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ʿABD-AL-ḴĀLEQ ḠOJDOVĀNĪ

K. A. NIZAMI

teacher and distinguished Naqšbandī saint (d. 617/1220), who consolidated and transmitted the thought of the Naqšbandī order.

ʿABD-AL-ḴĀN

P. OBERLING

an Arab tribe of Ḵūzestān, it was originally affiliated with the Bani Lām tribal confederacy and resided in the region of ʿAmāra, in present-day Iraq.

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM ʿALAVĪ

N. H. ZAIDI

early 19th century Indo-Persian historian (d. ca. 1851).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM BOḴĀRĪ

M. ZAND

Bukharan traveler and memorialist (d. after 1830-31).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM GAZĪ

H. ALGAR

a respected religious leader of Isfahan (1856-1921).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM KAŠMĪRĪ

S. MAQBUL AHMAD

noted chronicler of Nāder Shah’s military campaigns (d. 1784).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM ḴᵛĀRAZMĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

specimens of calligraphy now in Leningrad and Istanbul are signed by him as written during his tenth, eleventh, and twelfth years, indicating

that he was a skilled calligrapher at an early age. Unfortunately, none of these pages bear dates which would make it possible to determine the year of his birth.

This Article Has Images/Tables.

ʿABD-AL-LAṬĪF BHETĀʾĪ

M. BAQIR

Sufi poet of Sind (1689-1752).

ʿABD-AL-LAṬĪF MĪRZĀ

C. P. HAASE

Timurid ruler in Samarqand from Ramażān, 853/October, 1449 to 26 Rabīʿ I 854/8 May 1450.

ʿABD-AL-MAJĪD ṬĀLAQĀNĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

revered as the calligrapher who gave šekasta script its definitive form.

ʿABD-AL-MALEK B. NŪḤ

C. E. BOSWORTH

the penultimate ruler of the Samanid dynasty in Khorasan and Transoxania, r. 389/999.

ʿABD-AL-MALEK B. NŪḤ B. NAṢR

C. E. BOSWORTH

ruler of the Samanid dynasty in Transoxania and Khorasan, 343-350/954-61.

ʿABD-AL-MALEK ŠĪRĀZĪ

D. PINGREE

astronomer, fl. ca. 600/1203-04; there is a manuscript dated in that year of his revision of Helāl b. Abū Helāl and Ṯābet b. Qorra’s translation of the Conica of Appolonius.

ʿABD-AL-MALEKĪ

P. OBERLING

a Lek tribe of Māzandarān.

ʿABD-AL-MOʾMEN B. ʿABDALLĀH

R. D. MCCHESNEY

generally reckoned as the eleventh khan of the Shaibanid (Abu’l-Ḵayrī) dynasty of Māvarāʾ al-Nahr and Balḵ.

ʿABD-AL-MONʿEM ʿĀMELĪ

D. PINGREE

10th/16th century astronomer.

ʿABD-AL-NABĪ

K. A. NIZAMI

Mughal traditionist, for a time much esteemed by the emperor Akbar (16th century).

ʿABD-AL-NABĪ AḤMADNAGARĪ

M. BAQIR

12th/18th century Gujerati scholar.

ʿABD-AL-NABĪ QAZVĪNĪ

M. BAQIR

storyteller and poet in Mughal India (17th-century).

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER BALḴĪ

T. YAZICI

(1839-1923), an Ottoman Sufi and poet who came originally from Balḵ.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER ḤOSAYNĪ

M. BAQIR

16th-century poet of Sind.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER JĪLĀNĪ

B. LAWRENCE

noted Hanbalite preacher, Sufi shaikh and the eponymous founder of the Qāderī order.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER KHAN

M. ASLAM

Author of Avīmāq-e Moḡol (publ. 1900), better known as Mirzā Moḥammad Āḡā Jān.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER KHAN JĀʾEŠĪ

M. BAQIR

Late Mughal biographer (18th-19th century).

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER RŪYĀNĪ

D. PINGREE

astronomer (16th century).

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER ŠĪRĀZĪ

E. BAER

Metalworker of late 13th century, whose one attested signed work is a silver and gold-inlaid brass bowl (Galleria Estense, Modena, no. 8082).

ʿABD-AL-QĀHER B. ṬĀHER

CROSS-REFERENCE

See BAḠDĀDĪ, ʿABD-AL-QĀHER.

ʿABD-AL-QĀHER JORJĀNĪ

K. ABU DEEB

celebrated grammarian, rhetorician, and literary theorist, born in Gorgān (date unknown), where he died in 471/1078.

ʿABD-AL-QAYS

P. OBERLING

an eastern Arabian tribe.

ʿABD-AL-QODDŪS B. SOLṬĀN MOḤAMMAD

R. D. MCCHESNEY

called ŠAGASĪ, prominent Afghan military and political figure of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

ʿABD-AL-QODDŪS GANGŌHĪ

B. B. LAWRENCE

Indo-Muslim saint and litterateur (d. 1537).

ʿABD-AL-RĀFEʿ HERAVĪ

ŻĪĀ-AL-DĪN SAJJĀDĪ

poet, grammarian, and physician, first attached to the court of Ḵosrow Malek (555-82/1160-76), the last Ghaznavid sultan.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ʿAJAMĪ

D. PINGREE

astronomer (d. 1026/1617).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ʿANBARĪN-QALAM

M. A. CHAGHATAI

calligrapher of India (fl. late 10th-11th centuries).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM DEHLAVĪ

FAZLUR RAHMAN

late Mughal scholar (d. 1726).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴĀN ḴĀNĀN

N. H. ZAIDI

Mughal general and statesman (d. 1627).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴAYYĀṬ

W. MADELUNG

Muʿtazilite theologian of Baghdad (9th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴᵛĀRAZMĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

calligrapher and poet active in western Iran during the second half of the 9th/15th century.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. ʿOMAR ṢŪFĪ

P. KUNITZSCH

astronomer, especially well versed in knowledge of the fixed stars (10th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. SAMORA

M. G. MORONY

Arab general who campaigned in Sīstān (d. 50/670).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. SOYŪNJ

R. D. MACCHESNEY

an Uzbek amir in Balḵ (17th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN ČEŠTĪ

HAMEED UD-DIN

Mughal saint and biographer (17th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN KHAN

CROSS-REFERENCE

Emir or ruler of Afghanistan, and member of the Bārakzay tribe of the Dorrāni tribal confederation, who unified the kingdom after the second Anglo-Afghan war (r. 1297-1319/1880-1901). See AFGHANISTAN x. Political History,BĀRAKZI, and DORRĀNI.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN KᵛĀRAZMĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

calligrapher specializing in nastaʿlīq, active during the middle decades of the 9th/15th century.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN SAMARQANDĪ

Y. BREGEL

late 19th century secretary (mīrzā). A Tajik, he was a native of Samarqand.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN SARAḴSĪ

I. ABBAS

a Hanafite jurist (d. 1047).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN ŠAYZARĪ

H. H. BIESTERFELDT

Syrian author and contemporary of Saladin (d. 589/1193).

ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD DAYLAMĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

calligrapher and poet who served the Mughal ruler Shah Jahān (1037-58/1628-58).

ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD TATTAVĪ

W. M. THACKSTON

noted lexicographer attached to the court of the Mughal ruler Shah Jahān.

ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD, ABŪ MANṢŪR

C. E. BOSWORTH

Ghaznavid sultan, r. 441-44/1050-53.

* ʿABD-AL-ḴĀLEQ ḠOJDOVĀNĪ

K. A. NIZAMI

teacher and distinguished Naqšbandī saint (d. 617/1220), who consolidated and transmitted the thought of the Naqšbandī order.

ABD-AL-ḴĀLEQ ḠOJDOVĀNĪ

teacher and distinguished Naqšbandī saint (d. 617/1220), who consolidated and transmitted the thought of the Naqšbandī order.

ʿABD-AL-ḴĀLEQ ḠOJDOVĀNĪ, teacher and distinguished saint of the Selsela-ye Ḵᵛāǰagān (Naqšbandī order), d. 617/1220. His birthplace, the modern Gizhduvan in Uzbekistan, was an important commercial center, according to Samʿānī [Leiden], fol. 406b). His father, ʿAbd-al-Jamīl, had originally lived at Malatya (Melitene). At the age of 22, ʿAbd-al-Ḵāleq became the disciple of Ḵᵛāǰa Abū Yaʿqūb Yūsof Hamadānī (d. 535/1140) and turned to the cultivation of his soul. He died and was buried in Ḡoǰdovān.

ʿAbd-al-Ḵāleq consolidated and transmitted the thought of the selsela. The following eight principles on which the mystic ideology of the Selsela-ye Ḵᵛāǰagān, and later of the Naqšbandī order, was built were contributed by him: hūš dar nam(“awareness in breathing”), naẓar bar qadam (“watching over one’s steps”), safar dar vaṭan (“internal mystical journey”), ḵalvat dar anǰoman (“solitude in the crowd”), yād-kard (“recollection”), bāz-gard (“restraining one’s thoughts”), negāh-dāšt (“watching one’s thoughts”), and yād-dāšt (“concentration upon God”). According to Jāmī (Nafaḥāt, p. 339), the focal point of his activities was to attract people to the path of the Sunna and to dissuade them from indulging in innovations in religion (beḍʿat). He left no detailed account of his teachings. A few short texts and a collection of poems have, however, survived: 1. Resāla-ye ṭarīqat, 2.Vaṣīyatnāma (commentary by Fażlallāh b. Rūzbehān), and 3. Resāla-ye ṣāḥebīya(published with commentary by S. Nafīsī in Farhang-e Īrān Zamīn 1/1, 1332 Š./1953, pp. 70-100).

Bibliography:

Ḵᵛāǰa Moḥammad Pārsā, Faṣl al-ḵeṭāb, Tashkent, 1331/1913, pp. 518-20.

ʿAlī b. Ḥosayn Kāšefī, Rašaḥāt, Cawnpore, 1912, pp. 18-27.

Moḥammad Morād Qāzānī, Tarǰama ʿayn al-ḥayāt, Mecca, 1307/1889-90, p. 35.

Dārā Šokūh, Safīnat al-awlīāʾ, Lucknow, 1972, p. 76.

Ḡolām Sarvar, Ḵazīnat al-aṣfīāʾ, Cawnpore, 1914, I, pp. 532-34.

Haft eqlīm III, pp. 425-27.

Maǰmaʿ al-foṣaḥāʾ I, p. 338.

Ẕekr-e Ḵᵛāǰa ʿAbd-al-Ḵāleq Ḡoǰdovānī (ms., Leiden V, no. 2641: Storey, I, p. 1055).

Reżā-qolī Khan Hedāyat, Rīāż al-ʿārefīn, Tehran, 1316 Š./1937, p. 172.

Yūsof b. Esmāʿīl Nabhānī, Jāmeʿ karāmāt al-awlīāʾ, Beirut, 1972, II, p. 55.

Moḥammad Moẓaffar Ḥosayn Ṣabā, Rūz-e rawšan, Bhopal, 1295/1878, pp. 433-34.

EI2, pp. 1077-78.

Search terms:

عبدالخالق غجدوانیabdol khalegh ghojdovani

abdoul khaleq ghojdouvaani

abdalkhalegh ghojdouwani

abdalkhaleq ghojdovany

abdul khaalegh ghojduvani

(K. A. Nizami)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 120-121

Cite this entry:

K. A. Nizami, “'Abd-Al-Kaleq Gojdovani,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 120-121; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-kaleq-gojdovani (accessed on 15 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-ḴĀN

P. OBERLING

an Arab tribe of Ḵūzestān, it was originally affiliated with the Bani Lām tribal confederacy and resided in the region of ʿAmāra, in present-day Iraq.

ʿABD-AL-ḴĀN

an Arab tribe of Ḵūzestān, it was originally affiliated with the Bani Lām tribal confederacy and resided in the region of ʿAmāra, in present-day Iraq.

ʿABD-AL-ḴĀN, an Arab tribe of Ḵūzestān. It was originally affiliated with the Banī Lām tribal confederacy and resided in the region of ʿAmāra, in what is today Iraq. Around 1850, it moved to Iran, along with several other Banī Lām tribes. The Ottoman government demanded the forced repatriation of these tribes, but their shaikhs sought the protection of Mollā Naṣrallāh, the raʾīs (chief) of the house of Mavālī, and, through his intercession, were allowed by the Iranian government to settle down permanently in Ḵūzestān. The ʿAbd-al-Ḵāns established themselves in the vicinity of Ḵayrābād in the district of Mīān Āb. There they soon prospered under the dynamic leadership of Shaikh ʿAbbās and his son, Shaikh Ḥosayn, becoming the dominant tribe of Mīān Āb. This position was officially confirmed when Shaikh Ḥosayn was given the title of šayḵ al-mašāyeḵ (“shaikh of shaikhs”) of the district. But in the early years of the 20th century the tribe’s power and influence were undermined by Shaikh Ḵaẓʿal (r. 1897-1925), the paramount chief of the Kaʿb tribal confederacy, who for many years held the province under his sway as the self-styled “padishah of Arabistan.” Shaikh Ḵaẓʿal attempted to break up the ʿAbd-al-Ḵān tribe by making the chiefs of the clans autonomous and by appointing Shaikh Farhān of the Āl-e Kaṯīr tribe shaikh of shaikhs of Mīān Āb. But with the defeat of Shaikh Ḵaẓʿal by Reżā Shah in 1925, the ʿAbd-al-Ḵān leaders were able to resume their rule as tribal leaders, although the title of shaikh of shaikhs was abolished.

At the close of World War II the ʿAbd-al-Ḵān tribe comprised some 450 households. It is divided into the following eleven tīras: Naṣīrī, Banī ʿAqaba, Šovaya, Bahādal, ʿObayd (or Kākāsī), Banī Tamīm, Bayt Qobāš, Šamar, Daḵīna, ʿAṭāšena, and ʿObūda.

Bibliography:

J. Qāʾmmaqāmī, “ʿAšāyer-e Ḵūzestān,” part 2, Yādgār 2, 1324-25 Š./1945-46, no. 8, pp. 22-26.

M. Żarrābī, “Ṭavāyef-e Mīān Āb,” Farhang-e Īrān Zamīn 10, 1341 Š./1963, pp. 394-96.

Search terms:

عبدالخانabdol khan

abdul khaan

abdal khaan

abdoul khaan

abd al khaan

abdoulkhan

(P. Oberling)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 121

Cite this entry:

P. Oberling, “'Abd-Al-Kan,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 121; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-kan (accessed on 15 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-KARĪM ʿALAVĪ

N. H. ZAIDI

early 19th century Indo-Persian historian (d. ca. 1851).

ABD-AL-KARĪM ʿALAVĪ

early 19th century Indo-Persian historian (d. ca. 1851).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM ʿALAVĪ, MONŠĪ MOḤAMMAD, early 19th century Indo-Persian historian (d. ca. 1851). At a time when ornate literary conventions still prevailed, he was notable for his simplicity of narration. In recording events, he relied on oral and written accounts of participants and eyewitnesses. He was, however, somewhat credulous and occasionally recorded nonexistent persons and events (see, e.g., Tārīḵ-e Aḥmad, p. 15; Moḥāraba, p. 84). In general, his approach was unbiased, unsentimental, and impartial. Though a Muslim, he accused the Sind nobles of vulgarly assaulting the British commander and thereby provoking him to military action. But he also criticized the English soldiers in Afghanistan for their lewdness, which infuriated the sensitive

Pashtuns and brought disaster to the expedition of 1841. ʿAbd-al-Karīm’s interest in describing the characteristics of Panjabis and Pashtuns gave a sociocultural flavor to his historical writing. In addition to the three histories which he wrote in Persian, he translated some handbooks on geography and astronomy from English into Persian and Urdu (Moḥāraba, p. 3); he also translated a variety of Arabic works into Persian, including an abridged version of Ebn Ḵallekān’s Wafayāt al-aʿyān.

ʿAbd-al-Karīm’s published works comprise the following: 1. Moḥāraba-ye Kābol va Qandahār, an account of the British invasion of Afghanistan, 1839-42 (see Anglo-Afghan War, First). The author also describes the professions, social organization, and economic conditions of the Pashtuns. The work was completed and corrected in 1847; lithographed editions were published at Lucknow in 1264/1848 and at Cawnpore in 1267/1851. 2. Tārīḵ-e Panǰāb toḥfa le’l-aḥbāb, also known as Toḥfa-ye aḥbāb, a history of the Anglo-Sikh wars (1845-46 and 1848-49). It includes such accessory data as figures for the supposed populations, armies, and revenues of Afghanistan, Iran, the Panjab, Nepal, Burma, and India (i.e., the United Provinces, Bihar, and Bengal); see p. 104, lithographed edition, Cawnpore, 1265/1849. 3.Tārīḵ-e Aḥmad (Šāh Dorrānī), a detailed history of the first three Dorrānī rulers of Afghanistan, up to 1797, derived from the Ḥosayn Šāhī of Emām-al-dīn Ḥosaynī Češtī, with a sketch of events up to the First Anglo-Afghan War. The text was lithographed at Lucknow in 1266/1850. An Urdu translation by Vāreṯ ʿAlī Sayfī,Vāqeʿāt-e Dorrānī, was published at Cawnpore in 1292/1875, and the final section, on Central Asia, was translated into French by C. Schefer (ʿAbd-al-Karīm Boḵārī, pp. 280-86)

Bibliography:

Storey, I/1, pp. 402-04, 673.

Neẓāmī Badāʾūnī, Qāmūs al-mašāhīr (Urdu), Badaun, 1926, II, p. 68.

M. Shafi, “ʿAbd-al-Karīm Munshī,” EI 2 I, p. 72.

Search terms:

عبدالکریم علوی

abdol karim alavi

abdoulkarim alawy

abdul karim alavi

abdoul karim alavi

abdalkarim alawi

(N. H. Zaidi)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 121

Cite this entry:

N. H. Zaidi, “'Abd-Al-Karim 'Alavi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 121; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-karim-alavi-early-19th-century-indo-persian-historian-d-ca-1851 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-KARĪM BOḴĀRĪ

M. ZAND

Bukharan traveler and memorialist (d. after 1830-31).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM BOḴĀRĪ

Bukharan traveler and memorialist (d. after 1830-31).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM B. MĪR ESMĀʿĪL BOḴĀRĪ, MĪR[ZĀ] (d. after 1246/1830-31), Bokharan traveler and memorialist. Data regarding him are found in his one known work, which was left untitled (Histoire, ed. C. Schefer; see bibliog.). As his nesbashows, he was apparently born in or near Bokhara.

At the age of sixteen he traveled to Kashmir and back, via Herat, Qandahār, Kabul, Peshawar, and Moẓaffarābād (Histoire, I, p. 104; II, p. 236). His second long journey apparently began in 1204/1789-90 (Histoire, I, p. 104 gives 1224 erroneously; cf. II, p. 236, n. 1); its route was Semipalatinsk (Sīmī-Pūlād), Kulja (Īla), Āqsu, Kāšḡar, Yarkand, Tibet, Kashmir, and back. He does not mention the duration or purposes of these journeys.

In 1214/1799-1800, Boḵārī was attached to Shah Maḥmūd Dorrānī while the Shah took refuge in Bokhara for eight months. At that time, ʿAbd-al-Karīm must have been at least in his late twenties or early thirties, for he was born approximately in the early 1180s/1760s. In 1219/1804-05, he participated, in a minor role of a steward, in a Bokharan embassy to the Russian court headed by Mīr ʿAlāʾ-al-dīn. The embassy spent nine months in Petersburg, returning to Bokhara via Moscow, Astrakhan (Ḥāǰǰī Tarḵān), and the Khanate of Ḵīva. It reached Ḵīva shortly after Ēltūzar Khan came to power. The latter (r. 1219-21/1804-05 to 1806) was

unfriendly to Bokhara, and the embassy staff saw all his preparations for a foray (čapāvol) against Bokhara. The author himself vainly warned the Bokharan amir Ḥaydar Tōra (1215-42/1800-01 to 1826-27) through the agency of the prime minister Moḥammad Ḥakīm Bī (Histoire, I, pp. 70-72; II, pp. 159-61).

At the end of Raǰab, 1222/beginning of October, 1807, ʿAbd-al-Karīm came to Istanbul as a member of the staff of a Bokharan embassy to the Sublime Porte headed by Mīrzā Moḥammad Yūsof b. Ṣūfī Raǰab Bāy via Russia, Rumania, and Bulgaria. Within a year the ambassador with his family and the family of ʿAbd-al-Karīm died from pestilence. In time he married again and apparently remained in Istanbul as a permanent resident (Histoire, I, p. 2; II, pp. 1-2).

In Rabīʿ II, 1233/February, 1818, he described himself as “the sarkāteb (chief scribe) of the ambassador of Bokhara” (Histoire I, p. 3; cf. II, p. 4; cf. Storey, I/1, no. 517, p. 383; Storey-Bregel, II, no. 1015[517]) and began to compose his work at the request of ʿĀref Bek Effendi, identified by Schefer as a man who “for a long time performed at the court of Constantinople the functions of the master of ceremonies” (Histoire II, intro., p. 2). The same year, he finished writing it. Most entries concerning people still alive at the time of the work’s composition are dated “in the year 1233” (Histoire I, pp. 18, 29, 41, 42, 78, 80) or even “now (al-waqt or al-ḥāl) [when] the year [is] 1233” (Histoire I, pp. 13, 36, 38, 76, 91, 102, 107). Later he updated portions of his work, but these were very limited (e.g., Histoire I, p. 57; III, p. 129 [1246/1830-31]; I, p. 70; II, p. 159 [1245/1829-30]). The text in its present form is evidently the second version, from 1246/1830-31, of a work composed in 1233/1818. The year 1246 is also the date of the Bibliothèque Nationale manuscript purchased by Schefer in 1851 from the library of ʿĀref Bek Effendi. (Cf. E. Blochet,Catalogue de la collection des manuscrits orientaux ... formée par Ch. Schefer, Paris, 1900, part II, no. 1391, where the date is given as 1264/1847[-48]; this is repeated in his Catalogue des manuscrits persans de la Bibliothèque Nationale I, Paris, 1905, no. 635, and on the authority of the latter, also in Storey, loc. cit., and Storey-Bregel, loc. cit.). Since the manuscript is written in a late Central Asiannastaʿlīq (cf. Histoire II, intro., p. 3), it is almost certain that it is ʿAbd-al-Karīm’s autograph or, less probably, an “authorized” manuscript prepared under his guidance. Though the work has reached us in its second version, in at least on place it seems to have been mechanically copied from a lacunary prototext (in Histoire I, p. 30, the chapter listed by title about ʿĀlamgīr b. Tīmūr Shah and beginning of the chapter about Shah Šoǰāʿ are missing; cf. Histoire II, intro, p. 2, text, p. 60). There are

several unfinished sentences and other syntactic lapses in the text, so that the text as a whole gives an impression of incompleteness.

The main substance of the work concerns events in Central Asia (emphasizing Bokhara and Afghanistan) from the campaigns of Nāder Shah (r. 1148-60/1736-47) up to early 1220s/1800s, i.e., until the author left Central Asia. Less detailed sections discuss Ḵīva (“Ḵevāq,” I, pp. 78-93; II, pp. 175-206), Ḵōqand (I, pp. 93-102; II, pp. 207-29), and Eastern Turkistan (Kāšḡar, I, pp. 95-96; II, pp. 212-18). Tibet (I, pp. 103-04; II, pp. 233-39) and Kashmir (I, pp. 105-06; II, pp. 240-42) receive vivid traveler’s descriptions. Khorasan is defined very vaguely and broadly (I, pp. 4, 107, 109-11; II, pp. 5, 245, 249-52); Badaḵšān, Chitral (CÂ�etrār), Darvāz (I, pp. 102-03; II, pp. 231-32), Kolāb (I, pp. 107-08; II, p. 245), and Jammu (I, p. 103; II, p. 234) are mentioned in passing and handled geographically.

In his attitudes and judgments about events in Central Asia, ʿAbd-al-Karīm is undoubtedly Bokhara-centered, and even in the non-Bokharan historical sections of the work the relations of various states with Bokhara receive much attention. The main enemy of Central Asians is, to his mind, “Goglike Russia” (Rūsīya-ye Yaʾǰūǰ-ṣefat), and only the near-impassability of the Kazakh (Qazāq) steppes saves Central Asia from Russian conquest (Histoire I, p. 89; cf. II, p. 197).

The language of the work demonstrates distinctive features of Bokharan Tajik. At the same time, it contains a certain number of Ottoman Turkish terms: Kâhya(kahyā) for kadḵodā “steward,” “lieutenant” is the most frequent (Histoire I, pp. 71, 91, 99); sinir (senūr) “frontier” is also used several times (I, pp. 88, 104, etc.). The work is of particular value for descriptions of events which the author witnessed or about which he had firsthand information; nevertheless, it has been almost unused in historical research.

Two of the poems at the beginning of the work are signed, one with “Nadīm” (vocative form, Nadīmā), the second with “Nadīmī,” both ʿAbd-al-Karīm’s pen names (taḵalloṣ). No other poems so signed are to be found in Central Asian sources of this period. Nothing is known about ʿAbd-al-Karīm after 1246/1830-31.

Bibliography:

See also W. Barthold, “ʿAbd-al-Karīm Bukhārī,” EI 2 I, p. 71; Russian tr. inSochineniya VIII, Moscow, 1973, p. 579.

A. Romaskevich, “Iranskie istochniki po istorii turkmen XVI-XIX v. v.,” in V. Struve, et al., eds., Materialy po istorii Turkmenii. T. 2. XVI-XIX v. v. Iranskie, bukharskie i khivinskie istochniki, Moscow and Leningrad, 1938, pp. 16-17; Russian digest of ʿAbd-al-Karīm’s work, ibid., pp. 194-204.

S. Bakhrusin, et al., eds., Istoriya narodov Uzbekistana II, Tashkent, 1947, p. 11.

A. Mirzoyev and A. Boldyrev, eds., Katalog vostochnykh rukopiseĭ Akademii nauk Tadzhikskoĭ SSR I, no. 255, Stalinabad, 1960 (the Tajik Academy of Sciences’ ms. of ʿAbd-al-Karīm’s work, copied undoubtedly from the printed text; many inaccuracies in description).

Mošār, Moʾallefīn III, col. 912. Idem, Fehrest I, col. 1073 (the Būlāq edition is erroneously entered as two different editions, and the Bibliothèque Nationale ms. is entered as an edition as well).

G. M. Meredith-Owens, Handlist of Persian Manuscripts 1895-1966 (the B.M. ms. evidently copied from the Bibliothèque Nationale ms. or from the printed text).

Charles Schefer, Histoire de l’Asie Centrale par Mīrzā Abdoul Kerim Boukhary. Afghanistan, Bokhara, Khiva, Khoqand depuis les dernières années du règne de Nadir Chah (1153), jusq’en 1233 de l’Hégire, (1740-1818 A.D.), Amsterdam, 1970 (one volume repr. of the 1873-76 edition; I [text], Būlāq, 1290/1873; II [introduction, tr., notes, appendices], Paris, 1876, Publications de l’Ecole des langues orientales vivantes, 1e série, I-II).

Search terms:

عبدالکریم بخاری

abdol karim bokhari

abdolkarim bokhari

abdoulkarim bokhaari

abdoul karim bokhaari

abdalkarim bokhaari

abdul karim bokhaary

(M. Zand)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 121-123

Cite this entry:

M. Zand, “'Abd-Al-Karim Bokari,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 121-123; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-karim-bokari (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-KARĪM GAZĪ

H. ALGAR

a respected religious leader of Isfahan (1856-1921).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM GAZĪ

a respected religious leader of Isfahan (1856-1921).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM GAZĪ (or JAZĪ, 1272-1339/1856-1921), a respected religious leader of Isfahan. Born to one Mollā Mandī in the village of Gaz (or Jaz) to the north of Isfahan, he studied the religious sciences, first in Isfahan under Moḥammad Ṣādeq Ketābforūš and Mīrzā Moḥammad Ḥasan Naǰafī, then under a succession of teachers in the ʿatabāt (the shrines of Iraq), the most important of whom was Mīrzā Ḥabīballāh Raštī. After a prolonged residence in Iraq, he returned to Isfahan and began teaching feqh and oṣūl (religious law and its principles) at the Madrasa-ye Nīmāvard in Isfahan. He became celebrated not only as a teacher but also as a pious, ascetic, and scrupulously just arbitrator of local disputes. He shunned the pomp frequently affected by the clerics of his day and would often visit the poor in their homes in Isfahan and its environs. He died on 13 Ḏu’l-ḥeǰǰa 1339/19 August 1921 and was buried in the Taḵt-e Fūlād cemetery. He wrote two brief treatises onfeqh as well as an account of famous men buried in Isfahan entitled Taḏkerat al-qobūr. This work was first printed in Isfahan in 1324/1906 and published, with the inclusion of additional material supplied by Moṣleḥ-al-dīn Mahdavī and Šehāb-al-dīn Maṛʿašī, under the title of Reǰāl-e Eṣfahān in 1328 Š./1949.

Bibliography:

Bāmdād, Reǰāl II, p. 275. Honarfar, Eṣfahān, p. 680. Aʿlām al-šīʿa I, pp. 1183-84.

Search terms:

عبدالکریم گزیabdol karim gazi

abdal karim gazy

abdul karim gazey

abdoul karim gazey

abdalkarim gazee

(H. Algar)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 123

Cite this entry:

H. Algar, “'Abd-Al-Karim Gazi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 123; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-karim-gazi (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-KARĪM KAŠMĪRĪ

S. MAQBUL AHMAD

noted chronicler of Nāder Shah’s military campaigns (d. 1784).

ABD-AL-KARĪM KAŠMĪRĪ

noted chronicler of Nāder Shah’s military campaigns (d. 1784).

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM B. ḴᵛĀJA ʿĀQEBAT MAḤMŪD B. ḴᵛĀJA BOLĀQĪ KAŠMĪRĪ, a noted chronicler of Nāder Shah’s military campaigns. Little is known of his birth or early life. A Kashmiri by origin, ʿAbd-al-Karīm was living in Shahjahanabad (old Delhi) when Nāder Shah entered the city in 1151/1739. Being keen to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca and to visit the tombs of Muslim saints, he joined the service of Nāder Shah as a clerk (motaṣaddī) and accompanied him on his return journey to Persia. When Nāder Shah finally reached Qazvīn in 1154/1741, after successive campaigns in the Panjab, Sind, Afghanistan, Khorasan, Transoxania, Ḵᵛārazm, and elsewhere, ʿAbd-al-Karīm took leave of him to go to Mecca. On the way he visited Karbalā, Ḥalab , and other places. He performed the pilgrimage and then took a boat from Jidda to the port of Hugly (Calcutta), finally returning to Delhi in 1156/1743. He died in 1198/1784.

ʿAbd-al-Karīm is the author of Bayān-e vāqeʿ, also called Tārīḵ-e Nāderī orNādernāma (K. B. Nasīm, ed., Lahore, 1970). It deals primarily with the life and campaigns of Nāder Shah but also includes some interesting accounts of the countries visited by the author. Part of the work is devoted to the history of the later Mughals down to 1198/1784 or 1199/1785. Bayān-e vāqeʿ is a frank and objective account of the life of Nāder Shah. It is rich in geographical, social and economic information, e.g., the hourly reckoning of distances from Baghdad to Mecca and the Turks’ use of European watches (Gladwin’s translation, pp. 114-20); the exhibition of Nāder Shah’s wealth in Herat (ibid., pp. 26-28); and the European settlements in Pondicherry (ibid., p. 142). It is also speculated that India became a wealthy nation in comparison with Turan because large quantities of gold and silver were brought to India on European ships at the same time that the Europeans had ready money to buy Indian manufactured goods and other products (ibid., pp. 42-43).

None of the existing translations of Bayān-e vāqeʿ is complete. Another manuscript exists in the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, ms. no. 18975. According to the preface, the work is divided into five chapters and a conclusion; this last is not found in any of the extant manuscripts.

Bibliography:

Storey, II/2, pp. 326-27.

M. Shafi, “ʿAbd-al-Karīm Kashmīrī,” EI 2 I, pp. 71-72.

F. Gladwyn, tr., Memoirs of Khojeh Abdulkurreem, London, 1793.

L. Lockhart, Nadir Shah, London, 1938, passim.

Search terms:

عبدالکریم کشمیری

abdol karim kashmiri

abdoul karim keshmiry

abdalkarim kashmirey

abdul karim kashmiry

abdoulkarim kashmiry

abdulkarim kashmirey

(S. Maqbul Ahmad)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 125

Cite this entry:

S. Maqbul Ahmad, “'Abd-Al-Karim Kasmiri,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 125; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-karim-kasmiri (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-KARĪM ḴᵛĀRAZMĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

specimens of calligraphy now in Leningrad and Istanbul are signed by him as written during his tenth, eleventh, and twelfth years, indicating that he was a skilled calligrapher at an early age. Unfortunately, none of these pages bear dates which would make it possible to determine the year of his birth.

This Article Has Images/Tables.

ABD-AL-KARĪM ḴᵛĀRAZMĪ

specimens of calligraphy now in Leningrad and Istanbul are signed by him as written during his tenth, eleventh, and twelfth years, indicating that he was a skilled calligrapher at an early age. Unfortunately, none of these pages bear dates which would make it possible to determine the year of his birth.

ʿABD-AL-KARĪM B. ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN ḴᵛĀRAZMĪ, a poet and calligrapher living in western Iran during the late 9th/15th century (Plate III). He is usually mentioned in relation to his brother, ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm, or his father, ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān. Various authors, including Sām Mīrzā, Qāżī

Aḥmad, and Ḥakīm Shah Moḥammad Qazvīnī, speak of the great similarity between the handwriting of the two brothers. M. Bayānī has suggested that the calligraphic style of the brothers derives from that of their father and presumed teacher. Despite this similarity, the brothers’ personalities and lives appear to have been quite different. The well-known attachment of the Āq Qoyonlū ruler, Sultan Yaʿqūb (883-96/1478-90), to ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm suggests that he was a pleasant companion in addition to being a skilled calligrapher, but his brother appears to have been less well suited for court life. In his biographical sketch of ʿAbd-al-Karīm, Sām Mīrzā mentions ʿAbd-al-Karīm’s disdain for wealth and also stresses an element of mental instability in his personality which led him to adopt unusual epithets as pen names (taḵalloṣ). Sometime he signed works as Pādešāh (“Sovereign”), Ḵodā (“God”), o even Zorāfa (“Giraffe”). A few specimen of calligraphy now in Istanbul are signed with the epithet “al-Yaʿqūbī,” suggesting that he had some kind of affiliation with Yaʿqūb’s court. But he does not appear in the list of poets patronized by Yaʿqūb compiled by Ḥakīm Shah Moḥammad Qazvīnī, and most of his signed calligraphy bear only the epithet “al-Ḵᵛārazmī.” One interesting indication of the different relation of the two brothers to Yaʿqūb is a page of calligraphy in Istanbul on which ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm signs as “al-Yaʿqūbī” and ʿAbd-al-Karīm as “al-Ḵᵛārazmī.” Beyond his family ties, it is difficult to form a clear picture of the life of ʿAbd-al-Karīm. It is probable that he was born in Šīrāz, and he may have spent most of his life there. If he was attached to the court of Yaʿqūb, he must have spent some years in Tabrīz. Specimens of calligraphy now in Leningrad and Istanbul are signed by him as written during his tenth, eleventh, and twelfth years, indicating that he was a skilled calligrapher at an early age. Unfortunately, none of these pages bear dates which would make it possible to determine the year of his birth. A manuscript now in Tehran is dated to 883/1478, and other information suggests that he lived until at least 893/1486-87.

The Royal Asiatic Society owns a manuscript of Qazvīnī’s ʿAǰāʾeb al-maḵlūqātcontaining a colophon which states that it was copied by Moḥammad b. Moḥammad “Baqqāl” and illustrated by ʿ al-Mawlā ʿAbd-al-Karīm.” Since no qualifying epithets are attached, it is difficult to decide whether this painter is to be identified with ʿAbd-al-Karīm Ḵᵛārazmī. From distinctive characteristics of the paintings themselves, it is possible to infer that the painter ʿAbd-al-Karīm also worked on another manuscript copied by Moḥammad “Baqqāl”—a copy of Šāhnāma of Ferdowsī dated to 868/1464 and presently in Istanbul, Topkapi Saray Library, Hazine 1496. Moḥammad “Baqqāl” was a well-known scribe

active in Šīrāz in the second half of the 9th/15th century, so that the painter ʿAbd-al-Karīm was active in the same period and area as ʿAbd-al-Karīm Ḵᵛārazmī the calligrapher. It is at present impossible to decide whether the painter and the calligrapher are the same person. None of the sources discussing the life of the calligrapher makes any mention of his having been a painter, nor do the sources mention paintings prepared by either his father or brother. It is, however, of interest that paintings found in two manuscripts copied by the father, ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān, are closely related to those in Morley 178 (Istanbul, Topkapi Saray Library, Hazine 799 [857/1453] and Hazine 773 [856/1452]). Thus if ʿAbd-al-Karīm the calligrapher were identical with ʿAbd-al-Karīm the painter, then ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān might have been a painter as well, and the son may have emulated the father’s style in both calligraphy and painting. This possibility raises interesting questions on the nature of artistic education in 9th/15th century Iran. An additional problem concerning the colophon of Morley 178 is the significance of the term a-mawlā preceding the name of ʿAbd-al-Karīm. An artist’s normal appellation in colophons is either ostād or ḵᵛāǰa; the term mawlāappears only in the form mawlānā with the apparent meaning “our teacher.” It is unclear whether al-mawlā is a general title of respect accorded a senior artist or whether it implies that ʿAbd-al-Karīm the painter was teacher and supervisor of the calligrapher Moḥammad “Baqqāl.” If the latter were intended, it might suggest that ʿAbd-al-Karīm was director of the workshop where Morley 178 was produced. This title may also suggest that ʿAbd-al-Karīm was working under the financial protection of an important individual such as Yaʿqūb Āq Qoyonlū. Despite the meager evidence on ʿAbd-al-Karīm’s life, the ambiguity of his relationship to the court workshop of Yaʿqūb suggests that the boundaries between “court” and “commercial” artists may not be as precise as has been recently assumed.

Bibliography:

Maǰāles al-nafāʾes, p. 301.

Qāżī Aḥmad, p. 58; idem, tr., p. 101.

Toḥfa-ye Sāmī, pp. 81-82.

Secondary sources: Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, pp. 387, 409-11.

M. S. Dimand, A Handbook of Muhammedan Art, New York, 1958, p. 41, fig. 22.

Karatay, Kataloğ, no. 336.

Robinson, Persian Painting, p. 61.

Idem, “R.A.S. Ms. 178; An Unrecorded Persian Painter,” JRAS, 1970, pp. 202-09.

Search terms:

عبدالکریم خوارزمی

abdol karim kharazmi

abdalkarim khaarazmi

abdoul karim khaarazmi

abdul karim khawrazmi

abdulkarim khaarazmi

abdoulkarim khawrazmy

abdolkarim khawrazmey

(P. P. Soucek)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 123-125

Cite this entry:

P. P. Soucek, “'Abd-Al-Karim Karazmi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 123-125; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-karim-karazmi (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-LAṬĪF BHETĀʾĪ

M. BAQIR

Sufi poet of Sind (1689-1752).

ʿABD-AL-LAṬĪF BHETĀʾĪ

Sufi poet of Sind (1689-1752).

ʿABD-AL-LAṬĪF BHETĀʾĪ, SHAH, Sufi poet of Sind. Born in the village of Haveli, near Hala, in the district of Hyderabad, in 1101/1689, he eventually established a small settlement near his native town and named it Bhit (“sandhill”). Details of his life are lacking. After his death in 1165/1752, Ḡolām Šāh Kalhōrō (amir of Sind, 1172-85/158-71) had a mausoleum built in his honor at Bhit. It became a shrine for his followers and later devotees, who congregated there to recite and sing his poetry. Though not a man of great learning, ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf was steeped in the thought of Mawlānā Jalāl-al-dīn Rūmī, and according to A. Schimmel (Pain and Grace, pp. 164-72), the thematic influence of Rūmī on the Šāh ǰō Resālō is evident. The latter work, often known simply as the Resālō, is perhaps the most famous composition in the Sindhi language. Compiled and published more than a century after the death of Shah ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf, it expounds the cardinal Sufi doctrine of man’s innate and insatiable hunger for things divine, a hunger which the poet brilliantly exemplifies in lyric poems as well as in dialogues and narratives based on folk tales, such as ʿOmar and Māroī, Sassūī and Ponhoñ, and Līla and Čanēsar. The Sindhi verse of ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf conveys a sonorous and pathetic mood; its delicate rhythms and beauty of expression are often heightened by being set to music, e.g., Indianrāga melodies to which the poet was especially attracted.

Bibliography:

The Resālō has been edited by Ernest Trumpp (Leipzig, 1867), H. M. Gorboḵānī, with commentary (Karachi, 1973).

The abridgment by Qāżī Aḥmad Shah (see e.g., Bh. Pōkardas Kalrō, Resālō ǰō Montaḵab, 6th ed., Shaikarpur, 1935) was translated by H. T. Storey as part of his study, Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit: His Poetry, Life, and Times, Oxford, 1940.

See also W. Southey, Life of Shah Abdul Latif—an Introduction to his Art, Karachi, 1961.

T. Hotchand, Shah Abdul Latif—an Introduction to his Seven Singing Stories, Hyderabad, 1962.

M. Jotwani, Shah Abdul Latif, his Life and Work, New Delhi, 1975.

A. Schimmel, Pain and Grace: A Study of Two Mystical Writers of Eighteen-Century Muslim India, Leiden, 1976, pp. 151-262.

Search terms:

عبدالطیف بهتائیabdol latif behtaei

abdul latif behtaaey

abdollatif behtaaee

abdalatif behtaaey

abdollatif behtaaie

(M. Baqir)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 125-126

Cite this entry:

M. Baqir, “'Abd-Al-Latif Bhetai,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 125-126; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-latif-bhetai-shah-sufi-poet-of-sind-1689-1752 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-LAṬĪF MĪRZĀ

C. P. HAASE

Timurid ruler in Samarqand from Ramażān, 853/October, 1449 to 26 Rabīʿ I 854/8 May 1450.

ʿABD-AL-LAṬĪF MĪRZĀ

Timurid ruler in Samarqand from Ramażān, 853/October, 1449 to 26 Rabīʿ I 854/8 May 1450.

ʿABD-AL-LAṬĪF MĪRZĀ, SULTAN, Timurid ruler in Samarqand from Ramażān, 853/October, 1449 to 26 Rabīʿ I 854/8 May 1450. He was the son of Uluḡ Beg (q.v.) and Roqyā Ḵātūn Arolat (Moʿezz al-ansāb, fol. 140b.) but was raised at his grandfather Šāhroḵ’s court in Herat according to Timurid custom. Rivalries with his cousin ʿAlāʾ-al-dawla forced him to return to his father’s court in Samarqand in 1442-42, but he was brought back to Herat by his grandmother Gōhar Šād Āḡā. He accompanied Šāhroḵ on his last campaign in western Iran, and after the latter’s death in Ray (850/1447) he was asked by Gōhar Šād to lead the army (īl o olūs) back to Khorasan. This appointment apparently was intended only to guarantee a safe return to Herat and did not imply the right or claim to central rule. ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf quickly sent word to his father Uluḡ Beg as the legitimate successor to Šāhroḵ, while Gōhar Šād dispatched a messenger to her choice, ʿAlāʾ-al-dawla in Herat. Another cousin, Abu’l-Qāsem Bābor (825-58/1422-54), left the army and advanced to Khorasan; his claim was supported by the powerful amir Hendūka (Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn II, pp. 883f.; Ḥabīb al-sīār [Tehran] III, pp. 636-39).

ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf took Gōhar Šād and her relatives into custody on the march to join his father. Uluḡ Beg had left Samarqand in order to suppress several uprisings and was not in time to meet ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf and the rest of the army in northern Khorasan. ʿAlāʾ-al-dawla, hearing of Gōhar Šād’s detention, sent a force against ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf which defeated him near Nīšāpūr (13 Ṣafar 851/20 April 1447). The old empress was freed, and ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf was imprisoned. But ʿAlāʾ-al-dawla sought an arrangement with the approaching Uluḡ Beg and set ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf free. Uluḡ Beg installed his son as governor of Balḵ and himself retreated towards

Samarqand. Meanwhile Abu’l-Qāsem Bābor and ʿAlāʾ-al-dawla made peace, freeing ʿAlāʾ-al-dawla to defend his claim to paramount rule. He attacked ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf twice during the winter of 851-52/1447-48; Uluḡ Beg supported ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf, defeated ʿAlāʾ-al-dawla at Tarnāb, and occupied Herat and northern Khorasan. He sent ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf to Besṭām, apparently against Abu’l-Qāsem Bābor, but his son was not able to stand against Bābor and fled back to Nīšāpūr; he was then ordered to Mašhad due to an accusation of mutiny which proved unfounded. Uluḡ Beg returned to Herat to subdue the revolt of the Turkoman Mīrzā Yār ʿAlī in Ramażān, 852/November, 1448, and then proceeded to Transoxania. ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf could neither hold Mašhad nor suppress Yār ʿAlī, and he left Herat only a fortnight after his father. The Timurid dominion south of the Oxus remained independent from Samarqand until Abū Saʿīd’s reconquest of Herat (863/1458).

ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf was ordered to stay in his fief, Balḵ. The sources enumerate instances of his father’s neglect and humiliating treatment to explain ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf’s rebellion early in 853/spring, 1449. There seems to have been disagreement regarding the collection of custom duties (tamḡā) and regarding the ruler’s interference in the finances of the princes. Uluḡ Beg’s difficulties in his struggle for general recognition must have formed an added inducement. The Iranian sources, focusing on Herat, charge ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf with previous ethical lapses, when he was responsible for the retreat of Šāhroḵ’s army, and they accuse him of failure to wage the necessary struggle against centrifugal forces (Ḥabīb al-sīār III, p. 637, IV, pp. 27, 32, 42;Rawżat al-ṣafā VI, p. 734). When Uluḡ Beg was concentrating his forces for subduing Khorasan, ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf abolished the custom taxes on the trade route to India, causing a serious loss of revenues, and gathered an army against Uluḡ Beg. The two armies met on the Oxus. There were many deserters on Uluḡ Beg’s side, and the news of unrest in Samarqand forced him to withdraw. After a final battle near Samarqand, Uluḡ Beg was refused shelter in the citadel of Samarqand or in Šāhroḵīya and had to submit to ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf, who had entered Samarqand (Ḥabīb al-sīār IV, pp. 30-34). ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf had his father sentenced to death (8 Ramażān 853/25 October 1449) and killed his own brother, ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz (actions condemned by most sources, except Ḥasan Rūmlū, pp. 294f.).

There seem to be no reports preserved on his six month’s rule in Samarqand, except for the remark that his rule was immediately contested by Abū Saʿīd, till the conspiracy of notables and clan chiefs that led to his murder in the city on 26 Rabīʿ I 854/8 May 1450 (Ḥabīb al-sīār IV, pp. 42-43; Rawżat al-ṣafā VI, p. 726). Two sons of his, Aḥmad

and Moḥammad Jūkī, escaped in the disorders and were not persecuted by his successors, ʿAbdallāh b. Ebrāhīm and Abū Saʿīd, until they opposed the latter near Balḵ in 861/1457, when Aḥmad was killed (Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdaynII, p. 1146). Moḥammad Jūkī revolted again in Šāhroḵīya, where he was captured after a one year siege in 866-67/1462-63 or 867-68/1462-63 and kept as a prisoner in the fortress of Eḵtīār-al-dīn, where he later died (Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn II, p. 1263-78;Ḥabīb al-sīār IV, p. 82; Rawżat al-ṣafā VI, pp. 816, 836).

ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf is reported to have been educated in sciences and general learning in the same manner as his father Uluḡ Beg. But, since he was raised at the court of Herat, he may have retained fewer Mongol traditions that his father. A suggested depiction of this ruler is the figure of Ḵosrow in ʿAlī Šīr Navāʾī’s poem “Farhād o Šīrīn” (E. E. Bertel’s, Navoi i Dzhami, pp. 154f.). There is a preserved letter by ʿAbd-al-Laṭīf dated Jomādā I, 849/August, 1445, addressed to the Ottoman Sultan Meḥmed II (Ferīdūn, Monšaʾāt, Istanbul, 1274/1857-58, pp. 228f.; ʿA. Navāʾī,Asnād o mokātabāt-e tārīḵī, Tehran, 1341 Š./1962, pp. 273-75).

Bibliography:

Moʿezz al-ansāb, ms. Paris, Persian 67, fols. 140b f.

ʿAbd-al-Razzāq Samarqandī, Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn va maǰmaʿ-e baḥrayn II, ed. M. Shafi, Lahore, 1360-68/1941-49, especially pp. 883-1009.

Moʿīn-al-dīn Asfezārī, Rawżat al-ǰannāt, Tehran, 1338 Š./1959, II, pp. 123-57, tr. Barbier de Meynard in JA 1862, pt. 2, pp. 283-89, 294.

Mīrḵᵛānd, Rawżat al-ṣafā, Tehran, 1339 Š./1960, VI, pp. 734-73.

Ḥasan Rūmlū (Tehran), index. Dawlatšāh, ed. Browne, p. 364.

Abū Bakr Ṭehrānī, Ketāb-e Dīārbakrīya, ed. N. Lugal and F. Sümmer, Ankara, 1962-64, index.

Ḡaffārī, Tārīḵ-e Jahānārā, Tehran, 1343 Š./1964, p. 233.

V. V. Barthold, “Ulugh Beg,” Four Studies II, Leiden, 1958, pp. 141-63.

R. Grousset, L’Empire des steppes, Paris, 1939, p. 541.

İA, s.v. “Timurlular.” Istoriya Uzbekskoĭ SSR, Tashkent, 1967, I, pp. 475-78.

E. E. Bertel’s, Navoi i Dzhami, Moscow, 1965, pp. 24f., 154.

E. Yāršāṭer, Šeʿr-e fārsī dar ʿahd-e Šāhroḵ, Tehran, 1334 Š./1955, pp. 70f.

Search terms:

عبدالطیف میرزا

abdol latif mirzaa

abdoullatif mirzaa

abdul latif mirza

abdallatif mirza

abd al latif mirza

(C. P. Haase)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 126-127

Cite this entry:

C. P. Haase, “Abd-Al-Latif Mirza,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 126-127; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-latif-mirza-sultan-timurid-ruler-in-samarqand-1449-50 (accessed on 16 Hanuary 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-MAJĪD ṬĀLAQĀNĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

revered as the calligrapher who gave šekasta script its definitive form.

ABD-AL-MAJĪD ṬĀLAQĀNĪ

revered as the calligrapher who gave šekasta script its definitive form.

ʿABD-AL-MAJĪD ṬĀLAQĀNĪ, revered as the calligrapher who gave šekastascript its definitive form. Born in the Ṭālaqān district of Qazvīn about 1150/1737-38, he was educated in Isfahan where he died (1185/1771-72). Of an ascetic disposition, he is also known as Darvīš ʿAbd-al-Maǰīd (Fażāʾelī, Aṭlas, pp. 618-19; Bāmdād, ReǰālII, p. 301). He composed poetry using as taḵalloṣ both Maǰīd and Ḵāmūš (Fażāʾelī,Aṭlas, p. 618).

Šekasta script, which combines features of taʿlīq and nastaʿlīq, appears to have originated in Safavid court circles during the 11th/17th century, when it was used for correspondence (Fażāʾelī, Aṭlas, pp. 607-11). The name of ʿAbd-al-Maǰīd’s teacher is not recorded, but his work is said to have surpassed that of Moḥammad Šafīʿ al-Ḥosaynī (d. 1081/1670-71); thus ʿAbd-al-Maǰīd may have studied with someone who worked in the style of the latter master (Bāmdād, Reǰāl II, p. 301). ʿAbd-al-Maǰīd’s work is known largely from album pages ranging in date from 1170/1756-57 to 1185/1771-72 which are executed in both šekasta and nastaʿlīq scripts (Fażāʾelī,Aṭlas, p. 619; Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, p. 414). During the 13th/19th century šekastawas used, not only for correspondence and album pages, but also for copying manuscripts. ʿAbd-al-Maǰīd’s career may mark the beginning of a wider acceptance of this script. It is said that his personal formulation of šekasta was admired and imitated by a number of later calligraphers including Moḥammad Qāsem, known as Mīrzā Kūček Eṣfahānī (d. 1228/1813) and ʿAbd-al-Vahhāb Moʿtamed-al-dawla Našāṭ (d. 1245/1829-30), a poet and calligrapher at the court of Fatḥ-ʿAlī Shah (Fażāʾelī, Aṭlas, p. 621; Welch, Calligraphy, pp. 156-57; Bāmdād, Reǰāl II, pp. 318-20).

Bibliography:

ʿAbd-al-Moḥammad Khan Īrānī, Peydāyeš-e ḵaṭṭ va ḵaṭṭaṭān, Tehran, 1346 Š./1967-68, p. 126.

Ḥabīballāh Fażāʾelī, Aṭlas al-ḵaṭṭ, Isfahan, 1391/1971-72, pp. 618-21.

A. Welch, Calligraphy in the Arts of the Muslim World, Austin, 1979.

Search terms:

عبدالمجید طالقانیabdol majid taleghani

abdoulmajid taaleghaani

abdolmajeed taleqani

abdul majid taleghany

abdalmajid taaleghaaney

(P. P. Soucek)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 127

Cite this entry:

P. P. Soucek, “'Abd-Al-Majid Talaqani,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 127; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-majid-talaqani-revered-calligrapher-d-1771-72 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-MALEK B. NŪḤ

C. E. BOSWORTH

the penultimate ruler of the Samanid dynasty in Khorasan and Transoxania, r. 389/999.

ABD-AL-MALEK B. NŪḤ

the penultimate ruler of the Samanid dynasty in Khorasan and Transoxania, r. 389/999.

ʿABD-AL-MALEK B. NŪḤ B. MANṢŪR, ABU’L-FAVĀRES, the penultimate ruler of the Samanid dynasty in Khorasan and Transoxania, r. 389/999. In the decade of the 380s/990s, the Samanid amirate was being subverted internally by the rivalries of ambitious Turkish military commanders and was attacked externally after 382/992 by the Qarakhanid Turkish ruler from beyond the Syr Darya, Boḡra Khan Hārūn, and his successors. ʿAbd-al-Malek’s predecessor Abu’l-Ḥāreṯ Manṣūr is praised by the Ghaznavid historian Bayhaqī for his good qualities, but during his two years’ reign he was unable to break out from under the control of the Turkish general Fāʾeq Ḵāṣṣa and the vizier Abu’l-Moẓaffar Moḥammad Barḡašī. Nor was he able to check the two commanders who coveted the governorship of Khorasan—the incumbent governor in Nīšāpūr, Begtūzūn, and Sebüktigīn’s son Maḥmūd, who had by now defeated his brother and rival Esmāʿīl and was in control of Afghanistan. Finally Fāʾeq and Begtūzūn joined together and deposed and blinded Abu’l-Ḥāreṯ Manṣūr in Khorasan, raising to the throne his younger brother ʿAbd-al-Malek (Ṣafar, 389/February, 999), and demanding from him a high accession payment.

ʿAbd-al-Malek’s reign lasted not much more than eight months. Maḥmūd at the outset proclaimed himself the avenger of the deposed amir Abu’l-Ḥāreṯ Manṣūr; after a battle near Marv, he drove Fāʾeq (who at this point died), Begtūzūn, and ʿAbd-al-Malek from Khorasan into Transoxania. At this point, also, the Qarakhanid Ilig Naṣr b. ʿAlī decided to put an end to the feeble vestiges of Samanid rule in Transoxania, and in Ḏu’l-qaʿda, 389/October, 999 he occupied Bokhara without opposition; he deposed ʿAbd-al-Malek, exiling him to Uzkent, and incorporated Transoxania within his own dominions. In this way, the rule of the Samanids came virtually to an end, and their lands were partitioned between the Qarakhanids and Maḥmūd of Ḡazna. Only a brother of Abu’l-Ḥāreṯ Manṣūr and ʿAbd-al-Malek, Esmāʿīl al-Montaṣer, remained to carry on a despairing and in the end unsuccessful struggle for five more years.

Bibliography:

The main primary sources are Gardīzī, ed. Nazim, pp. 60-61; idem, ed. Ḥabībī, p. 173.

ʿOtbī, al-Taʾrīḵ al-yamīnī, with commentary by Aḥmad Manīnī, Cairo, 1286/1869, I, p. 291ff.

Bayhaqī, pp. 640-41.

Helāl al-Ṣābeʿ in Margoliouth and Amendroz, Eclipse III, pp. 341-45, 372-73; VI, pp. 366-70, 400-01.

See also W. Barthold, Turkestan 3, pp. 264-68.

C. E. Bosworth, Ghaznavids, p. 34.

M. Nazim, The Life and Times of Sulṭān Maḥmūd of Ghazna, Cambridge, 1931, pp. 43-45.

R. N. Frye, Camb. Hist. Iran, pp. 158-59.

Search terms:

عبدالملک بن نوح

abdol malek ebn nooh

abdoulmalek ebn nooh

abdolmalek ibn nooh

abdul malek ibn nouh

abd al malek ibn nooh

abdulmalek ebn e nooh

(C. E. Bosworth)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 127-128

Cite this entry:

C. E. Bosworth, “'Abd-Al-Malek B. Nuh,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 127-128; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-malek-b-nuh-b-mansur-samanid-ruler-in-khorasan-and-transoxania-r-999 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-MALEK B. NŪḤ B. NAṢR

C. E. BOSWORTH

ruler of the Samanid dynasty in Transoxania and Khorasan, 343-350/954-61.

ABD-AL-MALEK B. NŪḤ B. NAṢR

ruler of the Samanid dynasty in Transoxania and Khorasan, 343-350/954-61.

ʿABD-AL-MALEK B. NŪḤ B. NAṢR, ABU’L-FAVĀRES, ruler of the Samanid dynasty in Transoxania and Khorasan, 343-350/954-61. The historian of Bokhara, Naršaḵī, and the Ghaznavid historian Gardīzī accord him the designation of al-Amīr al-Rašīd, but it appears from his coins that he was called al-Malek al-Movaffaq during his lifetime, and it seems that he was referred to after his death as al-Malek al-Moʾayyad.

The reign of ʿAbd-al-Malek’s father, Nūḥ I, had seen the growth of serious internal difficulties within the Samanid amirate; these were to

increase and to contribute to the collapse of the state by the end of the 4th/10th century. The amir had found it difficult to control ambitious and powerful army leaders within the state, particularly Abū ʿAlī Čaḡānī, governor of Khorasan, who had an important power base through his domains in Čaḡānīān on the upper Oxus, and his rival, Abū ʿAlī Ebrāhīm Sīmǰūrī, a general of Turkish slave origin but the holder of extensive lands in Qūhestān. These rivalries aggravated the financial difficulties of the state; taxation had to be increased, but the army nevertheless remained frequently unpaid and consequently mutinous.

Such was the situation when Nūḥ’s ten-year-old son ʿAbd-al-Malek succeeded in Bokhara (Rabīʿ II, 343/August, 954). The geographer Maqdesī praises his capabilities as a ruler, but he seems in practice to have been largely helpless in the face of the determined policy of the military commanders to seize the substance of power. He was able at the outset to confirm Abū ʿAlī Čaḡānī’s dismissal from Khorasan and to appoint his own governor, Bakr b. Mālek, there. In the capital he appointed his own vizier, Abū Manṣūr Moḥammad b. ʿOzayr. The governorship of Khorasan later passed to Abu’l-Ḥasan Moḥammad Sīmǰūrī and then in 349/960 to Abū Manṣūr Moḥammad b. ʿAbd-al-Razzāq. The vizierate in Bokhara went to Abū Jaʿfar ʿOtbī and in 348/959 to Abū Manṣūr Yūsof b. Esḥāq. The amir attempted to break away from the tutelage of the military, executing one of the generals, Baḵtegīn. But disorders in the state compelled him to appoint the Turkish slave general Alptegīn, whose ambition he suspected, to the governorship of Khorasan in 349/961. He had previously dismissed him from the post of commander-in-chief of the army in favor of Abū Naṣr Manṣūr b. Bāyqarā. He also had to accept the pliant and mediocre Abū ʿAlī Moḥammad Baḷʿamī as vizier; Gardīzī points out that Alptegīn and Baḷʿamī worked hand-in-glove, and says that “Baḷʿamī never did anything without the knowledge of Alptegīn and on his recommendation.”

At this point, ʿAbd-al-Malek, a devotee of polo, was killed after falling from his horse in the maydān of Bokhara at the age of 17 (Šawwāl, 350/November, 961). To his brother and successor Manṣūr b. Nūḥ he left a disturbed kingdom. Naršaḵī says: “When they buried him, the army grew restless and rebelled; everyone coveted the kingdom, and troubles raised their head.” One result of the ensuing situation was that Alptegīn was compelled to withdraw to Ḡazna on the periphery of the Samanid empire, where his slave Sebüktegīn eventually founded the Ghaznavid empire.

Bibliography:

The main primary sources are Gardīzī, ed. Nazim, pp. 39-42; idem, ed. Ḥabībī, pp. 159-61; Ebn al-Aṯīr, years 343, 349, 350; and Naršaḵī, p. 115; tr., p. 98.

For secondary sources, see Barthold, Turkestan 3, pp. 248-51, and R. N. Frye, inCamb. Hist. Iran IV, pp. 151-52.

Search terms:

عبدالملک بن نوح بن نصرabdol malek ebn nooh ebn nasr

abdoulmalek ebn nooh ebn nasr

abdulmalek ibn nuh ibn nasr

abd al malek ebn nooh ebn nasr

abdal malek ebn nouh ebn nasr

(C. E. Bosworth)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 128

Cite this entry:

C. E. Bosworth, “'Abd-Al-Malek B. Nuh B. Nasr,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 128; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-malek-b-nuh-b-nasr-samanid-ruler-in-transoxania-and-khorasan-954-61 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-MALEK ŠĪRĀZĪ

D. PINGREE

astronomer, fl. ca. 600/1203-04; there is a manuscript dated in that year of his revision of Helāl b. Abū Helāl and Ṯābet b. Qorra’s translation of the Conica of Appolonius.

ABD-AL-MALEK ŠĪRĀZĪ

astronomer, fl. ca. 600/1203-04; there is a manuscript dated in that year of his revision of Helāl b. Abū Helāl and Ṯābet b. Qorra’s translation of the Conica of Appolonius.

ʿABD-AL-MALEK B. MOḤAMMAD ŠĪRĀZĪ, ABU’L-ḤOSAYN, astronomer, fl. ca. 600/1203-04; there is a manuscript dated in that year of his revision of Helāl b. Abū Helāl and Ṯābet b. Qorra’s translation of the Conica of Appolonius. ʿAbd-al-Malek also wrote a Moḵtaṣar ketāb al-maǰesṭī (“Epitome of the Almagest” [of Ptolemy]); this was translated into Persian by Qoṭb-al-dīn Šīrāzī (d. 710/1310-11) as fann two ofǰomla four in the latter’s Dorrat al-tāǰ (“Pearl of the crown”).

Bibliography:

Brockelmann, GAL S. I, p. 858. Suter, Mathematiker, pp. 125-26, no. 306.

L. M. L. Nix, Das fünfte Buch des Conica des Appolonius von Perga, Leipzig, 1889, pp. 5-6.

Search terms:

عبدالملک شیرازیabdol malek shirazi

abd al malek shiraazi

abdoulmalek shiraazi

abdolmalek ibn shiraazi

abdulmalek shirazy

(D. Pingree)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 128

Cite this entry:

D. Pingree, “'Abd-Al-Malek Sirazi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 128; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-malek-b-mohammad-sirazi-astronomer-fl-ca-600-1203-04 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-MALEKĪ

P. OBERLING

a Lek tribe of Māzandarān.

ABD-AL-MALEKĪ

a Lek tribe of Māzandarān.

ʿABD-AL-MALEKĪ, a Lek tribe of Māzandarān. Long ago (possibly during the reign of Shah ʿAbbās I, when many tribes were transplanted from western Iran to the northeastern marches), the ʿAbd-al-Malekīs were moved from Kurdistan to the Darragaz (Moḥammadābād) area of Khorasan. There they were absorbed by the Qašqāʾī tribal confederacy when it was moved from Fārs to the Darragaz, Kalāt-e Nāderī, and Saraḵs regions by Nāder Shah. Undoubtedly, they accompanied the Qašqāʾīs when Karīm Khan Zand granted Esmāʿīl Khan Qašqāʾī’s request to allow his tribesmen to return to Fārs, for we next find them in that province. Along with their Qašqāʾī overlords, the ʿAbd-al-Malekīs fought for Loṭf-ʿAlī Khan Zand, contributing 250 horsemen to the Zand army. After the defeat of Loṭf-ʿAlī Khan, Āqā Moḥammad Khan Qāǰār moved the ʿAbd-al-Malekīs to the district of Šahrīār, near Tehran. Some three years later, the Qajar ruler moved them to the districts of Nūr and Koǰūr, west of Āmol, in Māzandarān. Finally, about 1855, Mīrzā Āqā Khan Nūrī, the ṣadr-e aʿẓam, moved them towards Zāḡmarz, near Sārī, to serve as a shield against the Turkomans (cf. P.. Oberling, The Qashqāʾi Nomads of Fārs, The Hague, 1975, p. 42, n.; Fasāʾī, Fārsnāma I, p. 234; H. L. Rabino, Māzandarān and Astarābād, Cambridge, 1928, p. 12; H. Field, Contributions to the Anthropology of Iran, Chicago, 1939, p. 167). They are now sedentary and inhabit a number of villages in the dahestāns of Mīāndorūd and Qaraṭeqān, northeast of Sārī. They are divided into the following clans (tīras): Faraḥvand, Kalvand, Šayḵvand, and Zīnvand (cf. Field, op. cit., p. 167). In the early 1880s , J. M. Jouannin estimated their number at five to six thousand individuals (cf. J. M. Jouannin’s list of tribes in A. Dupré, Voyage en Perse, Paris, 1819, II, p. 461). About 1850, Lady Sheil estimated their number at “600 tents and houses” (Glimpses of Life and

Manners in Persia, London, 1856, p. 396). Field writes that “according to their tradition” the ʿAbd-al-Malekīs numbered 4,000 families when they reached Māzandarān but were so reduced by the climate that by 1920 there were a mere 600 families left (op. cit., p. 167). According to Rabino, in 1913 the ʿAbd-al-Malekīs still spoke Kurdish.

Bibliography:

See also: J. B. Fraser, Travels and Adventures in the Persian Provinces on the Southern Banks of the Caspian Sea, London, 1826.

W. R. Holmes, Sketches on the Caspian Shores, London, 1845.

Gazetteer of Persia, Simla, 1914, II, p. 4.

A. K. S. Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Persia, London, 1953, p. 141.

J. J. Morier, “Some Account of the I’liyáts, or Wandering Tribes of Persia, Obtained in the Years 1814 and 1815,” JRGS 7, 1837, pp. 230-42.

H. L. Rabino, “A Journey in Mazanderan from Rasht to Sari,” Geographical Journal42, 1913, pp. 435-54.

Search terms:

عبدالملکیabdol maleki

abdolmaleki

abdoulmaleky

abdoulmaleki

abdolmaleky

abdul maleki

(P. Oberling)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 128-129

Cite this entry:

P. Oberling, “'Abd-Al-Maleki,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 128-129; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-maleki-a-lek-tribe-of-mazandaran (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-MOʾMEN B. ʿABDALLĀH

R. D. MCCHESNEY

generally reckoned as the eleventh khan of the Shaibanid (Abu’l-Ḵayrī) dynasty of Māvarāʾ al-Nahr and Balḵ.

ABD-AL-MOʾMEN B. ʿABDALLĀH

generally reckoned as the eleventh khan of the Shaibanid (Abu’l-Ḵayrī) dynasty of Māvarāʾ al-Nahr and Balḵ.

ʿABD-AL-MOʾMEN B. ʿABDALLĀH B. ESKANDAR B. JĀNĪ BEG B. ḴᵛĀJĀ MOḤAMMAD B. ABU’L-ḴAYR, ABU’L-FATḤ, generally reckoned as the eleventh khan of the Shaibanid (Abu’l-Ḵayrī) dynasty of Māvarāʾ al-Nahr and Balḵ. He was born on 16 Raǰab 975/16 January 1568. Little is known of his early life; he was circumcised at age ten and is mentioned as having taken part in the Oloḡ Tāḡ campaign conducted by his father in the spring of 1582. After ʿAbdallāh Khan succeeded Eskandar as ruler, ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen was designated qaʿālḵān (“heir apparent”) and given Balḵ to govern. This occurred no later than 1583. Balḵ remained under his control until his death in 1006/1598.

ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen’s early years in Balḵ were devoted to strengthening his position there and annexing Badaḵšān. His attention then turned to campaigns in Khorasan against the Qezelbāš. In 996-97/1588-89 he assisted his father in the successful eleven-month siege of Herat and was reportedly displeased when the city was given to an amir, Qol Bābā Kokaltāš, rather than to him. In 997/1589, prompted by the succession problem facing Shah ʿAbbās I, ʿAbdallāh Khan gave his son permission to open a campaign against the major cities of Khorasan. In the next eight years, most of the region fell to ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen. By the end of the campaign of 999/1591, the Uzbeks held more than twenty important cities and towns, including Mašhad, Nīšāpūr, Ḵᵛāf, Jām, Esfarāʾīn, Sabzavār, and Qāʾen. A Qezelbāš force sent by Shah ʿAbbās in that year had no success. A year later, however, another Qezelbāš expedition dislodged the Uzbeks from Esfarāʾīn, Sabzavār, and Nīšāpūr. ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen retook the latter city in 1002/1594; his last Khorasan campaign (1003/1595) resulted in the recapture of Sabzavār for a few days but otherwise accomplished little.

The Shaibanid sultan’s military prowess and ambition brought him into repeated conflict with his father and the latter’s amirs well before ʿAbdallāh Khan’s death. Between 1596 and 1598 several incidents strained relations between the sexagenarian khan and his restless son (Eskandar Beg, pp. 549-52; Selselat al-salāṭīn [see bibliog.], fols. 145b-48a). In Raǰab, 1006/February, 1598, ʿAbdallāh Khan died. ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen came to Samarqand and accepted the tokens of supreme rule. His six-month reign was marked by internal political violence. A counterclaim to the khanate by a cousin in Taškand, Hazāra Solṭān, was brutally suppressed; ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen’s execution of Qol Bābā Kokaltāš

and the fear that ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen was about to purge his father’s amirs led to a plot against his life. Returning from Tāškand and planning a new Khorasan campaign, ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen was assassinated at a village near Ūrātepe, perhaps in Ḏu’l-ḥeǰǰa, 1006/July, 1598. This event marked the effective end of Shaibanid rule in Transoxania and Balḵ despite the fact that two sultans, Pīr Moḥammad at Balḵ and ʿAbd-al-Amīn at Bokhara, briefly succeeded him. As the western territory fell to Shah ʿAbbās and the east became threatened by renewed Qazaq activity, the Uzbek amirs gave their backing, within a year, to a new Chingizid line, the Toghay-timurid (also called Janid and Ashtarkhanid), whose members would revive the Uzbek empire.

Among ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen’s principal works were the rebuilding and extending of the Balḵ citadel. The walls were lengthened to a circumference of 20,000 paces (gām). He also supervised the renovation of a number of public buildings in Balḵ, including the mosque of Ḵᵛāǰa Abū Naṣr Pārsā, the tomb of Ḵᵛāǰa ʿOkkāša, and the dome of the Bābā Jānbāz market.

Bibliography:

The best source for ʿAbd-al-Moʾmen’s early life (until 998/1590) is Ḥāfeẓ Tanīš,Šarafnāma-ye šāhī, also known as ʿAbdallāhnāma (Rieu, Pers. Man., Supp., no 73; Storey, I, no. 504).

For his later life, perhaps the most evenhanded treatment is that of Maḥmūd b. Amīr Valīallāhī, Baḥr al-asrār fī manāqeb al-aḵyār VI, rokn 3, (A. A. Semenov,Sobranie vostochnykh rukopiseĭ Akademii Nauk Uzbekskoĭ SSR, Tashkent,1952-67, V, no. 3564); see V. V. Barthold, “Otchet o komandirovke v Turkestan,” SochineniyaVIII, Moscow, 1973, pp. 193-96.

Some of the same material is reiterated in rokn 4 of the same work; see Ethé, Cat. Ind. Off., no. 574.

The most detailed information on the Khorasan campaigns is found in Eskandar Beg, ʿĀlamārā, and in Ḥāǰǰī Mīr Moḥammad Salīm, Selselat al-salāṭīn (Ethé, Cat. Bodleian, no. 169).

For relations with the Khwarazmian Uzbeks, see Abu’l-Ḡāzī, tr., especially pp. 276, 284-85, 288, 290-91, and 293.

Of less importance but with some additional information are Šaraf-al-dīn Andeǰānī,Tārīḵ-e Mīr Sayyed Šarīf Rāqem (Morley, RAS, no. 166) and Moḥammad Yūsof Monšī, Taḏkera-ye Moqīm Ḵānī (Morley, RAS, no. 161).

Two important, though brief, secondary sources are V. V. Barthold, “ʿAbd Allāh b. Iskandar,” EI 2 I, pp. 46-47; and Four Studies on the History of Central Asia III, Leiden, 1962, pp. 140-41.

Search terms:

عبدالمؤمن بن عبدا

abdol momen ebn abdallah

abdolmomen ebn abdoullah

abdul momen ibn abdullah

abdulmomen ebn abdallah

abdalmomen ibn abdollah

(R. D. McChesney)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 129-130

Cite this entry:

R. D. McChesney, “'Abd-Al-Mo'men B. 'Abdallah,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 129-130; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-momen-b-abdallah-eleventh-khan-of-the-shaibanid-dynasty-d-1598 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-MONʿEM ʿĀMELĪ

D. PINGREE

10th/16th century astronomer.

ABD-AL-MONʿEM ʿĀMELĪ

10th/16th century astronomer.

ʿABD-AL-MONʿEM ʿĀMELĪ, 10th/16th century astronomer. He apparently was commissioned to build an observatory at Isfahan by the Safavid Shah Ṭahmāsp I (1524-76). The king would have been pursuing the aborted design of his predecessor, Shah Esmāʿīl I (1502-24), to restore the observatory at Marāḡa. ʿAbd-al-Moṇʿem in any case planned an observatory. About 1560 he wrote a Persian work whose title is lost in the unique manuscript; it is usually called by modern scholars the Ketāb taʿlīm ālāt-e zīǰ (“Book of instruction on astronomical instruments”). In this work he explains his unrealized project and describes previous observatories at Alexandria, Marāḡa, Samarqand, and elsewhere.

Bibliography:

A. Sayili, The Observatory in Islam, Ankara, 1960, pp. 288-89.

H. J. Seemann, “Die Instrumente der Sternwarte zu Maragha nach den Mitteilungen von al-ʿUrḍī,” Sb. der Physikalisch-medizinischen Societät zu Erlangen 60, 1928 (1929), pp. 121-26. Storey, II/1, p. 85.

Search terms:

عبدالمؤمن عاملیabdol momen aameli

abdul momen ameli

abdoulmomen amely

abdulmoumen aameley

abdolmomen aameli

abdal momen aameli

(D. Pingree)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 130

Cite this entry:

D. Pingree, “'Abd-Al-Mon'em 'Ameli,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 130; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-monem-ameli-16th-century-astronomer (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-NABĪ

K. A. NIZAMI

Mughal traditionist, for a time much esteemed by the emperor Akbar (16th century).

ʿABD-AL-NABĪ

Mughal traditionist, for a time much esteemed by the emperor Akbar (16th century).

ʿABD-AL-NABĪ, SHAIKH, Mughal traditionist, for a time much esteemed by the emperor Akbar. He was a grandson of the noted Češtī saint, Shaikh ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs Gangōhī (d. 944/1537). He visited the Hejaz several times and pursued Hadith studies there. He spurned his family’s tradition of mysticism, adopting the ways of externalist scholars (ʿolamāʾ-e ẓāher) even to the extent of criticizing his father, who had written a resala in support of Sufi musical gatherings (maǰāles-e samāʿ). Akbar appointed him head of religious endowments and charities (ṣadr al-ṣodūr) in 973/1564-65, a position which allowed him to exercise supreme control over religious affairs in the Mughal empire. His power was resented and resisted by Maḵdūm-al-molk (q.v.) ʿAbdallāh Solṭānpūrī, who wrote a resāla against him, holding him responsible for the executions of Ḵeżr Khan and Mīr Ḥabšī on charges of heresy (Badāʾūnī, Montaḵab, tr., II, p. 262). ʿAbd-al-Nabī was one of the signatories to the declaration which invested Akbar with a limited power to interpret Muslim law (ibid., II, pp. 278-80). Akbar originally had profound respect for him, and for a time he employed the shaikh to instruct Prince Salīm (the future Jahāngīr) in Hadith. The king, however, wearied of ʿAbd-al-Nabī’s arrogance and his disputes with Maḵdūm-al-molk; in 986/1678-79 he sent them both on pilgrimage to Mecca (ibid., II, p. 275) and appointed a new ṣadr al-ṣodūr, Solṭān Ḵᵛāǰa. ʿAbd-al-Nabī, on his return, was arrested after a dispute arose over his allocation of

some charitable funds. He was put to death, either in 991/1583 (Āʾīn-e Aḵbarī, tr., I, p. 283) or in 992/1584(Montaḵab, tr., II, p. 321).

The disparaging portrait of ʿAbd-al-Nabī provided by Badāʾūnī may have been motivated by their personal conflict (see, e.g., Montaḵab, tr., II, p. 176). Several other writers regarded him as an eminent scholar: the author of Sanawāt al-atqīā(cited by Moḥammad Ekrām, Rūd-e kawṯar, Karachi, 1968, p. 87); ʿAbd-al-Ṣamad,Aḵbār al-aṣfīāʾ (Ind. Off., no. 641); Moḥyi’l-dīn ʿAbd-al-Qāder al-ʿAydarūs, al-Nūr al-sāfer ʿan aḵbār al-qarn al-ʿāšer (Aḥmad, Ind. Arab. Lit., p. 178); and Moḥammad Ḡawṯī, Golzār-e abrār (in the account of Shaikh ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs Gangōhī).

Works attributed to ʿAbd-al-Nabī are: 1. A lost resāla against samāʿ. 2. Resāla dar vaẓāʾef va aḍʿīa (also known as Waẓāʾef al-yawm wa’l-laylat al-nabawīya; see Brockelmann, GAL S. II, p. 602), written during his confinement. 3. Sonan al-hodā fī motābaʿat al-Moṣṭafā (described in detail in M. Hidāyat Ḥusain, Catalogue of the Arabic Manuscripts in the Būhār Library, Calcutta, 1923, II, pp. 446-50). A lost Arabic treatise refuting Qaffāl Marvazī Šāfeʿī’s criticism of Imam Abū Ḥanīfa, from whom ʿAbd-al-Nabī traced his descent. He had a mosque constructed in Delhi which still stands (Mesǰed-e ʿAbd-al-Nabī, see MASI, 9, Calcutta, 1921).

Bibliography:

See also Moḥammad Ḥosayn Āzād, Darbār-e Akbarī, Lahore, 1947, p. 397.

Raḥmān ʿAlī, Taḏkera-ye ʿolamāʾ-e Hend, Lucknow, 1914, p. 134; Urdu tr., with notes by Qāderī, Karachi, 1961, pp. 325-27.

ʿAbd-al-Ḥayy, Nozhat al-ḵawāṭer, Hyderabad, 1954, IV, pp. 219-22.

Ahmad, Ind. Arab. Lit., repr., 1968, pp. 116, 178, 349-50.

Muhammad Ishaq, India’s Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature, Dacca, 1955, pp. 130-31.

A further reference to ʿAbd-al-Nabī occurs on the reverse side of a farmān from Akbar relating to the shrine of Shaikh Moʿīn-al-dīn Češtī in Ajmer (ʿAbd-al-Bārī Maʿānī, Asnād al-ṣanādīd, Ajmer, 1952, p. 3).

Search terms:

عبد النبی abdol nabiabdoulnabi

abdolnabi

abdulnabi abdul nabi abdoul nabi

abdol naby

abdolnabey

(K. A. Nizami)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 130

Cite this entry:

K. A. Nizami, “'Abd-Al-Nabi” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 130; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-nabi (accessed on January 16 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-NABĪ AḤMADNAGARĪ

M. BAQIR

12th/18th century Gujerati scholar.

ʿABD-AL-NABĪ AḤMADNAGARĪ

12th/18th century Gujerati scholar.

ʿABD-AL-NABĪ B. QĀŻĪ ʿABD-AL-RASŪL ʿOṮMĀNĪ AḤMADNAGARĪ,12th/18th century Gujerati scholar. Little is known about his life history, although he was allegedly affiliated with the discipline of the famous Šaṭṭārī saint and scholar, Shah Vaǰīh-al-dīn ʿAlavī. A number of books have been ascribed to him. Among those extant are: 1. Jāmeʿ al-gomūż manbaʿ al-foyūż, a Persian commentary, written in 1144/1731-32, on Ebn al-Ḥāǰeb’s Kāfīa. Several editions of it were published (2nd ed., Cawnpore, 1881; 4th ed., Cawnpore, 1896), and Mawlavī ʿAbd-al-Ḡanī published an Urdu translation (Cawnpore, 1298/1881). 2. The first fann of an encyclopedic work titled Dostūr al-ʿolamāʾ ǰāmeʿ al-ʿolūm, comprising a dictionary of Arabic terms. It was published at Hyderabad in 1329/1911. 3.Montaḵab-e tavārīḵ-e Baḥrī, an extract from another fann of the same comprehensive work, containing historical and geographical notices about the Deccan. A manuscript is preserved in the Royal Asiatic Society collection. Also attributed to ʿAbd-al-Nabī is a commentary, no longer extant, on the commentary ofTahḏīb-e Yazdī, possibly identical with the Šarḥ-e tahḏīb of Loṭfallāh b. Aḥmad Mohandes, which also is no longer extant (Marshall, Mughals in India, no. 1283, VIII).

Bibliography:

Storey, I, pp. 741-42.

Raḥmān ʿAlī, Taḏkera-ye ʿolamāʾ-e Hend, Lucknow, 1914, p. 135.

Search terms:

عبدالنبی احمد نگری

abdolnabi ahmad negari

abdoulnaby ahmad negeri

abdolnaby ahmad negary

abd al naby

abdoulnabi

abdulnabi ahmadnag

abdul nabi ahmadneg

ahmadnagary

ahmednegari

ery ari

(M. Baqir)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 131

Cite this entry:

M. Baqir, “'Abd-Al-Nabi Ahmadnagari,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 131; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-nabi-ahmadnagari-18th-century-gujerati-scholar (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-NABĪ QAZVĪNĪ

M. BAQIR

storyteller and poet in Mughal India (17th-century).

ABD-AL-NABĪ QAZVĪNĪ

storyteller and poet in Mughal India (17th-century).

ʿABD-AL-NABĪ QAZVĪNĪ, storyteller and poet (pen name FAḴR-AL-ZAMĀNĪ), b. about 998/1590 at Qazvīn. His father, Ḵalaf Beg, was a merchant who, after performing the pilgrimage, became a dervish and died in 1001/1593-94 from the plague. ʿAbd-al-Nabī’s maternal grandfather, Faḵr-al-zamān, of whom he was very fond, was qāżī (judge) of Qazvīn and a direct descendant of Ḵᵛāǰa ʿAbdallāh Anṣārī.

In his youth, ʿAbd-al-Nabī had sufficient poetical talent and memory to learn by heart Qeṣṣa-ye Amīr Ḥamza. He originally used the taḵalloṣ ʿEzzatī, later that of Nabī. His early verses (see Storey, I/2, p. 813) are not extant. On making the pilgrimage to Mašhad at age 19, he met merchants and travelers who spoke to him of India and inspired him with a desire to see that country (Storey, I/2, p. 812). He traveled to Lahore in 1017/1608-09 and, in poor health, to Agra in 1018/1609-10. His relative Mīrzā Neẓāmī Qazvīnī, who served as vāqeʿ anevīs (“chronicler”) at the Mughal court, gave him employment as a research assistant with the title qeṣṣaḵᵛān(“story teller”). In 1022/1613 Mīrzā Amānallāh b. Mahābat Khan, a noble favored by both Jahāngīr and Shah Jahān, appointed ʿAbd-al-Nabī as his librarian at Ajmer. On account of this association with Amānallāh, which included the privilege of using his extensive library, ʿAbd-al-Nabī drew up a plan to write three books, but afflicted with venereal disease and fearing disgrace, he took his leave and traveled to Lahore in 1025/1616, at a time when a plague was raging in the city. Immediately, he left for Kashmir, where Mīrzā Neẓāmī, another relative, was employed as baḵšīand dīvān. There he completed Dostūr al-foṣaḥāʾ, no longer extant, on the art of reciting Qeṣṣa-ye Amīr Ḥamza. Two years later, in 1026/1617, he accompanied Mīrzā Neẓāmī to Mando, where he stayed for a month. From Mando, Mīrzā was sent to Bihar as dīvān, and in 1027/1618 ʿAbd-al-Nabī traveled with him to Patna, where they both resided for some time. In 1028/1619 he met Navvāb Sardār Khan Ḵᵛāǰa Yādgār, the brother of ʿAbdallāh Khan Fīrōz Jang, at Patna. The Navvāb became his patron, and in gratitude ʿAbd-al-Nabī dedicated to him the Mayḵāna, which was completed in that year. In 1029/1620, while still in Patna, his house caught fire and many of his papers were burnt. He paid a visit to Agra the same year. He was still alive in 1041/1631-32, when he wrote the preface to his collection of anecdotes,Nawāder al-ḥekāyāt.

His extant works are: 1. Mayḵāna, a collection of sāqīnāmas (“books of the cupbearer”), wine poetry, with biographies of the authors. Begun in Ajmer in 1022-23/1613-14, it was completed in Patna in 1028/1619. In it

ʿAbd-al-Nabī describes past, present, and prospective writers of sāqīnāmas; the contemporary poets discussed were mostly known to him personally. 2. Nawāder al-ḥekāyāt wa ḡarāʾeb al-rewāyāt, a collection of anecdotes. Only the first of five volumes has been preserved in manuscript form at the British Museum (Rieu, Pers. Man. III, p. 1004b). A similar version is listed in the catalogue of the Tehran University Law School (no. 55b). 3. Ṭarāz al-aḥrār, an encyclopedic anthology of poetry and prose. It is divided into four parts and an epilogue, each with several submissions (ṭarāz). An incomplete copy is in Tehran University’s Central Library (no. 3295).

Bibliography:

ʿAbd-al-Nabī, Mayḵāna, ed. M. Shafi, Lahore, 1926; ed. A. Goḷčīn-e Maʿānī, Tehran, 1340 Š./1961.

Naḏīr Aḥmad, “Taḏkera-ye Mayḵāna,” Oriental College Magazine, November, 1956, May/August, 1957.

Search terms:

عبدالنبی قزوینی

abdol nabi ghazvini

abdoulnabi ghazvini

abdol naby qazvini

abd al nabi qazviny

abd al nabi qazwini

abdulnabi qazwini

(M. Baqir)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 131

Cite this entry:

M. Baquir, “Abd-Al-Nabi Qazvini,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 131; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-nabi-qazvini-india (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QĀDER BALḴĪ

T. YAZICI

(1839-1923), an Ottoman Sufi and poet who came originally from Balḵ.

ABD-AL-QĀDER BALḴĪ

(1839-1923), an Ottoman Sufi and poet who came originally from Balḵ.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER BALḴĪ (1839-1923), an Ottoman Sufi and poet who came originally from Balḵ. He was born at Ḵānqāh, one of the villages of the city of Qondoz. His father was Sayyed Solaymān Ḥosaynī, an important personage of thesādāt-e Ḥosaynīya (sayyeds descending from

Ḥosayn). In 1272/1855-56 ʿAbd-al-Qāder went to Konya together with his father. After staying there for a time he went first to Bursa and then to Istanbul upon the invitation of the Ottoman sultan, ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz. In Istanbul he was given the position of shaikh in a tekye. After occupying this position for ten years he died on 23 Raǰab 1341/15 March 1923.

Works: Seven maṯnavīs of a mystical character are all written in Persian; the Persian and Turkish poems of ʿAbd-al-Qāder Balḵī are contained in a dīvān. 1.Yanābīʿ al-ḥekam. This maṯnavī was modeled on one by his father, Shaikh Solaymān, named Yanābīʿ al-mawadda; it consists of 11,000 lines (bayts). 2.Golšan-e asrār, 6,876 lines, written in hazaǰ meter. 3. Konūz al-ʿārefīn fī asrār al-tawḥīd, 5,453 lines. 4. Asrār al-tawḥīd, 232 lines; it was published in Istanbul in 1325/1907-08 and was translated into Turkish as a poem by the vali of Salonica, Nāẓem Pāšā. This translation was also published in Istanbul in 1331/1913. 5. Šams-e raḵšān, a maṯnavī of 7,777 lines. 6. Sonūḥāt, 2,260 lines. 7. Elhāmāt-e rabbānīya.8. The Dīvān, which is rather large in size, contains his Turkish and Persian poems. All of these works are much more important from the point of view of mysticism than for their literary value.

Bibliography:

Ibnüʾlemin Mahmut Kemal, Son asir Türk şâirleri, I, p. 26.

A. Gölpınarlı, Melâmilik ve malâmiler, Istanbul, 1931, pp. 181-89.

S. Nüzhet Ergun, Türk şâirleri, Istanbul, n.d., I, fols. 229b-33a.

Search terms:

عبدالقادر بلخیabdol ghader balkhi

abdoulghader balkhy

abdulghader balkhy

abdalghaader balkhi

abdoulghaader balkhy

abdulqader balkhi

abdul qader balkhi

(T. Yazici)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 131-132

Cite this entry:

T. Yazici, “'Abd-Al-Qader Balki,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 131-132; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qader-balki-1839-1923-ottoman-sufi-and-poet (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QĀDER ḤOSAYNĪ

M. BAQIR

16th-century poet of Sind.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER ḤOSAYNĪ

16th-century poet of Sind.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER B. SAYYED MOḤAMMAD HĀŠEM B. SAYYED MOḤAMMADḤOSAYNĪ, Persian-language poet, biographer, and commentator of Sind (fl. late 10th to early 11th cent. A.H.). Of his poetry, the only extant specimens are verses in praise of Ḵosrow Khan, a noble at the court of the Arghunid ruler at Thatta, Mīrzā Jānī Beg (993-1008/1584-99). These are found in ʿAbd-al-Qāder’s biographical work on the saints of Sind, Ḥadīqat al-awlīāʾ (Storey, I, p. 983). Completed in 1016/1607-08, this work contains forty-one notices, beginning with Shaikh Bahāʾ-al-dīn Zakarīyāʾ (q.v., 578-661/1182-1263). It was published by the Sindi Adabi Board, Hyderabad (Sind), 1967, with a

separate appendix on the life of Sayyed ʿAbd-al-Hādī, familiarly known as Jamīl Šāh Gornārī (580-642/1185-1244). Another surviving work, Monkašefāt fī šarḥ al-monfareǰāt, is a commentary on the Arabicqaṣīda al-monfareǰa, ascribed to Ḥasan Baṣrī; ʿAbd-al-Qāder summarizes the meaning and provides grammatical analyses. A manuscript is preserved in the India Office Library (Ethé, Cat. Ind. Off. I, no. 2972).

Bibliography:

See also H. I. Sadarangani, Persian Poets of Sind, Karachi, 1956, pp. 15-16, 50.

Mīr ʿAlī Šīr Qāneʿ Tattavī, Maqālāt al-šoʿarāʾ, Karachi, 1957, pp. 201-02, 424-25.

Sayyed Mīr Moḥammad Jalāl, Tarḵānnāma, Karachi, 1964, pp. 65-83.

Ḵayyāmpūr, Soḵanvarān, p. 378.

Search terms:

عبدالقادر حسینی

abdol ghader hosseini

abdoulghader hoseini

abdolghaader hosayni

abdul qader husseini

abdalqader husayni

abdulqader hossayni

abdul qaader hussayni

(M. Baqir)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 132

Cite this entry:

M. Baqir, “'Abd-Al-Qader Hosayni,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 132; an updated version is available online at

http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qader-hosayni-16th-century-poet-of-sind (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QĀDER JĪLĀNĪ

B. LAWRENCE

noted Hanbalite preacher, Sufi shaikh and the eponymous founder of the Qāderī order.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER JĪLĀNĪ

noted Hanbalite preacher, Sufi shaikh and the eponymous founder of the Qāderī order.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER JĪLĀNĪ, MOḤYĪ-AL-DĪN ABŪ MOḤAMMAD B. ABŪ ṢĀLEḤ JANGĪDŌST, noted Hanbalite preacher, Sufi shaikh and the eponymous founder of the Qāderī order. He was born in 470/1077-78 in the Persian province of Gīlān (Jīlān), south of the Caspian Sea. Though his family lineage (selsela) has been traced by overzealous hagiographers to Ḥasan, the grandson of the Prophet, his father’s nickname (Jangīdōst) suggests Persian descent. In his own lifetime, ʿAbd-al-Qāder was called an ʿaǰamī (non-Arab) in Baghdad, but this may have been due to the fact that he spoke Persian as well as Arabic (see ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq, Aḵbār, p. 20). At the age of 18 (in 488/1095), he was sent to Baghdad, where he pursued the study of Hanbalite law under several

teachers. Subsequently he went on the pilgrimage to Mecca and married, producing numerous offspring (forty-nine sons) in the course of a long lifetime. He is also said to have studied Sufism, though at first he avoided it due to his dislike of Aḥmad Ḡazzālī, younger brother of Abū Ḥāmed Ḡazzālī and his successor at the Neẓāmīya. Sometime around 1100, ʿAbd-al-Qāder received the cloak (ḵerqa), emblematic of spiritual authority among Sufis, not from his mystical preceptor, Abu’l-Ḵayr Ḥammād Dabbās (d. 1131), but from the Hanbalite qāżī, Abū Saʿd Mobārak Moḵarremī. He spent the next twenty-five years of his life wandering about the deserts of Iraq as a recluse (ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq, Aḵbār, p. 11).

In 1127, at the relatively advanced age of 50, ʿAbd-al-Qāder reappeared in Baghdad as a popular teacher. Troublesome dreams had led him to consult the renowned Shaikh Yūsof Hamadānī (d. 1140), who interpreted the inner turmoil as a divine mandate to preach in public. His fame as an orator rapidly grew; many people enrolled as his pupils, later to become major saints in their own right. A madrasawith attached hospice (rebāṭ) was built for him, his family, and his students in 528/1133-34. His sermons were said to have powerfully affected persons at all levels of 12th century Iraqi society. Not only Muslims but also Jews and Christians, not only caliphs and viziers but also farmers, merchants, and traders allegedly altered their lives in response to ʿAbd-al-Qāder’s perorations (ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq, Aḵbār, p. 13). His major extant works are collections of sermons, the most famous being Fotūḥ al-ḡayb and al-Ḡonya le ṭālebī ṭarīq al-ḥaqq, also known as Ḡonyat al-ṭālebīn.

ʿAbd-al-Qāder’s order claims numerous adherents from West Africa (especially Senegal) to India and Indonesia, though in certain parts of the Muslim world, such as Egypt, it has never been widely accepted. He is called moḥyī-al-dīn (the reviver of religion), ḡawṯ-e aʿẓam (the greatest sustenance), and pīr-e dastgīr (the helpingpīr). Throughout the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent, for instance, his name is especially invoked when cholera or any other epidemic is raging; at such times people take out his flag (which is dark green in color) and process with it, chanting plaintively to the saint for relief (W. Crooke, ed., Herklots’ Islam in India, repr. Delhi, 1972, p. 193).

Yet it is difficult to explain “the transition from the sober Hanbalite preacher ... to the prototype of saintliness venerated all over the Muslim world” (A. Schimmel,Mystical Dimensions of Islam, Chapel Hill, 1975, p. 248). Šaṭṭanawfī, in a biography of the saint written a century after his death (Bahīat al-asrār; see Storey, I, p. 933f.) suggested that ʿAbd-al-

Qāder’s fame and legendary achievements were promoted by his sons; eleven of them reputedly followed in their father’s footsteps. Another earlytaḏkera writer, Vāseṭī, credits only two of ʿAbd-al-Qāder’s offspring with spiritual aspirations akin to those of their father: ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz (d. 602/1205-06) and ʿAbd-al-Razzāq (d. 603/1206-07). This discrepancy points to the central historical question of how to assess details concerning the life, teaching, and contemporaneous effect of ʿAbd-al-Qāder. Western scholars, from Margoliouth to Trimingham, have preferred the “sober” accounts of Ḏahabī (Taʾrīḵ al-eslām) and Vāseṭī (Teryāq al-moḥebbīn), while followers of ʿAbd-al-Qāder have consistently opted for the elaborate and inflated biography of Šaṭṭanawfī. In the subcontinent, where the Qāderī order attracted its largest following in the late Mughal period,Bahīat al-asrār was translated into Persian by major scholars—Badr-al-dīn Serhendī, a disciple of Aḥmad Serhendī, Ḥabīballāh Akhbarābādī (d. 1747), and ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq Dehlavī (d. 1642), who translated from his Arabic summary of the text (see Storey, I, pp. 1002, 933-34 ). Prince Dārā Šokūh (d. 1659), too, is said to have ordered a Persian translation of the Arabic summary of Bahīat al-asrār prepared by ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq; his lengthy biography of ʿAbd-al-Qāder in Safīnat al-awlīāʾ (no. 36) was obviously derived from an epitome of Šaṭṭanawfī’s work, in all probability the one prepared by ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq (see K. A. Neẓāmī, Ḥayāt-e ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq, Delhi, 1963, p. 205).

The extravagant miracle-mongering portrait of ʿAbd-al-Qāder in Bahīat al-asrār, to which Western scholars have objected and which even some 14th century Muslims found distasteful, is not limited to that book nor to the person of ʿAbd-al-Qāder. Other saints were said to have performed miracles merely by invoking the name of the shaikh. Hence, the notable Sohravardī pīr of the Panjab, Jalāl-al-dīn Boḵārī, also known as Maḵdūm-e Jahānīān Jahāngašt (d. 1384), is said to have put out a fire by standing at a great distance and throwing a handful of dust in its direction while chanting the all-powerful name of ʿAbd-al-Qāder (ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq, Aḵbār, p. 139). So revered is the name ʿAbd-al-Qāder that it is presumed to confer unique benefits on all who bear it. Among the countless Muslim boys who have been named ʿAbd-al-Qāder in the expectation that their lives would reflect the transforming power of the saint are two of the foremost figures in Indo-Persian literary history—ʿAbd-al-Qāder Badāʾūnī (d. 1596), the author of Montaḵab al-tawārīḵ and Sanskrit to Persian translator under the Mughal emperor Akbar, and Mīrzā ʿAbd-al-Qāder Bīdel (d. 1721), the most distinctive exponent of the “Indian style” (sabk-e hendī) of Persian poetry.

ʿAbd-al-Qāder Jīlānī died in 561/1166 and was buried in Baghdad. His tomb, partially destroyed during the Mongol holocaust of 1258 and subsequently rebuilt, remains as testimony to the acclaim he enjoys among mystically inclined Muslims. It is visited throughout the year by pilgrims from distant parts of the Islamic world; Indonesian, Pakistani, and Indian Muslims often combine a visit to the tomb of Ḡawṯ-e Aʿẓam with the pilgrimage to Mecca. His ʿors, by tradition celebrated on 11 Rabīʿ II, is the occasion for special festivities in Baghdad and elsewhere. According to Herklots (Islam, p. 193), the Indian celebration included a recital of the entire Koran, together with the invocation of all ninety-nine names of the saint.

Bibliography:

D. S. Margoliouth, “Contributions to the Biography of ʿAbd-al-Ḳādir of Jilan” (after Ḏahabī), JRAS 1907, pp. 267-310, idem, “ʿAbd al-Ḳādir,” EI1 I, pp. 41-42.

W. Braune, Die Futūḥ al-ġaib des ʿAbd al-Qādir, Leipzig, 1933.

Idem in EI2 I, pp. 69-70.

M. A. Aḥmad, tr., Fotūḥ al-ḡayb (“Revelation of the unseen”), Lahore, 1967.

J. S. Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam, New York, 1971, pp. 40-44.

J. A. Subhan, Sufism: Its Saints and Shrines, rev. ed., Lucknow, 1960, pp. 177-83.

ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq Moḥaddeṯ Dehlavī, Aḵbār al-aḵyār, Delhi, 1308/1890-91, pp. 9-22.

Dārā Šokūh, Safīnat al-awlīāʾ, Lucknow, 1872, pp. 43-58.

Search terms:

عبدالقادر جیلنی

abdol ghader jilani

abdoul qader jaylani

abdul ghaader jaylaani

abdal qaader jaylani

abdoulghader jilaani

abdulghader jilaany

(B. Lawrence)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 132-133

Cite this entry:

B. Lawrence, “'Abd-Al-Qader Jilani,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 132-133; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qader-jilani (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QĀDER KHAN

M. ASLAM

Author of Avīmāq-e Moḡol (publ. 1900), better known as Mirzā Moḥammad Āḡā Jān.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER KHAN

Author of Avīmāq-e Moḡol (publ. 1900), better known as Mirzā Moḥammad Āḡā Jān.

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER KHAN, MĪRZĀ (better known as MĪRZĀ MOḤAMMAD ĀḠĀ JĀN), author of Avīmāq-e Moḡol. His ancestors had served Nāder Shah and Aḥmad Shah Dorrānī; his grandfather, Mīrzā Shah Moḥammad Khan Birlas, entered the service of the British after the fall of Shah Šoǰāʿ. Eventually, after the Indian Revolt of 1857, he settled at Sonkhara in Gwailor. His son, Mīrzā Aḥmad Jān, spent most of his life in the same town, marrying the daughter of a Mughal noble of Jawara, where Mīrzā Shah had a revenue assignment (ǰāgīr). According to ʿAbd-al-Qāder, his father was a Hanafite and a disciple of the Qāderī Sufi Sayyed ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz Kašmīrī; Mīrzā Aḥmad also wrote poetry.

Mīrzā Moḥammad ʿAbd-al-Qāder Khan was born at Sonkhara and received his primary education from his father. He married an Afghan lady in 1895 and had two sons, Mīrzā Khan Moḥammad Jān alias Ḵānī Mīrzā and Mīrzā Solṭān Moḥammad Khan. In 1897 he was entrusted with the task of surveying Gwalior State, which, in spite of his illness, he accomplished successfully. After the death of his father in 1897, he became a favorite of Thakur Lal Singh, the ruler of Sonkhara. In 1899 he was employed by Maharaja Madhu Rao Sindhia of Gwalior, who granted him a number of certificates, acknowledging his merits as an author.

History was his favorite subject. His Avīmāq-e Moḡol (completed in 1900, published at Amritsar in 1902) is an important source of Mughal history. ʿAbd-al-Qāder traced the genealogy of the Mughals, devoting 388 pages to their history in Transoxania and Turkestan before the accession of Bābor. He also dealt with Mughal rule in India and with regional dynasties (e.g., the Rohillas and, most distinctively, the Rajput rulers of Sonkhara). He traced the invasions of Aḥmad Shah Abdālī and the struggle for power between the Marathas and the Dorrānīs in northern India, adding an account of the establishment of the British rule in India. He was well aware of the political events of the Deccan and recorded the wars of Ḥaydar ʿAlī and his son Tīpū Solṭān against the British. He also recorded the struggle between the Neẓām and the Marathas in the Deccan and Carnatic.

Like earlier historians, ʿAbd-al-Qāder gives a survey of scholars and poets of particular periods at the end of each chapter. A list of his historical sources is appended at the end of the work.

Bibliography : See also Storey, I/1, pp. 528-29.

Search terms:

عبدالقادر خانabdol ghader khan

abdul ghaader khan

abdoulghader khan

abdoul qader khan

abdal qaader khaan

abdolqaader khaan

(M. Aslam)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 133-134

Cite this entry:

M. Aslam, “'Abd-Al-Qader Khan,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 133-134; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qader-khan (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QĀDER KHAN JĀʾEŠĪ

M. BAQIR

Late Mughal biographer (18th-19th century).

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER KHAN JĀʾEŠĪ

Late Mughal biographer (18th-19th century).

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER KHAN JĀʾESĪ, late Mughal biographer, commonly called ḠOLĀM QĀDER KHAN. He was the son of Mawlavī Vāṣel ʿAlī Khan, chief justice (qāżī al-qożāt) of Bengal. In is youth he enjoyed the company of two renowned historians ʿAlī Ebrāhīm Khan Ḵalīl and Sayyed Ḡolām Ḥosayn Khan Ṭabāṭabāʾī. Jonathan Duncan, who was Resident at Benares from 1788 to 1795, sent him on political deputations to Nepal, and, according to ʿAbd-al-Qāder’s own testimony inḤešmat-e Kašmīr, his reports from Nepal were submitted to Col. W. Kirkpatrick, who later printed them in translation. Col. Kirkpatrick, in turn, mentions ʿAbd-al-Qāder as a member of the 1793 mission to Nepal (see Kirkpatrick, Nepaul, pp. xi, 367).

ʿAbd-al-Qāder is chiefly remembered for his two extant works: Ḥešmat-e Kašmīrand Tārīḵ-e ʿEmād-al-molk. Both reflect his close association with British officials of north India. In the early 19th century, through the influence of a British agent, Ḥešmat-al-dawla W. Augustus Brooke, ʿAbd-al-Qāder’s personal revenue assignment (ǰāgīr) was made hereditary and he therefore dedicated Ḥešmat-e Kašmīr to his benefactor after completing it at Benares in 1245/1830. It is an unoriginal narrative history of Kashmir based mainly on Abu’l-Qāsem Moṇʿemī’sGawhar-e ʿālam, with short accounts of Tibet and other regions adjacent to Kashmir (for details, see Storey, I/1, pp. 684-85). Tārīḵ-e ʿEmād al-molk is a more ambitious undertaking; it is a history of ʿEmād-al-molk Ḡāzī-al-dīn Khan Fīrūz Jang, the vizier of Aḥmad Shah (1161-67/1748-54) and ʿĀlamgīr II (1167-73/1754-59), based partly on oral information from various persons, including the Navvāb himself, whom the author interviewed at Kalpi, and partly on written sources such as the Navvāb’s letters, Tārīḵ-e Šoǰāʿī of Haṛčarandās, and Ḥadīqat al-aqālīm of Shaikh Allāhyār Belgrāmī. ʿAbd-al-Qāder undertook to write the book in 1834 in response to a veiled request from Captain Thoresby, then the superintendent of the Sanskrit college at Benares (for details, see Storey I/1, pp. 622-23).

Bibliography:

ʿAbd-al-Qāder Khan Jāʾesī, Ḥešmat-e Kašmīr, Calcutta, 1832, MSS of Tārīḵ-e ʿEmād-al-molk exist at Ind. Off. Lib. and Bankipore. Col. W. Kirkpatrick, An Account of the Kingdom of Nepaul, Calcutta, 1794.

Search terms:

عبدالقادر خان جئیشی

abdol ghader khan jaeshi

abdul qader khaan jaeshi

abdoulghaader jaeshey

abdal ghader khan jaeshi

abd al ghaader khan jaeshey

abdoul qaader jaeshy

abdolqaader khaan jaeeshi

(M. Baqir)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 134

Cite this entry:

M. Baqir, “'Abd-Al-Qader Khan Ja'esi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 134; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qader-khan-jaesi (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QĀDER RŪYĀNĪ

D. PINGREE

astronomer (16th century).

ABD-AL-QĀDER RŪYĀNĪ

astronomer (16th century).

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER ḤASAN RŪYĀNĪ, 10th/16th century astronomer. Apparently from Ṭabarestān, he seems to have served the rulers of Gīlān; he dedicated his Zīǰ-e molaḵḵaṣ-e Mīrzāʾī (“Compendious astronomical tables for Mīrzā,” composed in 891/1486) to Sultan Mīrzā ʿAlī (1478-1505) and his al-Toḥfat al-neẓāmīya (“The Neẓām’s gift”) to Sultan Yaḥyā Kīā. In the latter work, the first thirty sections (faṣl) out of a total of forty are a commentary of Naṣīr-al-dīn Ṭūsī’s Sī faṣl. ʿAbd-al-Qāder also wrote a Moḵtaṣar dar maʿrefat-e taqvīm (“Epitome of

knowledge of the calendar”) and a Resālat al-kora (“Epistle on the sphere”).

Bibliography : Storey, II/1, no. 114, p. 78.

Search terms:

عبدالقادر رویانی

abdol ghader royani

abdoulghader royani

abdoul qader rooyani

abdul qaader rouyaani

abdol ghaader rooyani

abd al ghader royani

abdulghader royany

(D. Pingree)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 134

Cite this entry:

David Pingree, “'Abd-Al-Qader Ruyani,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 134; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qader-ruyani (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QĀDER ŠĪRĀZĪ

E. BAER

Metalworker of late 13th century, whose one attested signed work is a silver and gold-inlaid brass bowl (Galleria Estense, Modena, no. 8082).

ABD-AL-QĀDER ŠĪRĀZĪ

Metalworker of late 13th century, whose one attested signed work is a silver and gold-inlaid brass bowl (Galleria Estense, Modena, no. 8082).

ʿABD-AL-QĀDER B. ʿABD-AL-ḴĀLEQ ŠĪRĀZĪ, metalworker of the late 7th/13th century and early 8th/14th century. His one attested signed work is a silver and gold-inlaid brass bowl (Galleria Estense, Modena, no. 8082). It is dated Moḥarram, 705/July-August, 1305 and is the first dated specimen of a series of similarly shaped west Persian bowls with walls which strongly project up to about half their height and retract in a sharp curve toward the lip. Other characteristics are: (1) a densely spaced surface decoration of eight polylobed medallions with princely scenes which are intersected by oblong, shield-shaped inscription compartments, which are set against a background of flowering scrolls; (2) a fishpond design in the base of the bowl; fish and imaginary creatures circulate around a central sun ornament; (3) blessings on the owner, expressed in rhyme (the same verses, sometmes somewhat shortened, appear on several other objects of the period).

Two other metalworkers with the nesba Šīrāzī (and believed to have worked in Fārs) are known from the 8th/14th century, but their products have little in common with that of ʿAbd-al-Qāder, and it is doubtful that any connection existed among their workshops. Moḥammadšāh was the craftsman of a bucket, now in the Hermitage, which was made in 733/1332-33 for a person of high rank at the court of Maḥmūd Īnǰū in Shiraz. Moḥammad b. Rafīʿ-al-dīn signed a candlestick, now in Cairo, dated 761/1360.

Bibliography:

L. A. Mayer, Islamic Metalworkers and their Works, Geneva, 1959, p. 22.

E. Baer, “Fish-pond Ornaments on Persian and Mamluk Metal Vessels,” BSOAS31/1, 1968, pp. 14-28.

The bowl most closely related to the Modena vessel is M.M.A. no. 91.1.581.

On the problem of the Shiraz workshops, see L. T. Giuzalian, “Three Injuid Bronze Vessels,” a paper read at the XXV International Congress of Orientalists, Moscow, 1960.

A. S. Melikian-Chirvani, “Bronzes et cuivres iraniens du Louvre,” JA 256, 1969, pp. 19-36.

Idem, Le bronze iranien, Paris, pp. 70-82.

Search terms:

عبدالقادر شیرازیabdol ghader shirazi

abdul qader shirazi

abdoul ghaader shiraazi

abdol qaader shirazi

abdoulghader shiraazy

(E. Baer)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 134

Cite this entry:

E. Baer, “'Abd-Al-Qader Sirazi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 134; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qader-sirazi (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QĀHER B. ṬĀHER

CROSS-REFERENCE

See BAḠDĀDĪ, ʿABD-AL-QĀHER.

ʿABD-AL-QĀHER B. ṬĀHER

See BAḠDĀDĪ, ʿABD-AL-QĀHER.

Search terms:

عبدالقاهر بن طاهر

abdol ghaher ebn taher

abdoul ghaaher ebn taaher

abdul qaher ibn taaher

abdal qaaher ebn taher

(Cross-Reference)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

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* ʿABD-AL-QĀHER JORJĀNĪ

K. ABU DEEB

celebrated grammarian, rhetorician, and literary theorist, born in Gorgān (date unknown), where he died in 471/1078.

ʿABD-AL-QĀHER JORJĀNĪ

celebrated grammarian, rhetorician, and literary theorist, born in Gorgān (date unknown), where he died in 471/1078.

ʿABD-AL-QĀHER JORJĀNĪ, ABŪ BAKR B. ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN, celebrated grammarian, rhetorician, and literary theorist, born in Gorgān (date unknown), where he died in 471/1078. Despite his fame and the fact that one of his earliest biographers, Bāḵarzī, was a neighbor of his, little is known about his life and education. The richness of cultural life in Gorgān in his time is evident from the range and depths of his interests and vast knowledge, particularly as he is reported to have received his education in Gorgān itself, not traveling “in search of knowledge” as was customary. He himself, however, laments the poor state of learning and the learned (ʿelm and the ʿolamāʾ) and satirizes the times and their values in sharp, embittered poetry, as well as in his prose writings.

Although of Persian origin, Jorǰānī did not write in Persian; he makes no significant use of Persian except for a brief reference to a Persian line of poetry, of which he quotes only an Arabic translation when discussing a specific aspect of imagery. He studied Arabic grammar under Abu’l-Ḥosayn Fāresī, a nephew of the famous Abū ʿAlī Fāresī; this may partly explain his keen interest in the latter’s Ketāb al-īżāḥ, on which he wrote two commentaries, one in thirty volumes entitled al-Moḡnī, the other a short version entitled al-Moqtaṣad (or al-Moqtażab).

Jorǰānī also wrote two grammatical treatises (upon which his reputation rests in the early biographies), Ketāb al-ǰomal and Meʾa ʿāmel (or al-ʿAwāmel al-meʾa), which represent an approach to grammar based on the formal functions of grammatical categories as they affect the surface structure of linguistic utterance. But his more penetrating work on grammar is his structural analysis in Dalāʾel al-eʿǰāz, in which he explores the nature of meaning, signification, syntactic patterns, and the interplay and correspondence between the structure of thought and the structure of language; here he concentrates on the deep structure of linguistic utterance. The two approaches complement each other; combined, they represent one of the most comprehensive analyses of

Arabic syntactic structures and grammatical principles ever attempted. In his other major work, Asrār al-balāḡa, he explores the nature of metaphorical thinking, its implications for poetic as well as religious language and religious belief, and the nature, function, and various forms of poetic imagery. In both his major works, his training as a theologian (motakallem) in the Asḥʿarite tradition (he was also a Shafeʿite ) is evident on the level of convictions, analysis, and arguments.

Other writings of Jorǰānī dealt with the inimitability (eʿǰāz) of the Koran, commentary on the Fāteḥa, and prosody and etymology, and he compiled an anthology of the poetry of Abū Tammām, Boḥtorī, and Motanabbī, which reflects a positive attitude toward the poetry of modernism in the ʿAbbasid period.

Jorǰānī is perhaps the only classical literary theorist who is acknowledged by both the traditional Arab rhetoricians and modern writers trained in Western literary theory to have made a genuine and lasting contribution to the understanding of the creative process. His contribution is best represented in his theory of construction (naẓm) and in his analysis of poetic imagery. Comparisons between his views and those of some leading modern linguists and literary critics have been made by, among others, Moḥammad Mandūr, M. L. ʿAšmāvī, and K. Abu Deeb.

Jorǰānī’s theory of construction represents the climax of three centuries of exploration by Arab writers of the mysteries of artistic superiority, expressiveness, poetic structure, the relationship between form and content, the role of individual words in literary composition, and the nature and function of poetic imagery. Discussions of these issues originated as an inquiry into the nature of the inimitability of the Koran, proclaimed in the Koran itself without, however, any specific mention of those aspects which rendered them inimitable. The thinking of earlier writers, with few exceptions, was dominated by a harmful duality of words (lafẓ) and meanings (maʿānī); some argued that the inimitability was due to the Koran’s words; others, that it was due to its meaning. Jorǰānī developed a current of thought evident in an embryonic form in the writings of Ḵaṭṭābī (388/998) and the Muʿtazilite judge ʿAbd-al-Jabbār b. Aḥmad (415/1025), who, like Jorǰānī, was a Shafeʿite and whose work may have influenced Jorǰānī’s. He rejects the duality, advancing the theory that neither words alone nor meanings alone can explain literary expressiveness in general or the inimitability of the Koran in particular, and arguing that beauty and expressive power are functions of the interaction between semantic constituents of a literary composition as they are organized in a specific syntactic pattern, i.e., a specific

construction (naẓm). The construction embodies the structure of experience underlying the composition, and it consists in “a single act of formulation.” It is, therefore, indivisible into meaning and words; it exists and functions as a harmonious totality within which every element interacts with, modifies, and is modified by the total structure. No element is extraneous or superfluous, and any change in the syntactic structure engenders changes in the semantic structure itself. Construction, Jorǰānī argues, is nothing but the fulfillment of the requirements imposed by the grammar of the language. But grammar here does not represent the set of criteria which determine correctness and incorrectness; it is the body of rules which organize the relationships between meanings into a given pattern determined by the structure of experience itself. For Jorǰānī, meaning does not exist outside its own form, and it is a heresy to say that the same meaning can be expressed in two different ways, one being more, or less, eloquent than another. He sees in this heresy the roots of many misconceptions about language, poetry, and literary expression in general.

Underlying this concept of construction are three fundamental views of language: Language is a system of relations; language is a convention; linguistic signs are arbitrary. (These concepts have been of crucial importance in modern linguistics ever since they were identified by F. de Saussure in Cours de linguistique générale, 5th ed., Paris, 1955, pp. 100f.) Accordingly, a word does not possess any inherent relationship to its referent and can not reveal this referent more adequately than another word can reveal its own referent. Furthermore, a word does not mean fully until it enters into an active relationship with other words, forming a particular syntactic pattern. In isolation, a word is neither more or less poetic than any other word in the language; its beauty and expressive power derive entirely from its role within its immediate context and within the context of the literary composition.

Images are like individual words; apart from a minimal degree of beauty (which an image possesses by virtue of its being a revelation of similarity between dissimilar objects, expressed in predominantly sensuous terms), an image possesses no inherent appeal in isolation from its context. Its artistic achievement derives from its interaction with its context and from the particular syntactic pattern in which it is formulated. The Koranic verse wa eštaʿala al-raʾso šayban (“and the head was set ablaze with hoariness”) has long been admired. It is beautiful because of its function within its context and of its structural properties (verb + subject defined with al rather than the pronoun ya + a noun in the accusative used as a specification [tamyīz], rather than because of any

inherent beauty in the comparison of the spreading of hoariness to fire. If the verse were changed into wa eštaʿala al-šaybo fi’l-raʾse, its power and beauty would be lost. An image is also a distinct process of conveying a meaning. Two such processes are identified by Jorǰānī: meaning and the meaning of meaning. Literal statement, such as “the woman smiled,” expresses a meaning which is conveyed directly. Metaphorical expressions express, rather, a meaning which does not in itself represent the ultimate statement made by the expression but which generates, after analysis and interpretation, a second, non-immediate meaning, or a meaning of meaning (e.g., in the kenāya “there is plenty of Asḥʿarite under Zayd’s cauldron,” constructed in praise of Zayd). Imagery is thus viewed by Jorǰānī as both a distinct act of imaginative creation and a distinct process of communication. It is neither a decorative device which ornaments an already expressed meaning nor a substitute for literal statement, as has been widely believed both in Arabic and European studies (cf. I. A. Richards, The Philosophy of Rhetoric, New York, 1965, chap. 5).

With such a complex phenomenon as metaphorical language firmly established as an organic part of the process of poetic creation, and with many fundamental syntactic patterns in Arabic exhaustively analyzed, Jorǰānī proceeds, in Asrār al-balāḡa, to explore poetic imagery in depth. He discusses the nature and function ofmaǰāz (transference) and classifies its various forms. He bases his entire analysis on a clear distinction between two types of maǰāz, one pertaining to the intellect (ʿaqlī), the other to language (loḡavī), and between two fundamental relationships of transference, similarity and contiguity. The first relationship he asserts to be the reason d’être of esteʿāra (roughly, but not exactly, “metaphor”), denying firmly that the second relationship can produce esteʿāra. He then identifies two basic types ofesteʿāra, one based on proportional analogy and involving no transference of any kind, the other based on direct similarity and involving linguistic transposition. He proceeds to classify the various forms of the second type on the basis of the nature of the dominant trait upon which an esteʿāra is constructed. Throughout, he reveals the fascination, beauty, richness, and precision of esteʿāra, considering it the highest manifestation of creativity. Rejecting the widely held (and basically Aristotelian) view that esteʿāra is based on transference, i.e., using a word in a meaning other than its original one, he demonstrates that esteʿāra is not a verbal device but an interaction between meanings and contexts. He thus defines esteʿāraas a double unit, originating in the fusion of two entities in the imagination and in borrowing a meaning (trait or set of traits) which

belongs to one object to attribute it to another. This process is embodied on the linguistic level in applying the word which designates the first object to the second. (But there is a type of esteʿāra in which the application of the word occurs without there being a second identifiable object, as in religious language describing the physical attributes of God.) Esteʿārais thus defined on the basis of similarity and borrowing. No expression which lacks either of these two features can form an esteʿāra; hence the copula, as in “John is a lion,” does not form an esteʿāra but a compressed and intensified simile (tašbīh balīḡ). Indeed, all forms of the image are defined through two criteria, i.e., as acts of imaginative creation embodied in distinct linguistic formulae. Thus Jorǰānī distinguishes between esteʿāra, tašbīh, tamṯīl, and the other forms of imagery. He refutes the view (which derives from Aristotle and still dominates Western criticism) that esteʿāra is nothing but a compressed simile, arguing that these are two different figures and offering subtle analysis of their similarities and dissimilarities. Then, with equal sophistication and depth of treatment, he explorestamṯīl, complex simile, reversed simile and taʿlīl taḵyīlī (imaginative explanation). In the process, he describes with remarkable precision the imaginative basis for the creation of symbolist imagery and the nature of symbolization.

At the roots of Jorǰānī’s analysis lies a basic distinction between two types of similarity, one easily comprehensible and requiring no interpretation (taʾavvol), the other complex and requiring various degrees of subtlety and intellectual effort for its comprehension and revelation. This division is generated by a more basic division arising from the nature of the very process of simile. Similes can be based either on an attribute in itself (fi’l-ṣefate nafsehā wa ḥaqīqate ǰensehā ), as in comparing cheeks to roses, or on a quality generated by an attribute and resulting from it (fī ḥokmen li’l-ṣefa wa moqtażā), as in comparing the impact of eloquent words to honey. Images differ in their appeal according to the degree of interpretation required for their revelation and understanding. Jorǰānī thus establishes freshness, strangeness, unexpectedness, and ambiguity as fundamental aesthetic criteria. Furthermore, he defines creativity itself in terms of the power of imagery to reveal the hidden affinities between dissimilar objects; the more hidden the affinities are, the more creative the poet who reveals them and the greater the thrill generated by the image. In the revelation of similarity, the poet becomes a genuine creator. Nowhere are these beliefs of Jorǰānī more evident than in his analysis of the power of tamṯīl, in which he identifies the real creative function of imagery as being the discovery of pattern, the revelation of the essential unity of the universe.

Jorǰānī’s analysis of similarity, and the impact of imagery in particular, is underlined by psychological principles pertaining to the nature of the human psyche and human comprehension. The recognition of similarity between dissimilar objects, especially when embodied in sensuous images, generates an incomparable thrill. This is due to the fact that man’s comprehension of reality derives from his first physical contact with it, from direct sense experience. Abstraction is a later process. An image which presents a sensuous detail in order to convey an abstract notion is thus stirring something deeply rooted in man. And the more detailed the points of sensuous similarity, the greater the pleasure and effectiveness of the image, for the comprehension of details requires heightened perception, intuition, and sharpness of vision, which are the mark of the creative poet, whereas the comprehension of totalities and generalities (ǰomal) is common and immediate and, therefore, less exciting. Jorǰānī’s work here is dominated by a strongly Gestaltist view of the psyche.

Jorǰānī’s exploration of imagery reaches its climax of sophistication and originality when he discusses the role of the image within the total context of the poem. Here, he demonstrates that only contextual criteria can determine whether an image is a genuine act of imaginative creation enriching the semantic structure of the poem or merely a superfluous act of linguistic virtuosity. Furthermore, he explores the structure of the single image and the interaction between two functions of imagery which may be called “the sense-communication function” and “the psychological function,” suggesting structural criteria for the understanding and evaluation of imagery. He thus develops an organic and structural approach to imagery (and to poetry in general) which anticipates some major trends in post-Coleridge Western literary criticism. This, as well as many other aspects of his work, makes Jorǰānī the closest of all classical Islamic critics to the spirit and critical mentality of our modern era. It is not accidental that, since the beginning of the modern Arab cultural renaissance, he has received far greater attention and acclaim than any other critic or rhetorician in the Islamic tradition.

Bibliography:

Published works of Jorǰānī: Asrār al-balāḡa, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul, 1954; tr. idem,Die Geheimnisse der Wortkunst, Wiesbaden, 1959.

Ketāb al-ǰomal, ed. ʿAlī Ḥaydar, Damascus, 1972.

Dalāʾel al-eʿǰāz, ed. Rašīd Reżā, 3rd ed., Cairo, 1366/1946.

Meʾa ʿāmel (or al-ʿAwāmel al-meʾa), Būlāq, 1247/1831.

“Al-Moḵtār men šeʿr al-Motanabbī wa’l-Boḥtorī wa Abī Tammām,” in al-Ṭarāʾef al-adabīya, ed. A. A. Maymanī, Cairo, 1937.

“Al-Resālat al-šāfīa fī eʿǰāz al-Qorʾān,” in Ṯalāṯ rasāʾel fī eʿǰāz al-Qorʾān, ed. M. L. Sallām and M. Ḵalafallāh, Cairo, 1956.

On his life and work, see: Brockelmann, GAL I, pp. 114, 287; S. I, p. 503.

Bāḵarzī, Domyat al-qaṣr, Aleppo, 1930, pp. 108-09.

Ebn al-Anbārī, Nozhat al-adebbāʾ, Baghdad, 1294/1877, p. 248.

Qefṭī, Enbāh al-rowāt, Cairo, 1955, II, p. 188.

Modern studies include: K. Abu Deeb, Al-Jurjānī’s Theory of Poetic Imagery, London, 1978.

Idem, “Studies in Arabic Literary Criticism; the Concept of Organic Unity,” inEdebiyat 2, 1977.

Idem, “Al-Jurjānī’s Classification of Istiʿāra with Special Reference to Aristotle’s Classification of Metaphor,” Journal of Arabic Literature 2, 1971, pp. 48-75.

M. Khalafallah, “ʿAbdalqâhir’s Theory in his "Secrets of Eloquence;" A Psychological Approach,” JNES 14, 1955, pp. 164-67.

M. L. al-ʿAšmavī, Qażāyā al-naqd al-adabī wa’l-balāḡa, Alexandria, 1967.

M. Mandūr, Fi’l-mīzān al-ǰadīd, 2nd ed., Cairo, n.d., pp. 145-61.

A. Maṭlūb, ʿAbd-al-Qāher al-Jorǰānī, Beirut, 1973.

Search terms:

عبدالقاهرجرجانیabdol ghaher jorjani

abdal ghaaher jorjaani

abdoul qaher jorjani

abdul qaaher jourjaany

abdalqaher jourjaani

(K. Abu Deeb)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 134-137

Cite this entry:

K. Abu Deeb, “'Abd-Al-Qaher Jorjani,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 134-137; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qaher-jorjani-grammarian-rhetorician-and-literary-theorist-d-1078 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QAYS

P. OBERLING

an eastern Arabian tribe.

ʿABD-AL-QAYS

an eastern Arabian tribe.

ʿABD-AL-QAYS, an eastern Arabian tribe. In ancient times, it moved from what is today the province of al-ʿĀreż to the island of Baḥrayn and the nearby coastal areas. The ʿAbd-al-Qays and other tribes of the Persian Gulf littoral frequently raided southern Iran. When he became of age, Šāpūr II (r. A.D. 309-79) made it his first order of business to punish these predators. He led an army across the Persian Gulf and devastated large parts of Arabia and Syria, slaughtering most of the ʿAbd-al-Qays on the way. Later in his reign, Šāpūr moved many members of the tribe to Kermān province. Before the advent of Islam, the ʿAbd-al-Qays were apparently Christians. During the Arab conquests, the ʿAbd-al-Qays once more crossed the Persian Gulf in large numbers and carried out

extensive raids in southern Iran. Sizable groups of them also settled down in the neighborhood of Tavvaz (near the present-day Dālakī) and Baṣra. In the early 700s, some 4,000 ʿAbd-al-Qays warriors accompanied Qotayba (q.v.) on his campaign into Khorasan.

See also Abarkāvān.

Bibliography:

Baḷʿamī, Chronique II, p. 101; III, p. 181; IV, pp. 207, 213, 299ff.

M. von Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, Wiesbaden, 1952, III, pp. 9-10, 15-16, 165, 167, 180-81, 351-52.

M. A. Shaban, Islamic History, A. D. 600-750, Cambridge, 1971, pp. 52, 97.

W. Caskel, “ʿAbd-al-Ḳays,” EI 2 I, pp. 72-74.

Search terms:

عبدالقیسabdol ghays

abdal qays

abdul qais

abdoul ghais

abdoulghays

abdalqais abdolqais

(P. Oberling)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 137

Cite this entry:

P. Oberling, “'Abd-Al-Qays,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 137; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qays-an-eastern-arabian-tribe (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-QODDŪS B. SOLṬĀN MOḤAMMAD

R. D. MCCHESNEY

called ŠAGASĪ, prominent Afghan military and political figure of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

ʿABD-AL-QODDŪS B. SOLṬĀN MOḤAMMAD

called ŠAGASĪ, prominent Afghan military and political figure of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

ʿABD-AL-QODDŪS B. SOLṬĀN MOḤAMMAD B. SOLṬĀN PĀYANDA MOḤAMMADZĀY SARDĀR, called ŠAGASĪ, prominent Afghan military and political figure of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He was born around 1840, a nephew of the Amīr Dūst Moḥammad Khan, and was associated early with ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān b. Moḥammad Afżal b. Dūst Moḥammad. In the late 1860s he was governor of Tāšqorḡān while Afghan Turkestan was under ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān’s control. He appears to have been with ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān during the latter’s exile in Russian Central Asia (1869-80). After ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān’s accession to the amirate of Afghanistan under British protection, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs was briefly subordinate to the amir’s cousin, Moḥammad Esḥāq b. Moḥammad Aʿẓam, in Afghan Turkestan. In the 1881 struggle between ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān and Moḥammad Ayyūb, son of a previous amir, Šīr ʿAlī Khan,

for Qandahār, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs was sent by Moḥammad Esḥāq to seize Herat on ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān’s behalf. Herat was Moḥammad Ayyūb’s headquarters, but in his absence his supporters surrendered the city to ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs in Ḏu’l-qaʿda, 1298/October, 1881. ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs stayed on as governor of the city until 15 Ḏu’l-qaʿda 1299/28 September 1882. He was repeatedly reprimanded by the amir for what was seen in Kabul as administrative malfeasance. Recalled to Kabul, he was placed under house arrest until ʿĪd al-Feṭr 1304/23 June 1887, when he was rehabilitated and appointed administrator of the ṣandūq-e ʿadālat (an institution of public welfare by which government disbursements to the indigent were regularized; Serāǰ al-tawārīḵ, p. 437). He appears to have held this post until Ḏu’l-qaʿda, 1307/June-July, 1890, when ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān, then in Mazār-e Šarīf, ordered him to lead an expeditionary force into the Hazāraǰāt and bring that region under the control of Kabul. In Moḥarram, 1308/August-September, 1890 he was in Bāmīān, where he was ordered to rebuild an ancient Šahr-e Ḡolḡola as an army base. In the course of excavating, a number of archeological finds were made. Three types of buildings (se bāb-e ḵāna) were unearthed, each measuring thirty ḏaṛʿ in length, ten ḏaṛʿ in width, and ten ḏaṛʿin height. A 700-year-old document (qabāla) was also discovered. It was sent to the amir who gave it to his son, Ḥabīballāh (Serāǰ al-tawārīḵ, p. 698).

The subsequent war against the Hazāras, in which ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs was heavily involved, was a long and difficult one with racial, religious, and economic overtones. ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs’ policies from the beginning were ineffective in exploiting the strong support for the Kabul government that had long existed in many areas of the Hazāraǰāt. His officials imposed burdensome provisioning requirements on the loyal Hazāra population, and his subordinates treated the people as a conquered population and publicly taunted them as koffār for their adherence to Eṯnā-ʿašarī Shiʿism. Moreover, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs himself outraged the moral sensibilities of the Hazāras of Orūzgān, the chief city of the Hazāraǰāt, by taking Hazāra women into concubinage, a practice that his officers also adopted. He remained in the vicinity of Orūzgān for nearly a year but was then recalled to Kabul in Rabīʿ I, 1310/October, 1892, partly because of his incapacitation as a result of illness and partly as a result of his inept policies which by this time had alienated loyal Hazāras and brought the region into open armed resistance to Kabul.

On his return, ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān appointed him court chamberlain (īšīk āqāsī, whence apparently the soubriquet Šagasī), in which position he remained for the next decade. After ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān’s death in 1901 and the accession of his son, Ḥabīballāh, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs became the latter’s

closest advisor. In 1905, during the Afghan-Anglo negotiations carried out by Ḥabīballāh Khan and Louis W. Dane, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs’s influence was crucial in gaining favorable terms for the Afghan side. He maintained an intensely nationalistic posture in all his policy recommendations, including his decisive advocacy of Afghan neutrality during the First World War.

In 1919, after the assassination of the Amīr Ḥabīballāh Khan, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs was named prime minister (ṣadr-e aʿẓam) by his successor, Amīnallāh Khan. In the Anglo-Afghan war of the same year, he commanded the Afghan troops at Qandahār. And in 1924, although in his mid-eighties, he took part in the suppression of the Mangal uprising in Ḵūst. He died on March 18, 1928. The title eʿtemād-al-dawla, conferred on him by Ḥabīballāh Khan, was adopted by his descendants, the Eʿtemādī family.

Bibliography:

For the career of ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs to 1892, Fayż Moḥammad Kāteb, Serāǰ al-tawārīḵ, Kabul, 1333/1915, vol. III offers the most information.

After 1901, many references to ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs are to be found in British records.

See especially citations in L. Adamec, Afghanistan’s Foreign Affairs to the Mid-Twentieth Century, Tuscon, 1974.

Idem, Historical and Political Who’s Who of Afghanistan, Graz, 1975.

See also V. M. Masson and V. A. Romodin, Istoriya Afganistana, Moscow, 1965, II, pp. 273, 381, 388.

Search terms:

عبدالقدوس بن سلطان محمدabdol ghodous ebn soultan mohammad

abd al qodus ebn sultan mohamed

abdoul qodos ibn sultaan muhammad

abdal qodous ebn soltan mohamad

abdol ghodus ebn soltaan muhamed

(R. D. McChesney)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 137-138

Cite this entry:

R. D. McChesney, “'Abd-Al-Qoddus B. Soltan Mohammad,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 137-138; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qoddus-b-soltan-mohammad-prominent-afghan-late-19th-early-20th-cents (accessed on 16 January 2014)

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* ʿABD-AL-QODDŪS GANGŌHĪ

B. B. LAWRENCE

Indo-Muslim saint and litterateur (d. 1537).

ABD-AL-QODDŪS GANGŌHĪ

Indo-Muslim saint and litterateur (d. 1537).

ʿABD-AL-QODDŪS GANGŌHĪ, Indo-Muslim saint and litterateur, pivotal member in the Ṣāberīya Češtīya, a branch limited to present-day Uttar Pradesh and Pakistan but enormously influential among the émigré elite of that large region.

The details of ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs’s life are comparatively well known. His family, which had produced many illustrious ʿolamāʾ, claimed descent from Imam Abū Ḥanīfa. During the period of the early Turkish sultanates, they had migrated from Ḡazna to Delhi, but toward the end of the 14th century ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs’s great grandfather, one Shaikh Naṣīr-al-dīn, moved eastward to Jawnpur, settling near Rudawli, where he and his descendants maintained close ties with the ruling Šarqī dynasty. ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs was born into the family of Shaikh Moḥammad Esmāʿīl b. Ṣafī-al-dīn b. Naṣīr-al-dīn ca. 860/1456.

The spiritual quest of ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs closely resembles that of his Sufi preceptor,Aḥmad ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq Rodawlavī (d. 838/1434): Both began their formal studies with the then standard curriculum in external sciences (ʿolūm-e ẓāher), only to be diverted and finally overwhelmed by passionate love of God (ʿešq-e mawlā), after which they became students, disciples, and eventual exemplars of the Sufi path (ṭarīqa). ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs was not, however, linked to Aḥmad in a generational sequence; the older saint had predeceased him by more than a hundred years. Instead, he became acquainted with the relatively obscure Ṣāberīya Češtīya through Aḥmad’s grandson, Shaikh Moḥammad, who was the saǰǰāda nešīn of the Rudawliḵānaqāh in ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs’s youth and whose sister ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs later married. But ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs himself claimed that it was direct communication with the spirit of the

deceased saint in a dream that prompted his profession of spiritual allegiance (bayʿat) to the Ṣāberīya Češtīya (Laṭāʾef-e Qoddūsī, p. 10), much in the same manner that the illiterate Ḵaraqānī (d. 426/1034) was said to have been initiated by the awe-inspiring spirit of the deceased Bāyazīd Besṭamī (d. 261/874).

The remainder of ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs’s life may be divided into 3 phases: 1. For approximately seventeen years after his initiation into the Ṣāberīya Češtīya discipline, he remained near Rudawli, spending his time in private devotional pursuits (some of which, e.g., namāz-e maʿkūs “inverted prayer” and solṭān-e ḏekr“supreme meditation,” were extraordinarily rigorous) but also accepting Afghan disciples from the Lōdī armies that conquered and intermittently ruled eastern Uttar Pradesh during the latter part of the 15th century. (In this connection, see especially S. Digby, “Dattu Sarvani.”) 2. In 896/1491, at the invitation of one of his Afghan disciples, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs, with his family, moved to Shahabad in the Panjab, not far from Gangoh, where the saint eventually died and was buried. For over 30 years he resided there, raised his sons, and continued to groom Afghan disciples. Inevitably he was entangled in the battle of Panipat (1526). Sultan Ebrāhīm compelled him to bless the ill-fated Lōdī army. The now aged saint was captured and later released by the invading Mughals. 3. He then moved to Gangoh, where he lived for his remaining eleven years. He developed minimal but apparently cordial relations with both Bābor and Homāyūn. Like Shaikh Aḥmad Serhendī (d. 1034/1624, who is spiritually linked to ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs through his father, ʿAbd-al-Aḥad, a disciple of the saint’s son, Rokn-al-dīn), ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs recorded his exchanges with the Lōdī and Mughal royalty in letters, copies of which were retained, collected, and later transcribed by scrupulous disciples. Though not as theologically speculative as the letters of Serhendī, these letters (the Maktūbāt-e Qoddūsī) provide insights into the saint’s relations with contemporary rulers and government officials. (For a detailed analysis, consult S. Digby, “ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs,” pp. 28-34.)

When he died at Gangoh on 23 Jomādā II 944/28 November 1537, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs was laid to rest in a tomb already under construction and possibly built in part by a donation from the emperor Homāyūn. The tomb, having survived centuries of intense political strife, continues today as a focal point for the annual celebration of the saint’s ʿors.

ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs’s posthumous success was enhanced by his physical and spiritual progeny. His son, Rokn-al-dīn, compiled the biographically rich series of anecdotes about his father, Laṭāʾef-e Qoddūsī (Delhi,

1311/1894). Jalāl-al-dīn Th ānēsarī, the saint’s principal successor, enjoyed fame and recognition during Akbar’s reign; he also authored a treatise on land settlement practices (Taḥqīq arāżī al-Hend, ed. S. A. Nadvī, Karachi, 1383/1963). Not all ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs’s offspring, however, were inclined to mystical pursuits or shared his spiritual outlook. Theological arguments with his sons have been noted (Laṭāʾef-e Qoddūsī, p. 58), while his grandson, ʿAbd-al-Nabī, attacked the Češtī tradition of samāʿ (a mainstay of ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs’s own devotional endeavors) and later infuriated Akbar by his scandalous behavior as ṣadr al-ṣodūr. The 19th-century spiritual descendants of the shaikh included founders of the ultra-orthodox madrasa at Deoband (viz., Moḥammad Qāsem and Moḥammad Yaʿqūb Nanawtavī), both of whom were openly hostile to Sufism. Yet, as K. A. Nizami has made clear (see “Chishtiyya,” EI 2 II, p. 53), without ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs there would have been no branch of the Češtī Order (selsela), to rival main tradition traced through Shaikh Neẓām-al-dīn Awlīāʾ (q.v.; d. 726/1325) and his numerous successors.

ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs himself has been narrowly stereotyped by an oft-cited quotation which Moḥammad Eqbāl Lāhūrī (d. 1358/1938) attributed to him: “Muhammad of Arabia ascended the highest heaven and returned. I swear by God that if I had reached that point, I should never have returned” (M. Iqbal, Six Lectures on the Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, Lahore, 1930, p. 193). For Eqbāl this statement summarizes the contrast between the mystic and prophetic levels of consciousness; and in condemning the former, he also minimizes the spiritual attainments of ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs. But it is important to remember that the saying, if it can be genuinely attributed to the saint from Gangoh, was uttered as a šaṭḥ “ ecstatic aphorism” during one of his intoxicated states perhaps while attending a samāʿassembly. Like every major Sufi saint, however, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs was able to combine opposite qualities and tendencies; in his sober states he maintained his obligations as a strict Sunni Muslim, as a husband and father, and as a nurturer of other men in the mystical path of the Ṣāberīya Češtīya.

He was also a prolific writer in Persian, Arabic, and Hindi. (For his Hindi verses, most of which are set forth in marginal notes or glosses to his major speculative treatise, the Rošd [Moršed] nāma, see S. Digby, “ ʿAbd al-Quddus,” pp. 56-66.) Of his seventeen compositions, many are no longer extant, but those that are give an adequate insight into his varied literary talents. Anwār al-ʿoyūn is a Persiantaḏkera of his pīr, Aḥmad ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq Rodawlavī; while Rošd [Moršed] nāma is a Persian ešāra “instructional tract” with numerous Arabic citations that

summarizes the saint’s mystical outlook and obliquely incorporates meditative exercises of Nathanpanthī yogins. Other minor Persian rasāʾel “treatises” have survived, as have two collections of his Persian letters (Maktūbāt-e Qoddūsī and a smaller Montaḵab-e maktūbāt-e Qoddūsī) and an important Arabic commentary on Šehāb-al-dīn Sohravardī’s ʿAwāref al-maʿāref, the favorite organizational manual for Indian Češtīs.

ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs had a great fondness for Persian poetry: As a young man he made a partial translation of the Čandāyān of Mawlānā Dāʾūd, a late 14th century verse romance in Avadhi or Eastern Hindi (excerpts of which are given in the Laṭāʾef-e Qoddūsī); he frequently cited the distichs of both Indian and non-Indian Persian poets; and he composed his own Persian verse under the taḵalloṣ Aḥmadī.

ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs is most often remembered for his theological legacy; he has been viewed as one of the staunchest Indian proponents of waḥdat al-woǰūd (see, e.g., S. H. ʿAskarī, “Hazrat Abdul Quddus Gangohi,” pp. 10-12, and A. Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, Chapel Hill, 1975, p. 357). Although the commentary which he wrote on Ebn ʿArabī’s Foṣūṣ al-ḥekam is no longer extant, there are numerous observations on waḥdat al-woǰūd in the Rošdnāma and a reference in Laṭāʾef-e Qoddūsī (p. 55) to the protracted debate which ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs had with a contemporary scholar, Mīrān Sayyedī Aḥmad Moltānī, on the correctness of waḥdat al-woǰūd; according to the Laṭāʾef (p. 55), the debate continued for nearly six months till ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs finally convinced his stubborn opponent that Shaikh al-Akbar’s teaching was indeed an accurate interpretation of Islam. Ironically, M. Mujeeb (The Indian Muslims, Montreal, 1967, pp. 197-98) has criticized Gangōhī for not adhering to the principles of waḥdat al-woǰūd in the political sphere; otherwise, argues Mujeeb, he would not have written solicitous letters to Muslim rulers and their high officers in order to promote the financial interests of the Islamic religious classes. ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs, however, was not the first saint to use his spiritual charisma to obtain favors from political authorities on behalf of his fellow Muslims; his Češtī predecessor at Jawnpur, Sayyed Ašraf Jahāngīr Semnānī (q.v.; d. 808/1405), also interceded with the Šarqī rulers to plead the case of distressed co-religionists. The position of the Indian mašāʾeḵ as members of the Muslim elite almost compelled them to have some relationship with the ruling classes, whether they espoused the doctrine of waḥdat al-woǰūd or its antithesis, waḥdat al-šohūd. In counseling against the assignment of government posts to non-Muslims,

ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs was simply revealing the sober, militantly orthodox side of his multifaceted personality.

Bibliography:

ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq Moḥaddeṯ Dehlavī, Aḵbār al-aḵyār, Delhi, 1280/1863, pp. 212-13.

Dārā Šokūh, Safīnat al-awlīāʾ, Lucknow, 1289/1872, p. 101.

Allāhdīā Češtī, Sīar al-aqṭāb (Urdu tr.), Lucknow, 1306/1888, pp. 189-90.

Ḡolām Sarvar Lāhūrī, Ḵazīnat al-aṣfīāʾ, Kanpur, 1312/1894, I, pp. 416-18.

S. Nurul Hasan, “Lataʾif-i-Quddusi, a Contemporary Afghan Sourcefor the Study of Afghan-Mughal Relationships,” Medieval India Quarterly I, 1950, pp. 49-57.

Eʿǰāz-al-Ḥaqq Qoddūsī, Šayḵ ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs Gangōhī awr onkī taʿlīmāt (Urdu), Karachi, 1961.

S. H. ʿAskarī, “Hazrat Abdul Quddus Gangohi,” Patna University Journal II, 1957, pp. 1-31.

K. A. Neẓāmī, Tārīḵ-e mašāʾeḵ-e Češt (Urdu), Delhi, 1953, pp. 221-23.

S. Digby, “Dreams and Reminiscences of Dattu Sarvani, a Sixteenth Century Indo-Afghan Soldier,” The Indian Economic and Social History Review 2, 1965, pp. 52-80, 178-94.

Idem, “ʿAbd al-Quddus Gangohi (1456-1537 A. D.): The Personality and Attitudes of a Medieval Indian Sufi,” Medieval India: A Miscellany 3, Aligarh, 1975, pp. 1-66.

Search terms:

عبدالقدوس گنگوهیabdol ghodous gangoohi

abdul qodos gangoohy

abdoul qodus ganguhy

abdalqodus ganguhi

abdolghodoos gangohi

(B. B. Lawrence)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 138-140

Cite this entry:

B. B. Lawrence, “Abd-Al-Qoddus Gangohi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 138-140; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-qoddus-gangohi-indo-muslim-saint-and-litterateur-d-1537 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RĀFEʿ HERAVĪ

ŻĪĀ-AL-DĪN SAJJĀDĪ

poet, grammarian, and physician, first attached to the court of Ḵosrow Malek (555-82/1160-76), the last Ghaznavid sultan.

ʿABD-AL-RĀFEʿ HERAVĪ

poet, grammarian, and physician, first attached to the court of Ḵosrow Malek (555-82/1160-76), the last Ghaznavid sultan.

ʿABD-AL-RĀFEʿ HERAVĪ, ŻĪĀ-AL-DĪN B. ABU’L-FATḤ, poet, grammarian, and physician, first attached to the court of Ḵosrow Malek (555-82/1160-76), the last Ghaznavid sultan. After the Ghurids seized power, he served them, and they respected him for his skill. The major portion of his poetry apparently has been lost. ʿAwfī (Lobāb [Tehran], p. 474) quotes seventy-five lines of his poetry, among which is a qaṣīda in praise of Ḡīāṯ-al-dīn Moḥammad b. Salm Ḡūrī (558-99/1163-1202). ʿAwfī also attributes to him a commentary on the Nowrūzīya, known as theJalālīya, which he says was dedicated to Ḵosrow Malek.

Bibliography:

Haft eqlīm II, p. 144.

Dehḵodā, s.v. “ʿAbd-al-Rāfeʿ” and “Ḡūrīān.” Nafīsī, Naẓm o naṯr I, p. 38.

Ṣafā, Adabīyāt I, p. 715.

ʿAbbās Eqbāl, Tārīḵ-e mofaṣṣal-e Īrān, Tehran, 1346 Š./1967, pp. 287, 295-98.

Search terms:

عبدالرافع هروی

abdol rafe heravi

abdoul raafe herawi

abdul rafa heravy

abdalraafe herawy

abdolrafe heravi

abdal raafa heravi

(Żīā-al-dīn Sajjādī)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 140

Cite this entry:

Żīā-al-dīn Sajjādī, “'Abd-Al-Rafe' Heravi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 140; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rafe-heravi-12th-century-poet-grammarian-and-physician (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ʿAJAMĪ

D. PINGREE

astronomer (d. 1026/1617).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ʿAJAMĪ

astronomer (d. 1026/1617).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM B. ʿABD-AL-KARĪM AL-QAZVĪNĪ AL-ʿAJAMĪ, astronomer, d. 1026/1617. Nothing further seems to be known of his life. Two of his works survive:al-Zīǰ fi’l-falak (“Astronomical tables

on the sphere”), and Resāla fi’l-kawākeb al-ṯābeta (“Epistle on the fixed star”).

Bibliography : Brockelmann, GAL II 2, p. 545.

Search terms:

عبدالرحیم عجمیabdalrahim ajami

abdoul rahim ajami

abdol rahim ajamy

abdul rahim ajamy

abdoulrahim ajamey

(D. Pingree)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 140

Cite this entry:

David Pingree, “'Abd-Al-Rahim 'Ajami,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 140; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahim-ajami (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ʿANBARĪN-QALAM

M. A. CHAGHATAI

calligrapher of India (fl. late 10th-11th centuries).

ABD-AL-RAḤĪM ʿANBARĪN-QALAM

calligrapher of India (fl. late 10th-11th centuries).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ʿANBARĪN-QALAM, calligrapher of India (fl. late 10th-11th cent.). He was a native of Herat but, as a young man, went to India and entered the service of ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm Ḵān Ḵānān. According to the Maʾāṯer-e Raḥīmī,he gained a wide reputation for his nastaʿlīq hand while writing manuscripts for the Ḵān Ḵānān’s library. After some years the Ḵān Ḵānān presented him at the court of Akbar, where ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm received an appointment. A number of examples of his work are extant. 1. A manuscript of the Anvār-e Sohaylī, illustrated by Akbar’s artists at the Lahore court, was brought from the state of Balarampur and exhibited at the Indian History Conference, Allahabad (see Proceedings of the Indian Historical Conference, 1938, p. 64). It is signed: “Completed at the hand of the sinful ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm al-Heravī. May almighty God

conceal his faults and forgive his sins. Written at Lahore, the capital of the state, A. H. 1005.” 2. The India Office’s Johnson collection, book no. 16, contains a specimen of his calligraphy written in 1006 and signed: “ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm al-Heravī.” 3. The same collection’s book no. 7 contains an outstanding nastaʿlīq specimen written for Ḥakīm Ṭāleb ʿAlī. 4. The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, has an example dated 1008 and signed as in 2, above. 5. ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm’s honorific title, possibly bestowed by the emperor Jahāngīr, accompanies his name on a specimen dated 1022 (C. Stanley Clerk, Indian Drawings, London, 1922, pl. 17 and fig. 26). 6. Examples of his writing in the collection of A. C. Ardeshir of Poona begin with the date 1028. These were usually written at Agra and sometimes bear the name of a Mughal courtier. 7. A manuscript of the Jahāngīrnāma in the State library in Tehran is dated 1034 (Bayānī,Ḵᵛošnevīsān II, p. 390) and signed with ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm’s name and title. 8. The collection of Aligarh Muslim University contains one specimen of his writing, signed with his name and title and dated 1037 (OCM supp., Feb. and May, 1953, p. 390).

Bibliography:

See also M. Mahfuzul Haq, “The Khan Khanan and His Painters, Illuminators and Calligraphists,” IC 5, 1931, p. 628.

Search terms:

عبدالرحیم عنبرین قلم

abdol rahim anbarin ghalam

abdoulrahim anbarin qalam

abdul rahim anbarin ghalam

abdalrahim anbarin qalam

abdolrahim anbareen ghalam

(M. A. Chaghatai)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 140-141

Cite this entry:

M. A. Chaghatai, “'Abd-Al-Rahim 'Anbarin-Qalam,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 140-141; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahim-anbarin-qalam (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM DEHLAVĪ

FAZLUR RAHMAN

late Mughal scholar (d. 1726).

ABD-AL-RAḤĪM DEHLAVĪ

late Mughal scholar (d. 1726).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM DEHLAVĪ, late Mughal scholar and the father of Shah Valīallāh (q.v.; d. 1138/1726). Born about 1053-54/1643-44, ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm was the second of three sons of Vaǰīh-al-dīn, a military officer of remarkable courage and integrity in the army of the Mughal emperors Shah Jahān and Awrangzēb. ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm first studied law (feqh) and tradition (Hadith) with his father (Ḥayāt-e Valī, pp. 174-75). He also studied with his older brother, Abu’l-Reżā, but his most prominent teacher in theology and philosophy was Mīrzā Zāhed Heravī, who taught him when ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm was only eleven. After finishing his formal education at the age of twelve he began teaching and subsequently established a madrasa which was named Raḥīmīya after him. At the same time, he embarked on the Sufi way; even earlier, at the age of nine or ten, he had started the practice of ḏekr, i.e., intense concentration on the name of Allāh.

He asked Ḵᵛāǰa Ḵord, son of the illustrious Naqšbandī Shaikh Bāqī Bellāh, to initiate him formally as his disciple, but the latter excused himself on the ground that he was not very meticulous about observing

the šarīʿa rules and that the young ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm would do better to adopt another shaikh as his spiritual master, preferably one of the disciples of Ādam Bennawrī. He then went to one Sayyed ʿAbdallāh, who admitted him to his discipleship (Anfās al-ʿārefīn, p. 39; cf., Ḥayāt-e Valī, p. 180). Sayyed ʿAbdallāh asked his new disciple to substitute the ḏekr of “there is no god but Allāh” (called nafy o eṯbāt) for that of “Allāh;” this ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm was able to achieve, but only after a considerable difficulty. He died in Delhi on 12 Ṣafar 1131/3-4 January 1719 after a protracted illness aggravated by his insistence on observing the fast of Ramażān even after his health had become precarious.

Shah Valīallāh made strong assertions about his father’s accomplishments; e.g., “I consider the total knowledge of all the ʿolamāʾ in the world, compared to my father’s, like a drop compared to the ocean” (Ḥayāt-e Valī, p. 175). ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm helped compile the massive law code, Fatāvā-ye ʿĀlamgīrī, and he wrote many Persian maktūbāt (unpublished).

Bibliography:

Shah Valīallāh, Anfās al-ʿārefīn, Lucknow, 1335/1917; Urdu tr. by Moḥammad Fārūq Qāderī, Lahore, 1394/1974.

Raḥīm Baḵš Dehlavī, Ḥayāt-e Valī, Lahore, 1392/1972.

Search terms:

عبدالرحیم دهلویabdol rahim dehlavi

abdalrahim dehlawy

abdoul rahim dehlawi

abdul rahim dehlavey

abdoulrahim dehlavy

(Fazlur Rahman)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 141

Cite this entry:

Fazlur Rahman, “'Abd-Al-Rahim Dehlavi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 141; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahim-dehlavi (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴĀN ḴĀNĀN

N. H. ZAIDI

Mughal general and statesman (d. 1627).

ABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴĀN ḴĀNĀN

Mughal general and statesman (d. 1627).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴĀN(-E) ḴĀNĀN B. MOḤAMMAD BAYRAM BEG ḴĀN ḴĀNĀN, distinguished general and statesman, patron of artists and poets. He was born at Lahore in 964/1556 (Maʾāṯer-e Raḥīmī II, p. 234) and was of the Bahārlū clan of the Qara Qoyonlū. In 1562, the year following his father’s assassination, he was brought to Akbar’s court, where he was raised. His teachers were Ḡāzī Khan Badaḵšī and Moḥammad Amīn Andeǰānī. In 981/1573 he accompanied Akbar in the campaign against Ḥosayn Mīrzā at Ahmadabad. He was appointed governor of Gujerat in 983/1576 and, after this and other services, reader to the king (mīr ʿarż) in 988/1580. Four years later he became the guardian (atālīq) of Prince Salīm (Maʾāṯer II, p. 105; Āʾīn-e Akbarī, tr., Blochmann, I, p. 355).

ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm returned to Gujerat and displayed his military skill at the battle of Sarkej, near Ahmadabad, in 992/1584. Disregarding the express royal command to await reinforcements, he attacked and routed the much larger army of Moẓaffar Shah. He thus earned the title ḵān ḵānān, with promotion to the rank (manṣab) of 5,000 (Šāhnavāz Khan, Maʾāṯer al-omarāʾ I, p. 695; Ferešta, I, p. 265). After several years of further service in Gujerat, he was appointed vakīl in 998/1590. In 1591 he was given command of an expedition originally intended to conquer Qandahār. (See, however, Ṭabaqāt-e Akbarī, tr., II, p. 632.) He turned, instead, toward Sind, achieving its conquest in 1000/1592 and thus serving Akbar’s desire to increase his marine power (Ferešta, II, p. 323).

In 1594 ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm was dispatched to the Deccan to assist Prince Morād’s expedition. Lack of cooperation between the two caused affairs to proceed slowly. At the battles of Mandore and Āštī in 1005/1597, Ḵān Ḵānān gained a major victory over the allied Deccan forces under Sohayl Khan of Bijapur (Āʾīn-e Akbarī, tr., I, p. 335), only to be recalled to Agra the following year due to Morād’s complaint. After Morād’s death

(1006/1598), he was appointed to command the imperial forces under Prince Dānyāl in another expedition to the Deccan (1007/1698-99). Ahmadnagar was taken in 1008/1599, and four years later ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm, still active in the Deccan, was made guardian of the prince, who by then had become his son-in-law.

In 1014/1605 Prince Salīm succeeded to the throne as the emperor Jahāngīr. He sent fresh troops to the Deccan under Prince Parvīz, but ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm performed poorly when his initiative was overruled by the inexperienced princes. (See Jahāngīr’s criticism, Tūzok-e Jahāngīrī, tr. A. Rogers and H. Beveridge, London, 1909-14, pp. 178-80.) Ahmadnagar was lost, and in 1018/1610 Ḵān Ḵānān was recalled to Agra in disgrace. But in 1021/1612 he was again selected, as the only person competent to deal with Deccan affairs, to head a southward expedition. Three years later he conquered Tilangana (northern Madras) and went on to defeat Malek ʿAnbar Ḥabšī of Ahmadnagar and regain the lost territories. In 1618 Ḵān Ḵānān’s son Amrallāh, at his direction, campaigned in Gondwana and consequently was raised to the rank of 7,000—the climax of the noble’s rank of manṣab (Maʾāṯer al-omarāʾ I, p. 708).

In 1622, with the revolt of Prince Ḵorram (later Shah Jahān) against Jahāngīr, the fortunes of ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm began to decline. In trying to reconcile the two, Ḵān Ḵānān was suspected of double-dealing and incurred the wrath of both. He was placed under surveillance; and one of his sons, Dārāb Khan, along with the latter’s son, were executed by order of Mahābat Khan, the royal commander. In 1625, however, Jahāngīr restored ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm’s rank and title (Maʾāṯer al-omarāʾ I, p. 713). He then directed ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm to lead the pursuit of Mahābat Khan, who had by that time rebelled against Jahāngīr. While still conducting field preparations, Ḵān Ḵānān became ill at Lahore. He died in Delhi in 1036/1627 at the age of seventy-one. He was buried near the tomb complex of Shaikh Neẓām-al-dīn Awlīāʾ. ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm’s mausoleum, once a large and imposing edifice, had fallen into ruin by 1849 (T. W. Beale, Meftāḥ al-tawārīḵ, Agra, 1849, p. 364) and was in still worse condition by 1919 (Bašīr-al-dīn, Vāqeʿāt-e dār-al-ḥokūmat-e Dehlī II, Agra, 1919, p. 702).

Ḵān Ḵānān was a handsome man of short stature and medium build. He was eloquent, quick-witted, resourceful and efficient; even when Ḵān Ḵānān was a youth, Akbar used to consult him in political affairs (Maʾāṯer-e Raḥīmī II, p. 106). As a general Ḵān Ḵānān was intrepid; many of his victories were the result of quick decision and crafty maneuverings. His statesmanship in the Deccan, over a period of about

twenty-eight years, bore similar characteristics, though his inclination to amicable settlements twice led to accusations of treachery from affected members of the royal house. He was said to be able to converse with Europeans in their own language (ibid., II, p. 592; Tūzok-e Jahāngīrī, tr., p. 471). In religious outlook he was a liberal Sunnite, kindly disposed to both Shiʿites and Sufis. Ḵān Ḵānān composed verse, in Persian, Turkish, and Hindi (even inventing a new meter,barva, in the latter language); he could intertranslate Arabic, Persian, and Turkish. In 998/1589, at Akbar’s direction, he translated the Bābornāma from Turkish into Persian with the title Vāqeʿāt-e Bāborī.

In keeping with his high state, Ḵān Ḵānān was a generous patron, maintaining many poets, painters, calligraphers, and bookbinders. “Without his deep love for specific fine arts and his boundless generosity, the stream of poets and artists who came from Iran to seek their fortune in India would surely not have been so large” (A. Schimmel, Islamic Literatures of India, Wiesbaden, 1973, p. 26). Among Ḵān Ḵānān’s most famous protégés was the Nīšāpūrī émigré Naẓīrī, whose qaṣīdas in praise of his patron are quoted in Maʾāṯer-e Raḥīmī. ʿAbdal-Bāqī has written notes on 103 such poets, giving extracts from their verses in 1,470 pages of Maʾāṯer-e Raḥīmī III. Most celebrated among them are ʿOrfī, Naẓīrī’s brother Šaraf, Nawʿī, Šekībī, Anīsī (who was Ḵān Ḵānān’s army paymaster and a daring soldier), Faḡfūr, Voqūʿī, Ḥayātī, Ḥaydar Moʿammāʾī, ʿAršī, Malek Qomī, and Ẓohūrī (the last two belonged to the court of the Deccan). Besides their regular salaries, which in some cases rose to 50,000 rupees a year, Ḵān Ḵānān favored them with generous grants on the occasion of marriage, festival, or pilgrimage (ibid., pp. 492, 520). Naẓīrī once requested to see 1,000,000 (1 lakh) rupees; he was not only shown the pile but also ordered to carry it home (Maʾāṯer al-omarāʾ I, p. 708). The staff of Ḵān Ḵānān’s library consisted of ninety-five accomplished scholars and craftsmen—for example, ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm of Herat and Behbūd b. Mīr ʿAlī, calligraphers; Mīān Nadīm, illustrator; Moḥammad Ḥosayn, bookbinder; Moḥammad Amīn Ḵorāsānī, gilder and illuminator. Some received annuities of 4,00 silver coins. Among Ḵān Ḵānān’s painters were Ebrāhīm and Mādho, who represented the Iranian and Indian schools.

To academicians, the poor, dignitaries, and ascetics in Khorasan, Mecca, and Medina Ḵān Ḵānān sent gifts and generous sums which won hime wide renown. Among the beneficiaries were the physicians Ḥakīm Moḥammad Bāqer, Jebrīl, Moḥammad Amīn, Moḥammad Nafīs Mašhadī, and Ḥāḏeq (Maʾāṯer-e Raḥīmī III, pp. 31, 65, 1962). Mīrzā ʿAlī Qabčakī, Mawlānā Oṣūlī, Moḥammad Moʾmen (musicians), Moḥammad

Ṣāleḥ (gunmaker), Ebrāhīm (jewel polisher) also enjoyed his patronage (ibid., p. 1682).

ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm had six sons, all of whom predeceased him: Īraǰ Šāhnavāz Khan (d. 1028/1619), Dārāb, executed in 1035/1625, Raḥmāndād (d. 1029/1620), Amrallāh, Ḥaydar-qolī, and Qārān. His wife, Māh Bānū, sister of Ḵān-e Aʿẓam Mīrzā ʿAzīz, also predeceased him, dying at Ambela in 1005/1596-97 (Akbarnāma II, p. 612). Of his daughters the accomplished Jānān Begom married Prince Dānyāl in 1007/1599; another daughter married Amīr-al-dīn b. Jamāl-al-dīn Īnǰū.

Bibliography:

See especially ʿAbd-al-Bāqī Nevāhandī, Maʾāṯer-e Raḥīmī I and III, Calcutta, 1925, 1931 (description and excerpt in Elliot, History of India VI, pp. 237-43).

Šāhnavāz Khan Awrangābādī, Maʾāṯer al-omarāʾ I, pp. 693-713.

Āʾīn-e Akbarī, tr. I, pp. 354-61.

Mīrzā Neẓām-al-dīn Aḥmad, Ṭabaqāt-e Akbarī, tr., Calcutta, 1936, II, pp. 249-50.

Šeblī, Šeʿr al-ʿaǰam III, Lahore, 1947, pp. 701-71.

M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims, Montreal, 1967, pp. 356-59.

Y. Friedmann, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindī, Montreal and London, 1971, pp. 42-43, 81.

M. Mahfuzul Haq, “The Khan Khanan and His Painters, Illuminators and Calligraphists,” IC 5, 1931, pp. 621-30.

Pandit Vanshidar, “ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm Khan Khanan and His Hindi Poetry,” IC 24, 1950, pp. 123-33.

Search terms:

عبدالرحیم خانخانان

abdol rahim khan khanan

abdolrahim khaan khaanaan

abdoul rahim khan khanan

abdul rahim

abdalrahim khan

khaan khaanaan

khanan

(N. H. Zaidi)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 141-143

Cite this entry:

N. H. Zaidi, “'Abd-Al-Rahim Kan Kanan,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 141-143; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahim-kan-kanan (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴAYYĀṬ

W. MADELUNG

Muʿtazilite theologian of Baghdad (9th century).

ABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴAYYĀṬ

Muʿtazilite theologian of Baghdad (9th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM B. MOḤAMMAD B. ʿOṮMĀN AL-ḴAYYĀṬ, ABU’L-ḤOSAYN, Muʿtazilite theologian of Baghdad. He must have been born before 220/835, since he began his theological studies still under the Muʿtazilite Jaʿfar b. Mobaššer (d. 234/848-49). His chief teacher of kalām (theology) seems to have been ʿĪsā b. Hayṯam Ṣūfī. He was also noted for his learning in Hadith and the law of inheritance (farāʾeż) and is known to have transmitted traditions from the renowned Kufan traditionist Yūsof b. Mūsā Qaṭṭān (d. 253/867). After the death of his teacher ʿĪsā Ṣūfī in 245/859, he belonged to the circle of Abū Moǰāled Baḡdādī, now the chief of the Muʿtazilites of Baghdad. When Abū Moǰāled died in 268 or 269/881-83, Ḵayyāṭ in turn came to be recognized as the head of the Muʿtazilite school of Baghdad. His reputation as a Muʿtazilite theologian was, however, in his own lifetime overshadowed by that of his prime student, Abu’l-Qāsem Balḵī Kaʿbī, the initiator of the later phase of the Muʿtazilite school of Baghdad. Ḵayyāṭ appears to have taken pride in the success of his student: When Balḵī took leave of him in Baghdad, before 287/900, Ḵayyāṭ asked him not to visit Abū ʿAlī Jobbāʾī, the head of the Basran Muʿtazilite school, so that he would remain known as Ḵayyāṭ’s student. Later they maintained a regular correspondence, Ḵayyāṭ answering the questions of Balḵī. The date of his death is not given in the sources. Balḵī, however, referred to him as still alive in his Ketāb al-maqālāt written between 291 and 297/903-10 (on this work, see Abu’l-Qāsem Balḵī). He probably died not much later.

Ḵayyāṭ’s literary activity was directed in particular to the refutation of the heretical books of Ebn al-Rāwandī. The latter, before becoming a freethinker and an Emāmī Shiʿite, had been a student of ʿĪsā Ṣūfī, like Ḵayyāṭ, and was evidently personally well known to the latter. Ḵayyāṭ’s only extant work is the K. al-Enteṣār, a refutation of Ebn al-Rāwandī’s K. Faẓīḥat al-Moʿtazela, an attack on the Muʿtazilites in defense of Emāmī doctrine (ed. H. N. Nyberg, Cairo, 1925; ed. and Fr. tr. by A. Nader, Beirut, 1957). It was written after the death of Abū Moǰāled and Ebn al-Rāwandī. This makes it unlikely that Ebn al-Rāwandī died as late as 298/910-11 or 301/913-14, as some sources state, though the early date given for his death by Masʿūdī (245/859) is also untenable. Other works of Ḵayyāṭ mentioned in the sources include a refutation of the K. al-Jārūf of Abū Ḥafṣ Ḥaddād, another Muʿtazilite who turned heretic; a refutation of a K. fi’l-ʿaks of the Basran Muʿtazilite ʿAbbād b. Salmān; a book on analogical reasoning about God (Estedlāl al-šāhed ʿala’l-ḡāʾeb, see ʿAbd-al-Jabbār, al-Moḥīṭ bi’l-taklīf, ed. ʿOmar Sayyed ʿAzmī, Cairo, 1965, p. 167); a book repudiating the validity of reports of single

transmitters (ḵabar al-wāḥed) which was refuted by his student Balḵī; a refutation of a K. al-Borhān. Ḵayyāṭ engaged in disputations with the Muʿtazilite Abu’l-Ḥosayn Ṣāleḥī about the doctrine of erǰāʿ to which the latter inclined. He was reputed to be, and frequently quoted as, an authority on the history and doctrines of the early Muʿtazela.

Ḵayyāṭ generally espoused the doctrine of the Muʿtazilite school of Baghdad, and only a few of his specific views are mentioned in the sources. Most often noted was his thesis that the non-existent (al-maʿdūm) is not only a thing, substance, or accident in the state of non-existence, as the Basran Abū ʿAlī Jobbāʾī held, but also a body (ǰesm), though it can not have motion. Jobbāʾī wrote a refutation of this doctrine, arguing that it implied the eternity of bodies, and Balḵī disassociated himself from his teacher’s view. Other opinions ascribed to him show that he admitted a greater degree of causality in nature than the Basran Muʿtazilites, thus anticipating Balḵī in this regard. In concordance with the general attitude of the school of Baghdad he affirmed that ʿAlī was the most excellent of the Companions of the Prophet, arguing that all the virtues dispersed in other men were assembled in him. At the same time he maintained that the Companions had evidently been right in supporting the imamate of Abū Bakr, as ʿAlī did not object to it. His position on the imamate is thus close to some Zaydī (Batrī) theses. He sharply denounced, on the other hand, the Emāmī repudiation of the caliphate of Abū Bakr and ʿOmar and defended ʿOṯmān’s conduct as caliph against his critics. (See the quotations from a book of his in ʿAbd-al-Jabbār’s K. al-Moḡnī as cited by Ebn Abiʾ l-Ḥadīd, Šarḥ nahī al-balāḡa, ed. Ḥasan Tamīm, Beirut, 1963, I, pp. 523-40; in the edited text of K. al-Moḡnī [XX/2, ed. S. Donyā and ʿA. Maḥmūd, Cairo, n.d.] the corresponding passages appear to be abridged.)

Bibliography:

Ašʿarī, Maqālāt al-eslāmīyīn, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul, 1929-33, pp. 314, 353, 518.

Abu’l-Qāsem Balḵī and ʿAbd-al-Jabbār, Fażl al-eʿtezāl wa ṭabaqāt al-moʿtazela, ed. Foʾād Sayyed, Tunis, 1974; see index and p. 51.

Fehrest, p. 184; ed. M. T. Houtsma in WZKM 4, 1890, pp. 223-24; ed. J. W. Fück inZDMG 90, 1936, p. 32; idem in Professor Mohammad Shafi Presentation Volume, Lahore, 1955, pp. 61, 71.

Taʾrīḵ Baḡdād XI, p. 87.

Zereklī, Aʿlām, Beirut, 1389/1969, IV, p. 122.

Maqdesī, Badʾ II, p. 121. ʿAbd-al-Qāher Baḡdādī, Farq, pp. 163-65.

Šahrastānī, pp. 19, 53. Ebn Jawzī, al-Montaẓam, Hyderabad, 1357-59/1938-41, VI, p. 99f.

Ebn al-Mortażā, Ṭabaqāt, see index. Lesān al-mīzān IV, p. 8f.

H. Nyberg, ed. of Ḵayyāṭ, K. al-Enteṣār, Cairo, 1925, intro.

A. S. Tritton, Muslim Theology, London, 1947, pp. 155-57.

Brockelmann, GAL S. I. p. 341.

Search terms:

عبدالرحیم خیاط

abdol rahim khayat

abd al rahim khayaat

abdul rahim khayat

abdoul rahim khayaat

abdolraheem khayat

(W. Madelung)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 143-144

Cite this entry:

W. Madelung, “'Abd-Al-Rahim Kayyat,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 143-144; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahim-kayyat (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴᵛĀRAZMĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

calligrapher and poet active in western Iran during the second half of the 9th/15th century.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM ḴᵛĀRAZMĪ

calligrapher and poet active in western Iran during the second half of the 9th/15th century.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤĪM B. ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN ḴᵛĀRAZMĪ, calligrapher and poet active in western Iran during the second half of the 9th/15th century. Apparently born and trained in Shiraz, where his father worked as a calligrapher, ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm’s style of calligraphy was influential there until the late 9th/15th century. The exact date of ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm’s birth is unknown; but a piece of calligraphy now in Istanbul states that it was copied during his 11th year, suggesting that he began his training at an early age. Dated samples of his work range from Jomādā II, 864/March-April, 1460 to 899/1493-94. ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm achieved greatest renown through his association with Yaʿqūb b. Ḥasan Āq Qoyonlū, ruler of western Iran between 883/1478 and 896/1490. Qāżī Aḥmad states that the epithet “Anīsī” which ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm used as a pen name (taḵalloṣ)

was bestowed on him by Yaʿqūb in recognition of their friendship. Colophons indicate that he also worked for two other members of the Āq Qoyonlū dynasty: Ḵalīl b. Ḥasan and Rostam b. Yaʿqūb. It is possible that ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm’s association with Ḵalīl began shortly after the latter’s appointment as governor of Shiraz toward the end of 875/spring, 1471. A manuscript of the Dīvān of ʿAlī Šīr Navāʾī now in Cairo (Lit. Turc. 68, Egyptian National Lib.) was copied by ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm in 876/1471-72. Although it bears no dedication to Ḵalīl, it may have been intended for him or another high official, since one of the painters illustrating it, probably Darvīš Moḥammad, became a leading member of Ḵalīl’s workshop in subsequent years. Information given in the postscript attached to a manuscript now in Istanbul (Topkapi Saray Library, Hazine 762), implies that ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm was one of the principal calligraphers working for Ḵalīl. According to this statement Yaʿqūb b. Ḥasan inherited the workshop (ḵārḵāna) of his brother Ḵalīl. While ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm is not mentioned by name, he did in fact copy this manuscript, completing the first portion of it in 880/1475-76, presumably for Ḵalīl. In this colophon he uses the epithet “al-Solṭānī”. The second portion of the text, completed on 26 Moḥarram 886/27 March 1481, was also signed with the epithet “al-Yaʿqūbī.” Thus this manuscript with its colophons and postscript provides direct evidence of the relationship of ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm to the workshops of both Ḵalīl and Yaʿqūb and provides an insight into the manner in which the atelier of Yaʿqūb was formed. Another manuscript now in Istanbul, an anthology of poetry (Aya Sofya no. 3946), was copied by ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm and bears the date 26 Ḏu’l-qaʿda 879/3 April 1475. Again he uses the epithet “al-Solṭānī,” which suggests that the manuscript was produced for Ḵalīl b. Ḥasan.

The close association between ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm and Yaʿqūb b. Ḥasan is mentioned by Qāżī Aḥmad, Dūst Moḥammad, and Sām Mīrzā. It is corroborated by the numerous specimens of calligraphy preserved in Istanbul which are signed “ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm al-Yaʿqūbī.” More than twenty such pages are found in Hazine 2153, and several more are in Hazine 2160. The fate of artists associated with Yaʿqūb b. Ḥasan in the difficult years which followed his death is difficult to document. Some pieces of calligraphy exist where ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm signs with the epithet “al-Rostamī,” suggesting that he was attached to the group which supported the claim of Rostam b. Yaʿqūb to the throne. The last dated specimen of the calligraphy of ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm which survives is dated to 899/1493-94. Interestingly it is the colophon to a manuscript of his own poetry, the Dīvān of Anīsī, and is dedicated to a certain Amīr Moḥammad b. al-Dastūr al-Aʿẓam al-Amīr Fażlallāh b. Rūzbehān Ḵonǰī, the author of the

principal history of the reign of Yaʿqūb b. Ḥasan, Tārīḵ-e ʿālamārā-ye Amīnī.

In the career of ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm b. ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān can be seen the continuity between the workshops of Shiraz in the 1470s and those of Tabrīz in the late 1480s and 1490s. The last colophon bearing his name also suggests that the leading officials of the Āq Qoyonlū state patronized artists during the declining years of that dynasty, thus contributing to the artistic continuity between the Āq Qoyonlū and Safavid eras.

Bibliography:

Primary sources: Dūst Moḥammad, A Treatise on Calligraphists and Miniaturists, ed. M. Abdullah Chaghtai, Lahore, 1936, p. 16.

Qāżī Aḥmad, pp. 57-58; tr., pp. 100-01. Maǰāles al-nafāʾes, p. 30.

Toḥfa-ye Sāmī, p. 81.

Secondary sources: Bayānī, Ḵᵛošnevīsān II, pp. 384-88.

Filiz Çağman, “Topkapı Sarayı Mürzesi Hazine 762 no. lu Nizami Hamsesinin Mintyatürleri,” Sanat Tarihi Yıllığğı 5, 1972-73, Istanbul, pp. 603-05.

I. Stchoukine, “Les manuscrits illustrés musulmans de la Bibliothèque du Caire,”Gazette des Beaux Arts 77 (6. période, 13), 1935, no. 35, p. 151, fig. 8.

Idem, “Les peintures turcomanes et safavies d’une Khamseh de Nizami achevée à Tabriz en 886/1481,” Arts Asiatiques 14, 1966, pp. 3-16.

Search terms:

عبدالرحیم خوارزمی

abdol rahim kharazmi

abdul rahim khwarazmi

abdalrahim khaarazmi

abdoul rahim khwarazmy

abdal rahim kharazmy

abdolrahim khwarazmi

(P. P. Soucek)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 143

Cite this entry:

P. P. Soucek, “'Abd-Al-Rahim Karazmi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 143; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahim-karazmi (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. ʿOMAR ṢŪFĪ

P. KUNITZSCH

astronomer, especially well versed in knowledge of the fixed stars (10th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. ʿOMAR ṢŪFĪ

astronomer, especially well versed in knowledge of the fixed stars (10th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. ʿOMAR ṢŪFĪ, ABU’L-ḤOSAYN, astronomer, especially well versed in knowledge of the fixed stars, b. 291/903 in Ray, d. 376/986. He seems to have spent his life in close relationship to the rulers of the Buyid dynasty in Iran and Mesopotamia, especially ʿAżod-al-dawla (d. 372/983). By his own statement, he visited Dīnavar in 335/946-47, and Isfahan in 337/948-49 with the master (ostāḏ) and chief (raʾīs) Abu’l-Fażl Moḥammad b. Ḥosayn, who obviously is identical with Ebn al-ʿAmīd (d. 359/970), the vizier of ʿAżod-al-dawla’s father, Rokn-al-dawla.

Ṣūfī left a number of works, the most important of which is Ketāb ṣowar al-kawākeb al-ṯābeta (“Book on the constellations of the fixed stars”). In this he gives a full description of the classical system of constellations, both according to the “scientific” Greek classification and to Arabic popular tradition. To this he adds his own observations and criticism of the traditions. Drawings of all the constellations, and tables of the individual stars of each constellation with coordinates (for the epoch 1 October 964) are included. This work is significant, not only for the complete description of the stellar sky, but even more for the valuable record of Ṣūfī’s own observations. For knowledge of fixed stars, his book became a “classic” for many centuries throughout the Islamic world; and his name even became known to the Latin west, through translations, as “Azophi” (i.e. al-Ṣūfī). One of the lunar craters in modern astronomy is named Azophi in his honor. Other great astronomers drew from his book, quoting him by name—e.g., Bīrūnī in his Ketāb al-tafhīm le-awāʾel ṣenāʿat al-tanǰīm (1029) and al-Qānūn al-masʿūdī (1030), and Uluḡ Beg

in his star catalog of 1437. Bahāʾ-al-dīn Ḵaraqī added to his Montahā al-edrāk fī taqāsīm al-aflāk a catalog of eighty-one stars, based on Ṣūfī’s book (for the epoch 1 October 1112, adding 2°15’ to Ṣūfī’s longitudes; cf. Berlin ms., Ahlwardt 5669, fols. 30r-31r). Even the Arab seafarers of the Indian Ocean knew his name and quoted from his book (Aḥmad b. Māǰed, in his Ketāb al-fawāʾed fī oṣūl ʿelm al-baḥr wa’l-qawāʿed, ca. 1500). The descriptions of the forty-eight constellations in the much quoted Cosmography (ʿAǰāʾeb al-maḵlūqāt) of Zakarīyāʾ b. Moḥammad Qazvīnī (d. 682/1283) are taken literally from Ṣūfī’s book without acknowledgment.

In the West, a Latin version of Ptolemy’s star catalog, from his Almagest, exists in several manuscripts, using Ṣūfī’s value of precession and containing drawings of the constellations after Ṣūfī’s models (see Kunitzsch, “Sufi Latinus”). Alfonso X of Castile (reigned 1252-84) had an Old Castilian version of Ṣūfī’s book made which was incorporated in his Libros del saber de astronomia. In 1665, T. Hyde, in the commentary to his edition of Uluḡ Beg’s star catalog, introduced many quotations from Ṣūfī’s book. From that source the Italian astronomer Giuseppe Piazzi picked up a great number of the Arabic star names which he gave to certain stars in his catalog Praecipuarum stellarum inerrantium positiones, Palermo, 1814, thus introducing these names into modern international astronomy. For medieval Arabic criticism of Ṣūfī by Bīrūnī and Ebn al-Ṣalāḥ, see Kunitzsch, Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ, pp. 21, 38-74 (according to name index), 109-11. Other works by Ṣūfī are: Ketāb al-ʿamal bi’l-asṭorlāb (“Book on the use of the astrolabe”), Ketāb al-ʿamal bi’l-korat al-falakīya(“Book on the use of the celestial globe”), and Ketāb al-madḵal fī [ʿelm] al-aḥkām(“Introduction to the science of astrology”), the last two of which are still unpublished. A geometrical treatise by Ṣūfī is listed by A. Sezgin, GAS V, pp. 309f. According to Ebn al-Qefṭī (d. 1248), a celestial globe made by Ṣūfī for ʿAżod-al-dawla was extant in Egypt in 435/1043-44. It is reported to have been of silver, weighing 3,000 dirhams, and purchased at a price of 3,000 dinars.

Some manuscripts contain a poem on the constellations in the raǰaz meter (Orǰūza fī ṣowar al-kawākeb al-ṯābeta) by Abū ʿAlī b. Abu’l-Ḥosayn Ṣūfī. This author has sometimes been regarded as the son of ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān Ṣūfī; this seems improbable, because the poem is dedicated to Šāhanšāh Abu’l-Maʿālī Faḵr-al-dīn—apparently the Artuqid ruler of Ḥeṣn Kayfā (538-39/1143-44).

Bibliography:

Original works: Ketāb ṣowar al-kawākeb al-ṯābeta, ed. from five mss., and accompanied by the Orǰūza of Ebn al-Ṣūfī, Hyderabad, India, 1954 (intro. by H. J. J. Winter).

Facsimile ed. of Persian tr. by Naṣīr-al-dīn Ṭūsī (Ayasofya 2595, autograph, from Uluḡ Beg’s library), Tehran, 1348 Š./1969.

Critical ed. of Ṭūsī’s tr. by Sayyed Moʿezz-al-dīn Mahdavī, Tehran, 1351 Š./1972.

French tr. with selected portions of the Arabic text, from two mss., H. C. F. Schjellerup, Description des étoiles fixes par Abd-al-Rahman al Sûfi, St. Petersburg, 1874.

Text and French tr. of Ṣūfī’s introduction by J. J. A. Caussin de Perceval in Notices et extraits des manuscrits XII, Paris, 1831, pp. 236f.

Quotations from the Arabic text are in T. Hyde, Tabulae longitudinis et latitudinis stellarum fixarum ex observatione Ulugh Beighi, Oxford, 1665; 2nd ed. by G. Sharpe in Syntagma dissartationum, Oxford, 1767.

These quotations were repeated and discussed by L. Ideler, Untersuchungen über den Ursprung und die Bedeutung der Sternnamen, Berlin, 1809.

The Old Castilian version in Los libros del saber de astronomia, ed. M. Rico y Sinobas, I, Madrid, 1863.

The star nomenclature of the Castilian version, and of an Italian tr. made from Castilian, was critically ed. by O. J. Tallgren, “Los nombres arabes de las estrelas y la transcripción alfonsina,” in Homenaje a R. Menéndez Pidal II, Madrid, 1925, with“Correcciones y adiciones” in Revista de filologı′a española 12, 1925, pp. 52f.

The Italian tr. was edited by P. Knecht, I libri astronomici di Alfonso X in una versione fiorentina del trecento, Saragossa, 1965.

Ketāb al-ʿamal bi’l-asṭorlāb in 386 chapters, ed. from a Paris ms., Hyderabad (Deccan), 1962.

An English introduction, by E. S. Kennedy and M. Destombes, was printed separately (Hyderabad, 1967).

A sky map, including the Arabic stellar nomenclature according to Ṣūfī was printed as Supplément to Le Mobacher, Alger, September, 1881.

Secondary literature: Brockelmann, GAL I, pp. 253f.; and S. I, pp. 398, 863, no. 4a (for Ebn al-Ṣūfī).

Storey, II/1, pp. 41f. (for some Persian tr.).

Sezgin, GAS V, pp. 309f.; VI, pp. 212f.

A. Hauber, “Die Verbreitung des Astronomen Ṣufi,” Der Islam 8, 1918, pp. 48-54.

P. Kunitzsch, Arabische Sternnamen in Europa, Wiesbaden, 1959, p. 230f.

Idem, Untersuchungen zur Sternnomenklatur der Araber, Wiesbaden, 1961, pp. 9f., 14f., 31.

Idem, “Ṣūfī Latinus,” ZDMG 115, 1965, pp. 65-74.

Idem, Ibn aṣ-Ṣalāḥ. Zur Kritik der Koordinaten-überlieferung im Sternkatalog des Almagest, Göttingen, 1975, pp. 109-11, etc.

Idem, “Al-Ṣūfī,” Dictionary of Scientific Biography XIII, New York, 1976, pp. 149-50.

M. Shermatov, “Ash-Shirazi’s comments on the star catalogue of as-Sufi” (in Russian), Dushanbinskiĭ gosudarstvennyĭ pedagogicheskiĭ institut, Uchenye zapiskino. 81, 1971, pp. 73-83.

S. M. Stern, “ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣūfī,” EI 2 I, pp. 86-87.

J. Upton, “A Manuscript of “The Book of the Fixed Stars” by ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān aṣ-Ṣūfī,” Metropolitan Museum Studies 4, 1933, pp. 179-97.

E. Wellesz, An Islamic Book of Constellations, Oxford, 1965.

H. J. J. Winter, “Notes on al-Kitab Suwar Al-Kawakib,” Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences 8, 1955, pp. 126-33.

Search terms:

عبدالرحمان بن عمر صوفی

abdol rahman ibn omar sufi

abdoulrahmaan ebn omar soofy

abdalrahman ibn omar sufi

abdoul rahman ibn umar sufi

abdal rahmaan ebn umar sufi

abdul rahman ebn soufi

abdol rahmaan ibn omar soufy

(P. Kunitzsch)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 148-149

Cite this entry:

P. Kunitzsch, “'Abd-Al-Rahman B. 'Omar Sufi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 148-149; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahman-b-omar-sufi (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. SAMORA

M. G. MORONY

Arab general who campaigned in Sīstān (d. 50/670).

ABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. SAMORA

Arab general who campaigned in Sīstān (d. 50/670).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. SAMORA, ABŪ SAʿĪD, Arab general who campaigned in Sīstān; d. 50/670. He was a Meccan of the clan of ʿAbd Šams and a maternal cousin of ʿOṯmān b. ʿAffān. Originally called ʿAbd-al-Kaʿba, he was renamed ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān by Moḥammad when he converted to Islam. His public career began in the caliphate of ʿOṯmān, who relied on solidarity among his own kinsmen in governing the state; and it was tied to the career of ʿAbdallāh b. ʿĀmer b. Korayz, who was also a cousin of ʿOṯmān. In 33/653-54 ʿAbdallāh b. ʿĀmer, as ʿOṯmān’s governor of Baṣra, appointed ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān governor of Sīstān to succeed Rabīʿ b. Zīād who had undertaken the first conquest of Sīstān in 31/651-52. Meanwhile the people of Zaranǰ rebelled and drove out Rabīʿ’s deputy. ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān besieged themarzbān in his fortress at Zaranǰ with a force of 8,000 men on a festival day. When the latter submitted, a new treaty with the marzbān doubled the former tribute, raising it to 2,000 dirhams and 2,000 slave boys. A number of Muslims with knowledge of the religion arrived in Sīstān with the army and began to teach native converts the elements of Muslim faith and practice.

ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān began to campaign to the east, conquering the territory between Zaranǰ and Keš near India and the region between Roḵḵaǰ and Zamīndāvar. At Zamīndāvar he cut off the hand of the golden idol of Zūn and took out its two ruby eyes to show the marzbān the idol was impotent. Bost and Zābol were taken by treaty before the death of ʿOṯmān in 35/656 halted these campaigns. ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān returned to Baṣra to join Ebn ʿĀmer but found that ʿAlī had dismissed him. After the battle of the Camel in 36/657 ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān joined Moʿāvīa in Syria and was one of his envoys to Ḥasan b. ʿAlī in 41/661. The same year Moʿāvīā reappointed Ebn ʿĀmer governor of Baṣra and its eastern dependencies, and ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān returned to Sīstān with a large army as Ebn ʿĀmer’s subordinate. He introduced the office of ṣāḥeb al-šorṭā (chief of police) to Sīstān and built the Friday mosque in Zaranǰ where Ḥasan Baṣrī taught for almost three years. The territories he had conquered under ʿOṯmān had to be retaken by force or by treaty. Zābolestān, Roḵḵaǰ, and Bost were reconquered, and he took Kabul after besieging it for one month with mangonels. He was then confirmed as governor of Sīstān by Moʿāvīā directly. But in 45/665, disassociating himself from ʿOṯmān’s practice of government through clan solidarity, Moʿāvīā dismissed Ebn ʿĀmer as governor of Baṣra, and one month afterwards ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān was dismissed as governor of Sīstān. He retired to Baṣra, where captive slave boys he brought back from Kabul made a mosque for him in his mansion (qaṣr) in the style of Kabul. When he died at Baṣra five years later in 50/670, Abū Bakra rode a mule in his

funeral procession and Zīād b. Abīhe prayed over his body. Although he was only governor of Sīstān for a total of six or seven years, he was mainly responsible for the establishment of Arab-Muslim rule there.

Bibliography:

Ebn Saʿd, Ketāb al-ṭabaqāt al-kabīr, Leiden, 1915, 1918, V, p. 32; VII, p. 8.

Balāḏorī, Fotūḥ (Cairo), pp. 401-02.

Ebn al-Aṯīr, II, p. 50. Tārīḵ-e Sīstān, pp. 83-89.

Caetani, Annali VII, p. 278.

C. E. Bosworth, Sīstān under the Arabs, Rome, 1968, pp. 17-22.

Search terms:

عبدالرحمان بنسموره

abdol rahman ebn samoreh

abdalrahman ebn samureh

abdoul rahman ebn samooreh

abdul rahmaan ibn samoureh

abdal rahman ibn samura

abdol rahman ibn samooreh

(M. G. Morony)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 144-145

Cite this entry:

M. G. Morony, “'Abd-Al-Rahman B. Samora,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 144-145; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahman-b-samora (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. SOYŪNJ

R. D. MACCHESNEY

an Uzbek amir in Balḵ (17th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. SOYŪNJ

an Uzbek amir in Balḵ (17th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. SOYŪNJ, an Uzbek amir of the Ūšūn (or Oyšūn) tribe (olūs) and a major military-administrative figure in Balḵ in the first half of the 11th/17th century. The record of his career, which spans more than three decades, begins with his participation in a campaign in Badaḵšān. The Toghay-timurid (Janid) ruler of Bokhara, Valī-Moḥammad Khan, had sent his nephew, Naḏr-Moḥammad b. Dīn-Moḥammad, to suppress the “Chaḡatāy mīrza,” Mīrzā Ḥasan, apparently in 1014/1605. ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān was at this time one of Naḏr-Moḥammad’s amirs, and when the latter was appanaged at Balḵ the following year, ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān accompanied him. Between 1015/1606 and 1019/1610 he was active in the military operations against two Safavid-supported Shaibanid claimants of the khanate of Bokhara and Balḵ, Jahāngīr Solṭān and Moḥammad-Salīm Solṭān. Sometime about 1020/1611, ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān

was appointed governor (ḥākem) of Andḵūd, a strategic garrison town in the western marches of Balḵ. His prime responsibility was to defend the Balḵ region against Safavid/Qezelbāš interference in Toghay-timurid politics. He was instrumental in foiling the Safavid-supported attempts of Rostam Solṭān b. Valī-Moḥammad Khan to regain Bokhara and Balḵ which his father had lost to Emām-qolī and his half-brother Naḏr-Moḥammad in 1019/1610.

In the early 1030s/1620s, ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān was removed as governor of Andḵūd by Naḏr-Moḥammad and named guardian (atālīq) to the latter’s eldest son, ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz (b. 1023/1614). The latter was then appanaged at Ḵatlān, the administration of which was generally in ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān’s hands. His administration there was noted principally for his putting an end to Qerghiz raids in Ḵatlān and his pursuit of the Qerghiz to their lands “near Kāšḡar.”

In 1037/1628, following the death of the Mughal emperor, Jahāngīr, ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān and prince ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz launched an abortive campaign against Kabul. The author of the Baḥr al-asrār asserts that it was merely to protect Kabul from a rumored Qezelbāš plan to annex the city from Qandahār, which the Safavid-Qezelbāš forces had taken from the Mughal six years earlier. ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz and hisatālīq were unable to take Kabul and returned to Ḵatlān.

Three years later, the pair were recalled by Naḏr-Moḥammad to Balḵ, and ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz was reappanaged at Maymana. In 1041/1632, a campaign into Safavid Khorasan was launched from Maymana. Again ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān played a leading role in the assaults on Morḡāb, Mārūčāq and Panǰdeh, all of which were under Šāmlū control. In 1044/1634 in the face of Naḏr-Moḥammad’s express prohibition, ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz and ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān again opened a campaign into Khorasan. ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān, leading his own force, raided Bādḡīs, crossed the river Morḡāb and, skirting Herat to the north, headed towards Ḵᵛāf and Bāḵarz. But Qezelbāš resistance forced him to turn south towards Herat. He raided up to Gāzorgāh and then returned to Jīǰaktū, part of the territory of Maymana. For his and ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz’s disobedience the two were summoned to Balḵ, where they tendered apologies. Both men then went to the supreme Khan, Emām-qolī, in Bokhara, and again sought forgiveness. ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān, unable to exert a restraining influence on ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz, was replaced as atālīq-e solṭānī in 1045/1635 by Orāz Bī of the Ming olūs. The government of Qondoz was conferred on ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān, and he continued as governor there at least until 1050/1640-41, after which time information about him ceases. While governor at

Qondoz, he assisted the Bokharan Khan in 1048/1638 against a Qazāq problem east of Samarqand. And in early 1049/early summer 1639, he led a reconnaissance patrol into the Hindu Kush to investigate reports that Shah Jahān was preparing a military force at Kabul for a campaign against Balḵ. He is said to have had very close relations with the intelligentsia at Qondoz.

Bibliography:

Maḥmūd b. Amīr Valī, Baḥr al-asrār fī manāqeb al-aḵyār, India Office Library ms. no. 575, fols. 171a, 200b-203b, 207a-209a, 218a, 223b-227a, 227b, 231b-232a, 240a-b, 263a-b, 292a-293a.

Search terms:

عبدالرحمان بن سویونجabdol rahman ebn soyounj

abdul rahman ibn soyunj

abdoul rahmaan ebn soiounj

abdal rahman ibn soyounj

abdalrahmaan ebn soyunj

(R. D. MacChesney)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 145-146

Cite this entry:

R. D. MacChesney, “'Abd-Al-Rahman B. Soyunj,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 145-146; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahman-b-soyunj-an-uzbek-amir-in-balk-17th-century (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN ČEŠTĪ

HAMEED UD-DIN

Mughal saint and biographer (17th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN ČEŠTĪ

Mughal saint and biographer (17th century).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN ČEŠTĪ, 17th century Mughal saint and biographer. He belonged to the Ṣāberī branch of the Češtī order (selsela), which had been founded at Kalyar (Saharanpur district, U.P., India) by ʿAlāʾ-al-dīn ʿAlī b. Aḥmad Ṣāber (d. 690/1291), a disciple of the illustrious Farīd-al-dīn Ganǰ-e Šakar of Pakpattan (d. 663/1265). One of ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān’s ancestors had been Aḥmad ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq of Rudawli (d. 837-38/1434) under whose leadership, continued by his able disciple, ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs Gangōhī (d. 943-44/1537), the Ṣāberī Češtīya had risen to great prominence. Nearly all the famous members of the Ṣāberī Češtīya traced their spiritual lineage through ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs to Aḥmad ʿAbd-al-Ḥaqq, but ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān represents a major branch linked to a contemporary of ʿAbd-al-Qoddūs, Shaikh Budh. On the death of his brother, Shaikh Ḥamīd, in 1032/1623, ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān succeeded him as the head of this minor branch of the Ṣāberī Češtīya.

Merʾāt al-asrār is the major literary testament of ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān. He states that he undertook the work after spending 40 days in meditative seclusion. The initial inspiration, he alleges, came to him in 1029/1620 while studying the account of Abū Yazīd Besṭāmī in Farīd-al-dīn ʿAṭṭār’s Taḏkerat al-awlīāʾ, but it was not till 1044-45/1635 that he actually began to compile his famed taḏkera, which he completed in 1064/1654. It contains biographies of almost all the well-known saints from the early centuries of Islam till the period of Ḥosām-al-dīn

Mānekpūrī (d. 881-82/1477). The lives are arranged under 23 ṭabaqāt describing successive generations of Sufi saints, each of which begins with an account of the qoṭb, i.e., the Češtī shaikh, of that generation. Though never lithographed, Merʾāt al-asrār exists in numerous manuscript copies in British as well as Indian libraries.

ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān wrote two other notable taḏkeras: Merʾāt-e Madārī and Merʾāt-e Masʿūdī. In the former, he set forth a detailed biographical eulogy of Shaikh Badīʿ-al-dīn, better known as Šāh Madār (d. 839-40/1436), a saint of legendary longevity. After spending 35 years in Syria and 40 years at Mecca, Medina, and Naǰaf, he allegedly came to India where he spent the next (and last) 50 years of his life at Makanpur (Kanpur district). It was during a visit to the tomb of Šāh Madār at Makanpur that ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān was inspired to write his taḏkera of the saint. He admits to using two earlier literary sources: Īmān-e Maḥmūdī by Qāżī Maḥmūd Kantūrī, a spiritual successor of Šāh Madār, and Laṭāʾef-e Ašrafī, taḏkera of the renowned Sayyed Ašraf Jahāngīr Semnānī, who allegedly knew Šāh Madār. In addition to the manuscript copies of Merʾāt-e Madārī available in Indian and British libraries, see also Ṯawāqeb al-anwār le-maṭāleʿ qoṭb al-Madār, an Urdu translation by M. ʿAbd-al-Rašīd Ẓohūr-al-eslām published at Farrukhabad in 1328/1910.

Merʾāt-e Masʿūdī, the other taḏkera of ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān, reflects his interest in the stories concerning Sālār Masʿūd Ḡāzī, popularly known as Ḡāzī Mīān, who was believed to have been a nephew of Sultan Maḥmūd of Ḡazna. He was allegedly martyred in 424/1033 at Bahraich, where he was subsequently buried in a magnificent tomb that continues to attract large numbers of pilgrims to the present day. Merʾāt-e Masʿūdī is based on a contemporary biography of Ḡāzī Mīān written by Mollā M. Ḡaznavī, a subject of Sultan Maḥmūd. It, together with an abridgment entitled Qeṣṣa-ye Sālār Masʿūd Ḡāzī, exists in several manuscripts housed in South Asian and European libraries. A summary English translation, prepared by B. W. Chapman, has been partially extracted in Elliot, History of India II, pp. 513-49. An abridged Urdu translation, Ḵolāṣa-ye tavārīḵ-e Masʿūdī, was also published at Lucknow in 1871.

Other works by ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān include Awrād-e češtīya; Nafāʾes-e Raḥmānī;Merʾāt al-maḵlūqāt, the translation of a Sanskrit treatise on Hindu cosmogony; andMerʾāt al-ḥaqāʾeq, an abridged rendition of the Bhagavad Gītā (Storey, I, p. 1005).

According to Moḥammad Baqā, author of Merʾāt al-ʿālam (Marshall, Mughal in India, no. 1146) and a personal friend of ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān Češtī, the latter died in 1049/1683 at Dhaniti, a village in the vicinity of Lucknow.

Bibliography:

Storey, I, pp. 1005-07.

On Merʾāt-e Madārī, note especially Cat. Bankipore VIII, p. 677.

Amīr Ḥasan Madārī Fanṣūrī, Taḏkerat al-mottaqīn, Kanpur, 1898; and M. M. Haq, “Shāh Badiʿ al-dīn Madār and his Ṭariqah in Bengal,” JASP 12, 1967, pp. 95-103.

On Merʾāt-e Masʿūdī, in addition to the Elliot excerpt quoted above, see ʿEnāyat Ḥosayn Belgrāmī, Ḡāzīnāma-ye Masʿūdī (Urdu), Kanpur, 1876.

Search terms:

عبدالرحمان چشتیabdol rahman cheshti

abdoul rahmaan cheshty

abdul rahmaan cheshti

abdalrahman cheshti

abdal rahaam cheshti

(Hameed ud-Din)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 146

Cite this entry:

Hameed ud-Din, “'Abd-Al-Rahman Cesti,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 146; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahman-cesti-17th-century-mughal-saint-and-biographer (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN KHAN

CROSS-REFERENCE

Emir or ruler of Afghanistan, and member of the Bārakzay tribe of the Dorrāni tribal confederation, who unified the kingdom after the second Anglo-Afghan war (r. 1297-1319/1880-1901). See AFGHANISTAN x. Political History,BĀRAKZI, and DORRĀNI.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN KHAN

Emir or ruler of Afghanistan, and member of the Bārakzay tribe of the Dorrāni tribal confederation, who unified the kingdom after the second Anglo-Afghan war (r. 1297-1319/1880-1901). See AFGHANISTAN x. Political History,BĀRAKZI, and DORRĀNI.

Search terms:

عبدالرحمان خانabdol rahman khan

abdalrahman khan

abdoul rahmaan khaan

abdolrahman khan

abdolrahmaan khaan

(Cross-Reference)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN KᵛĀRAZMĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

calligrapher specializing in nastaʿlīq, active during the middle decades of the 9th/15th century.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN KᵛĀRAZMĪ

calligrapher specializing in nastaʿlīq, active during the middle decades of the 9th/15th century.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN KᵛĀRAZMĪ, calligrapher specializing in nastaʿlīq, active during the middle decades of the 9th/15th century. His earliest known work is dated to 839/1436 and his latest to 866/1462. During this period he resided first in Shiraz and then in Baghdad. The Turkish historian Moṣṭafā-ʿAlī claims that ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān lived until 886/1481 and was in the employ of Yaʿqūb b. Ḥasan Āq Qoyonlū, but this statement does not appear to be supported by other evidence and may derive from a confusion of ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān with his son ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm, who was a close associate of Yaʿqūb Āq Qoyonlū. The epithet Ḵᵛārazmī suggests that either ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān or his family came from Ḵᵛārazm, but few details of his background are known. In one colophon he gives the names of his father and grandfather as Moḥammad and Esmāʿīl respectively and in another prefaces his own name with the title ʿEmād-al-dīn (Istanbul, Topkapi Saray Library, Hazine 773; Leiden University Library, Cod. Or. 494). His sons ʿAbd-al-Raḥīm and ʿAbd-al-Karīm both achieved recognition as calligraphers and poets.

The style of nastaʿlīq used by ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān appeared in Shiraz ca 1430 and remained dominant for a generation. While clearly related to the nastaʿlīq script used by Jaʿfar Tabrīzī and other Timurid court calligraphers in Herat, it has a distinctive canon of proportion which produces and angular and staccato rhythm. Qāżī Aḥmad credits ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān with use of a distinctive script, but surviving manuscripts show that other scribes working in Shiraz, such as Moḥammad Solṭānī and ʿEmād Ḵabbāz Abarqūhī, wrote in a similar fashion. It is not known whether ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān worked for the Timurid rulers of Shiraz, but, from inscriptions in a manuscript of 860/1456 now in Istanbul (Türk ve Islam Eserleri Müzesi no. 1562), it appears that he served Pīr Būdāq b. Jahānšāh Qara Qoyonlū in Shiraz. Another manuscript copied by ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān in Baghdad in 866/1462 suggests that he may have accompanied Pīr Būdāq during his exile in that city. The career of ʿAbd-

al-Raḥmān Ḵᵛārazmī links the Timurid and Qara Qoyonlū periods in western Iran. His personal style of calligraphy shows both the impact of the taste of Herat and certain special qualities which led to the formation of a regional school of calligraphy in Shiraz and the surrounding area.

Bibliography:

Primary sources: Qāżī Aḥmad, tr., p. 100.

Qāżī Mīr Aḥmad Monšī Qomī, Golestān-e honar, ed. A. Ḵᵛānsārī, Tehran, 1352 Š./1973, p. 57.

Secondary sources: Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, pp. 378-80.

B. Gray, “A Newly Discovered Nizami of the Timurid School,” East and West N. S. 14, 1963, pp. 220-23.

Karatay, Kataloğ, nos. 400, 408.

Robinson, Persian Paintings, p. 23.

A. Sakisian, La miniature persane du XVIIe siècle, Paris, 1929, p. 35.

Search terms:

عبدالرحمان خوارزمیabdol rahman kharazmi

abdoulrahmaan khwarazmy

abdul rahman kharazmi

abdalrahman khwarazmi

abdoul rahmaan kharazmy

(P. P. Soucek)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 147

Cite this entry:

P. P. Soucek, “'Abd-Al-Rahman Karazmi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 147; an updated version is available online at

http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahman-karazmi (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN SAMARQANDĪ

Y. BREGEL

late 19th century secretary (mīrzā). A Tajik, he was a native of Samarqand.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN SAMARQANDĪ

late 19th century secretary (mīrzā). A Tajik, he was a native of Samarqand.

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. MOḤAMMAD LAṬĪF MOSTAJERR SAMARQANDĪ,MĪRZĀ MOLLĀ, late 19th century secretary (mīrzā). A Tajik, he was a native of Samarqand. For some years he was interpreter and secretary for the Russian orientalist, A. L. Kuhn, with whom he traveled in Central Asia. In 1870 they took part in a Russian military expedition to the lake Iskandar Kul in the upper Zarafšān valley (in the regions of Masča and Fālḡar). ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān kept a diary of the journey in Tajik. It contains valuable material of the area’s antiquities and especially on local Tajik folklore, and also texts of Persian inscriptions on rocks and buildings (mss.: Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, D 133, D 134). It well deserves publication.

ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān accompanied Kuhn again in the Ḵīva campaign of 1873 and kept a diary partly in Tajik but mainly in Uzbek (mss.: Archives of the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies, collection 33 [Kuhn’s papers], register 1, nos. 104, 134, 221, 222). He probably also wrote the diaries of the trips with Kuhn to the khanate of Bokhara and to Šahr-e Sabz (mss.: the same collection, nos. 217, 220). In 1872 he visited a Polytechnical Exhibition in Moscow; he described it in a Tajik work, Rūznāma-ye vīstafka-ye Māskab (“Diary of the Moscow Exhibition,” ms. in the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies, B. 806).

Bibliography:

N. D. Miklukho-Maklay, Opisanie tadzhikskikh i persidskikh rukopiseĭ Instituta vostokovedeniya, Moscow and Leningrad, 1959, pp. 242-43.

Idem, Materialy arkhiva khivinskikh khanov po istorii i etnografii karakalpakov, Moscow, 1967, pp. 59-62.

B. V. Lunin, Sredn yaya Aziya v dorevolutzionnom i sovetskom vostokovedenii, Tashkent, 1965, p. 124.

Search terms:

عبدالرحمان سمرقندیabdoul rahman samarghandi

abdol rahman samarqandi

abdoulrahmaan samarghandy

abdalrahman abdul rahmaan

samarqandy samarqandey

(Y. Bregel)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 147

Cite this entry:

Y. Bregel, “'Abd-Al-Rahman Samarqandi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 147; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahman-samarqandi-late-19th-century-secretary (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN SARAḴSĪ

I. ABBAS

a Hanafite jurist (d. 1047).

ABD-AL-RAḤMĀN SARAḴSĪ

a Hanafite jurist (d. 1047).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. MOḤAMMAD AL-SARAḴSĪ, ABŪ BAKR, a Hanafite jurist (d. 439/1047). Though originally from Saraḵs, he grew up in Baghdad, where his shaikh was the well-known Hanafite scholar Qodūrī (428/1037). He left Baghdad for Ḵūzestān, where Ebn al-Moštarī (436/1044), judge under the Buyid sultan Abū Kālīǰār, appointed him as the judge of Baṣra. A lean and not an outspoken person, Saraḵsī did not impress the Buyid vizier, Ḏu’l-saʿādāt b. Fesānǰes; the latter wrote to Ebn al-Moštarī, blaming him for his bad choice. Before Ebn al-Moštarī had even tried to write anything in reply, the vizier sent him another letter

apologizing for what he had said at first. It seems that the ascetic Saraḵsī was not particularly interested in keeping the post and left it and went to Rāmhormoz. In the field of learning he was much influenced by his teacher Qodūrī who wrote, among other things, two famous manuals: al-Moḵtaṣar and al-Tarǰīd. Although the former means “The Abridged,” Saraḵsī reduced it to a yet more abridged form (Moḵtaṣar al-moḵtaṣar). He wrote a supplement (takmela), a copy of which still exists (Vehbī, Istanbul, No. 442), to al-Tarǰīd.

Bibliography:

Ebn Abu’l-Wafā, al-Jawāher al-możīya, Hyderabad, 1332/1919, I, p. 307.

Ebn Qotlobḡa, Tāǰ al-tarāǰem, Baghdad, 1962, p. 33. Kašf al-ẓonūn (Istanbul), pp. 346, 471.

Baḡdādī, Hadīyat al-ʿārefīn, Istanbul, 1951, I, p. 516. Kaḥḥāla, V, p. 174. Sezgin,GAS I, p. 457.

Search terms:

عبدالرحمان سرخسیabdol rahman sarakhsi

abdoulrahman sarakhsy

abdul rahmaan serakhsi

abdalrahmam serakhsy

abdolrahmaan sarakhsey

(I. Abbas)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 147-148

Cite this entry:

I. Abbas, “'Abd-Al-Rahman Saraksi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 147-148; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahman-saraksi (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN ŠAYZARĪ

H. H. BIESTERFELDT

Syrian author and contemporary of Saladin (d. 589/1193).

ABD-AL-RAḤMĀN ŠAYZARĪ

Syrian author and contemporary of Saladin (d. 589/1193).

ʿABD-AL-RAḤMĀN B. NAṢR B. ʿABDALLĀH AL-ŠAYZARĪ, Syrian author, a contemporary of Saladin (d. 589/1193). Although his nesba is also given as Šīrāzī, Tabrīzī, etc., his Syrian origin is attested by Ebn Qāżī Šohba (d. 874/1470; see hisal-Kawākeb al-dorrīya fiʾ l-sīrat al-Nūrīya, ed. M. Zāyed, Beirut, 1971, pp. 70f.); and he shows a familiarity with north Syrian local units of weight, drugs, and trade conditions. The sparse biographical data in the sources is not beyond doubt. ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān is mentioned as qāżī in Ṭabarīya (Kašf al-ẓonūn [Leipzig] III, p. 510), physician in Aleppo around 565/1169 (F. Wüstenfeld, Geschichte der arabischen Aerzte und Naturforscher, Göttingen, 1840, p. 100), and possibly moḥtaseb (W. Behrnauer in JA 16, 1860, p. 347).

Works. 1. Al-Nahī al-maslūk fī sīāsat al-molūk (with variant titles), a mirror for princes dedicated to Saladin, printed Būlāq, 1256/1840, Cairo, 1326/1908. See also S. Y. Labib, Handelsgeschichte Ägyptens im Spätmittelalter, Wiesbaden, 1965, p. 519; cf. Brockelmann, GAL S. II, pp.

1016, no. 31, 1017, no. 38. 2. Rawżat al-qolūb wa nozhat al-moḥebb waʾ l-maḥbūb, on love (see D. Semah in Arabica 24, 1977, pp. 187-206). 3. Ḵolāṣat al-kalām fī taʾwīl al-aḥlām, on the interpretation of dreams (see T. Fahd, La divination arabe, Leiden, 1966, pp. 354f.). 4. Nehāyat al-rotba (al-ẓarīfa) fī ṭalab al-ḥesba (al-šarīfa), a major compendium on the office of themoḥtaseb and a model for later works on the subject (cf. M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes in JA 230, 1938, pp. 453-57), Cairo, 1365/1946 (see review by J. Sauvaget, JA 236, 1948, pp. 309-11). 5. Al-Īżāḥ fī asrār al-nekāḥ, a popular work to judge by the number of surviving manuscripts. The first part contains ten chapters on “the secrets of men” and discusses various drugs, nutriments, powders, ointments, and electuaries said to stimulate or reduce sexual appetite, strengthen the potentia erectiva, or induce or prevent conception. The second part contains ten chapters on “the secrets of women” and deals with female beauty, intimate cosmetics, perfumes, and the casting of erotic spells by use of talismans and the occult properties of objects (ḵavāṣṣ). Basically a compilation of prescriptions, the work contains quotations of Galen and Hippocrates, as well as of diverse Islamic sources (ed. and tr. of the second part in Krikor Amdja, Das Buch der Aufklärung über die Geheimnisse der Eheschliessung. T. 2 (Kitāb al-īḍāḥ min asrār an-nikāḥ) des aš-Šīrāzī, Diss. med., Erlangen, 1976).

The Īżāḥ was translated into Persian (in 826/1423, according to Kašf al-ẓonūn[Leipzig] V, p. 245) with the title Ganǰ-e asrār or Kanz al-asrār. This version was made for the vizier Moǰīr (al-dawla wa-) al-dīn Abu’l-Maʿālī Moḥammad b. al-Moʿtazz b. Ṭāher (MS. Browne, ḵātema [= part II, chapter 10], fol. 73b, slightly deviating from the moqaddema, and MS. Blochet [see Storey, II/2, p. 213, no. 365]. The translator is called Neẓām-e Motašahhī (MS Blochet) or Neẓām-e Monšī (MS Browne); the latter ms. names his father as collaborator. Neẓām-e Monšī’s translation follows the original arrangement, but about doubles the size of the Īżāḥby adding prescriptions and observations of his own, without indicating the scope of his own contributions and only rarely naming his sources, mainly an anonymous compendium Jawāmeʿ al-laḏḏāt (see Ullmann, Medizin, p. 195; Brockelmann, GALS. I, pp. 945-46; Monzavī, Fehrest I, nos. 4771-74) and Manāfeʿ al-aḥǰār (of Pseudo-Ptolemaios?).

Bibliography:

Brockelmann, GAL I, p. 461; S. I, pp. 832f.

M. Ullmann, Die Medizin im Islam, Leiden and Köln, 1970, pp. 195f. and index.

Idem, Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften im Islam, Leiden, 1972, p. 411.

Search terms:

عبدالرحمان شیزریabdol rahman shayzari

abdalrahman shaizari

abdul rahman sheizarey

abdoul rahmaan shaizary

abdal rahmaan shayzary

(H. H. Biesterfeldt)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 143

Cite this entry:

H. H. Biesterfeldt, “'Abd-Al-Rahman Sayzari,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 143; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rahman-sayzari (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD DAYLAMĪ

P. P. SOUCEK

calligrapher and poet who served the Mughal ruler Shah Jahān (1037-58/1628-58).

ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD DAYLAMĪ

calligrapher and poet who served the Mughal ruler Shah Jahān (1037-58/1628-58).

ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD DAYLAMĪ, a calligrapher and poet who served the Mughal ruler Shah Jahān (1037-58/1628-58). Born in Qazvīn to a family of Ḥasanī sayyeds, he studied calligraphy with his maternal uncle, Mīr ʿEmād Ḥasanī, probably during the latter’s residence in Isfahan (ca. 1008-24/1599-1615; Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, pp. 393, 521-26). After the assassination of Mīr ʿEmād in 1024/1615, his associates went into hiding and then fled Iran. In a petition addressed to Shah Jahān, ʿAbd-al-Rašīd states that, when most of Mīr ʿEmād’s followers moved to Ottoman Turkey, he traveled to India. Petitioning to be relieved of his duties for reasons of health, ʿAbd-al-Rašīd states that he has been in Shah Jahān’s service for twenty-three years (Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, p. 394). This petition may be connected with the removal of ʿAbd-al-Rašīd from his position as director (dārūḡa) of the royal library (ketābḵāna) which is said to have occurred in 1056/1646-47 (Ṣāleḥ, ʿAmal-e Ṣāleḥ I, preface, p. 5). If so, ʿAbd-al-Rašīd may have entered the service of Shah Jahān in 1033/1623-24, four years before the latter’s accession to the throne. According to Bayānī, ʿAbd-al-Rašīd assumed control of the royal boyūtāt toward the end of Shah Jahān’s reign and retained that position under Awrangzēb (Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, p. 393). A death date of 1081/1670-71 is given for ʿAbd-al-Rašīd in a poem about him composed by Moḥammad Saʿīd for Awrangzēb’s daughter, Zīb al-nesāʾ (Aṣlaḥ,Taḏkera II, p. 557; Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, pp. 397-98).

Beyond his connection with the Mughal dynasty, little is known about ʿAbd-al-Rašīd’s life. Manuscripts and album pages executed by him in India are dated between 1041/1631-32 and 1071/1660-61 (Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, pp. 393, 399-400). Bayānī also attributes to him works executed in Yazd, Ašraf (present-day Behšahr), and Isfahan dated between 1000/1591-92 and 1034/1624-25 (ḴošnevīsānII, pp. 398-99). It is possible that some or all of these examples were executed by another calligrapher using the name Rašīd or ʿAbd-al-Rašīd.

ʿAbd-al-Rašīd specialized in the nastaʿlīq script, a hand in which his master excelled. A published example of his work is executed in the smooth and dramatic style associated with Mīr ʿEmād (Fażāʾelī, Aṭlas, p. 534; Safadi, Islamic Calligraphy, pp. 91, 100). It is sometimes said that ʿAbd-al-Rašīd instructed Shah Jahān’s son Dārā Šokūḵ in calligraphy (Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, p. 393). However the published work by that prince is not in the style used by Mīr ʿEmād and ʿAbd-al-Rašīd (Beach, The Grand Mogul, p. 171; Welch, Calligraphy, pp. 188-89). Nevertheless, ʿAbd-al-Rašīd’s work was appreciated by various calligraphers active in India, such as Moḥammad Saʿīd, known as Ašraf, who composed an elegy on ʿAbd-al-Rašīd (Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, pp. 395, 397-98).

Bibliography:

Moḥammad Aṣlaḥ, Taḏkera-ye šoʿarā-ye Kašmīr, ed. Rašdī, Karachi, 1968.

Mahdī Bayānī, Ḵošnevīsān II, pp. 393-400, 518-38.

Milo C. Beach, The Grand Mogul: Imperial Painting in India 1600-1660, Williamstown, 1978.

Ḥabīballāh Fażāʾelī, Aṭlas-e ḵaṭṭ, Isfahan, 1391/1971-72, pp. 533-35.

Yasin Safadi, Islamic Calligraphy, London, 1978.

Moḥammad Ṣāleḥ, ʿAmal-e Ṣāleḥ: Šāh Jahānnāma, ed. Yazdānī and Qorayšī, Lahore, 1967.

Anthony Welch, Calligraphy in the Arts of the Muslim World, Austin, 1979.

Search terms:

عبدالرشید دیلمیabdol rashid daylami

abdolrashid daylamy

abdoulrashid deilami

abdul rashid daylamey

abdalrashid deylami

(P. P. Soucek)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 149-150

Cite this entry:

P. P. Soucek, “'Abd-Al-Rasid Daylami,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 149-150; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rasid-daylami-calligrapher-and-poet-under-the-mughal-shah-jahan-1628-58 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD TATTAVĪ

W. M. THACKSTON

noted lexicographer attached to the court of the Mughal ruler Shah Jahān.

ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD TATTAVĪ

noted lexicographer attached to the court of the Mughal ruler Shah Jahān.

ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD B. ʿABD-AL-ḠAFŪR TATTAVĪ, SHAIKH, noted lexicographer attached to the court of the Mughal ruler Shah Jahān. He was born in Thatta, Sind, but little else is known of his life. Of his two dictionaries, the Arabic-PersianMontaḵab al-loḡat-e Šāh Jahānī, known as Rašīdī-e ʿarabī, was compiled from al-Qāmūs al-moḥīṭ of Maǰd-al-dīn Fīrūzābādī (d. 817/1414) and al-Ṣorāḥ men al-ṣeḥāḥ(681/1282) of Jamāl Qorašī. It was completed in 1046/1636 and dedicated to Shah Jahān. The most popular Arabic-Persian dictionary in India, it has been printed many times, including a rearranged version published by J. H. Taylor in Calcutta, 1816.

The Persian-Persian Farhang-e Rašīdī or Rašīdī-e pārsī, completed almost two decades later in 1064/1654, was also dedicated to Shah Jahān. It summarizedFarhang-e Jahāngīrī (1017/1608) of Jamāl-al-dīn Ḥosayn Īnǰū Šīrāzī and Maǰmaʿ al-fors or Farhang-e Sorūrī (1008/1599) of Moḥammad Qāsem Kāšānī, excluding the superfluous material and non-Persian words from both (ed. Ḏu’l-faqar ʿAlī, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1875; ed. M. ʿAbbāsī, Tehran, 1337 Š./1958; ed. and tr. of the introduction, here termed the first philological essay of a critical nature in Persian, by Dr. Splieth in Grammaticae Persicae praecepta ac regula, Halle, 1846).

Although ʿAbd-al-Rašīd’s dīvān does not appear to have survived, Mīr ʿAlī Šīr Qāneʿ praises his erudition and gives a specimen of his poetry taken from a qaṣīda in praise of ʿAlī b. Abū Ṭāleb (Maqālāt al-šoʿarāʾ, Karachi, 1957, pp. 419f.). He is mentioned in the taḏkeras as having found a chronogram to date Awrangzēb’s accession (e.g., Sarḵᵛoš, Kalemāt al-šoʿarāʾ, Madras, 1951, p. 197). A chronogram fixes ʿAbd-al-Rašīd’s death in 1077/1666 (Ḡolām-ʿAlī Āzād Belgrāmī, Ḵezāna-ye ʿāmera, Cawnpore, 1871, s.v. Māher).

Bibliography:

H. Blochmann, “Contributions to Persian Lexicography,” JASB 37, 1868, p. 20.

M. ʿAlī Dāʿī-al-eslām, “Farhang-e Rašīdī” in Dehḵodā, intro., pp. 218f.

Ethé, Cat. Ind. Off. I, pp. 1302-03, 1350-51.

C. Salemann, “Chronologisches Verzeichniss der Farhange,” Mélanges asiatiques 9, 1880-81, pp. 531-35.

Search terms:

عبدالرشید تتوی

abdol rashid tattavi

abdoul rashid tattawi

abdoulrashid tattawy

abdul rashid tatawy

abdalrashid tatavi

abdal rashid tatavy

(W. M. Thackston)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

Last Updated: July 14, 2011

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, p. 151

Cite this entry:

W. M. Thackston, “'Abd-Al-Rasid Tattavi,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, p. 151; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rasid-b-abd-al-gafur-tattavi-shaikh-17th-century-lexicographer (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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* ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD, ABŪ MANṢŪR

C. E. BOSWORTH

Ghaznavid sultan, r. 441-44/1050-53.

ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD, ABŪ MANṢŪR

Ghaznavid sultan, r. 441-44/1050-53.

ʿABD-AL-RAŠĪD, ABŪ MANṢŪR ʿEZZ-AL-DAWLA B. MAḤMŪD B. SEBÜKTIGĪN, Ghaznavid sultan, r. 441-44/1050-53. He succeeded to the amirate after the death of Mawdūd b. Masʿūd in Raǰab, 441/December, 1049 and the brief reigns of the child Masʿūd b. Mawdūd and of Bahāʾ-al-dawla ʿAlī b. Masʿūd. The actual date of ʿAbd-al-Rašīd’s accession is given by Ebn Bābā Qāšānī in his Ketāb raʾs māl al-nadīm (Istanbul MS Turhan Valide 234, fol. 208b.) as 27 Šaʿbān 441/24 January 1050; he states that the vizier ʿAbd-al-Razzāq b. Aḥmad b. Ḥasan Maymandī, seeing the patent incompetence of Mawdūd’s two successors, fetched ʿAbd-al-Rašīd from the fortress of Mandēš in eastern Ḡūr, where Mawdūd had imprisoned him.

Very little is known of his earlier life; Jūzǰānī says that he was thirty years old when he died, which would put his birth in 414/1023-24; and Tārīḵ-e bayhaqī, p. 626, states that he was present with his elder brother Masʿūd at the battle of Dandānqān against the Saljuqs in 431/1040.

ʿAbd-al-Rašīd’s reign lasted for less than three years and ended in violence and assassination. The immediate successors of Masʿūd, certainly down to Ebrāhīm b. Masʿūd (451-92/1059-99), still hoped to recover the western provinces of the empire lost to the Saljuqs at the end of Masʿūd’s reign. ʿAbd-al-Rašīd appointed as a commander-in-chief of his army (ḥāǰeb-al-ḥoǰǰāb) a Turkish ḡolām or slave commander called Toḡrïl, who had already been high in Mawdūd’s favour. Toḡrïl persuaded ʿAbd-al-Rašīd to let him lead a Ghaznavid army against Khorasan, and according to Ebn Bābā, loc. cit., Toḡrïl secured a minor victory over Alp Arslan b. Čaḡrï Beg in northern Afghanistan. The sultan now authorized Toḡrïl to attack the Saffarids of Sīstān, vassals of the Saljuqs; and in the autumn of 443/1051, Toḡrïl scored considerable successes there, though he failed to capture the fortress of Ṭāq (Tārīḵ-e Sīstān, pp. 371-72; Ebn al-Aṯīr, year 444/1052-53). Flushed with success, Toḡrïl marched back to Ḡazna and decided to depose ʿAbd-al-Rašīd, whom Jūzǰānī describes as lacking in firmness of mind and decisiveness. ʿAbd-al-Rašīd was brought out of the citadel of Ḡazna and killed, and Toḡrïl inaugurated a bloodbath of all the male members of the Ghaznavid family in the vicinity; eleven princes were slaughtered, and Toḡrïl forcibly married one of Masʿūd’s daughters. It was clearly the intention of Toḡrïl—whom the sources stigmatize as maḷʿūn “the accursed” orkāfer-e neʿmat “the ungrateful”—to take over the Ghaznavid empire for himself, though after some forty days’ tyranny, legitimist Ghaznavid feeling in the state reasserted itself, and he was in turn assassinated. Farroḵzād b. Masʿūd succeeded the throne.

Because of his short reign, ʿAbd-al-Rašīd is a shadowy figure, but he seems to have carried on the traditions of his forebears in encouraging literature and scholarship at his court. Jūzǰānī says that he was able to recount historical and literary material; an Arabic manuscript is extant which bears his ex libris (see S. M. Stern, “A Manuscript from the Library of the Ghaznavid Amīr ʿAbd al-Rashīd,” Paintings from Islamic Lands, ed. R. Pinder-Wilson, Oxford, 1969, pp. 7-31); and the noted historian Gardīzī named his book, Zayn al-aḵbār, after the laqab Zayn-al-mella of ʿAbd-al-Rašīd (for the sultan’s honorifics, see C. E. Bosworth, “The Titulature of the Early Ghaznavids,” Oriens 15, 1962, pp. 230-31).

Bibliography:

The chief historical sources are: K. Raʾs māl al-nadīm of Ebn Bābā mentioned above (which seems to utilize material from the lost parts of Bayhaqī; ed. M. S. Badavī, Manchester University Ph. D. thesis, 1975, unpublished; section on the Ghaznavids, tr. with extensive commentary by C. E. Bosworth (forthcoming). Jūzǰānī, Ṭabaqāt I, pp. 235-36; tr. Raverty, I, pp. 98-100.

Ḥosaynī, Aḵbār al-dawlat al-salǰūqīya, ed. M. Iqbal, Lahore, 1933, pp. 14-15. Ebn al-Aṯīr (Beirut) IX, pp. 582-84.

Search terms:

عبدالرشید ابو منصورabdol rashid abou mansour

abdolrashid abomansor

abdul rashid abu mansour

abdalrasihd abou mansour

abdolrashid abu mansur

(C. E. Bosworth)

Originally Published: December 15, 1982

This article is available in print.Vol. I, Fasc. 2, pp. 149-150

Cite this entry:

C. E. Bosworth, “'Abd-Al-Rasid, Abu Masur,” Encyclopædia Iranica, I/2, pp. 149-150; an updated version is available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abd-al-rasid-abu-mansur-ghaznavid-sultan-r-441-44-1050-53 (accessed on 16 January 2014).

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