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A Society Divided: The METCO program in 2015

Erica Katz, MSW, PhD

Bay State College

Christopher Bach, Student

Bay State College

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Abstract

The METCO program formally began in 1966, and was designed as a way to improve the

opportunities for students who attended Boston public schools and to diversify the suburban

schools while preventing racial isolation. While the program was intended to be a short term fix

of the problem of segregation in the public school system, the program remains in place almost

30 years later, and is thriving. Indeed, the METCO program currently has 3300 participants and

a long waiting list of Black and Latino students in Boston who want to attend a suburban school

to improve their chances of attending a good college and having more opportunities to succeed.

For the children who remain in the Boston public schools, they are reported to have less

opportunity for academic and professional success. This paper provides an extensive

examination of the literature on the METCO program and on the experience of attending inner

city schools. An extended example is provided of a METCO student who was attending a

wealthy, suburban high school. This study utilized informal interviews, naturalistic observation

and a review of the literature to gather data. This data served to illuminate some of the issues at

work here and to highlight the psychological impact of participating as a METCO student.

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Introduction

In 1954 the Supreme Court came to a landmark decision in the case of Brown versus The

Board of Education that separate was, in fact, unequal, and thus the racial segregation of schools

was a violation of the fourteenth amendment (Lee, 2004). In 1974, Boston schools were

officially ordered to be desegregated following years of protests. Today, Boston public schools

and those in the suburbs remain largely racially segregated, with very little racial diversity or

integration in either the schools or the communities (Lee, 2004). Indeed, white children are

overwhelmingly located in the suburbs of Boston, while Black and Hispanic children are

disproportionately concentrated in the city of Boston. This segregation continues to be a major

impediment to equal opportunity for the children who reside in the city of Boston (Logan,

Oakley, and Stowell, 2003). “Even more than the national average, segregated minority schools

in Boston are also high poverty schools. Ninety-seven percent of the intensely-segregated-

minority schools (those over 90% minority), have a majority of students who are eligible for free

or reduced lunch, compared to only one percent of low-minority schools (those over 90%

white)” (Lee, 2004, p.3). Only 45% of students in high poverty, high minority schools graduate

on time, if at all, compared to 79% of students in low poverty, primarily white schools (Lee,

2004).

Since its inception there have been several studies conducted on the METCO program.

Most focus specifically on the educational outcomes of METCO students (Murnane, 2014; Lee,

2004; Eaton, 2001). Others have focused on the impact of METCO students on the suburban

schools, on the teachers in those schools, and on the suburban students (Angrist & Lang, 2004).

What seems to be missing from the research, then, is the psychological impact on the students

who currently participate in the METCO program. To that end, this study seeks to identify the

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psychological and social impact of participation in the METCO program by examining the

literature and utilizing an extended example of a METCO student attending a wealthy suburban

high school.

Literature Review

Boston, Massachusetts has the oldest public school system in the United States and it is

currently one of the most academically competitive cities in the country (Rutenburg, 2005).

Boston Latin School, the first public school, opened in 1635 and separate schools for black

students were opened in 1820. In 1854 the laws that called for segregation in schools was

aborted, yet by 1960 the schools in Boston remained almost entirely segregated (Rutenburg,

2005). During the 1960’s and 1970’s Southern states pointed out that racial segregation in

schools was not a problem limited to the South, and only 13 of the largest school systems in the

North had more than a 50% enrollment of minorities (Ladenurg, 2007). At that time, the city of

Boston had only a 37% minority enrollment in their school system. The city of Boston itself was

racially segregated at the time as well, and there was almost a total lack of racial diversity in the

various neighborhoods in Boston. Those who defended the segregation stated that it was simply

the result of blacks and whites choosing to live in their own communities surrounded by only

those who resembled themselves (Ladenburg, 2007).

The Metropolitan Council for Educational Opportunity - METCO - is considered one of

the most successful and the longest running busing programs for children from the city of Boston

(Haberstroh, 2003). According to the Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary

Education (2013), the stated purpose of the METCO program is twofold: “The METCO

program is a state-funded grant program that promotes diversity and educational opportunity for

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more than 3,300 Boston and Springfield school students, as well as thousands of students in the

METCO receiving school districts. The METCO program was started in the 1960s to provide

enhanced educational opportunities for participating students, to reduce the racial isolation of

suburban school districts, and to reduce segregation in city schools” (p.1).

In 1961 the NAACP published a report on the Boston public school system outlining the

“de facto segregation” (Rutenberg, 2005, p.86). From 1963 to 1964 Black parents organized

boycotts of Boston public schools in protest of their failure to integrate (Angrist & Lang, 2004).

Hearings were held in 1963. “Ruth Batson, chair of the Boston NAACP’s Education Committee

outlined the organization’s demands, including newer buildings, more African American

teachers and administrators, and the busing of children to obtain racial balance” (Rutenberg,

2005, p.86). In 1965 the Kiernan Commission was formed and concluded that the racial

inequality was directly related to inequality in opportunity. The Commission report proposed

busing children as a way to fix racial imbalances in public schools (Rutenberg, 2005).

The METCO program was subsequently started in 1966 by Black parents and activists in

Boston who were seeking a temporary fix for the Boston schools which were predominantly

Black and underperforming (Eaton, 2001). The program initially experienced a warm reception

because the state of Massachusetts had enacted a Racial Imbalance Law the year before in

response to the boycotts that wanted to abolish segregation, and provided monetary incentives

for schools that had a student population with a racial make-up of more than 50% minorities.

From the beginning parents voluntarily signed their children up for the program with the idea

that they would be getting a better education. The METCO program was expected to last only

three years until Boston became more integrated (Eaton, 2001). In 1966 the METCO program

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officially began with 220 Black children from first grade to eleventh grade being bused to 7

participating suburban schools.

The METCO program itself has two levels of administration. Their central office is

located in Roxbury, Massachusetts. This is where Jean McGuire, the Executive Director of the

program, is located along with the Association Director, the Business Manager, and several other

key administrators. Policy decisions are made at this office location along with school

placements; transportation to and from the schools is overseen, and special programs such as

college tours are organized (Eaton, 2001). Administrators at this site work directly with state

officials and act as advisors to parents and students who are interested in the program. The

second level of administration for the METCO program is located at various suburban locations

that participate in the program. In each participating suburb there are METCO directors,

assistant directors, counselors and tutors (Eaton, 2001). Their offices are within each of the

suburban schools participating in the program. In addition to these supports, students in the

program are assigned to a “host family” who act as a contact and a guide to the community, and

they provide transportation to the student if needed as well (Eaton, 2001). “The annual budget of

the Massachusetts METCO program, which serves 3300 students, is roughly $20 million or

$6000 per student” (Murnane, 2014, p.13).

The METCO program is partially motivated by a stated desire for racial integration, but

the other more important aspect of this program is that it offers a public school choice for Black

students living in Boston who wish to go to more desirable schools. The parents of these

children sign up for the program voluntarily, believing that they are providing their child with a

greater opportunity than they would be if their child attended a local school (Eaton, 2001).

Parents and their children are convinced that a suburban school offers them a better education

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and therefore a better opportunity for success. Former students assert that they got a better

education at the suburban schools, which they measured by the improvement needed in their

school performance in the suburbs just to keep up with their peers and to get the same grades that

they were getting in the Boston public schools.

“One refers to the more immediate educational experience and the academic preparation

a suburban education might provide for college. The second meaning refers to the potential

future value of obtaining the type of education that American society’s gatekeepers – college

admission officers, employers, even potential colleagues and clients are work – perceive better”

(Eaton, 2001, pgs. 30-31). Indeed, attending a well-regarded high school can open many

academic and professional doors that would otherwise be closed to these children. Many of the

previous METCO students that Eaton (2001) interviewed assert that their friends from their

neighborhoods who weren’t in the METCO program did not fare as well in terms of employment

and financial success, and some could even be found idly hanging around the neighborhood,

seemingly not doing anything productive. .

According to Murnane (2014), educational equality is more of an ideal than a reality in

our society. Children who live in poverty and in neighborhoods that are predominantly Black

and Latino are frequently concentrated in low performing schools with lacking resources

(Murnane, 2014). Many of these children do not finish high school and, of those that do, they

simply cannot compete with their peers who received a superior education at neighboring

schools. In many ways these children are set up to fail or simply achieve less than their affluent

peers.

The METCO program is funded by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. It enables

3300 students to attend schools in other districts than their own. It has been shown to improve

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the reading levels of students who participate in the program. Currently, interested parents have

to place their children on waiting lists to get into the METCO program (Murnane, 2014). It is

reportedly easier to get into the program if you have a sibling and/or a parent who was also in the

program. In general, applicants are chosen on a first come, first serve basis and they do not have

a say in where they are placed except that they can refuse the placement if they so choose

(Murnane, 2014).

Research Question

What is the psychological experience of a METCO student in a predominantly white, suburban

high school?

Methodology

For this study an extensive review of the literature was conducted. In order to utilize an

extended example of a METCO program participant, an informal interview and naturalistic

observation were used to gather data. The student, his parents and the school administration

all signed consent forms allowing the student to participate in this study. Following his initial

interview, this student was shadowed at his high school in the suburbs of Boston for two

consecutive school days.

METCO student

In March, 2015 we met with a METCO student. Going forward, in the interest of maintaining

confidentiality, this individual will be referred to only as “student”. Student came in for an

informal interview, in order to get preliminary information about him and establish rapport prior

to shadowing. Student presented as friendly, open and highly social. Student seemed uniquely

motivated, and is in fact a member of several programs and committees in his school. Student

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was 17 years old at the time of the study, a senior in high school, and a participant in the

METCO program since the 1st grade. Student reports that he has resided in both Mattapan and

Dorchester. At the time of this interview he was living in Dorchester with his father. Student’s

parents divorced before he was born and he was raised by his single mother in Mattapan until the

age of 12, when his father got custody of himself and his sister. He has no other siblings.

Student’s sister is also a participant in the METCO program. Student was placed in the METCO

program by his mother who was also a participant when she was in school. Student’s stated

reason for participation in this study is to take advantage of any opportunities that come his way.

One way that Student said that the METCO program could be improved was if the schools did

more to foster the METCO community so that there was a sense of comfort and cohesion

amongst this group of students. Student initially stated that he had a great experience in the

METCO program and that it provided him with great opportunities. He later reported that when

he first went into the program he felt “weird” and that he tried to stay away from white kids.

According to Susan Eaton (2001) more than half of the sixty-five previous METCO students that

she interviewed stated that at some point in their experience they wanted to drop out of the

program. For some this was due to the fatigue of commuting to and from the school, while for

others they reported feeling a sense of isolation and frustration with the ignorance of their

classmates (Eaton, 2001). Our student identified some of these feelings as well although he

reported that many of this initial apprehensions and discomfort changed over time. He went on

to describe how he has often felt “caught between two worlds”. More specifically, Student

reports that kids in his neighborhood in Boston looked down on him and are jealous of METCO

students in general. In fact, he was not able to identify any friends or even acquaintances from

this neighborhood that attend Boston Public schools. He reports being isolated from other kids

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in the neighborhood who refer to METCO students as nerds and suggest that somehow they are

smarter because they are in the program. Student also reported that there are strained relations

between METCO students in his school and the Black students who come from the same town.

He describes a desire on the part of the Black students from the town to distance themselves

from the METCO students so that no one will think they are affiliated in any way.

Observations

Student was shadowed at his suburban high school on a consecutive Monday and Tuesday during

the month of May. In the interest of gaining greater insight into his experience at the high school

he was shadowed from the beginning of the school day until the end; including each individual

class and during his lunch period as well. The school where the shadowing took place is

immense and includes both a significant football field and an indoor pool. The teachers in the

school dress casually (some were seen wearing jeans, sandals, and even sweatpants). The

student explained the dress code by stating that the school is very “unconventional”. Classes

also seemed to be somewhat unconventional as student’s schedule included a class on “Hip

Hop”. The student was dressed casually in a manner that the researcher observed “didn’t cause

him to stand out from his peers”. Student seemed to have a substantial social life, and had

several acquaintances around him and/or approaching him throughout the day. It was observed

that he spent the majority of his free time with the other METCO students, including his sister

who was also in the program. Indeed, during a break before the start of school and during lunch

the student spent time with the other METCO students. At one point during a class the student

was asked by a non-black peer what his thoughts were on a black rapper. The student responded

by asking, “why you asking me?” He did not express his discontent any further than this

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question. At another moment in the day, another student remarked about the dangerous

conditions of Washington, D.C., without acknowledging that in fact, the student lived in a

relatively dangerous area of Boston. Again, the response from the student was minimal. In a

brief interview after the shadowing, the student reported that he didn’t think much of the remarks

made by the other students and that he felt that their words were “innocent”. During the first day

of shadowing, one of the student’s teachers remarked to the researcher that the student had

assimilated into the culture of that high school and town. Later the student received an award for

being the “best METCO senior” student. The second day of observation was similar to the first.

Student attended all classes and was an active participant in these classes. His clothing was

similar to his peers and again, spent his free time with other METCO students.

Black Students in Inner City Public Schools

There has been an endless amount of research focused on the limited access to resources in inner

city and impoverished areas. The messages that children receive about race when they are young

becomes fixed by the time they are between the ages of 9 and 12 (Thompson, 2002). When

children feel valued and appreciated, they succeed academically regardless of race. However,

when Black children are placed in advanced classes they are sometimes accused of assimilating

and “acting white”. This creates a source of conflict for students who want to simultaneously

succeed and fit in with their peers. Stuart Buck (2010), believed the use of the term “acting

white” transitioned from white use to black during the time of desegregation, where ”black

schools” were destroyed, which “reduced the number of black principals and teachers who could

serve as role models” (p. 3). At this time, blacks were forced into environments where they were

very uncomfortable and were almost always viewed as being “white”. The “acting white”

occurrence was a post-desegregation phenomenon that affected most “traditional centers for the

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black community; the school” (Buck, 2010, p.3). It was in black schools where blacks saw

fellow blacks learning in the classroom. Teachers and principals were black, the role models for

the young learners.

The mainstream defines success in terms of the behaviors of white, middle-class students.

Thus, being successful becomes a class and race issue that is related to being white and middle-

class (Andrews, 2015). Obviously, this is in conflict for those who are nonwhite. Conforming to

“white” success can be seen as rejecting your own racial affiliations, and therefore, becomes

“adversarial” in maintaining group acceptance. One way nonwhites resolve the issue is to be

successful in school as a form of “resistance”. It has been described by scholars as: “conformist

resistance,” “positive resistance,” “prove them wrong,” “academic resilience,” and

“transformational resistance” (Andrews, 2015, p.298). Some argue that “acting white” was a

form of resistance to reclaim rights that were afforded only to whites

Wilson (2009) identifies two structural forces that impact racial outcomes: social acts

such as discrimination and stereotyping and social processes such as "laws, policies, and

institutional practices that exclude people on the basis of race or ethnicity" (p.5). Very little

attention was brought to the issues facing those living in poverty. In the 1960's there was greater

attention and not until Hurricane Katrina, was attention brought once again to the issue. In fact,

many of the people who were stuck in New Orleans during that hurricane didn’t have the

resources to get out before the storm hit. "One of the effects of living in racially segregated

neighborhoods is exposure to group specific cultural traits that emerged from patterns of racial

exclusion and that may not be conducive to factors that facilitate social mobility" (Wilson, 2009,

p. 17)

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Certainly, inner-city children face obstacles and hardships that children in affluent

suburbia often do not experience. Inner-city children are reported to have high rates of illness,

poor nutrition, neighborhood isolation and exclusion, neighborhood violence and crime, and

residential instability (Neckerman, 2007). Violence has been associated with inner-city

conditions for quite some time. Given the conditions of these neighborhoods, the statement

“making the school a safe haven” suggests to students that their neighborhoods, or even their

homes, are simply not safe (Neckerman, 2007, p. 182). According to Neckerman (2007),

“black… students are more than twice as likely as white students to fear being attacked on the

way to and from school or on its premises” (p.182). This fear does not encourage participation

in schools, and may in fact create a seemingly viable reason that children in these neighborhoods

skip school or simply drop out altogether.

Low skilled, poorly educated black men have a significantly harder time getting a job,

and therefore a harder time making money. In fact, there is a significant relationship between

education, employment, and race. Black men who were high school dropouts had an

employment rate of 33% while those that completed college had an 86% employment rate

(Wilson, 2009). White men, on the other hand, who were high school dropouts, had a 53%

employment rate, and an 88% employment rate for those that finished college. For Hispanics,

high school dropouts have a 57.6 percent employment rate and a 80% rate of employment for

college graduates (Wilson, 2009).

Adolescence is a time of significant biological change as well as normative

developmental stress. These stressors are often exacerbated for those adolescent aged students

living in urban environments and attending inner-city public schools. According to Kenney et

al., (2002), compared with affluent suburban high schools, high schools in inner cities are

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generally characterized by higher rates of behavior problems and academic failure. This is due

to several factors including lack of school resources, lack of parental involvement, lack of

consistent and invested teachers, the absence of activities and after school programs, and/or a

lack of funding. Indeed, students who are “attending urban schools often experience a number of

environmental risks, including lower parental education, single parenthood, minority group

status, and negative, stressful life events, that often accompany low levels of economic

resources, and contribute cumulatively to psychiatric disorders, behavioral problems, academic

failure, and low emotional and social competence” (Kenney, et al., 2002, p.161).

Discussion

Assimilation

While observing the student in his school setting, the researcher was told that that the

student was the “cream of the crop” and that he had assimilated well within the suburban school

setting. Assimilation is defined as “the process by which immigrants remake themselves as

Americans through the acculturation of our values, norms, and beliefs; new immigrants are

socialized to believe in the value of equality of all men and women, the norms of freedom and

the pursuit of liberty in America” (Shaw-Taylor, 2011, p. 61). In this case, assimilation refers

simply to a Black student from a predominantly black populated city of Boston trying to fit into a

predominantly white populated suburban school setting. Perhaps, then, assimilation manifests

in the way the student dresses “so he doesn’t stand out”, and how he dismisses the offensive

remarks that are made to him by other students instead of more aggressively confronting them.

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According to Gordon (1964), in order for one to achieve complete assimilation they must

have undergone seven stages of assimilation: (1) adopt cultural patterns of host, or otherwise

known as acculturation, (2) entrance into primary group institutions, (3) intermarriage, or

otherwise known as amalgamation, (4) develop an identity based on host, (5) receive no attitude

of prejudice, (6) receive no behavior of discrimination, and (7) avoid civic conflict with host

values and power. Douglas and Yancey (2004) assert that exposure to a majority group often

improves opportunity and status for minority groups, and that distance (perceived and actual)

may hinder assimilation. The student reported that at one time he only interacted with METCO

students, but over time he began to branch out and spend time with the other students at the

school. By lessening the “distance” between himself and his peers, the student was able to

become extremely successful at the school, both socially and academically. His teacher’s

remarks about assimilating suggest that his success at the school is related to his ability and

willingness to assimilate.

Social Supports

The obstacles and hardships that exist for black students in inner city high schools are

well documented in the literature. Certainly, the students in the METCO program do not

experience these same hardships, at least while they are in school. Suburban schools that

participate in the METCO program have an abundance of resources for students, teachers that

are extremely invested in the students, either by their own free will or as a result of parental and

administrative pressures. These suburban schools provide a host family for METCO students,

who exist as a built in support system for the students while they are in the suburbs. The head of

the METCO program at the school may be a support for the students in the program as well.

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However, there are other stressors for these students. First, students in the METCO

program are somewhat isolated in both their school settings and their neighborhood settings.

Indeed, the student reported that he was initially isolated from the other students at school and

that it wasn’t until his junior and senior year of high school that he started to hang out with

students who weren’t part of the METCO program. The student also reported that there was a

stigma associated with the METO program, both from students. He stated that black students

who were from Newton would often distance themselves from the METCO students so that no

one would confuse them as being affiliated with the program. He reported as well that Boston

students were offended by the METCO program and therefore they wouldn’t speak to METCO

students and even engaged in a verbal battle on social media at one point. The student also

reported that he didn’t know any of the kids in his neighborhood, which may have created a

sense of social isolation and a lack of neighborhood cohesion.

Stigma and the METCO program

Riley (2010) asserts that the definition of stigma is “an attribute that is deeply

discrediting” (p. 233). In the context of educational stigma among black students in inner cities,

this is quite relevant where “privileged” opportunities are afforded to some, but not all (Riley,

2010). When a student in a lower-income community, for example, is offered to attend a better

school, an unexpected event occurred that needs an explanation for those not afforded the

opportunity. The stigma at play is not aimed at the perceived “traitor”, but rather at one’s self,

those who were left behind so to speak, and eventually manifests as aggressions towards those on

the way to bettering themselves (Riley, 2010). The animosity between METCO students and

Boston public school students may be a result of this perceived defecting of those who choose or

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are forced by their families to participate in the METCO program. Education is not in and of

itself a discrediting attribute.

If groups are made aware of the “stigma” before participating in any event, they become

threatened and may not be as successful. A group may develop a “sense of group loyalty,” and

those specifically targeted within the group will feel more responsibility “for representing the

group” itself (Riley, 2010, p. 236). Stigma and group divisions usually occur at a young age. In

Boston in reference to educational opportunity, there is one group of African-American students.

However, there is division in the group where some are afforded an opportunity to attend better

schools, either through METCO, or in a charter or private school. These students represent “the

haves” (Riley, 2010). The “have-nots,” on the other hand, are members of this core-culture of

African-American students in Boston that are left behind. These two divisions live within the

same communities in Boston, however, are “fighting” or “bullying” each other over this division.

This fighting and bullying usually occurs through social media. Indeed the student referred to a

past incident where METCO and non-METCO students were fighting on Twitter. He mentioned

the incident casually during his informal interview, but certainly this animosity points to a bigger

issue at play.

Implications for the Classroom

The 1954 Brown versus Board of Education Supreme Court decision determined that

racial segregation in the school systems was a violation of the United States Constitution (Lee,

2014). While there was some initial resistance to the findings of the court, schools slowly began

the process of desegregating. Approximately 60 years since the outcome of this landmark case

there are legal and social expectations nationwide that our school systems are no longer

segregated. The very existence of the METCO program, then, indicates otherwise. In fact, the

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program itself serves to remind us that at least the state of Massachusetts remains racially

segregated and that our school systems in this state are very much separate and unequal. Indeed,

parents of Boston based children would not be vying for a spot in the METCO program if the

Boston public school system itself held the same academic and social opportunities as the

suburban schools.

The implications for the classroom are limitless. In American Diversity, for example, a

class that explores discrimination, racial and social injustice, a discussion about the METCO

program would be beneficial in allowing students to explore the existence of racial segregation in

the state of Massachusetts, such that there is a busing program that was specifically designed to

“eliminate racial isolation”. In other words, we currently move students from one location to

another in order to prevent racial segregation, a problem that could potentially be fixed by

diversifying neighborhoods. Students would also have the opportunity to dialogue about

solutions to educational inequalities, not dissimilar to the examples provided by the sociologist

Jonathan Kozol (1991) that are discussed in class. In his book, “Savage Inequalities” Kozol

(1991) identifies the significant differences that exist in schools in neighborhoods that are

impoverished and occupied by predominantly Black and Latino families versus schools in

affluent neighborhoods that are largely occupied by white families (Kozol, 1991). A comparison

could be drawn between the findings of Jonathan Kozol in 1991 and the METCO program today.

Students would have the opportunity to advocate for changes to this program as well.

In Race, Ethnicity and Criminal Justice class, students would have the opportunity to

identify a correlation between those that attend public schools in Boston and those that end up in

the criminal justice system. Indeed, there is a long identified relationship between inadequate

education and crime. Students who drop out of school are much more likely to engage in illegal

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activity especially as a way to earn money (Kozol, 1991). Students who remain in school are

exposed to education and career opportunities, or ways to earn money in a legal manner; they

may be encouraged to pursue a college education as well. If some children do not have access to

schools that encourage participation and success, perhaps these children are being set up to fail.

This is especially true in areas that are predominately Black and Latino, and where there is little

money (Kozol, 1991).

This topic is not limited to these two classes. In an Introduction to Sociology course, the

topic of the METCO program could be introduced as an example in the weeks when race,

ethnicity, education and/or social class is reviewed. In fact, an exploration of the METCO

program would be appropriate for several Sociology courses offered at the college.

In the Justice Advocacy, students could use the example of the METCO program to

advocate for a change in the school system in Boston, thereby eliminating the need for the

program altogether. Again, there are several Criminal Justice courses offered where students

could actively advocate for changes to the educational system in Massachusetts.

Limitations

This student utilized an extended example of one METCO student and compared this

experience to the literature on students with vastly different experiences. In order to generalize

the findings of this study, more students would need to be observed, both in and out of the

METCO program.

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Buck, S. (2010). Acting white: the ironic legacy of desegregation. New Haven: Yale

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Douglas, G., & Yancey, G. (2004). Taking stock of America's attitudes on cultural diversity: an

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