alain badiou:uprising in turkey
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SenselogiCengiz Erdem
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Alain Badiou
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ByCengiz Erdem/June 19, 2013/Alain Badiou,Politics/3
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7/29/2019 Alain Badiou:Uprising in Turkey
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A large proportion of the educated youth all across Turkey are
currently leading a vast movement against the governments
repressive and reactionary practices. This is a very important
moment in what I have called the rebirth of History. In many
countries around the world, middle school, high school, and
university youth, supported by a part of the intellectuals and
the middle class, are giving new life to Maos famous dictum:
It is right to revolt. They are occupying squares and streets,
symbolic places; they are marching, calling for freedom, true
democracy, and a new life. They are demanding that the
government either change its conservative politics or resign.
They are resisting the violent attacks of the state police. These
are the features of what I have called an immediate uprising :
one of the potential forces of popular revolutionary political
action in this case, the educated youth and a part of the
salaried petty bourgeoisie rises up, in its own name, against
the reactionary state. I enthusiastically say: it is right to do so!
But in so doing it opens up the problem of the duration and
the scope of its uprising. It is right to take action, but what is
the real reason for it in terms of thinking, and for the future?The whole problem is whether this courageous uprising is
capable of opening the way for a genuine historical riot. A riot
is historical as was the case only in Tunisia and Egypt, where
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the outcome of the struggle has still not been determined
when it brings together, under shared slogans, not just one
but several potential actors of a new revolutionary politics: for
example, in addition to the educated youth and middle class,
large sectors of working-class youth, workers, women of the
people, low-level employees, and so on. This move beyond
the immediate riot toward a mass protest movement creates
the possibility for a new type of organized politics, a politics
that is durable, that merges the force of the people with the
sharing of political ideas, and that thereby becomes capable
of changing the overall situation of the country in question. I
know that a number of our Turkish friends are perfectly aware
of this problem. They know three things in particular: that
there must be no mistake about contradictions; that the
movement mustnt pursue the path of a desire for the West;
and that it is above all necessary to join with the popular
masses in inventing, with people other than themselves with
workers, minor employees, women of the people, farmers,
unemployed people, foreigners, and so on forms of political
organization that are currently unknown. For example, is the
main contradiction in Turkey today between the conservativeMuslim religion and freedom of thought? We know it is
dangerous to think so, even and above all if this is a
widespread idea in the countries of capitalist Europe. Of
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course, the current Turkish government openly claims
allegiance to the dominant religion. It is the Muslim religion,
but ultimately thats only a minor issue: even today, Germany
is governed by Christian democracy, the President of the
United States takes the oath of office on the Bible, President
Putin, in Russia, constantly panders to the Orthodox clergy,
and the Israeli government constantly exploits the Jewish
religion. Reactionaries have always and everywhere used
religion to rally a part of the popular masses to their
government; theres nothing particularly Muslim about this.
And it should in no way lead to regarding the opposition
between religion and freedom of thought as the main
contradiction of the current situation in Turkey. What should
be made clear is that the exploitation of religion serves
precisely to conceal the real political questions, to overshadow
the basic conflict between the emancipation of the popular
masses and the oligarchical development of Turkish capitalism.
Experience shows that religion, as personal, private belief, is by
no means incompatible with commitment to a politics of
emancipation. It is surely in this tolerant direction, which
requires only that religion and state power not be confusedand that people distinguish in themselves between religious
belief and political conviction, that the uprising currently
underway must move in order to acquire the stature of a
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historical riot and invent a new political path. Similarly, our
friends are perfectly aware that what is currently being created
in Turkey cannot be the desire for what already exists in the
rich, powerful countries like the United States, Germany and
France. The word democracy in this regard is ambiguous. Do
people want to invent a new organization of society, headed
toward genuine equality? Do they want to overthrow the
capitalist oligarchy of which the religious government is the
servant but of which anti-religious factions, in Turkey as in
France, have been, and can become again, the no less efficient
servants? Or do they only want to live the way the middle
class lives in the major Western countries? Is the action being
guided by the Idea of popular emancipation and equality? Or
by a desire to create a solidly established middle class that
will be the mainstay of a Western-style democracy, that is,
completely subject to the authority of Capital? Do they want a
democracy in its genuine political meaning, namely, a real
power of the people imposing its rule on landlords and the
wealthy, or democracy in its current Western meaning:
consensus around the most ruthless capitalism, provided that
a middle class can benefit from it and live and speak as itwishes, since the essential mechanism of business, imperialism,
and the destruction of the world wont be tampered with?
This choice will determine whether the current uprising is just
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a modernization of Turkish capitalism and its integration into
the world market, or whether it is truly oriented toward a
creative politics of emancipation, giving new impetus to the
universal history of Communism. And the ultimate criterion for
all this is actually quite simple: the educated youth must take
the steps that will bring them closer to the other potential
actors of a historical riot. They must spread their movements
enthusiasm beyond their own social existence. They must
create the means of living with the broad popular masses, of
sharing the thoughts and practical innovations of the new
politics with them. They must give up the temptation to
adopt, for their own benefit, the Western conception of
democracy, meaning: the simple, self-serving desire for a
middle class to exist in Turkey as an electoral and falsely
democratic client of an oligarchic power integrated into the
world market of capital and commodities. This is called: liaison
with the masses. Without it, the admirable current revolt will
end in a subtler and more dangerous form of subservience:
the kind we are familiar with in our old capitalist countries. We
intellectuals and militants in France and other rich countries of
the imperialist West implore our Turkish friends to avoidcreating a situation like ours in their country. To you, our dear
Turkish friends, we say: the greatest favor you can do for us is
to prove that your uprising is taking you to a different place
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from ours, that it is creating a situation whereby the material
and intellectual corruption in which our sick old countries are
languishing today will be impossible. Fortunately, I know that
in contemporary Turkey, among all our Turkish friends, the
means exist to avoid the erroneous desire to be like us. This
great country, with its long, tormented history, can and must
surprise us. It is the ideal place for a great historical and
political innovation to occur. Long live the uprising of Turkish
youth and their allies! Long live the creation of a new source
of future politics!
~Alain Badiou
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alain_Badiouhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alain_Badiouhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alain_Badiouhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alain_Badiou