2007 Agora

2008 Growth Management

2009 Change

2010 Detroit

2011 Endurance and Adaptation

2012 Connection

2013 Public | Private

ALTERNATIVES

University of Michigan

Taubman College of Architecture + Urban Planning

Agora Journal of Planning and Urban Design

Volume 8

2014

ALTERNATIVES

Alexandria StankovichSergio EscuderoAlexandra MarkiewiczEric HuntleyAja BonnerCole GrishamTerra ReedErin RoyalsTricia PontauShirley RempeKaty Ryan

Betsy CooperPier Amelia DavisChris HerlichBrad VogelsmeierXiang Yan

Editor in Chief

Creative Director

Articles Editor

Production Director

Editorial Board

Editorial Staff

Creative Staff

Matthew Ritsema. M. Arch. 2014. Broadway Cut. New York City, New York.

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Author

14 New HeightsRichard Norton

16 AlternativesAlexandria Stankovich

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18Progressive Planning in Conservative CommunitiesCole Grisham

24Crowdfunding Community ProjectsElizabeth Treutel

36Combining Fragments into a Vibrant WholeJason Wong

48Tribal Planning in the Face of Environmental InjusticeTerra Reed

60The Remembrance of a Moon VillageSeul Lee

72International Cooperative HousingPamela Schaeffer

84The Mortgage Interest DeductionXiang Yan

96Cleared for DevelopmentClare Kang, Katherine Knapp, Nolan Sandberg, and Julia Stuebing

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112

Strategic Demolition

Securing Neighborhoods

Matthew Story

Andrew Goddeeris

132Narratives in Urban TheoryNapong Tao Rugkhapan

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Author

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AGORA 8Eric Huntley. M.U.P. 2014. Tokyo Infrastructure. Tokyo, Japan.

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New Heights

Richard Norton, JD Ph.D.Chair, Urban and Regional Planning ProgramTaubman College of Architecture + Urban Planning

From the Chair

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increase in student participation through formalization of the editorial board. Then came a notable focus on heightening the quality of both content and presentation of the final journal. This years Agora staff have taken the journal to new heights, leveraging modern multi-media fora to transform Agora into a truly modern gathering place for trading ideas through a journal, a web presence, a blog, and more. This is exciting! It speaks to the quality, passion, and initiative of our students, and it makes a real contribution to intellectual development and public service at the University of Michigan and beyond. I am immensely impressed by our students accomplishments, and as participants in this modern gathering place for intellectual and civic life, I hope you will be too.

Sincerely, Richard

I n 2006, several students approached the Chair of the Urban and Regional Planning Program in the University of Michigans Taubman College of Architecture and Urban Planning, noting that Michigan Planning did not have its own student planning journal for disseminating the work of students and faculty. How could this be? They urged that the time had come to establish such a forum, and they offered to undertake the task of starting a journal. They chose the term Agora for its title, speaking to the agora of Athens in ancient Greece -- the central gathering place for trading ideas and goods and the center of civic life. Agora has been especially remarkable in two respects. First, it has always been a student-initiated effort. While the planning program and Taubman College have provided some financial support and faculty advising, passionate students are its heart and soul. Second, while each year the scope and quality of the journal has increased, that progress has evolved through several distinct stages. First came a substantial

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Alternatives

Alexandria StankovichMaster of Urban Planning 2014

From the Editor in Chief

L ast year, while reviewing photography submissions for Agora 7, I wondered aloud again and again: where are all the people? I sorted through breathtaking images of infrastructure artifacts brought to life through the juxtaposition of light and shadow; the loose fibers of our collective memory. But what I longed for was the experience, the process, and the space of human interaction. After all, we plan for people, for more eyes on the street and more feet in the door; for better decision making, better quality of life, and meaningful social change. In short, I sought, and missed, a testimony to the humanity of the urban experience.

The photographer of cities attempts to capture impossible complexity, the depth and diversity of human interaction, and the influence of the built environment, all within the constrains of a medium that lacks the benefit of explanatory words or context. Each medium of scholarship or art is, in its own way, similarly limited. Consequently, we approached this years journal as a compendium of multiple viewpoints. We expanded the journals scope by exploring new platforms and media including blogs, video interviews, salons, panels, and workshops. We probed the wisdom of Taubman faculty and visiting speakers, savored the imagination of middle and high school students, and harnessed the passion of our peers.

Planning is a continuous process. We acknowledge that Agora 8 can only be a collection of snap shots, a partial cross-section of our historical moment.

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However, by combining the tactics of a reflective practitioner with the knowledge of a grounded academic, we hope that the journals gaze might include glimpses of the past and of things to come.

I thank our contributors for committing their ideas to paper and breathing life into blank pages. The authors of Agora 8 have exhibited conviction, tempered always by the willingness to meaningfully engage with the multidisciplinarity of urbanistic discourse. Though they were often forced to joust with our editorial staff, they (and we) emerge more experienced writers and scholars equipped to deal in the tricky business that is the trafficking of ideas.

The articles in Agora 8 not only address long-standing issues in planning practice and research but also dare to think projectively; they are not content with things as they are. They propose alternatives to dominant models of housing, regional planning, project funding, environmental quality, and urban redevelopment. These authors ask why not? Why havent these proposed alternatives materialized in policy and practice? They explore these issues pluralistically, as issues of theory and of practice, as issues of policy and of design. By including this multiplicity of perspectives, we hope that these articles might permit a deeper understanding of our world that enables us, as planners and designers, to propose alternatives that are both hopeful and realistic.

Agora 8 began as an aspiration: to interrogate current discourse through the various lenses of our authors, editors, and collaborators and to appreciate deeply the foundational role of humanity in urbanity and urbanism. As planners and designers working to address the obstacles posed by of shrinking municipal budgets, the retrenchment of urban services, the uneven spatial distribution of economic opportunity, and heightened public concern about environmental degradation and anthropogenic climate change, it is imperative that we learn from, make use of, and disseminate alternative methods and imagine alternative futures. We hope that the articles contained in this issue inspire you are to discuss, critique, and challenge the condition of the contemporary city and to propose alternatives.

Agora 8 stands on the shoulders of the staffs that preceded us. We thank them for their dedication to the journal and its mission; we also thank them for entrusting us with the continuation and expansion of the journal. Finally, wed like to thank our faculty advisors Dr. Julie Steiff and Dr. Scott Campbell.

Cheers, Alex

Eric Huntley. M.U.P. 2014. Kyoto Impatient Rider. Kyoto, Japan.

Nathan Oppenheim. MArch. 2014. Bangkok Canal. Bangkok, Thailand.

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Progressive Planning in Conservative Communities

Cole GrishamMaster of Urban Planning 2014

Participatory Regional Planning in Salt Lake City, Utah

Utah is becoming a leader in comprehensive, communicative regional planning in the United States through an innovative process known as Envision Utah, even though many observers view Utah as the least likely state to pursue progressive planning practices. As many urban issues spread across multiple jurisdictions, regional approaches are often needed. In a highly conservative state with a strong belief in limited government, regional planning initiatives would seem especially unlikely. Instead, Envision Utah succeeds in engaging the regions stakeholders in the planning process without creating a new layer of government. Utahs model fills a key gap in how planners engage communities on regional planning issues. In this study, I analyze Envision Utah as participatory regional planning in the Salt Lake City region and identify components planners might reproduce in other regions.

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seeking clear answers to clear problems. The reality is that, as Rittel and Webber (1973) would argue, urban issues are seldom clear or quickly solvable. Instead, urban issues, or wicked problems as they refer to them, involve many interrelated variables acting on one another, creating unique, contextual, and temporal issues requiring comprehensive action. For regional planning, this includes operating across multiple competing jurisdictions simultaneously.

For contemporary regional planning, Fishman summarizes three key lessons from plannings failure: to doubt grand design initiatives, to incorporate local interests and diversities into the larger framework, and to approach planning as a regional conversation rather than a top-down imposition of policies (2000, p. 119). Other scholars have reinforced this argument, stating that planners should be openly inviting [of] political and social values into the planning debate (Davidoff, 2012, p. 191). In response to these lessons, some urban areas have implemented regional governance structures to address regional challenges, such as regional councils, city-county consolidations, or special service districts, with mixed success. These endeavors require a strong buy-in from residents to state-level action, as they are inherently state-level interventions. The remaining question then is what becomes of regional action in states where large-scale government action is often distrusted or limited. This is where Utahs model may help fill a gap in the current regional planning tool-kit.

History of Envision Utah

The driving force behind Envision Utah is the Coalition for Utahs Future, a non-profit organization formed in 1988 by a collection of public and private community leaders to address metropolitan issues. The Coalitions original mission was to attract businesses to Utah and spur economic growth through engaging local community interests and providing a forum for consensus building (Coalition for Utahs Future, 2009). As Utahs economic condition picked up in the early 1990s, local leaders and residents began raising questions about how the Salt Lake City metropolitan area (Greater Wasatch Area) would accommodate future economic and population growth without compromising the areas character, values, and goals (Coalition, 2009).

As a result, the Coalition created a task force to research and report on growth in the region, headed by local industry leader Robert Grow. His approach to the problem was to gather as

U tah is quickly becoming a leader in comprehensive, communicative regional planning in the United States through an initiative known as Envision Utah, even though many observers view Utah as the least likely state to pursue progressive planning practices (Scheer, 2012). Envision Utah is a highly innovative program, especially in the United States where regional planning efforts are uncommon and varied. As urban issues such as environmental sustainability, spatial dislocation, inequality and other challenges spread across multiple municipalities, regional approaches are often needed. Metropolitan areas sometimes address this need by pursuing new layers of government, with only a handful of success stories. In the case of Utah, a highly conservative state with a strong belief in limited government, regional planning initiatives would seem especially unlikely. Instead, Envision Utah succeeds in engaging nearly all regional stakeholders in the planning process without creating a new layer of government. For the planning profession, Utahs initiative and process could fill a key gap in how planners engage communities on regional planning issues. In this case study, I analyze the history, processes, and effects of the Envision Utah participatory regional planning model in the Salt Lake City metropolitan area, also known as the Greater Wasatch Area. I conclude by identifying components planners might reproduce in other metropolitan regions and organizations.

Nature of Problem

Regionalism is an environmental, economic, political, or social identity that reflects the scale of an entire metropolitan area and contrasts with local, state, or national identities. How a region is defined is somewhat nebulous, involving environmental, economic, administrative, or many other factors. The scale at which regionalists act, however, is usually defined as the administrative boundaries formed by the counties surrounding a central city. Regional planning, more than many other brands of urban planning, has had a difficult legacy and limited implementation in the United States. Fishman (2000, p. 108) argues that the planning profession has had a checkered history of badly conceived, imperfectly implemented, or wholly ignorant initiatives, exemplified by the Urban Renewal projects of the 1970s and similar failures. He argues that the root of these failures lies primarily in their top-down, technocratic implementation instead of a bottom-up, communicative origin (Fishman, 2000). Planning in the post-war years approached many urban issues in an analytical and rational manner,

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of consensus-building endeavors, the Utah Model does not even rely on inter-municipal agreements to implement goals (Scheer, 2012).

Instead, Envision Utah relies on two interdependent stages of input and implementation. In the first stage, as discussed above, researchers collect extensive public input on what residents want to see for their children and grandchildren (Scheer, 2012). This process includes translating convoluted planning language into contextual, easy-to-understand language. Rather than defining social justice, for example, concepts like neighborliness were more tangible. Similarly, Drawing on local traditions of large family size, this model worked within an existing cultural framework where residents think of adjacent communities as part of their extended families rather than competing jurisdictions. This means concepts like neighborliness and preserving natural beauty are benefits shared by all of ones family across the region, instead of by one municipality at the expense of another. Approaching regional visioning from a family-oriented approach, rather than a jargon-heavy planning approach, translates planning goals into the goals of the local population. This is not sleight of hand on the part of planners, but instead translates intangible concepts into tangible features of the community. The second stage is to engage regional stakeholders, including developers, politicians, planners, environmentalists, religious leaders, and many others in the implementation strategy.

Envision Utahs initial product was the Quality Growth Strategy (QGS), which outlined a series of regional goals based on community input and, more importantly, an implementation tool-kit for communities to pursue projects they choose (Envision Utah, 2011). As Brenda Scheer (2012) of the Brookings Institute makes explicit, none of Envision Utahs initiatives were adopted in communities that did not wish to conform to the QGS. Although the QGS has been entirely voluntary, it is supported in nearly all of the 91 cities and 10 counties of the Greater Wasatch Area (Envision Utah, 2009).

Key Challenges to Replication

In spite of its broad acceptance, the Utah Model of regional planning has been a unique success story under largely unique circumstances. Demographic homogeneity, cultural nuances, and dominance of the central city over the metropolitan area set Utahns apart from much of the nation, including neighboring states with similar political and demographic histories.

much public input as possible, thereby fleshing out the regions interests and piecing together common themes for Utahs future (Coalition, 2009). In what he referred to as the Sherlock Holmes model, Grow argued that the leadership should never assume it knows the complete story in a community, but instead should ask many questions and listen intently to sort out the truth (Coalition, 2009). In other words, Envision Utah is premised on the notion that a vision for the region is nested in the residents values, and only through conversation and dialogue can planners conceptualize this vision. This model is not unique in theory and has been practiced under other names in many municipalities in recent decades. As I

illustrate in the following sections, however, the geographic scope of Envision Utah and the lack of political coercion necessary to implement it are truly unique.

Regional Planning in Two Phases

Many regional planning interventions propose a governance model with the power to influence important decisions at the local level to bring them in line with the goals of the region (Scheer, 2012), yet in the Utah model this is entirely absent. The Utah Model categorically rejects regional governance as a component of the planning process. After over two decades

Fig 1.1: Utah Context

Municipalities

Major Cities

Counties

Greater Wasatch Area

San Juan

KaneWashington

Iron Garfi eld

WaynePiuteBeaver

Millard

Sevier

Emery

Carbon

Sanpete

Grand

Uintah

Dagge

CacheRich

Duchesne

Juab

Tooele

Davis

Weber

Morgan

Summit

Wasatch

Utah

Salt Lake

Box Elder

Salt LakeSalt LakeSalt LakeSalt LakeSalt LakeSalt LakeSalt Lake

Provo

Salt Lake City

Ogden

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Lastly, I speculate that Salt Lake Citys cultural and economic dominance enables greater consensus, albeit a Salt Lake City-oriented consensus. Salt Lake County, in which Salt Lake City is the largest municipality, comprises 37 percent of Utahs entire population, the state capital, the headquarters of the Mormon Church, and the single most recognizable geographic feature in the State of Utah: the Great Salt Lake. Salt Lake City is not only the economic and political center of Utah, but also its cultural center. As Fishman (2000) notes, metropolitanism, or the cultural, economic, and political dominance of the region by the urban center, is often mistaken as a synonym for regionalism, but the two should be distinguished. In Utahs case, rather than taking a truly regionalist approach to urban issues similar to that of urban areas of comparable size, perhaps Salt Lake City exerts a cultural and identity pull similar to that of the urban areas of the Chicago School of urban studies.

In the Chicago model, the central city is a densely populated regional nucleus, surrounded by satellite cities decreasing in population density and social, economic, and political influence (Judd, 2011). These satellite areas are fundamentally subordinate to and dependent upon the urban core in nearly all respects. Urban areas in this model include Chicago, as well as perhaps Portland, Oregon and other metropolitan areas with a disproportionately large central city. In contrast, urban areas of the Los Angeles School exhibit categorically opposite characteristics, with a polycentric region consisting of multiple urban nuclei acting independently of one another. In the Los Angeles metropolitan area, for example, five of Californias 15 largest cities all vie for influence and economic development in the region. To foster regional solutions in the Los Angeles model, policy makers would need a truly collaborative regionalism that emphasizes the interests of these lesser urban nuclei alongside those of Los Angeles. The literature measuring these relationships is rare or of questionable design, however. In order to further evaluate these ideas in the detail they deserve would require research beyond the scope of this case study, but I raise the question regardless. In the case of Salt Lake City, I doubt that suburban municipalities are large or influential enough to effectively counter Salt Lake Citys interests, or that their interests are all that different from those of the central city.

According to the US Census Bureau (2013) and other agencies, Utah is composed of a nearly 92 percent white and 60 percent Latter Day Saint church population (Pew Forum on Religious and Public Life, 2010). This highly homogeneous population presents a unique advantage to Envision Utah proponents and a disadvantage to many other areas looking to replicate the Utah model. In Utahs case, building consensus based on shared morals, values, and vision is not especially difficult as most households share similar beliefs and experiences As Scheer (2012) notes, states like Louisiana, Montana, Texas, and Wyoming have all attempted to replicate pieces of Envision Utah in their own states with mixed success. While each of these has higher church membership than Utah, membership is divided into a greater number of denominations, resulting in a much more diverse population (Infogroup, 2010). Similarly, none, save Wyoming, have the ethnic or racial homogeneity of Utah (US Census, 2013). In short, the ability to create a broad-based consensus to the degree Utah has achieved is less likely in other states due to more diverse value systems reflected in greater ethnic, racial, and religious heterogeneity.

Scheer (2012) further underscores Utahs contrast to the neighboring states in relation to property

rights. Like many western states residents, Utahns strongly value private property rights. Unlike their neighbors, however, Utahns have a legacy of community cooperation handed down from the states Mormon founders; this has helped bolster consensus building over competition. For private property owners, this means a greater focus on shared or communal responsibility for social, economic, and environmental issues at the potential expense of private interests. Even in more liberal and progressive urban areas like Portland, Oregon this is a difficult practice to accept, much less in states like Texas and Wyoming.

Demographic homogeneity, cultural nuances, and dominance of the central city over the metropolitan area set Utahns apart from much of the nation, including neighboring states with similar political and demographic histories.

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lobbying and advocacy (Center for Michigan, n.d.). Its three-stage model of engage, inform, and achieve reflects Envision Utahs model in that it solicits input from a wide audience, providing tangible and relevant data, while synthesizing input into actionable goals it can lobby to state policy makers. Lastly, land-grant universities have a mandate from both state and federal governments to conduct applied research in communities, deriving best practices, building local capacity, and above all advising local leaders. In Oregon, for example, Oregon State University (OSU) Extension Services has a program called Citizen Participation Organizations (CPOs). In this program, OSU

helps build community organizations that can speak for their respective areas and connect to statewide resources. OSU uses community-development best practices from across the state to advise CPOs on how to manage growth, voice regional concerns, and connect to a larger regional growth-management conversation in Oregon.

These three examples from Michigan and Oregon are not unique; every state has similar reciprocal organizations. These nonpartisan institutions are respected and have the resources to conduct research and advocacy similar to the activities of Envision Utah. Organizations engaged in communicative planning in conjunction with statewide action may not achieve consensus on the scale Envision Utah has, but they can provide coordination between and advocacy for a wide spectrum of community interests and needs. By working through organizations like these, regional planners could implement aspects of the Utah model and, most importantly, advance planning as a comprehensive regional conversation rather than state-level imposition of policies.

Implications for the Planning Profession

Scheer (2012) argues that four key, replicable lessons should be pulled from Utahs model. First, implement capacity-building measures as a valuable alternative to new layers of governance. By working through existing institutions, Envision Utah avoided contested election or referenda battles and instead strengthened already-respected actors. Second, provide the public with usable relevant data. By tailoring information and data to issues Utahns could relate to, Envision Utah proponents ensured greater and more educated buy-in from the regions communities. Third, as illustrated earlier, appeal to shared community values. Lastly, maintain the proper political composition. In this regard, Envision Utah sought broad support from regional stakeholders first to develop the QGS and then to sell the plan to political leaders (2009). Scheer (2012) concedes that the Utah model is unique in its context and content, and thus difficult to replicate in its entirety. Due to Utahs demographic and cultural homogeneity, large-scale export to other urban areas is not likely in the near future.

I argue, however, that broad-based action through existing institutions is viable in most states. Just as the Coalition was a non-partisan growth advocate prior to Envision Utah, most states already have respected institutions capable of engaging communities across social cleavages in a similar fashion. Envision Utah proponents ensured that any planning arrangement involved all of the stakeholders necessary to put the plan into practice.

State municipal leagues, non-profit consortia of concerned residents, or land-grant university extension programs could act as viable mediators between cities, synthesizing and moderating community interests into regional goals. For example, the Michigan Municipal League has recently stepped outside its role as a research and data dissemination agency to consult Michigan communities in creating or redeveloping community assets such as public spaces. This has created best practices for struggling communities across Michigan to address disinvestment in downtown areas (Michigan Municipal League, 2013). Similarly, the Center for Michigan promotes itself as a think and do tank, touting their commitment to broad-based community research as well as

In the case of Salt Lake City, I doubt that suburban municipalities are large or influential enough to effectively counter Salt Lake Citys interests or that their interests are all that different from the central city.

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References

Andranovich, G. and Riposa, G. (1993). Doing Urban Research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.

Center for Michigan. (n.d.). About the Center for Michigan. The Center for Michigan: Engage, Inform, Achieve. Retrieved February 2014 from: http://thecenterformichigan.net/about/

Davidoff, P. (2012). Advocacy and Pluralism in Planning. In Campbell, S. and Fainstein, S. (Eds). Readings in Planning Theory, 3rd Edition. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing.

Envision Utah. (2009). The History of Envision Utah. Salt Lake City, UT: Coalition for Utahs Future.

Envision Utah. (2011). The Quality Growth Strategy. Salt Lake City, UT: Coalition for Utahs Future.

Fishman, R. (2000). The Death and Life of American Regional Planning. In Katz, B. (Ed). Reflections on Regionalism. Washington, DC: The Brookings Institute.

Infogroup. (2010). Religion by Tradition: 2010. Retrieved 01 April 2013 from: http://www.socialexplorer.com/

Judd, D. (2011). Theorizing the City. In Judd, D and Simpson, D. (Eds). The City Revisited: Urban Theory from Chicago, New York, and Los Angeles. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.

Lewis, P. (1996). Shaping Suburbia: How Political Institutions Organize Urban Development. Pittsburg, PA: University of Pittsburg Press.

Michigan Municipal League. (2013). Placemaking. Retrieved February 2014 from: http://placemaking.mml.org/place-plans/

Ottensmann, J. (1992). Central City Dominance in Metropolitan Areas and the Availability of Affordable Housing. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 11(2), 96-104.

Pew Forum on Religious and Public Life. (2010). US Religious Landscape Survey. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center. Rittel, H. and Webber, M. (1973). Dilemmas in a General Theory of Planning. Policy Sciences, 4, 155-169.

Rusk, D. (2000). Growth Management: The Core Regional Issue. In Katz, B. (Ed). Reflections on Regionalism. Washington, DC: The Brookings Institute.

Scheer, B. (2012). The Utah Model: Lessons for Regional Planning. Las Vegas, NV: Brookings Institute Mountain West.

US Census Bureau. (2013). State and County Quick Facts. Washington, DC: US Department of Commerce.

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Author

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AGORA 8Christopher Herlich. M.U.P. 2015. La Ramblas. Barcelona, Spain.

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CrowdfundingCommunity Projects

Elizabeth TreutelMaster of Urban Planning 2014

Crowdfunding is becoming a popular method of fundraising for entrepreneurs, high-tech start-ups, non-profit projects, and, increasingly, community projects. As city governments across the country and world continue to suffer financially, community betterment projects like parks and trails become lower priorities. In turn, community organizers have begun taking matters into their own hands. This paper presents crowdfunding as both a transfor-mative tool to catalyze community redevelopment and a potential liability for social justice and government responsibility. I describe Matireal, a crowdfunded community connector trail in Milwaukee, as a case-study for analysis.

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encourage government investment. In its design and concept, Matireal is a privately funded public project.

Why Crowdfunding?

Matireal uses an innovative approach to address a multitude of social, economic, and environmental issues that the Citys tax revenue cannot cover. When city governments are working with lean budgets and struggling to provide basic services to residents, these types of community-based projects often go un-funded to make way for more vital budget items. Fiscal issues are no longer a problem limited to rust-belt cities of the Midwest, but a national and global phenomenon. Cities from Los Angeles to London are experiencing financial hardships similar to those of many Detroit-like cities. Municipal financial hardships can be blamed on a host of factors including poor regional tax policy, migration patterns, racial and socio-economic housing segregation, suburbanization, a weak property tax base, poor city leadership, misaligned financial priorities, and shifting land use patterns. The crowdfunding model, specifically as used for Matireal, addresses the needs and desires of the community that municipal governments are unable to meet.

About Matireal, a Creational Trail

Matireal is about connecting neighborhoods through art and recreation. The Matireal project founder, Keith Hayes, formed the organization beintween soon after the introduction of the design concept for Matireal with the mission to make [art] do [work] (Matireal, 2012). The trail, constructed of a geotextile made of recycled tire material, gravel, and grasses, was completed in November 2013. It reclaims a divested 2.4-mile rail corridor and connects two diverse neighborhoods over a rail bridge. The public art gallery component of Matireal is currently in the development process.

Once a more integrated community, the Harambee and Riverworks neighborhoods were severed by a four-lane highway and became segregated racially and socio-economically. The highway has also created an unsafe pattern where pedestrians frequently attempt to cross the busy thoroughfare via the divested rail bridge. When completed, Matireal will form a linear art-based park through the rail corridor and rail bridge to reconnect the neighborhoods physically and culturally. The project aims to engage all people and break down major

I n an era where local governments are continuously tightening budgets and cutting programs, innovative planning interventions are often the first projects cut. The poorest municipalities are often the communities with the highest level of need and the most disadvantaged populations. Crowdfunding, an online funding mechanism through which a great many individuals contribute relatively small amounts of money to support a company, project, or initiative, is quickly gaining strength with community organizers and grassroots planners as an intervention technique to finance these essential community improvements.

Introduced in the late 1990s and highly popularized within the last five years, crowdfunding has primarily been used to fund start-up entrepreneurial projects that often have a creative or digital focus (Mollick, 2013). The widespread success and popularity of crowdfunding has promoted the flexible funding mechanism for everything from mission trips to real estate development. Crowdfunding for community-based projects, therefore, seems to be a natural fit.

Through crowdfunding, individuals invest relatively small amounts of money into various sized projects, initiatives, or organizations in return for a pre-determined donor gift. In some cases, donors receive a share in the claim to future assets of the entity (Startup Exemption, 2013). In short, crowdfunding expands and replaces traditional angel investors, or persons who contribute a large sum of money to support a new company or project, with a large pool of individual investors to attain the seed capital for a project (NLCFA, 2012).

Today, many non-profits, community development groups, and individuals are utilizing crowdfunding mechanisms to initiate improvement efforts in their own neighborhoods, which essentially serve as public projects. I will explore one example, a recent project in Milwaukee, Wisconsin called Matireal, a Creational Trail. Matireal is a multi-use trail built with a geotextile composed of recycled tires, which contains a linear, public art gallery called the Artery running along an old rail corridor connecting neighborhoods throughout the City. The project has utilized Kickstarter, an online crowdfunding platform, to complete the first phase of the project and

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space that anyone in the community can freely access (Spacehive, 2013). Past projects include creating a picnic area and garden in a park in Lancashire and renovating a vacant store into a community street art gallery in Bristol (Spacehive, 2013). Spacehive is unique because, unlike Kickstarter, it is geared specifically toward projects that must be open to the public. This prevents projects from discriminating against certain users or excluding traditionally allowed public uses.

Fundrise, another funding method, gives individuals the ability to directly invest in their neighborhoods through local commercial real

estate development. Although not necessarily a platform for funding public projects, it allows individuals to invest without the fees and middlemen of conventional real estate equity finance (Fundrise, 2013). In short, residents can invest relatively small amounts of money into commercial real estate in their neighborhoods, own a share in the action (with proportional financial returns), and help realize their visions for their communities (Fundrise, 2013). Three neighborhood projects have been funded and are now underway in Washington D.C., including the building at 406 H Street NE, which will transform a vacant building into an ethnic restaurant (Fundrise, 2013). Fundrise allows residents to take ownership of their neighborhood, literally and figuratively; however, it may also promote gentrification and, at this point, still requires leadership from larger developers to guide the management, programming, and design of the project.

Citizinvestor allows municipalities to raise money through crowdfunding in order to move forward on projects shelved by budget shortfalls (Citizinvestor, 2012). To use this online crowdfunding platform, the projects require evaluation by a local government and approval by the appropriate department, and solely lack funding for implementation (Citizinvestor, 2012). Projects range from building a community garden in Philadelphia to restoring a publicly owned historical hotel in Florida (Citizinvestor, 2012). Of course, the premise behind this platform is that residents will willingly contribute to government-initiated public

social, cultural, economic and racial boundaries by stitching these along the artery (Matireal, 2012). The project is a simple, low-tech revitalization concept that works within a neighborhood using an innovative, sustainable, and socially just planning intervention that the City would not initially fund (Matireal, 2012).

Matireal launched itself into Kickstarter, the largest online crowdfunding platform, on October 29, 2012. While project planning and design had begun almost a year prior, the project hit a wall when attempts to obtain large investments or City or Federal grants to fund the project fell apart (beintween, 2013). Matireal founders needed funds for the first step in the project: to purchase a shipping container to use for material storage and advertising (Matireal, 2012). They reached their crowdfunding goal of $10,000 in less than a month with 230 backers (Matireal, 2012). With a total of $11,296 pledged, backers received various gifts dependent on their pledge levels, ranging from a sincerely written Thank You from the founders for a $5 contribution, to 500 square feet of the geotextile (for use in personal driveways or other projects) for contributions of $2,500 or more (Matireal, 2012).

After the crowdfunded investment allowed the group to purchase shipping containers and move forward with research and development of the geotextile, the City of Milwaukee and the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources (DNR) were willing to provide some support to the project. The City and the Wisconsin DNR assisted with land acquisition, the donation of recycled tires to create the geotextile, construction permits, and safety provisions for the project. Without the initial capital investments from Kickstarter investors, the City or State would probably not have been willing or able to provide assistance. In the case of Matireal, crowdfunding investment allowed the innovative project to gain traction with the community, which encouraged government entities to provide assistance.

Other Examples of Crowdfunded Community Projects

Aside from Kickstarter, one can find many other examples of crowdfunding platforms used for community projects. Spacehive is a crowdfunding platform that connects community-based project initiators with financial supporters in the United Kingdom (Spacehive, 2013). Spacehive hosts project proposals and manages internet donations for projects, as long as the project is in a public

If the crowdfunding model becomes commonplace this could legitimize the permanent shifting of responsibility from localities to provide basic public amenities[.]

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Benefits of and Concerns Raised by Crowdfunding for Community Projects

Just as challenges exist for securing crowdfunded financing for community projects, positive and negative implications exist regarding the outcomes of the projects. Residents often initiate crowdfunding projects to take community matters into their own hands, in some cases to,fill gaps in municipal funding and services. Innovators like Keith Hayes of Matireal can utilize platforms like Kickstarter or Spacehive to open up their projects to financial support from their community, or from anyone across the globe. This provides flexibility to attain seed money for community projects and provides communities the opportunity to invest more directly in projects they support. Furthermore, crowdfunded projects can be more innovative and efficient than projects that must conform to traditional standards and regulations of the bureaucratic system.

Along with the benefits of crowdfunding, there are also concerns associated with transforming public projects into private ventures. In Driven from New Orleans, John Arena dissects privatization of public goods in the case of public housing. Arena suggests that creating non-profit alternatives to public services further legitimizes public sector failures (Arena, 179: 2012). The same risks apply to other community projects such as park improvements, nature trails, and similar endeavors that are traditionally publicly funded through tax revenue. If the crowdfunding model becomes commonplace for public provisions, this could legitimize the long-term retrenchment and permanent shifting of responsibilities for our localities to provide basic public amenities such as utilities or welfare programs that government entities are better suited to provide (Arena, 183: 2012).

Planners Roles

While crowdfunding public projects may adapt to budget shortfalls and realize residents sense of place and expression of community identity, long-term implications of crowdfunding could include shrinking government, more dependence on the free market to provide public services, and the introduction of new externalities that government intervention works to correct.

Projects like Matireal benefit the community in many ways, but there are still issues of equity

projects beyond their current tax contributions. Although funded projects are still in their early stages, this platform is promising because, unlike Kickstarter, Fundrise, or Spacehive, Citizenvestor projects must undergo the typical public development phases. In many ways, Citizinvestor allows the public to decide directly which public projects to fund, which can have both positive and negative impacts.

Challenges and Risks

There are many challenges and risks associated with crowdfunding community projects, although many previous challenges have diminished with the recent passing of the Federal JOBS Act. Section 4(6) of the act legalizes crowdfunding at a deeper level than previously written into law, exempting investors in for-profit projects from being officially accredited (Startup Exemption, 2013). However, the crowdfunding model still faces challenges. The likelihood of failure for a crowdfunded project is quite high despite the many celebrated successes highlighted in the media (Mollick, 3: 2013).

Literature surrounding the new and understudied funding mechanism of crowdfunding lacks evidence describing why certain projects succeed or fail. While these studies are inclusive of all kinds of projects, not just community projects, they are still applicable. It is unclear whether crowdfunding efforts reinforce or contradict theories about how traditional ventures raise capital and achieve success, or what the long-term implications of crowdfunding are (Mollick, 3: 2013). Assessing crowfunding success begins with whether or not it is fully funded, as many crowdfunding platforms return funds to contributors if funding levels are not met. Of all projects initiated on Kickstarter, only 49% are ever funded, with an average goal of those funded projects being $5,604 (Mollick, 32: 2013). Other indications of success include whether or not the intended deliverable was completed and, if applicable, the length of delays in the project (Mollick, 3: 2013). Variables affecting the success of a project include a founders integration with social media and geographic location. In general, projects in larger cities tend to have a much higher success rate (Mollick, 32: 2013). Along with the challenges for founders, funders face uncertainty about the success or quality of the deliverable. There are no accountability systems in place to guarantee project success. Similarly, even if a project is initiated by an organization or start-up with the intention of helping or improving the community, there is no guarantee that the project will truly be public.

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phase crowdfunding and public funding into a projects investment model where each is most appropriate, thereby increasing the likelihood of success. Planners could also advocate for a crowdfunding platform similar to Spacehive, one designed specifically to address the risks and rewards that come with crowdfunding public projects. This could include the requirement that projects be publicly accessible, participation in community planning processes that ensure equity and engagement from the entire community, and involvement with public officials.

Crowdfunding has the potential to create new and innovative opportunities for community projects that may not otherwise be possible. Planners could play an active role to integrate key stakeholders, provide guidance, and catalyze partnerships to increase the success and public benefits of crowdfunded community projects.

and prioritization. Rail to trail conversions or public art galleries may seem glamorous, but when cities are faced with aging infrastructure, water and sewer systems should take priority. For these reasons, Crowdfunded community projects should not replace traditional public works initiatives, but can fill funding gaps in cities struggling to provide services. Planners can take advantage of crowdfunding to realize change in their community. Specifically, planners can take an active role in both improving processes of crowdfunding for public projects and catalyzing relationships between the public, project founders, and government entities for crowdfunded projects.

As the Matireal project in Milwaukee illustrates, crowdfunding can be used to subsidize or initiate projects that also use traditional municipal funds. Planners can connect local entrepreneurs with government officials early in the process to encourage both parties to

ReferencesArena, J. (2012) Driven from New Orleans: How Nonprofits Betray Public Housing and Promote Privatization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Fundrise. (2013). Crowdfund Real Estate. Retrieved April 2013 from: https://fundrise.com/about

Kickstarter. (2012, Nov 28). Matireal, a Creational Trail. Retrieved April 2013 from: http://www.kickstarter.com/projects/keith-hayes/matireal-a-creational-trail

Mollick, E. (2013). The Dynamics of Crowdfunding: Determinants of Success and Failure. University of Pennsylvania - Wharton School.

National Crowdfunding Association (NLCFA). (2012) Crowdfunding 101. Retrieved April 2013 from: http://www.nlcfa.org/crowdfund-101.html

Shread, P. (2013, Feb 8). The Risks and Rewards of Crowdfunding. TIME Business and Money. 2013. Retrieved April 2013 from: http://business.time.com/2013/02/08/the-risks-and-rewards-of-crowdfunding/

Spacehive. (2013, March 18). Spacehive. Retrieved April 2013 from: https://spacehive.comStartup Exemption. Crowdfunding 101. 2013. Retrieved April 2013 from: http://www.startupexemption.com/crowdfunding-101

Westmill Capital. (2012). 906 H Street NE. Retrieved April 2013 from: http://www.westmillcapital.com/portfolio/retail-development/906-h-street-ne/

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AGORA 8Pier Amelia Davis. M.U.P. 2015. A Guatamalan Livelihood. Camotn Guatamala.

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Combining Fragmentsinto a Vibrant Whole

Jason WongMaster of Architecture 2014

An Analysis and Proposal for Downtown Spokane, Washington

Spokane, Washington is a medium-sized city whose downtown area has seen a large amount of development over the past two decades including the development of the University District, the Convention Center District, and the Downtown Core. These dis-tricts are adjacent to a fourth district, which contains the natural Spokane River, Spokane Falls, and Riverfront Park. The close proximity of these four areas creates the potential for a vibrant downtown. However, these districts do not currently mesh; contin-ued development along these lines threatens future vibrancy. Since Spokane is not fully developed, it should proactively implement strategies to create a better Downtown, before it is too late. This paper discusses those strategies.

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Fair) all saw major simultaneous growth in the last 15-20 years but have not yet joined to create a vibrant street life across downtown. In the University District, Gonzaga Universitys enrollment nearly doubled from 1999 to its present-day enrollment of roughly 7,800 students (Lawrence-Turner, 2013), but most of the new buildings that have accommodated this growth (specifically student housing projects) turn their backs on the edges of campus. Most of the adjacent Washington State University Spokane campus was developed in the last 5-8 years and similarly faces inward. In the downtown core, a revitalization initiative in the late 1990s/early 2000s resulted in . an upscale indoor shopping mall and prominent restorations and adaptive re-uses of historic buildings such as the Davenport Hotel, Fox Theater, and Steam Plant Square. While these projects have undoubtedly attracted people back to the downtown core, they emphasize

D owntown Spokane, Washington is currently characterized by fragmentation, non-cohesion, and untapped potential since the four main districts of downtown ignore each others presence. The growing university district spurs development but does not engage the nearby heart of downtown. Any potential synergy between these two districts is blocked by an expanding convention center district. Furthermore, a wall of downtown development is cordoning off the Spokane River from the city as downtown grows denser. Such fragmentation between districts is not unique to Spokanes downtown, but rather is characteristic of many medium-sized American cities. Fortunately, an opportunity exists for these cities to reach their full potential by connecting and unifying their fragmented districts, while still retaining the unique purpose and character of each, as they continue to grow. These cities do not need to be entirely reimagined, but can instead succeed through strategically using existing features, such as excessively wide roadways, existing buildings, and empty parking lots. This article analyzes specific opportunities for Spokane to integrate its fragmented districts into a unified, vibrant place, and illustrates how the proposals and ideas can act as a model for other cities to follow.

Spokane is a medium-sized city of roughly 210,000 residents (600,000 metro) located near the Washington-Idaho state line. It functions as the regional hub of the Inland Northwest (which encompasses all of Eastern Washington and Northern Idaho). Spokanes downtown area occupies a very compact footprint and boasts two universities (Gonzaga and Washington State University Spokane), vast expanses of nature, and a convention center, all within a stones throw of the downtown core (Figure 1). These features create the potential for large-scale place and vibrancy, according to Pierre Fillion. In The Successful Few, Filion lists attributes of successful downtowns of small and medium-sized cities, which include having a university in or near the central business district (CBD), historical character, natural amenities such as bodies of water, and public buildings such as convention centers. Downtown Spokane contains all of these features. However, these four elements of Downtown Spokane are growing without careful consideration for connectivity and cohesion. Despite their adjacency, they do not respond to one another to create a vibrant downtown. As a further testament to the lack of cohesion, these districts (with the exception of the 100-acre Riverfront Park born out of the 1974 Worlds

Fig. 3.1. Downtown Spokanes four main districts: (1) University District,

(2) Convention Center District, (3) Downtown Core, (4) Nature

The dotted, black oval represents an area where these four districts can

coalesce. Jason Wong.

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activities and life on their insides more than engaging the streets that surround them. In the Convention Center District, the Spokane Convention Center tripled in size in 2004 and currently has two more expansion projects under construction a 90,000 square foot expansion and a 700-room hotel. Both projects are expected to be completed by 2015 (Spokane Public Facilities District, 2013). Like the projects in the downtown core, the expanded facilities of the convention center emphasize the insides of the buildings more than the urban fabric that surrounds them. Continued development down this same fragmented, non-cohesive path threatens the future success of Downtown Spokane.

Despite the fragmentation, opportunity exists since Downtown Spokane like other medium-sized cities across the United States is not yet fully built out. The numerous surface parking

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their analysis of the University of Wisconsins Arboretum. They find the Arboretum evokes memories and interactions such as birthday partieshiking with parents and friends while looking for or coming across wildlifeand often being surprised by something such as a pair of cranes with chicks or a flock of wild turkey (p. 348). Nature can also provide a sense of mystery, enticing people to further explore the area (Kaplan and Kaplan, 2005, p. 276). Spokane can support its economic development by leveraging its natural assets to encourage tourists and convention attendees to explore, experience, and make memories in the city, spending their money along the way.

Additionally, nature boosts the mental and physical health of people who use it. Nature has restorative properties for attention fatigue (p. 277), which can help reduce stress levels and increase civility (p. 272). Increased integration of nature would benefit all the districts in Downtown Spokane by reenergizing workers in the downtown core, aiding university students

taking a break from their studies, and providing a unique experience for convention goers who need to relax between meetings, seminars, and lectures. Considering these benefits, there are two ways Spokane can more tightly integrate nature into the experience of downtown: eliminating the hard edge that exists between nature and city and preserving views of nature.

A Hard Edge

Although Riverfront Park is a valuable asset to Downtown Spokane, it has limited benefits because of the parks distinct and hard boundaries. Nature is separated from the city; one must physically move from downtown to the park to experience nature. This can make it difficult for stressed office workers or university students to access nature for a brief mental break mid-morning; they must wait until lunchtime to take a stroll in the park.

lots and low-density developments that dot the downtown landscape provide space for future development. By developing these sites, Spokane can proactively implement place-making strategies now, to ensure that a sense of place and vibrancy are present in the future. Creating this future depends on activating connections between Spokanes natural assets, University District, Convention Center District, and downtown core. The sum is greater than its parts: by uniting these districts, Downtown Spokane can increase street life, friendliness, and vibrancy across its districts. To achieve this, Spokane should (1) reinforce an emphasis on nature, (2) promote related development, (3) blur the lines between public and private space, (4) balance the needs and experiences of tourists and residents, and (5) continue the historic preservation efforts currently in place.

Emphasis on Nature

Spokane has a great natural asset, the Spokane River, which drops over a series of waterfalls

and into a deep, scenic river gorge while flowing through the heart of Downtown Spokane. In the past, the public did not have access to the river because a large rail yard a relic of Spokanes railroad heritage occupied the river frontage downtown. This changed when, in 1974, Spokane hosted Expo 74, an environmentally themed Worlds Fair. The site for the fair completely replaced the rail yards and ultimately became the 100-acre Riverfront Park now one of the biggest integral components of Spokanes community and culture. Most importantly, the construction of the park created public access to the river and waterfalls that flow past the Downtown Spokane skyline (Figure 2).

While the establishment of Riverfront Park propelled Spokane forward, the city should do more to take full advantage of the natural setting in order to aid the creation of place. Natural spaces provide opportunities for memories to form and social experiences to occur. J. T. Spartz and B. R. Shaw (2011) speak about this in

Fig. 3.2. Spokane River and Spokane Falls run through the heart of Downtown Spokane. Jason Wong.

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Promoting Related Development Near the Convention Center and Universities

Jane Jacobs uses the term related development to describe how development of primary programs (i.e., building uses/activities/functions) can spawn related development to make a district vibrant (Grodach, 2008, p. 197). In his critique of Los Angeles Museum of Contemporary Art (MOCA), Carl Grodach points out that the area around the art museum lacks related development such as restaurants, retail, and art spaces (p. 203). As a result, MOCA and its surrounding area are not as vibrant and frequented as they could be because people are unable to have the full art experience while in that district.

Spokanes current situation somewhat resembles the situation around MOCA because, while the convention center and universities are the

primary anchors of their respective districts, they lack the related development to engage residents and visitors in a full experience of place. Currently, most of the related development for these districts is located in the core of downtown; it becomes increasingly sparse giving way to surface parking and unrelated business types as one moves toward the Convention Center and University Districts. Therefore, convention goers and students currently need to go to a different neighborhood (i.e., the downtown core) to find the activities and venues they actually seek. As these districts grow, they will create more demand for shopping, gathering, and dining venues that are conveniently located. Because the needs and desires of the University and Convention Center users are similar they shop, gather, and dine related development in these districts can serve both crowds, thus creating a unique opportunity to vibrantly connect the two

Spokane can remediate this flaw by developing a network of nature within the built environment of downtown. Vancouver, British Columbia successfully developed a network of nature and street trees within the city (Walsh, 2013, p.14.). Spokane can easily follow suit and develop its own network of nature within pre-existing downtown infrastructure. Many of the roads downtown possess car lanes that are unnecessarily wide many exceeding 11 feet, a width intended for high-speed roads and inappropriate for a downtown-scale street. Strategically re-allocating some of this excess right-of-way would provide enough space to create strips and networks of nature throughout Downtown Spokane. Furthermore, surface parking lots can provide space large enough to create either pocket parks within downtown or seamless transitions from the network of nature into the parking lots.

Preserving Views of Nature

Another obstacle to the integration of city and nature is that recent building developments both private and public are creating a wall, interrupting views and limiting access to Riverfront Park. For example, the privately developed hotel currently under construction near the Spokane Convention Center will add a massive, 180-foot tall by 400-feet wide impenetrable wall less than 350 feet from the river bank (Figure 3). Although this hotel project is extremely vital to the future growth of Spokane, its location and design will block views to the river from existing development. To reclaim views to the river, any future buildings will need to be exponentially taller than this hotel. Such development disproportionately affects the general population (as opposed to a privileged group of people who live and work downtown and therefore have easier access to nature).

To address this issue, Spokane should protect public views by following another one of Vancouvers successful urban planning strategies. Vancouver has 27 protected view cones of the waterfront and mountains and has abandoned the practice of building tallest on the parcels closest to the waterfront, instead adopting an approach in which views become available to towers several blocks further back by permitting the towers [farthest] from the water to grow the tallest (Walsh, p. 19). Spokane should preserve the views to the river by adopting a similar strategy.

Fig. 3.3. Cross-Section Diagram of the new Convention Center Hotel. To reclaim views of the river, new

buildings built behind the hotel would have to be built above the obstructed sightline. To put it in

perspective, this would be nearly twice as high as the 288-foot tall

Bank of America Financial Center, Spokanes tallest building.

Jason Wong.

Spokane RiverNew Hotel

Spokanes Tallest Building(for reference)

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Another method of blurring the lines between public and private spaces is to create what Matthew Carmona (2010) calls third spaces: privately owned spaces that facilitate important public functions like meeting and socializing. Such places include cafs, bookstores, and coffee shops that host the encounters from the accidental to the organized and regular, and have become fundamental institutions of mediation between the individual and society (p. 132). Third spaces are neutral, inclusive, low profile, taken for granted, open during and outside of business hours, psychologically supportive and comfortable, and places of conversation (pp. 132-133). Developing third spaces to blur the lines between the convention center, university, and downtown core districts will create an integrated ribbon of publicness and place where tourists, students, and residents would feel welcome to engage with one another that spans the entire Downtown Spokane area. Balancing the Experience of Place Between Tourists and Residents

As Spokanes growing Convention Center draws an increasing number of visitors into the city, it will be important to strike a balance between the differing needs and experiences of tourists and those of residents. For example, conflict can emerge when residents who need to commute to work or travel through the downtown are delayed by the road closures and traffic that large conventions often bring. Frustration can also occur when tourists ask for directions, but the locals are unable to describe them clearly due to the lack of clarity in the citys urban form. Successfully balancing the needs of both groups strengthens the sense of place because tourists and locals can interact freely without any tension between one another. Spokane can achieve this balance at both the human scale and the urban scale.

Balancing Needs Through the Human Scale

Regarding human scale, the rehabilitation of Acre, Israels historic fabric, is a strong precedent to follow. Because the rehabilitation project emphasized balancing the needs and experiences of both local residents and visitors, citizens welcomed the tourists with open arms. The plan most notably created the framework for local residents to run bed and breakfasts as a way to proudly showcase the communitys hospitality. The ensuing social exchange between the two parties enhanced tourists experience of the place (Khirfan, 2006, p. 32). Spokane is not a major tourist destination, so

districts. Such new developments can occupy the many vacant lots, vacant storefronts, and surface parking lots that exist within these districts, in order to minimize the displacement of existing businesses.

Blurring of Public and Private Space

As the aforementioned related developments are established, the lines between public and private space should also be blurred. An analysis of college towns across the United States shows a direct correlation between the proximity of a university to a city and the blurring of public and private space (Adhya, 2008). For example, in Ann Arbor, home to the University of Michigan, the main campus is immediately adjacent to and mixes with the city. By contrast, East Lansings downtown is

distinctly separate from the campus of Michigan State University. According to Adhya, Ann Arbors close city-university relationship and the shared integrated experience of places are major factors in developing a quality experience of publicness (p. 184). By blurring the lines between town and gown, the same places serve both the university crowd and the local crowd. New developments and local establishments can attract a variety of professionals, families, empty nesters, and university students. University towns are often found to facilitate pedestrian activity and generate local commercial activity. Like Ann Arbor, Spokanes University District should take advantage of its close proximity to the downtown core.

Fig. 3.4. The historic Peyton Building in the CBD adds character to Downtown Spokane. Additionally, because it is a historic building in the middle of more contemporary development, its aesthetic helps it stand out as a landmark, aiding in wayfinding for visitors to Spokane. Jason Wong

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Fig. 3.5. Nature Strategy: Pull nature into the built environment

to create a network of green spaces. At the same time, preserve public

views of the river by regulating development near the shoreline.

Fig. 3.6. Related Development Strategy: The development of re-

lated program near the Convention Center and University can create a

network of third spaces that will add to vibrancy in the area and

blur the lines between private and public, creating an overall greater

sense of publicness in the area.

Fig. 3.7. Wayfinding Strategy: Landmarks that currently exist in

Spokane (blue sunbursts) do not aid in wayfinding for those in not in

Riverfront Park. Creating a network of landmarks within the built envi-

ronment (red Xs) will accommodate the wayfinding needs of visitors.

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AGORA 8Eric Huntley. M.U.P. 2014. Tokyo Night. Tokyo, Japan.

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the city needs to provide an extra incentive to entice people to come. Spokane can follow the example set by Acre, leveraging social exchange through its local hospitality, to create a unique sense of place and further differentiate itself as a major convention and tourist destination that maintains a small-town hospitality culture.

Balancing Needs Through the Urban Scale

Spokane should also balance needs at the urban scale by designing a wayfinding logic that accommodates the contrasting ways in which the groups navigate. John Montgomery (1998) explains in Making a City that, long-term residents produce more complex mental maps containing both paths and landmarks (environmental cues). Visitors to new places, by contrast, tend to use landmarks as anchor-points in constructing route knowledge (p. 101).

In Spokanes case, its downtown streets are laid out in a simple grid, which adequately caters to residents. However, without landmarks and open space to use as reference points, the efficiency of the grid may result in a repetitive and hard-to-navigate landscape for visitors. While Spokane does have landmarks, most of them (such as the historic Looff Carousel, Red Wagon, US Pavilion, and Clock Tower) are located inside Riverfront Park and not within the built part of downtown. This arrangement does not aid visitors; a local resident cannot simply direct them to the cafe that is next to the purple apple sculpture because such landmarks do not exist. One method to remediate this flaw is to leverage the existing stock of Spokanes old and historic buildings to become those landmarks through the juxtaposition of architectural styles and building scales. Some of these buildings are architecturally distinctive and will stand out in contrast to future, contemporary works of architecture. This contrast will give these older buildings a more prominent place in the landscape, as illustrated by the streetscape in Figure 5., Such landmarks would help meet the navigational needs of visitors to Spokane. Historic Preservation Efforts

Preserving historic buildings has many other benefits as well. First, historic buildings are a proven attraction to downtown users. In Filions (2004) research, historical character ranked high on the list of important factors that attracted people to the downtowns of small and medium-sized cities (pp. 331-332). Therefore,

Spokane should use historic buildings to attract more people downtown and help enhance its vibrancy.

Furthermore, in regards to creating place, a community that exhibits a distinct aesthetic identity sees higher self-esteem among residents, with historic towns specifically creating a sense of pride by association (Twigger-Ross, 1996, p. 208). For example, Santa Barbara, California is widely known for its Spanish Colonial aesthetic (Blanco, 2000, p. 56). Perhaps Spokane can become known for its historic building aesthetic. While Spokane does not have a single, distinct name for its collection of historic buildings, many are red-brick, built between 1900 and 1930, and designed by local architects such as Kirtland Cutter. The similar appearance of these historic buildings can speak for itself as a singular aesthetic.

Many of the buildings are also on local and/or national historic registers and are spread across the four districts of Downtown Spokane. This spread creates an opportunity to form a cohesive place identity across the entirety of Downtown Spokane. Furthermore, historic buildings played a major role in the late 1990s - early 2000s revitalization of the downtown core, which saw the restorations and adaptive re-uses of the Davenport Hotel, Steam Plant Square, and Fox Theater, among others. Because of preservations proven track record in Spokane, it should receive ongoing attention as the region continues to develop.

Conclusion

Spokane currently contains four districts and components that rank high on Filions list of attributes for creating a successful downtown: a university, convention center, nature, and a downtown core. Thus there is no doubt that Downtown Spokane has the right ingredients to reach a higher potential. However, these districts do not speak to one another. Disconnected and internally focused, such development will be detrimental to the future of Downtown Spokane. Because Spokane and many other medium-sized cities across the United States are not fully built out, these cities have the opportunity to integrate their fragments into vibrancy as they continue to grow. Creating a stronger place in Downtown Spokane can be achieved by better integrating nature into downtown (Figure 5), developing related programming near the university and convention center, blurring the public/private lines of those related developments (Figure 6), balancing the needs of tourists and residents (Figure 7), and continuing the historic preservation

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efforts that presently exist in Downtown Spokane. Implementing these place-making strategies will help integrate these fragmented components into a better Downtown Spokane with a unique and strong sense of place for all stakeholders.

References

Adhya, A. (2008) The Public Realm as a Place of Everyday Urbanism. Ann Arbor, MI: PhD. Dissertation, excerpts.

Blanco, H. (2000) Style Matters, Places, 13(2), 56-63.

Carmona, M. (2010) Contemporary Public Space: Critique and Classification, Journal of Urban Design, 15:1, pp. 123-148.

Crawford, M. (2008) Blurring the Boundaries, Public Space and Private Life. In J. Chase, et al. (eds.) Everyday Urbanism. New York, NY: The Monacelli Press, 22-35.

Filion, P. et all (2004) The Successful Few: Healthy Downtowns of Small Metropolitan Regions, Journal of the American Planning Association, 70(3), 328-343.

Grodach, C. (2008) Museums as Urban Catalysts: the Role of Urban Design in Flagship Cultural Development, Journal of Urban Design, 13(2). 195-212.

Kaplan, R. and Kaplan, S. (2005) Preference, Restoration, and Meaningful Action in the Context of Nearby Nature. In P. Bartlett (ed.) Urban Place: Reconnecting with the Natural World. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 271-298.

Khirfan, L. (2006) Three Historic Cities, Three Historic Preservation Approaches, and Three Consequences, Paper for ACSP (Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning)

Lawrence-Turner, J. (2013, November 24). Gonzaga Universitys basketball success fuels unprecedented growth. The Spokesman-Review.

Montgomery, J. (1998) Making a City: Urbanity, Vitality and Urban Design, Journal of Urban Design, 3(1), 93-116.

Spartz, J.T. and B.R. Shaw (2011) Place Meanings Surrounding an Urban Natural Area: a Qualitative Inquiry, Journal of environmental Psychology, 31, 344-352.

Spokane Public Facilities District. (2013). Spokane Convention Center expansion project. Retrieved November 30, 2013, from http://www.spokanepfd.org/expansion/hotel.php

Spokane Public Facilities District. (2013). Spokane Public Facilities District history. Retrieved November 30, 2013, from http://www.spokanepfd.org/history.php

Twigger-Ross, C. and Uzzel, D. (1996) Places and Identity Processes, Journal of Environmental Psychology, 16(3).

Walsh, R. (2013) Chapter 1: Introduction: the five essential elements of Vancouverism, The Origins of Vancouverism: A historical inquiry into the architecture and urban form of Vancouver, British Columbia. Ann Arbor MI: PhD. Dissertation.

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AGORA 8Pier Amelia Davis. M.U.P. 2015. Bay Area Horizon. Berkeley, CA.

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Tribal Planning in the Face of Environmental Injustice

Terra ReedMaster of Urban Planning 2014

Issues of Natural Resource Extraction on Tribal Lands

Energy resources like coal, oil, and uranium are found on many Native American reservations across North America. Historically, tribal communities have had little to no control over their extraction or production but have suffered from associated economic decline, environmental degradation, health problems, and loss of cultural heritage. This article explores the various impacts as well as some creative solutions that tribes are using to regain autonomy over their land and the resources available to them. Tribal planning is a growing field that should take into account the cultural impacts of different kinds of development on tribal communities. City market test the applicability of Granapatis analysis to different markets. Finally, common threads supporting successful cooperative housing markets are highlighted.

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approaches to land ownership and management. Reservations were often isolated from non-native communities and ill suited for traditional agriculture. One historian points out,

That a number of reservations have a wealth of mineral resources today is not without a certain irony, because originally it was the intention of the responsible authorities to leave American Indians only isolated areas which contained no mineral resources. (Frantz, 1999, p. 192)Reservations were established in isolated and desolate areas that most likely could not otherwise profit the government or other non-Indian entities. Later, when resources like coal, oil, and uranium became valuable for energy production, the federal government realized the energy value present on previously established reservations. In fact, tribal lands account for 3 to 10% of US oil reserves, 10 to 30% of US coal reserves, and at least half of all US uranium reserves (Frantz, 1999, p. 189).

Impacts

As these resources have become increasingly valuable and sought after, mineral extraction and production has become mired in a cycle of declining autonomy among tribal communities, contributing to economic, environmental, and cultural problems. The most direct impacts are economic and ecological, as a lack of autonomy means that people living on reservations gain few economic benefits from the industry. Meanwhile, the activity often destroys land and contributes to health problems for nearby communities. Indirectly, this system also contributes to declining social cohesion and cultural assets, which further contribute to difficulties maintaining autonomy.

Economic

Management of energy resources on tribal lands has important direct and indirect economic consequences. Not surprisingly, given the historical treatment of native people, tribes still have little control over how their land and its resources are managed. The Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), a federal agency that supervises tribes, was put in charge of managing tribal resources. Through this agency, non-native companies began to lease reservation land containing resources in the early 20th century. To further deprive tribes of the possible benefits of these resources, the 1938 Indian Tribal Mineral Leasing Act did not allow tribes to conduct their own extraction (Frantz, 1999, p. 195).

Native American sovereignty has been closely tied to and even reliant on the United States government for centuries, which has led to disproportionate control over many native communities in favor of non-native interests. Continued federal oversight of activities like energy resource management and economic development leaves tribes with little control over job availability, financing, or decision-making. Energy resources are found on many tribal lands, particularly in the northern plains and Southwest. In most cases,

federal and private interests govern extraction and production of those resources, reaping the economic benefits. The result has been detrimental to the economic, environmental, and social condition of tribal communities.

Through a combination of federal reform and ambitious endeavors by tribes and coalitions, indigenous communities are beginning to take control of resource management and, in turn, economic development. In order to take full advantage of the opportunities provided by this new autonomy, tribal leadership needs to promote strategic and creative initiatives. This article explores the history of tribal resource management in order to understand and assess current initiatives that tribal governments and businesses are undertaking.

History of Tribal Resource Extraction

Management of energy industries on tribal lands is deeply rooted in a history of exploitation, going back to early interactions between tribes and the US government. Since the discovery of the Americas, colonizers and the US government have continuously pushed native peoples out of their homelands and prevented them from maintaining traditional land management practices. Around the end of the 19th century, the US Congress mandated the creation of reservations for Native American tribes, forcing native people to follow Western

As these resources have become increasingly valuable, mineral extraction has become mired in a cycle of declining autonomy among tribal communities, contributing to economic, environmental, and cultural problems.

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Surface mining, a common practice on coal-rich reservations in the Southwest and upper Midwest, quickly destroys the land. As one study notes,

The direct impacts of mining disturbance to land surfaces are usually severe with the destruction of natural ecosystems, either through the removal of all previous soils, plants, and animals or their burial beneath waste disposal facilities. (Cooke & Johnson, 2002, p. 43)

Once those lands have been destroyed, it is difficult to restore them. For example, reclamation efforts have had limited success in Montana, where only 735 of the 62,000 acres leased to coal mining have been fully reclaimed and released (LaDuke, 2007, p. 1). Many coal companies claim that they have the technology and intention to fully reclaim the land they destroy, but most have yet to follow through on those promises. Meanwhile, mining continues to destroy natural ecosystems and habitats.

Mining has many other environmental impacts, such as the water use and pollution associated with extraction. This is particularly dangerous in the arid Southwest, where water is already scarce. One 500-megawatt coal-powered plant uses 2.2 billion gallons of water every year (UCS, 2005). The Four Corners power plant on the Navajo reservation in northern New Mexico generates over 2,000-megawatts each year (EPA, 2006), utilizing 8.8 billion gallons of clean water that it releases back into the environment full of chemicals and heavy metals.

On arid reservations, the use of this water is detrimental not only to the ecosystems near the mines, but also to tribal people who need water to live. Peabodys coal slurry pipeline swallowed more than a billion gallons of water a year, so much that the Hopis sacred springs, which have nourished them for at least a thousand years, began to dry up (Grinde & Johansen, 1995, 141). Meanwhile, proposed in-situ leach (ISL) mining near Churchrock, New Mexico, would use comparable amounts of water contaminated by dangerous chemicals, which would then return to the aquifer. Proponents of ISL claim that the water is treated and brought back to pre-mining standards, but, according to one environmental lawyer, there has never been an instance where a commercial ISL operation has restored groundwater to its pre-mining condition (ENS, 2008). Such water abuse destroys fragile desert ecosystems as well as native peoples access to clean water.

The BIA, without tribal input, continues to negotiate all leases and payments between companies and tribes (Frantz, 1999, p. 194). The lack of tribal involvement in managing these resources also contributes to a lack of job opportunities on tribal lands (Frantz, 1999). The unemployment rate on reservations averages 43% (BIA, 2006), far exceeding the national average, and a number of tribes have far higher unemployment rates. For people living on reservations, the economic situation fosters poverty and dependence on whatever economic opportunities come along.

A 1992 amendment of the Indian Tribal Mineral Leasing Act gave tribes the legal right to conduct their own extraction, but reservations that intended to start the independent development of their mineral resources have failedbecause of a lack of capital and expertise (Frantz, 1999, p. 203). A long history of government control

of mineral resources and extraction fostered tribal dependence on both the US government and non-native companies that still exists, despite initiatives to do away with the legal framework that supported this relationship. This illustrates what has been described as another not-so-subtle form of colonialism that began with the Spanish incursions and has never ceased (Grinde & Johansen, 1995, p. 141). The US government has continuously taken steps to reduce the gains for tribes, while maximizing gains to non-native entities, thus maintaining their dominance.

Environmental

Beyond contributing to struggling economies, extracting and processing energy resources can cause devastating ecological damage.

Fig. 4.1. Uranium Extaction and Processing Facilities (white), and Federal Reservation Lands (red)

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suffer the consequences of decreased social and political cohesion as indigenous people lose their traditional practices and leave reservations.

In Search of Autonomy

Tribes have been legally able to extract and produce their own energy resources for over 20 years, but it was not until the last decade that they have received significant technical and financial support to pursue these activities in a meaningful way. As they begin to take over energy extraction, tribes are faced with an opportunity to radically change the types of resources that they exploit to better represent tribal values. They have also begun to reap benefits that allow them to improve economic, environmental, and social conditions on reservations.

Title V of the Energy Policy Act of 2005 permits tribes to negotiate Tribal Energy Resource Agreements (TERAs) with energy companies and provides funds to help tribes that lack the capital for resource extraction (Miles, 2006; 25 USC, 3502). This act allows tribes more freedom to manage their land without the oversight or approval of the federal government (Miles, 2006, p. 469) and to gain economic independence. Laguna Pueblo in New Mexico is one example of a tribe that has taken advantage of this support. The tribe runs a facility that processes 50,000 gallons of tansmix fuel per day, which is sold in gas stations owned by the tribes community development corporation (LDC, n.d.). Control over energy resources is a step in the right direction for tribal sovereignty and economic independence, but it does not address the environmental or cultural problems associated with traditional energy production. Reclaiming tribal sovereignty must include ways for tribes to sustain themselves without destroying their land and cultural heritage. Renewable energy production is one approach that has gained popularity in recent decades. While it is important to recognize that each tribe has a different history and set of values, clean energy is seen to be in harmony with Native Americans respect for the environment and their concern for future generations (Council et al., 2000).

As tribes explore opportunities to pursue renewable energy resources, they will make many decisions about how to approach and plan for the process. Cornell and Kalt (2003) identified four economic development models for tribes applicable to energy production and other forms of economic development: federal control, tribal enterprise, private (micro)

Public Health

Damage to the environment on reservations contributes to declining health among tribal communities. Exposure to harmful chemicals associated with extracting and processing energy resources can lead to cancers and respiratory problems (Frantz, 1999). Beyond the direct impact on peoples health, loss of productive land and clean water makes it difficult for native people to practice traditional agriculture, and therefore difficult to feed themselves. For many traditional communities, the survival of a people is tied to survival of the land, and destruction of that land means destruction of the people (Grinde & Johansen, 1999, p. 122). The Navajo, for instance, are sheepherdersusing wool for clothing and blankets and sheep for food. As Navajo grazing land was converted to mines and power plants, people lost the ability to raise sheep as they once had. This loss led to increased dependence on small general stores on reservations that sell unhealthy, incomplete, and non-traditional foods.

Social Cohesion and Autonomy

In aggregate, these factors diminish social cohesion and autonomy among tribal people. When tribes do not have control over the activity on their land and cannot be