignities of Spain, thespirit is smothered in food and drink. Everywherethe eye is assailed by posters, signs, and adver­tisements of eating and wine. The new GuideMichelin has deleted ,the descriptions of "artisticmonuments" and spots of "scenic interest," but onits every page are the restaurants of the locality,ordered according to culinary rank, with the spe­cialties of each notable house painstakingly listed:Coq au Riesling, Truite au bleu, Terrine de foiesde volaille trufjee au porto, Rognons de veau auXeres, Feuillete de homard Nantua, Queulles debrochet, Filet de marcassin grand veneur garnicreme demarrons. . .

Do not think that all this is just for the touristor the very rich. Throughout France there arethousands of restaurants serving fantastic meals.Walking down the street in small towns Wherefew tourists 'ever come, you will pass a dozenlittle shops that fe'ature in their windows a pre­cisely staged display of succulent, luxurious food­stuff.The other day we 'were the only Americansat lunch in a restaurant of no more than middlerank. A,round us the tables of French customers'were being served with course after 'elaboratecourse: cold meats and jellied eggs ; baked pigs'feet; garnished filets; fresh salmon, sole, andtrout; asparagus and salads; and,for standardending, heaped plates of tiny wild strawberriescovered 'with sugar and iced whipped sour cream.

Food and sports. An Europe i,s wild about sports.Sports occupy half the space of most newspapers."Football" (our soccer), first of all and for allcountries; but 'everything else also, from tennisto pigeon shooting. Road races for autos, moto­cycles, ,motor Iscooters, and bicycles a,re beingconstantly staged. At every village crowds line

JUNE 28, 1954 707

the road for hours before the pa,ssing of the clusterof bicycle racers, helme1ted, muddy, and strainingea«h muscle, preceded by police and carloads of offi­cials, and paced by handlers who pass the ridersflasks of water, br,andy, or coffee. The cafes buzzwith gossip over the moslt recent briberyscandal or Italy'!s latest coup in buying up a Scan­dinavian football forward.

Food, sports, and tourists. Long before thegreat summer wave rolls in from A'merica, tour­ists are flooding over France 'and Italy from Fin­land, Sweden, England, Belgium, Switze'rland, andGermany, and the French are themselves spreadingover 'Spain, Italy, and the Swiss mountains. Onthe great double-spiral staircase leading to theVatican museums we were nearly crushed by thejamming regiments of 'German students who werebeing led into cultural battle by black-coated youngpriests with thick guide book instead of breviaryin hand. The American or German cars of the Swisstourists, as if released by a spring from thecramping limits of ,their own country, hurl downthe French and Italian roads. Each French townand village now has at its entrance a neat newsign that lists its prime tourist attractions.

Over the monuments and ~elds the tribes oftourists swarm as once swarmed the Goths andFranks and Vandals. Is this the form, then, takenin our tim'e by the Wandering of the :Peoples whichToynbee has told us characterizes the break-up ofa civilization?

Economic Improvement

Although dark spots remain, the improvement inEurope's material conditions over the past eightyears leaps from ,every 'quarter to the eye. Thebillions of the Marshall Plan, though they havenot alone been responsible, have had their palpableeffect. They speak from the fittings of the rail­way ears, the new electric gasoline pumps thathave replaced the 'Creaking hand cranks of eve'llfive years ago, the mechanical ice boxes, theplumbing, the Cadillacs and Oldsmobiles andGhryslers for which, despite high duties and ex­cellent local cars, thousands of Europeans havemanaged to find sufficient dollar credits.

'Those who conceived~ the Ma,rshall Plan have bynow, it would seem, almost 'all they asked for.Europe is fed and clothed and sleeps in beds.With the partial exception of Italy, there is littleunemployment. Europe's industries advance monthlyto new records in production, the railroads runoften and on tim,e, gold and exchange reserves arein general greatly strengthened. IE uropean eco­nomic recovery, howev,er 'incomplete,exceeds inS'cale what anyone eight years ago had any rationalright to expect.

Why, then, 'Geneva?Can it be that there was a flaw in the easy

theory that Communism is a product of adverse

708 THE FREEMAN

'economic conditions, to be cured by economic im­provement, a disease' for which dollars are sufficientremedy?

In all F,rance there is not a single newspaperthat is unambiguously 'anti-Communist and anti­Soviet, and only two or three that even publishsingle articles that 'are clearly so. ThroughoutApril, during the long agony of the garrison ofDienbienphu, the 'Company of the Comedie Fran~aise

(a governmental institution) 'played nightly inMoscow. I was not able to find a single editorialof protest. Each day, on the front pages next to thenews from Indo-'China, the papers ieatured picturesof the troupe visiting iRed 'Square or model f'ac­tory, and printed their speeches of compliment totheir ISoviet 'confreres. On May 19, hardly a weekafter the fall of Dienbienphu, Edouard Herriot,President of theFTench Assembly, joined Aragon,Duclos, and Joliot-Curie to congratulate Pierre Coton receiving the Stalin Prize from the hand ofIlya Ehrenburg. "Oldman as I am," wrot'e Herriot,"I hand the torch over to· you." In June theStrasbourg Music Festival will hear the worldpremiere of Shostakovitch's 'Tenth Symphony di­rected by Stalin Prize conductor Mravinsky.

Red Propaganda Is Routine

Over the 'principal newsstand of Ravenna, hardby the tomb of Dante, a hundred meters from themosaic splendors of San Vitale and the gold anddark blue mosaics glowing in the marble-filteredlight of the Mausoleum of IG'alla Placida, the en­larged masthead of L'Unita, official Com'munistdaily, has the top billing. Across the streets ofVenice and Padua in the first week of 'May, flagsand stream'ers announced the Provincial Con­ference of the Communist Party, and posters calledon Catholics to unite with Communists to out­law nuclear weapons and lead Italy toward a newforeign policy. 'On the 'Corner of the Piazza SanMarco, not fifty feet from the porch of the Cathe­dral, the windows of a Communist bookstore dis­playa stock nicely adjusted to almost any passingtaste. The President of the French Republic re­ceives the Communist parliamentary leader,s to dis­cuss the cabinet cri'sis as Moscow's mouthpiece inParis, L'Humanite, publishes its rejoicing overthe "victory" of Dienbienphu.

All these things are hardly noticeable. That iswhy, of course, they are so terrible. It is allroutine, normal. There is no disturbance, and notthe 'mildest sign of "hysteria." N'o one is sur­prised or shocked or alarmed-no one, at any rate,whose voice can be loudly or widely heard. Thiswas themood,perhaps, in 'which Athens, after theharsh times with Sparta and Thebes and Ma'Cedonand the marauding legions, transformed itself intoa passive museum and pleasure-house for thetourists, 'bureaucrats, 'and idlers of all-conqueringimperial Rome.

Report on Education:

Television Steps InBy FLORA RHETA SCHREIBER

'Twenty-eight mothers laboriously monitored theirlocal commercial television station in Wilm'ette,Illinois, for four days last winter. In the prog,ramsthey saw, they recorded seventy-seven murders,fifty-three shootings, :seven kidnappings, andthirty gunfights. 'Then through a door-to-doorcampaign they formed the Wilmette Council forChannel 11 and set up their own local educationaltelevision station.

'Two years ,earlier the women's campaign would'have failed. There was then just no w'ay of obtain­ing a station the policy of which they could in­fluence directly. In April 1952, however, the Fed­eral Communications Commission, in a decisionunprecedented in American broadcasting, allocated242 stations-and since that time eight additionalchannels--to non-commercial, educational television.This means that somewhat more than 12 per centof the television stations in the country will beoperated by non-commercial broadcasters. And thesestations will raise a new and different voice.

"You are now the inheritors of ia highly valuableportion of that ethereal public domain-the radiospectrum," said Paul A. Walker, then chairman ofthe FCC, before the Institute for Education byRadio and Television at its convention that April."What you do this year may dete,rmine for a long,long time-.:perhaps for generations-the role ofeducation in television."

Community Support Widens

'The new stations 'will take their place as partof the total ,educational pattern, which includesprograms :such as CBS' The Search, ,NBC's Crusadein Europe, the Ford Foundation's Omnibus, theSloan 'Foundation's The American Inventory, andthe instructional prog,rams of the ;University ofMichigan, Western Reserve University,and JohnsHopkins University. Commercial broadcasters willcontinue to give programs of this nature. The FCC'sreport ,expressly states that commercial licenseesare not relieved "from their duty to carry prog,riamswhich fulfill educational needs and s'erve theeduca­tional interests of the community in which theyoperate."

How are the educators taking advantage of theirnew "inheritance"? Nearly fifty educational TVorganizations have gained support in about 120communities. As might be expected, larger urban

communities are ahead of smaller rural ones.Thbconspicuous ,exception is New York City, whichhas no hope of its own educational televisionstation in the immediate future.

!The ,first educational television station togoon the air was the University of Houston's KUHT.The second was the Allan Hancock Foundation'sKiT'HE in Los Angeles. Then came WKAR in EastLansing, Michigan, followed by stations in Pitts­burgh, St. Louis, iSan Francisco, and Madison,Wisconsin. 'The end of 1954 will see at leasttwenty land perhaps 'as many as thirty educationaland community TV stations in operation. Withinrange of these stations will be some thirty toforty-five million people.

The average station reaches an a,rea of forty tofifty miles, but its influence may extend farther.There are plans to link the stations first intoregional networks and ultimately into a nationalnetwork. Alabama, IOklahoma, New Jersey, andWisconsin already have plans for state networks.Until a national network iis formed, the EducationalTelevision land Radio Center at Ann Arbor, Mich­igan, will act as a national clearing house· forprogram ideas and as an exchange center forservicing local stations with kinescopes, films, andscripts. On May 16 the center first assumed anotherrole-....that of producer-when it telecast a one-hourprogram called Vision, a composite of programspreviously produced by the N'ational Associationof Educational Broadcasters, the University ofIowa, and 'New York City's municipal radio sta­tion and Board of Higher Education. And so, forthe ,first time, eduC'ational television declared itsnetwork status.

Support has not -come from the state legislatures,the ,sourc.e originally thought most likely. It 'hascome instead from 'private subscription, followingthe 'pattern set by KPFA, a non-profit FM stationin 'Berkeley, California, which consistently broad­casts programs of high ,quality and supports itselfentirely by ten-dollar subscriptions from its audi­ence. 'Foundations hav,e provided backing. And in­dustry itself, which as a whole fought the FCC'sdecision, has 'also lent a helping hand. One Middle­Western unive,rsity, for example, has the supportof ten industries which jointly contribute $25,000a year for its television support.

!Support has even come from commercial tele­casters. ,In \Seattle the local commercial TV station

JUNE 28, 1954 709

had no mean record of "telecourses;' in primitiveart, house design, eighteenth-century music, :and inthe production of plays like Chekhov's MarriageProp08al. Y'et it was Mrs. A. Scott Bullitt, theowner of this station, who initiated the localmovement for educational television. "There arenatural limits," she announced unequivocally," tothe a'bility of a commercial station to serve fullyand adequately the educational requirements ofa community." In San Antonio, commercial sta­tion WO,AI has donated studios, towers, trans­mitters, and $50,000 to the local educational sta­tion. Tn Birmingham, Alabama, the Storer Broad­casting Company has offered the educational sta­tion a ,five-kilowatt transmitter, the use of its tower,and studio is'pace.

C'ulture "Pays Off"

Even more important than towers and trans­mitters is the new note in programming soundedby educational broadcasters. In iSt. Louis they havesaid: "There is no need to appeal to the lowestcommon denominator. If we broadcast over people'sheads, then let them lift up their heads." And theUniversity of Houston's KUHT ,began with theself-committing announcement that it was not in-

. terested in a mass audience. By all commercialstandards this is rank heresy. Yet, to borrowthe commercial idiom, heresy "paid off." For theseprograms-dramas written, directed, and acted bylocal people ; courses ranging from dairy herdmanagement to the humanities-have regularlydrawn an audience as large as that of Houston'ssecond largest commercial station.

Many of the new programs will be as utilitarianas the one in dairy herd management. Therewill 'be programs for housewives on how to glamor­ize housework; programs in speech correction,and how the spending or saving of money con­tributes to the total economy. In Cincinnati,problems of rent control are televised to the com­munity each week in Landlord V8. Tenant throughan actual hearing of a tenant-landlord dispute. InColumbus, Picture of Health familiarizes viewerswith the services of the IOhio State UniversityHealth Center. And there will be the usual cater­ing to the how-to-fix-it complex with which ourbroadcasting and magazines are obse'Ssed.

But there will also be programs of an entirelycultural nature. In Rochester, New York, for in­stance, a gifted artist does 'his own painting be­fore the cameras and tries to persuade viewersthat this lactivity can have meaning for them, too.The need for such programs is shown by the verysize of the audience that listens to the current uni­versity programs. The average adult audience fora single Western Reserve University lecture onpsychology at 9 A.M. is 58,000. The Unive~sity ofMichigan's Sunday afternoon television hourreaches from 80,000 to 100,000. The Johns Hopkins

710 THE FREEMAN

Science Reviww is seen in 280,000 homes. Andthe audience for the Museum of Natural History'sAdventure is five million.

Pittsburgh's educational television leaders be­lieve that their station can provide a bridge tothe neglected cultural opportunities of the city.After discovering that les,s than 5 per cent ofthe residents of Allegheny County visited Carne­gie Institute last year and that less than 1 percent ever attended a ,concert by the PittsburghSymphony, they 'plan to make such facilities betterappreciated through TV 'programs.

Educational programs are planned not only forimproving the cultural interests of the audience asa whole, but also for in-school viewing and theformal instruction of adults. In-school viewing isas old as television itself.· And it is, of course,an e~tension of what radio (notably through NewYork's municipal station, WNYC) has been doingsuccessfully for a long time.

In-school viewing has made progress. At first theexperimenters had a grandiose vision ofa masterteacher whose image on classroom screens wouldone day replace the flesh-and-blood teacher. Happily,this vision has disappeared, ,and television teach­ing 'has become a supplement to, not a substitutefor, direct t,eaching. To teach Shakespeare ex­clusively through television would be superficial.But to supplement the teaching of Shakespearewith a television 'program of one of his plays atthe mom'ent that the student is already excitedabout it makes Shakespeare more meaningful andvivid.

The glamor that television has for the studentbecame very clear tome when, at the offices ofthe Joint Committee for Educational Television inWashington, D.C., I viewed a kinescope ofa lectureon IGreek drama given by a North Carolina Uni­versity professor in his classroom. There were noproduction devices whatever . Yet the student whosaw it with me said he found this exciting,whereas he would not listen willingly to the samelecture in class. Illogical as it seems, that is howhe felt.

In colleges the emerging pattern of instructionthrough television is to introduce a subject onthe ,screen and later require the student to attendseminars on the campus. This is, of course, de­signed to counteract the dangers of superficialityinherent in teaching by television.

Perhaps the outstanding beneficiary of in-schooltelevision will be the rural child. He has beendeprived of the range of subje'ct matter and thequality of teaching given the average city child.The television teacher obviously cannot give himthe personal attention he should have, but canpf'ovide information he would otherwise be denied.

In-school viewing will mean that not infrequentlya mother, at home, can tune in on her child'sclassroom. When he comes hom,e she can commenton the lesson which she herself saw and which

unites her in a new intimacy with her child.The very hero-worshipping admiration that com­

mercial television ,engenders-the adulation, forinstance, of the space pilot or the !flight nurse-isfrequently the means of arousing interest in aschool subject. The ,appeal reduces itself mostsim'ply to this: Learn your multiplication tableand then you, too, can some day become a spacepilot or a flight nurse. 'Students thus motivatedmay continue this new-found habit when watchingcommercial programs. They will, perhaps, eventuallycome to expect more serious values from the com­mercial programs, too.

The record shows again and again that studentstaught by television get as good grades in examin­ations as do regular classroom students. The U.S.Navy's experience at Port Washington, L.I., infact, is that television students-incidentally, theyare pretty generally called "viewdents"-scoredhigher than classroom students in the same subject.This is due partly to the student's response to thenovelty of the television-learning experience andpartly to the fact that teachers themselves, awarethat they are working in a new medium, e'xertspecial 'effort in preparation and presentation.

Possible Dangers

Despite the proved strengths of educational tele­vision, there are also serious potential dangers.Education today is torn with controversy fromwithin and without. There are conflicts of fun­damental philosophy and of method. Educationaltelevision can help to clarify these conflicts. Butit cannot fail to mirror this discord as well, andto reflect the weaknesses of education itself.

In certain instances educational television willrun the risk of becoming the mouthpiece of partic­ular cults and of that appalling educational patterthat has a way of destroying language and truecommunication. It may 'also fall heir to the stereo­types of thinking and f.eeling which for manyeducators have become an occupational hazard. Analways present danger is oversimplification ofprograms, which, according to President Millis ofWestern Reserve, would mean that "we miss alarge part of our opportunity." "The thing thathas been most thrilling to me ...," he points out,"has been to discover huge audienc,es so 'motivated,so desirous of information and knowledge and theopportunity to learn, that members will take diffi­cult material right out of the classroom and loveit."

The most serious danger o.f an is that of thoughtcontrol and of partis,an propaganda. Educationaltelevision, if it is to advance securely, must avoidthe innocuousness of saying nothing and the op­posite danger of allowing irresponsible elements touse it to say too much. 'Only thus can ,educationitself and the country as a whole reap the harvestof this precious "inheritance."

Peace Prize RulesBy 1\'1. K. ARGUS

The Communist-dominated World Peace Congresshas awarded its 1953 Peace Prize to CharlieChaplin. It may appear rather puzzling why Mr.Chaplin, of all his fellow-actors, should receivesuch a prize. A prize for his contribution to thefootlights and limelight-yes. Perhap.s even a prizefor marital multiplicity. But why a peace prize?

The answer is simple. Anyone can hecome eligiblefor a Red peace prize if he is fortunate enoughto get the State Department on his side and haveit cancel his exit permit, if he wants to leavethis country, or his entry permit, if he wantsto get in. Thus, through the good offices of ourconsiderate Department of State, Mr. Chaplin hasbecom'e eminently fit to win 'the award.

The State Department's aid is one of the mainprerequisites for eligibility. It is also of incalcul­able help to get yourself investigat'ed. Without aninvestigation, you are simply a progressive fighterfor peace, which is not bad but not good enough.With an investigation, you become a courageousfighter for peace, and that is much better. In orderto maintain your prestige as a courageous fighterfor peace you must from time to time come outwith the strongest possible blasts against thewitch-hunters-a task not at all dangerous toeither life or limb.

You must always fight for the cause of peace-forexample, in your grocery store, collecting signa­tures on a plea for international amity. Or in yourParent-Teachers Association, campaigning only forthe election of officials who stand for peace.

Whenever you read about an atomic blast in theSoviet Union, shout with glee : "The cause ofpeace has been strengthened! Hurrah!" Wheneveryou read about an atomic explosion in the UnitedStates, cry in dismay: "This is the end of ourcivilization!" Regard any war waged by the Com­munistsas a war of national liberation in thestruggle for peace. On the other hand, considerany peace move by the United States a viciousprovocation for the purpose of unleashing a thirdworld war.

Whatever happens, blame the United States­whether it is an epidemic in China, an assassinationin East Berlin, or a Soviet veto in the UnitedNations. And always keep alive the slogan ".A.mer­icans, go away," even if you are an American andlive in this country: let the Americans get outof here too.

You see how simple it is to aspire to a WorldPeace Congress prize. No trouble whatsoever. Thatis, if you are this side of the Iron Curtain. Ifyou are ,behind it you'll get a more lasting a,vard­the prize of Eternal Peace.

JUNE 28, 1954 711

A Second Look

The Angry BishopI have just read I Protest by Bishop G. BromleyOxnam, recounting his "ten-hour ordeal" 'before theVelde Committee. 'The little book rumbles withrighteous wrath through pagefuls of the cliches ofritualistic liberalism, and is most un-Christian inits unforgiving hatred of the Congressmen in­volved.

In an eloquent prayer quoted in the book theBishop says, "'May we ,even love those who despite­fully use us." One wishes he had added, "Do as Isay, brethren, not as I do." For his spite againstM,essrs. Velde, Scherer, Jackson, and the rest is likea running sore. Not once does he find it in his heartto attribute to them any but malicious motive's,even in cases where 'error or zeal is a far morereasonable explanation of some action.

"What are the real forces behind Mr. V:elde?" heasks ominously. "Who is back of Mr. Scherer?"The questions are not answered, darkly suggestingplots-the kind of innuendo which enrages theBishop when directed against himself. Mr. Jack­son's behavior he sees as just "a personal grudge,"becaus.e of "the iembarrassment he faced the day weengaged in debate" on the air.

'The Bishop stands four-score 'and no nonsense inthe ranks of the "hysteria" 'boys. His voice risesabove the din to proclaim that "A proud people 'isbecoming a silent people. The American is holdinghis tongue." He, too, strikes the mock-heroic poseof one who dares speak for the siIencedand terror­ized. As for those who doubt the' hy.steria, hecrushes them with the most question-beggingformula of many ,a yea'r: "Their denial of thepresence of f.ear is as false as the pre'Sence of fearis a fact."

All the samie, the book leaves little doubt, in mymind at least, that the Bishop is opposed to Com­munism and has not knowingly been a feIlow­traveler. This i.s disturbing. For agr,eat manyyears I have regarded him asa witting tool of whathe rightly calls the Communist "conspiracy." Howdid that unfair impression take shape?

I do not, in all conscience, feel myself wholly toblame. Nor can I blam,e the congressional com­mitt'ee, since I have read none of its "releases"about the Bishop and had no occasion to consult itssuppressed A'ppendix. Exploring the enigma, I amforced to suggest that the fault, if fault it be, islargely his own. We form our mental images ofmen in public lif.e on the basis of what they say or ~

do. And it happens that Bishop Oxnam's wordsand acts, as reflected in the press, helped build thepicture of a fellow-traveler.

712 THE FREEMAN

In this sense he has 'misled some of us grievously.R'epeatedly, he voiced opinions which, blamelessper se, fell in nicely with those currently pushed bythe fellow-traveling community. Repeatedly, hisname cropped up in 'connection with outfits andpublications we knew to be under Red control.Repeatedly, his signature was appended to state­ments which, however nobly intended, in effectsupported the "line" for anti-anti-Communists.

Nlearly all of this, he shows convincingly, wascoincidental. But we have inconsequence been .ledinto the sin ofmisjudging him. Even in this book,

. in the very process of disowning Red sympathies,the Bishop unconsciously follows the line laid downby and for conscious stooges on some matters. Ihave space only for two examples :

1. 'The thesis, first developed by the Communistsand incr,easingly taken over by the'ir peripheralfriends, is that a disillusioned Communist who,cooperates with the FBI and Congress in ,exposingthe conspiracy is a villainous "informer" to beshunned by decent people. 'This thesis the Bishopaccepts uncritically and promotes with vehemence.

'The tone of the book is set in its opening sen­tences: "The informer is infiltrating American life.... 'He is a'man of the shadows ... etc." He heapscontempt on "the ,ex-iCommunist turned informer"and berates the committee for relying "too largelyupon the help of former Communists.'" ClearlyAmerica should thank ,God that Whittaker Cham­bers, Bella Dodd, Elizabeth B'entley, Louis Budenz,and the rest did not seek this Bishop's guidancehefore following the dictates of their conscience.For the ,effect of his book is to dissuade any Com­munist poss,essing information of value to ourcount'ry from testifying, on pain of foul abuse.

'2. 'To discredit congressional inquiries, the com­rades have made the 'most of an old andeve'r­effective trick. Whenever the role of individualsuspects is examined, they raise the cry that somelarge group is under attack. Thus an attempt touncover spies in atomic projects becomes an "as­sault on science." 'The :exposure of concealedKremlin agents ·among teachers becomes "an attackon academic freedom."

The Bishop is aware that clergymen have givenaid and comfort to Communist enterprises andwould hardly insist that they be immune to in­vestigation. Yet he pictures the interrogation ofmen of the cloth as an attack on "religion"! Heinveighs against anyone who "questions the loyaltyof the Protestant Churches," though no one hasdone so. Despite the Congressman's clear dis­avowals, he writes of 'Mr. V:elde's "alleg,ed intentionto investigate the churches."

'Thus, on issue after issue, he follows the fellow­traveling line: innocently, angrily, and mischie­v.ously. A touch of humility and of charity mighttherefore help him understand that those whomisjudge him are not ·alI neeessarily scoundrels.

I Oppenheimer's MindBy MAX E,ASTMAN 1

The special providence whi,ch watches over Simon& Schuster, history's greatest book salesmen, hasseen to it that they bring out a book -by J. RobertOppenheimer at the very crux of the dispute overhis security clearance as counselor to the AtomicEnergy Commission. (Science and the CommonUnderstanding, by J. Robert Oppenheimer. 120 pp.New York: Simon & Schuster. $2.75.) The book,which is full of pious platitudes and banalitiesabout brotherhood and harmony and equality andprogress, the growth of knowledge, the communityof man, man's frailty ,and splendor, 'his "undyingdeeds," and all sorts of nice' things, and even acasual-seeming slap at Com'munism, will doubtlessbe seized upon by 'Oppenheimer's friends to defendhis right, while hobnobbing inclose friendshipwith such notorious servitors of the Communistconspiracy as Haakon Chevalier, to sit in on themost vital secrets of America'smilita'ry defense.

'To my mind its message, although somewhatobscur,ed by a remarkable mismanagement oflanguage, is opposite to that. 1 think it demon­strates, 'l?O far as that could be done by a theoreticaltreatise, that Dr. Oppenheimer, although undoubt­edly a whiz in mathematics, is not to be trustedfor clear-motived or ,clearly reasoned confrontationof fact in social, political, moral, or any otherhuman problems. I think it proves him to be whatwe call, in the disrespectfully anti-Communistcircles I move in, a constitutional mush-head.

Mathematical, like musical, ability seems capableof residing in a sort of closed chamber of. thebrain, not infecting the rest of the tissue withany of the attributes of unusual intelligence, Thiswas not true, to be sure, of Isaac Newton, whoas Master of the Mint during the time when Eng­land called in her clipped and debas'ed coins andreplaced them with honest money, gave an exampleof practical skill and political good judgment thatstill lives in cultural history. Newton also com­manded-unfortunately in Latin-a beautifullyspare and lucid prose style. Oppenheimer, by con­trast, seems frequently, when carried away by theresonance of some unctuous cliche, to lose a clearsense of the logical implication of his words."We, like all men, are among those who bring alittle light to the vast unending darkness of man'slife and the world," is one 'example which has atleast the merit of being brief.

'The report of the special Personnel SecurityBoard of the Atomic Energy Commission that in-

vestigated him contains, besides an affirmation otDr. Oppenheimer's loyalty to the United States,other and more important examples of his unclearthought and motivation. Two brief citations willshow what I mean-and will also, in my opinion,justify the board's decision to revoke his securityclearance.

1. In 1949, appearing before an executive sessionof the House Committee on Un-American Activities,Dr. Oppenheimer characterized his friend, Dr.Bernard Peters, as "a dangerous Red and formerCommunist. This te'Stimony soon appeared in theRochester, N,ew York, newspapers.

"'At this time Dr. Peters was on the staff of theUniversity of Rochester. Dr. Oppenheimer, as aresult of protestations by Dr. Condon, by Dr.Peters himself,and by other scientists, then wrotea letter for publication to the Rochester news­papers, which in 'effect repudi,ated his testimonygiven in secret session.

"His testimony before the board [when ques­tioned about the incident] indicated that he failedto appreciate the great impropriety of makingstatements of one character in a secret sessionand of a different character for pUblication, andthat he believed that the important thing was toprotect Dr. Peters' professional status."

2. During 1950 Dr. Oppenheimer testified to theFBI that, although he was in the habit of givingSOlne monthly contributions to the CommunistParty, he had a change of mind about the policiesof the Soviet Union,and "at the time of the FinnishWar and the subsequent break between Germanyand Russia in 1941 realized the Communist in­filtration tactics into the alleged anti-Fascist groupsand became fed up with the whole thing and lostwhat little inter,est he had."

The board established, on the other hand, "bytestimony and other information," that "Dr. Oppen­heimermade periodic contributions through Com­munist Party functionaries to the CommunistParty . . . in amounts aggregating not less than$500 and not more than $1,000 a year during aperiod of approximately four years ending inApril 1942," and that "as of April 1942 Dr. Oppen­heimer had for S'everal months been participatingin government atomic energy research activities."

But now to return to Dr. Oppenheimer's book.It purports, in the first 'place, to give in popularform a glimpse of the newer developments in

JUNE 28. 1954 713

physical science. This, I must warn the reader,is as confusing a glimpse and as badly expressedas any I have read, and that is saying a lot, formost of them, 1 must confess, leave my head swim­ming. But that is incidental, and not the mainpurpose of the book. I lts main purpose, or in hisown terms its "thesis," is that "the new thingswe have learned in science, and specifically whatwe have learned in atomic physics ... provide uswith valid and greatly needed analogies to humanproblems lying outs,ide the present domain ofscience or its present borderlands."

Just what a "valid analogy" may be, Dr. Oppen­heimer does not explain. But 1 gather, after apainstaking effort, that it means an analogy whichhelps the author to believe about these outlyinghuman problems whatever he finds it comfortingto believe. The eurrent opinion of. physicists thatthe behavior of individual electrons is not subjectto causal law has seemed to some people tojustify by analogy their own feeling of independ­ence from causality, their "sense of freedom."This analogy, Dr. 'Oppenheimer informs us, prettyas it looks to the naked eye, is not valid. He doesnot explain why, he just dismisses it as "light­hearted." But what analogy is valid?

'VeIl, here is the principal one: Modern physicistshave found it necessary in dealing with suchthings as light to conceive it in two different,and essentially contradictory ways. In one opera­tion, or calculation, they conceive it as consisting(in Newtonian fashion) of corpuscles, in another(as Huygens assp.rted) of waves. Instead of call­ing ,these opposing concepts eontradictory, thephysicists call them "complementary." And Dr.Oppenheimer at least-whether or not there may bephysicists with a little more intellectual humility­thinks that this is due to "the nature of the world."To "my mind-though 1 may be rushing in wherenonmathematical angels fear to tread-it is obvi­ously due to the nature, the very immature andinadequate nature, of our knowledge of the world,our way of conceiving it.· To regard this self­contradictory way of conceiving reality as anultimate scientific achievement instead of a prob­lem for a better science to solve is, in my opinion,to bring science itself to the support of that gen­eral Retreat from Rea.son which will ultimat,elydestroy it.

However, the reader is entitled to dismiss thatas the opinion of a brash and cocky amateur, andit doesn't matter to the present discussion. Whatmatters is that Dr. Oppenheimer regards as a"valid analogy" to this sielf-contradictory mannerof conceiving light a self-contradictory approachto "human problems lying out8ide the presentdomain of science."

I hope the reader is not expecting me to illus­trate this self-contradictory approach by the ex­ample of a man who employs one concept to

714 rrHEFREEMAN

describe a friend in secret session and another inwriting a letter for publication in the newspapers,or who conceives himself in one· connection asbeing "fed up" with Communism by 1941, inanother as still so zealous for it that he was con­tributing money to the party through party func­tionaries in 1942. That would be too easy a clevertrick.

No, the "valid analogy" with self-contradictoryconceptions in physics that mainly interests Dr.Oppenheimer is the pleasure of ignoring the con­tradiction betwe'en knowledge and emotional belief,"between the cognitive and the affective sides ofour lives." What Dr. Oppenheimer is looking for,and is finding in the present immaturity of physicalscience, is a justification for traditional beliefswhich have no ground except his emotional yearn­ing to believe them. He wants to set these beliefsside by side with reasoned knowledge, and thusavoid the hard, cool confrontation of human prob­lems that a truly scientific attitude demands.

His book, in other words, employs physics itself,the most successfully objective caprice into allknowledge. 1 think a seientist who spends histime writing a book with that purpose is con­stitutionally soft. In nonmathematical matters, atleast, I would be distrustful both of his thoughtsand his motives. 1 would not expect either of themto be concise and clear. In short, 1 think Dr.Oppenheimer's book tends to prove-so to speak,a priori-what the ,special Personnel SeeurityBoard found out by an exhaustive examinationof his actual dealings with "human problems lyingoutside the present domain of science."

,Worker-PriestsSaints in Hell, by Gilbert Cesbron. Translated

from the French by John Russell. 312 pp. NewYork: Doubleday and Company. $3.75

The writer who would make a contemporary sit­uation live for us must of course bring to itthe journalist's eye for detail. If, however, heattempts this in novel form then he must pene­trate the facts with creative imagination or runa double risk. Either he will simply make it areport whose only dimension is length, or hecomea pamphleteer whose work has length and somebreadth but no depth. It is in this second categorythat 1 would place M. Ceshron's attemp't to novel­ize the French worker-priest.

The author has taken great pains to get theright atmosphere. He has seen the immediateproblem of distinguishing the temporal as rep­resented by the class war from the spiritual as rep,:"resented by the worker-priest. Yet despite authen­tic details, a sympathetically drawn priest, andthe verisimilitude of the dialogue, his work re..

mains a documentary pamphlet (however pas­sionately and compassionately it is written). Forthe only level of reality envisaged by M. Cesbronis the problerrl evident to a journalist's eye. Thelevels of reality that give depth and universalmeaning to the bare facts call for a literaryimagination that appears in this story but rarely.To point up the spiritual anguish of his protagon­ist by contrasting him with a complacent cure,a discouraged co-worker, and an unsympatheticarchbishop, is a facile technique but hardly thework of a good novelist. Its result is fiction, notliterature, or at best a pamphlet not a novel.

What the author has failed to realize is thatthe real crisis stems not from the situation butfrom the fact that Father Pierre is not a layman.

Hemingway's JournalismCharles Fenton has made an eX!haustive studyof Ernest Hemingway's professional writing ex­perience up to the time he published his firstbooks (The Apprenticeship of Ernest Hemingway,btl Charles A. Fenton. 302 pp. New York:F'arrar, Straus and Young. $5.00). The result isimpressive as a piece of research into anybody'snewspaper work.

This observation is not meant ,facetiously. Thereis not 'much 'published 'about news'paper writing.The Apprenticeship of Ernest Hemingway providesonly incidental insights into Hemingway's charac­ter, but it raises some interesting questions aboutjournalism. Mr. Fenton, an instructor at Yale, hasdug through the files of the Oak Park HighSchool publications for Hemingway's contributions;he has gone over the author's early writings inthe Kansas City Star and the Toronto Star, andhe has interviewed classmat,es, staff members,editors, former friends, professional associates, andHemingway himself to discover what Hemingwayactually wrote and published in the days beforehe became known. Hemingway was average, per­haps a little better than ,average, but not much,and it is this fact that makes a study of his routinenewspaper writing an important addition to theHter:ature on American journalism.

We rarely get, in any such study, any account ofwhat any reporter actually wrote. Mark Twain'shumorous pieces have heen collected, and Pro­fessor Arlin Turner has done a revolutionary jobin republishing Hawthorne's eontributions to theAmerican Magazine of Useful and EntertainingJ{nowledge. But for the most part the biographiesand autobiographies of modern newspapermen area welter of vague refer'enees to forgotten scoopsand practical jokes played around the offi.ce, admir­ing anecdotes about possessed and im'Placableedi­tors <, who, had they been found in any other field

A priest is ordained as an instrument of theChurch; the primary purpose in life is to be aIninister of sacrifice and sacraments, and his ownsanctification is ultimately bound up with thatactivity. Once this central purpose is abandoned,then the temptation is to succumb to his environ­ment. It was the actualization of this danger, notlack of sympathy for the movement, that broughtabout restrictions on the worker-priest movement.The real root of the crisis is that a number ofpriests have renounced in whole or in part theirpriestly function and have begun to subordinatethe spiritual to the temporal. By failing to per­ceive this the author has failed to give realityto his portrait of the worker-priest.

EUGENE M. BURKE

By ROBERT CANTWELL

of ·enterprise, would unquestionably have beenlocked up as dangerous :egomaniacs.

'The qualities that make up a great newspaper­man are ,extremely ,elusiv,e; It might be arguedthat they are nonexistent. If a journalist becomesfamous, like 'Lincoln Steffens or Walter Lippmannor Vincent rS'heean or William Allen White, weare given in his memoirs or biography ,an abun­dance, or a surfeit, of the wise and mellow advicethat he delivered to perplexed generals, presidents,and religious leaders in the course of his profes­sional career. If he is an ordinary hard-working(or overworked) reporter, as Hemingway was,his run-of-the 'mill writings are unexamined. Asa result Mr. Fenton's critical Istudy of what onenewspaperman actually wrote may be revolutionaryin the good sense of the word.

Hemingw'ay began writing 'while he was ,anunenthusiastic football player at Oak Park HighSchool near Chicago. From the files of the schoolliterary journal, the Tabula,and the newspaper,the Trapeze, Mr. Fenton has recovered Hemingway'searly humorous paragraphs, his imitations of 'RingLardner, and his stories modeled on Kipling andJack London, an ,enterprise which, he says, can haveoffered "lit1tle appeal and considerable irritation"to the 'eminent ,author.

From other literary graduates of Oak 'Park,notably Janet Lewis and Edward Wagenknecht,Mr. Fenton has reconstructed the intellectualatmospher·e of the school. H'e seems to have over­looked the poet, Kenneth Fearing, who was alsoa student there, and who found when he went onto ,college that he had already been taught thesubstance of his college freshman year.

In what appears to be an unblushing bid forreaders among secondary school teachers, Mr. Fen­ton lavishes 'high praise on Hemingway's Englishteachers, Miss Dixon and Miss Biggs. "American

JUNE 28, 1954 715

high schools have been blessed with m'any MissDixons," he says. Am'ericari high schools havealso been blessed, if that is the right word, withmany thousands of students who write the wayHemingway wrote in those days. :The unmistakableimpression arises thatH,emingway's ,English classeswere among theas'pects of his high school expe­'rience that meant very little to him. His high schoolprose was fresh and unhackneyed. His writing wasa part of ordinary high school lif,e, like football orthe senior play. Writing then had none of the self­conscious sophistication ofa provincial newspaperoffice, or the equally self-'conscious artiness ofGertrude Stein's ;expatriate circle. it was an or­dinary aspect of everyday doings, creating nopsychological istr,ains in the author or reader, withno intellectual standard of living to be maintained,and no routine drudg,eries or creative inspirationsto be invested with heroic glamor.

Hemingway's contributions to the Kansas CityStar, during his ,sev,en 'months as a reporter there,were like any other newspaper stories. You canr,ead .comparable works in almost any issue of anymetropolitan daily. After Hemingway's war ex­periences there followed another period of dailyjournalism, largely feature writing, in 'Toronto.After a brief job in Chicago, editing the houseorgan of a phony cooperativ,e society, Hemingwaybecame a foreign correspondent, and in this fi'eldhis ·graphic s'ense unquestionably made him out­standing. He was 'creating a distinctive and un­usual style, or 'even an original kind of r,eporting,in the period before his first books of fiction ap­peared.

F'enton is lavish with his praise of theKansas City Star as a great newspaper. His stand­ard is entirely literary; there is nota line tosuggest the other qualities that make great news­papers, or that o~ce made them. He is likewisefull of praise for the Star's style sheet, with itselementary instructions (Use short sentences.Don't use old slang.J of which all that can besaid is that they should never have 'been necessary.Hemingway's contributions to the Star includeda story of "a well-dressed young woman" Whorede,emed her pawned wedding ring, now that herhusband was drafted. ,One of his features was aNegro dialect story, justa shade above minstrel­show dialect in its artificiality. One story that wonhigh praise from his hard-bitten editor dealt with'a shabbily dressed ,girl who walked back and forth,w,eeping, outside a dance given for soldiers by anorganization of socially prominent women. Her boyfriend 'was inside, dancing with the social eliteof Kansas City. As observation of a primitive pieceof psychological warfare, the story is not bad, butthat is not why it was written, published, orprais·ed. It was praised for its watered-down,O. Henry-like pathos. Mr. F,enton speaks of the"unstated, ironic implications" of such paragraphs.

716 THE FREEMAN

In fact, from the examples he gives, they wererubbish.

Mr. Fenton has worked for all it is worththe paradox that Hemingway's war ,fiction wasbased on his seven days in the front lines beforehe 'was wounded. Hemingway's combat fiction (andhis postwar featur,e stories razzing noncombatantsoldiers) came out of his experience in the trenchesasa Red Cross lieutenant, handing out coffee anddoughnuts. It was a dangerous and honorablemilitary duty, as H,emingway's 227 trench-mortarand machine-gun wounds (and this book) ade­quately testify. 'But it was not the sort of combatexperience that figured in his 'fiction, and still lesswas it the kind of duty that would be recognizedas combat by the m,elodramatic standards of thenewspapers where Hemingway worked. The neces­sity of living up to claims which were essentiallyjustified, though technically open to challenge,placed a curious ,strain on Hemingway's writing.Part of the importance of The Apprenticeship ofErnest Hemingway is the' revelation of the gradualthickening of his perc,eptions, the growth of asense of disgust and resentment that showedthrough his stories, and his adoption of a stylizedpose that helped him to hold his own in a fieldwhere phonies and blowhards abounded.

One reason why they abounded there was thelack of any public scrutiny of what any news­paperman .actually wrote.. Fenton's study of Hem­ingway's new~paper 'work is ,entirely convincinguntil one turns to the fiction that Hemingwaywrote as soon as he got 'away from journalism.Rereading In Our Time in the light of Mr. Fenton'sresearches' into the journalism that preceded it isstartling because there is so little connection be­tween the two. Hemingway's first stories read likethe accounts of someone rescued f.roma desertisland, or saved at the last minut'e from execution,exulting in the flowing stream and the fresh airwith unearthly 'abandon. They hav'e isomething ofthe same [quality found in his 'early high schoolstories, though their freshness was now comhinedwith the extraordinary sensuous warmth of hisprose. 'The lasting 'elements in Hemingway's fictionhad nothing to do with journalism. 'They came fromhis aeceptance of all the qualities that had beensuppressed in his newspaper writing, and even morefrom the sense of liberation that came with hisescape from journalism. The 'weaknesses of hisstories, the false toughness, or the tricks and man­nerisms of his brief episodes, wer,e results of hisnewspaper experience, or ·efforts to make some ar­tistic us'e of material gather,ed in his newspaperdays. If any moral should he drawn from thisexamination of one newspaperman's daily writings,it is that people with literary abilities should notwork on ne'wspapers. American literature would un­questionably gain, but it is disquieting to thinkof what would happen to journalism.

Hysteria for HenryFreedom, Loyalty, Dissent, by Henry Steele Com­

mager. 155 pp. New York: Oxford UniversityPress. $2.50

The only significant feature of Professor Com­mager's latest book is political,and even that isnot to. be found in the text alone, but in the unionof text and flyleaf. For the flyleaf parades athrobbing ,endorsement of Commager's thesis-bya real live ,statesman, the man with the viablepolitical future, Adlai Stevenson. Intellectually­even forensically-there is nothing new in thissmall volume. It is merely the latest entry in thediction-contest going the rounds of the Liberalintelligentsia: who can sound off best, in 150,000w,ords or less, about the glories of dissent, thedignity of 'man, the undefinability of loyalty, andthe demise of American freedom. Alan Barth,Bert Andrews, Walter Gellhorn, Eleanor Bontecou,Zechariah Chafee, Jr., Alexander Meiklejohn,Merle Miller, Roger 'Baldwin, Norman Thomas andcountless others have had a go at it. I am noton the judges' committee (and anyway, the -contesthas no -closing date), but I think it is safe to saythat Mr. Commager's offering -raises the medianeloquence of the literature. He writes well, and heis adroit in quoting apposite 'epigrams, phrases, andparagraphs to strengthen and clarify his points.

Mr. Commager is a 32nd degree pragmatist.One of the five chapters, in his book is devotedto a demonstration of the value of pragmatis'm,a tribute to the benefits this philosophy has ex­tended to our 'Republic, and a horror-story 'accountof what lies before us should we indulge con­temporary cravings for absolutism. Yet Mr. Com­mager's faith in the iValidity of future ideas isnothing short of mystical-and positively un­pragmatical. He has no particular notions as towhat these new ideas are, but he does know theyare being stifled, 'and he is quite eertain they arebetter than existing ideas (which are in turn,needless to say, an improvement over old ideas).His fascination with relativism (this is 'what Mr.Commager'sbrand of pragmatism comes down to)is so obsessive that he reverentially quotes even sohoary a chestnut as Holmes' cynical and childish"I prefer champagne to ditch-water, but there isno reason to suppose that the cosmos does."

Here are some of the questions Mr. Commager(and his fraternity) obstin;:ttely refuse to answe'reven in their catch-all books about our reign ofterror: 1) Is it not inherent in the free marketidea that new ideas, upon examination, may beemphatically rejected? In other words, isn't societyentitled to go back and trade with the same oldbutcher? Isn't this what the United States is ineffect up to in its new-found attitude towardCommunism? 2) How does a society go 'about re-

jecting uncongenial commodities ? Can't the people-primarily through the use of social sanctions,but, in the cag.e of war or national .emergency,through the use of state sanctions too-expresstheir disapproval of hawkers of com'modities highlyoffensive to them? As they have done and aredoing, for example, with nudism, prostitution,union-busting, racism and, yes, fellow-trav,eling?3) Has the society ever existed where there havenot been conformities with certain ideas, with allthat this means in terms of social attitudes towardthe dissident? And is it not inevitable (we arenot speaking here of whether it is desirable) thatat the point where society definitively identifiesthe dissident who holds intolerable and unassimil­'able ideas-of the type that threaten those institu­tions the society is bent upon preserving-it islikely to enlist the aid of the policeman or soldierin enforcing the majority view (as when it dis­ciplined the polygamist Mormons, and the slave­owning Southerners) ? 'These are a very few of thequestions highly relevant to a discussion of dissentand comformity that IMr. Gommager simply doesn'ttalk about.

On the subject of security programs, the readermust regretfully conclude that Mr. Commager isahopeless case. He fails to make the mostelemen­tary-and in this case, the most fundamental-dis­tinctions, much less the more subtle ones. If he iseven aware that security organizations are set upnot to adjudicate guilt or innocence but to do some­thing quite different, he doesn't say so. Certainlyhe is not aware that ,a security program basedon the "reasonable doubt" standard is the onlydefensive weapon at the disposal of a society whosestrength-whose survival, perhaps-depends inpart on its outwitting 'men and women whose pro­fession requires that they be skilled in persuadingus that they are patriotic citizens. And this meansthat ,security officials must interest themselves in anemployee's associations and associates, and thatif these are of such nature as to call forth a rea­sonable doubt as to the reliability of theemploye:ein question, then he must be removed from asensitive agency. What Mr. Commager calls "guiltby association" (actually, security-risk by associ­ation) is the cornerstone of the structure of thefederal security program.

There is no significant voice in this countryurging that those particular principles on whichthe federal security program is based carryoverinto the courts. Nor, I beIieve,are there any signsthat the security program itself has degenerated

Any book reviewed in this Book Section (or anyother current book) supplied by return mail. Youpay only the bookstore price. We pay the postage,anywhere in the world. Catalogue on request.

THE BOOKMAILER, Box 101, New York 16

JUNE 28, 1954 717

to the 'point where an un-reasonable doubt issufficient to deprive a man of gov,ernment em­ployment. In spite of this, Mr. Commag,er gets socarried away that, before he is through, he ,endsus up branding Adams, Paine, Emerson, Jefferson,Seward, and Lincoln .as loyalty risks!

So: let those who insist that controversy overwhether we need a vigorous security program isbehind us, with both sides 'finally agreeing that wedo, read this book hearing .constantly in mind itsendorsement bya determined 'Presidential aspirant.Then let them ask themselves whether the Repub­licans are 'entitled to make a campaign issue outof the views on internal security pr,esumably heldby the nominal leader of the Democratic Party.

WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY, JR.

The Thought FlounderThe Phrase Finder, compiled by J. 1. Rodale

with the collaboration of Edward J. Fluck. 1,325pp. Emmaus, Penna.: Rodale Press. $6.95

Certainly since the time when Dr. Charles WilliamEliot decided that wisdom was roughly five feetlong on the shelf, and undoubtedly before, ther,ehas been a frantic attempt to reduce human think­ing to the state of the vitamin. That is, to thestate of something synthetically duplicable andcapable of being admini,stered in ever-smallercapsules. The works on "self-improvement," vocab­ulary building, "success," and the other shop clerkpanaceas, whether cynically slick or fatuously sin­cere, are manifestations of this abuse of mind.

Now we have this description-defying achieve­ment in ersatz thought procHssing. It almost has tohe seen to be beHeved. Its avowed and incredible,if not downright terrifying, purpose is to "'thinkup' for you not just a word but a clause or evena sentence."

The first section is devoted to an Index of Key­Words. One looks, for instance, under the word"forgetful" and finds such an entry as stultorumferiae. Very useful., Presumably it is to remind theforgetful reader thatcom,e the Quirinalia anyonewhe neglected his rites to Fornax may get them inon this day instead.

Then there is a dictionary of names. This iswhere you learn that Tamerlane had "a fiercecountenance and eyes which expressed fiendishcruelty and struck terror into lookers-on."

'Then comes the Metaphor Finder. That is whereyou learn that a metaphor for "poetry" is: "Jin­gle a few coins in the ragged garment of life."

But then comes the pinnacle of this Everest oftin, the Sophisticated Synonyms. As a synonym,sophisticated, for "enjoyment" we find such sug­gestions as "high-jinks," or "to read back num­hers of the National Geographic." One then pol­ishesone's monocle and moves on to such sophis­tications as "transformed the place into a sham-

718 THE FREEMAN

bles," for "wreck," and "she had the oo-la-Ia" for"woman (kept)." On the last page of this sectionthere is a synonylTI for "you" that goes "Hey, you,with the double-breasted ears."

As The Phrase Finder itself would say (page1,132), the whole thing leaves one "staring inpop-eyed wonder." KARL HESS

Book MarksWe Chose to Stay, by Lali Horstmann. 207 pp.

Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. $3.00

Mrs. Horstmann is the widow of a well-to-doGerman gentleman-farmer and former diplomatwhose great pleasure in life was the collectionof objets d'art. and the highly refined cult ofelaborate and gracious entertaining. He clung tothis pleasure even after Hitler came to power.Thus, Mrs. Horstmann remained up to the bitterend at the core of what once was Germany's"high society." From this vantage point she hasnow written the grim story of the end of Berlinand the occupation of eastern Germany. Herdramatized, yet always sober personal accountof disintegration, panic, and finally resignation tothe inevitable, oppressive horror of Soviet occupa­tion is, in a way, the swan song of the traditionallandowning class east of the Elbe. And the solitaryfigure of her husband, who stubbornly refusedto forsake his house and the little village he,"owned" and went about rearranging the Chinesevases on his mantlepiece while the raping andplundering hordes of the Red Army were batter­ingat the doors, suddenly gains stature as he isled away by members of the N'.K.V.D. to 'an inter­rogation from which he never returned.

Confederate Agent, by James D. Horan. 326 pp.New York: Crown Publishers. $5.00

In addition to fighting from the familiar earthen­works of the heroic pictures, combatants in theWar Between the States also fought in the darkworld of cloak-and-dagger intrigue. This book,about an almost incredible Confederate effort toset off Fifth Column explosions that would haveblasted Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio away fromthe Union, is perhaps the greatest proof of thisfact that has been or could be adduced. Certainlyit is one of the very greatest historical prizes ofAmerica's great, tragic, personal war.

Primarily it is the story (from recently un­covered records) of the properly dashing CaptainThomas B. Hines. Beyond that, however, Mr.Horan proves himself a first-rate historical re­searcher in giving the full picture of behind-the­lines plotting, the counterespionage that dampenedit, and the final, fatal indeeitsion of the North­erners who were to bear the actual arms in thismassive Confederate plot.

Freedom Needs Your Help!American freedom came into being through the actions of many working

together for a cause. Today this freedom is being defended in the same

manner. Get into the fight yourself by distributing FREEMAN reprints

to opinion moulders in your community. They will influence the many!

1 HE RIGHT TO WORK by James· R. Morris

Compulsory union membership as a condition of employment is av;olation of the fundamental right of all Americans to work for aliving. A recent court decision defending that right has brought newhope· to the thousands of workers who protest its violation by theunion closed shop, Here are the facts about that decision and theprinciple behind it-a principle already incorporated into "rightto work" laws in fifteen states.

Single copy .10; 12 copies $1.00; 100 copies $5.00; 1,000 copies$45.00; 10,000 copies $350.00; Reprint #43

AND NOW THE BIG TRUTH by Robert Wood Johnson

Here is the stuff of which political victories are made. Here is thereal record of three Democratic Administrations. It is a story ofmounting inflation and the usurpation of power. It is a story thatmust be told as an answer to the big lies.

Single copy .10; 12 copies $1.00; 100 copies $5.00; 1,000 copies$45.00. Reprint #40

INSTEAD OF PUBLIC POWER by Thomas P. Swift

In an area of American life where socialism has taken deep root­the production of electrical power-private industry now has soundeda bdld, ... new challenge. This is the widely-applicable story of howfive Pacific Northwest companies forthrightly have taken over fromgovernment the "impossible" job of big dam build ng.

Single copy .10; 12 copies $1.00; 100 copies $3.00; 1,000 copies$25.00. Reprint # 41

NON-COMMUNICATIVE ART by Max Eastman

For any innocent bystander ever struck and crushed by a run­away Picasso or any other galloping abstraction, this article willbring balm as well as delight. With precision and expert under­standing, Mr. Eastman skillfully dismantles the engines of visualcacophony from which unintelligible IImodern" art pours out smokyclouds of utter confusion.

Single copy .10; 12 copies $1.00; 100 copies $8.00; 1,000 copies$75.00. ReprJnt#42

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Rush my copies o,f the following reprints . . . I have checkedthe ones I want.

THE CHRISTIAN LEFT by Lawrence R. Brown

This discussion of the leftward trend in Christian thinking has ex­ceptional importance. Removed from a concern with personalitiesor denominations, it explains why many people today who cantruly be numbered among the faithful are promoting, consciously orunwittingly, the spread of the Communist conspiracy.

Single copy .10j 12 copies $1.00; 100 copies $8.00; 1,000 copies$75.00. Reprint #39

GIVE THE HOUSE A TREATY VOTE by Henry Hazlitt

There is still a way to secure for the American people protectionagainst treaty-made laws. 'I he House now has the opportunity tointroduce a measure that would require ratification of treaties bya malority vote in both Houses of Congress, not by two-thirds ofrhe Senate alone. This could be the beginning of a successfulcampaign. Get copies now for distribution.

Single copy .10j 12 copies $1.00; 100 copies $5.00; 1,000 copies$40.00. Reprint #38

THE RIGHTS AND WRONGS OF LABOR by Donald R. Richberg

A noted authority tackles the proposition: industrial peace in thiscountry is impossible so long as the leaders of organized laborare unchecked in the power they wield over their fellow-men andin their war on private enterprise. A provocative and importantarticle.

Single copy .10; 12 copies $1.00; 100 copies $6.00; 1,000 copies$45.00. Reprint #30

WHY SOCIALIZE NIAGARA? by Robert S. Byfield

Why does New York's Governor Dewey plan to have a StateAuthority develop "people's kilowatts" at Niagara Falls? Readthe facts about how indefensible the plan is and how GovernorDewey belies his own professed faith in free enterprise.

Single copy .10; 12 copies $1.00; 100 copies $6.00; 1,000 copies$45.00. Reprint #28

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Photograph by Barton Murray

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