a roman bust from västra vång - lunds...

A Roman bust from Västra Vång

A comparative study investigating the context in which the bust was created

Linnea Lidh

Master’s thesis in Classical

Archaeology and Ancient History

ARKM24

Spring semester 2014

Supervisor: Henrik Gerding

AbstractThe aim of this thesis was by a comparative study investigate the small Roman bust found in

Västra Vång to increase the understanding of the context is which it was created. The

comparative study was leaning on two hypotheses; that the bust was depicted with a so-called

melon coiffure and that the bust was a depiction of a barbarian. Two catalogues was created

on the basis of these hypotheses to be used as comparative material in the analysis. The first

catalogue contained portraits of melon coiffures while the other contained depictions of

barbarians in minor art. Both a comparative method and an iconographical method were used.

The concept of hybridity in Roman provincial art was considered for the discussion about the

hairstyle. The results from the two comparative studies was somewhat mixed, where the first

catalogue could provide a general picture of the melon coiffure while the second catalogue

were more difficult to draw conclusions from as the material varied. In conclusions it was

possible to say that the Vång-bust’s hair was a misunderstood melon coiffure created in a

hybrid context within a province. The Vång-bust could also be interpreted as a barbarian

created in a positive manner and thereby be an attractive object beyond the Roman limes.

Keywords: Västra Vång; provincial artwork; hybridity; melon coiffure; barbarians; Roman

bronze bust.

Cover image: The Roman bronze bust from Västra Vång. Capturing from 3D model created

by Freya Roe.

AcknowledgmentsI would first like to thank my supervisor Henrik Gerding for all the comments on the thesis

and the support during the semester. Even during the most stressful times you have been calm,

positive and encouraging. I will also like to thank Anne-Marie Leander Touati for comments,

help and ideas.

I would then further like to thank Björn Nilsson for his help and also Blekinge Museum for

letting me use their photos of the bust. I would also like to give a special thanks to Freya Roe

for letting me use the 3D model she made of the Roman bust from Västra Vång.

And last but not least I am very thankful to friends and family for all their love.

Table of Contents

1. INTRODUCTION _________________________________________________________ 1

1.1 AIM AND RESEARCH QUESTION______________________________________________1

1.2 METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH______________________________________________2

1.3 VÄSTRA VÅNG – A BACKGROUND____________________________________________4

1.4 BACKGROUND TO THE MELON COIFFURE______________________________________5

1.5 THE BARBARIANS_________________________________________________________7

1.6 HYBRIDITY AND ROMAN PROVINCIAL ART_____________________________________9

1.6.1 PROVINCIAL ART_________________________________________________________9

1.6.2 HYBRIDITY AS A THEORETICAL CONCEPT______________________________________9

2. MATERIAL _____________________________________________________________ 11

2.1 THE BUST FROM VÄSTRA VÅNG____________________________________________11

2.2 ROMAN SCULPTURES WITH MELON COIFFURES________________________________12

2.2.1 INTRODUCTION TO CATALOGUE A__________________________________________12

2.2.2 CATALOGUE A__________________________________________________________13

2.3 ROMAN MINOR ART WITH BARBARIAN DEPICTIONS_____________________________22

2.3.1 INTRODUCTION TO CATALOGUE B__________________________________________22

2.3.2 THE CATALOGUE________________________________________________________23

3. ANALYSIS ______________________________________________________________ 29

3.1 THE BUST AND THE FINDINGS FROM VÄSTRA VÅNG____________________________29

3.2 THE MELON COIFFURES IN THE CATALOGUE__________________________________30

3.3 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS – MELON COIFFURE_________________________________34

3.4 THE DEPICTIONS OF THE BARBARIANS_______________________________________35

3.5 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS – BARBARIAN DEPICTIONS___________________________38

4. DISCUSSION ____________________________________________________________ 40

4.1 CONCLUSIONS___________________________________________________________43

5. SUMMARY _____________________________________________________________ 45

6. REFERENCES ___________________________________________________________ 48

7. APPENDICES ___________________________________________________________ 53

7.1 FIGURES:_______________________________________________________________53

1. Introduction

At the beginning of the Common Era the Roman Empire had expanded northwards to the

rivers Rhine and Danube. Trade and transport characterise the early empire and occasionally

there were contacts and trade over the Roman boarders.1

Already in the first two centuries CE the influence of Rome grew in Scandinavia, and

this has left traces in the archaeological material from this period. In both Denmark and in the

south of Sweden it is fairly common to find Roman objects in graves and deposits. These

objects are often connected with the military, but there are also other commonly found items

such as glass vessels, coins and art objects.2

In the small village of Västra Vång in Blekinge, Sweden, a small Roman bronze bust

(Fig. 1) came to light during an excavation in 2013. The bust has been interpreted as an

imported craft from a Roman province.3 This Roman bust will be my primary material and the

focus of this thesis. It is a unique and thrilling finding since objects like this is rare in

Scandinavian contexts. At a first glimpse the Vång-bust appears to be a male figure, but the

hairstyle looks like the so-called “melon coiffure” which is considered to be a female

hairstyle.4 With this in mind a lot of questions start to pop up. Has the craftsman

misinterpreted the hairstyle? Is it a bad copy? How can the bust be explained and understood?

This introduction chapter is divided into six sections. In the first section my aims and also my

research question will be explained and in section two the methodological approach will be

put forward. There will be a short background to the area where the bust was found in section

three and after that a background to the so-called “melon coiffure”. Section five will contain a

background and definition of “barbarians”. The chapter will end with an account of the

concepts of “hybridity” and provincial art.

1.1 Aim and research questionThe aim of this thesis will be to increase our understanding of the bust found in Västra Vång

and try to put it in a bigger perspective. The question that the thesis will focus on is:

1 Björklund 1996, 15, 19.2 Björklund 1996, 21.3 Henriksson & Nilsson 2013, 40.4 Dillon 2010, 114f.

What can a comparative analysis between the bust and other artworks tell us about the

origin of the bust and the context in which it was created?

There are two specific features about this bust from Västra Vång that will be investigated in

this thesis. The research question will be answered on the basis of two different hypotheses.

The first is that the Vång-bust’s hairstyle is a so-called melon coiffure. The second hypothesis

is that the bust is a depiction of a barbarian. If these hypotheses are true or not will be

investigated with a comparative method and this means that a comparative material is needed.

Two catalogues will therefore be created, where the first will contain portraits depicting the

melon coiffure and the second catalogue will contain objects that depict barbarians. Both

these catalogues will later be thoroughly presented and critical aspects of the contents will be

discussed.

The contents of the two catalogues will also reflect two different aspects of art, as

opposing materials. The melon coiffures will be represented mainly by big sculptures or

reliefs, which could be considered as Roman art, while the depicted barbarians will be mainly

provincial minor art. This has a point to the further investigation of the bust. For the melon

coiffure the interesting part is how the Roman themselves used the hairstyle in their art, so it

is vital to use portraits that are made according Roman art traditions. The depicted barbarians

on the other hand have the point of being something similar to the Vång-bust when it comes

to being at provincial artworks of a minor art type.

1.2 Methodological approachAs just mentioned, the two catalogues will be used as the comparative material for the Vång-

bust. A comparative method will allow me to put the Vång-bust in a wider perspective and

from there I will hopefully be able to answer my research question. I think that by comparing

the bust on the basis of the two hypotheses, there will be a possibility to put the bust in the

context in which it was created or at least get an indication of where the inspiration for the

bust might have come from.

The comparative method will be a major part of my investigation, but the study of

images in itself will also be a key. Therefore an iconographical method will also be used.

Iconography is the “the study of image” and at a very fundamental level it means to identify

motifs and images in artworks.5 An example of this is to recognise that a man depicted draped

5 D’Alleva 2005, 20.

in a lion skin and with a club in his hand is the hero Herakles/Hercules in Greek and Roman

myths.

The art historian Aby Warburg and his students developed the theory of modern

iconography. Warburg was arguing that art, in any given period, was connected with other

factors, such as religion, politics and social life. To use iconography as a method allows

scholars to draw conclusions based upon what is imbedded in the artwork.6

Iconography and iconology are two closely related words but are two different

processes in the interpretation of art, where iconology comes after iconography. Erwin

Panofsky, a student of Warburg, wrote about the three levels of iconographic/iconological

analysis. The first level, pre-iconographical analysis, is when the viewer looks at what is

visible in the image without any need of further knowledge. The second level, iconographical

analysis, is when the viewer works with identifying characters or known stories in the

artwork. In the last level, iconological analysis, the viewer works with the meaning of the

image where she anticipates the time and place of the creation of the artwork.7

So in simpler terms, iconographic analysis is where the inner symbolic and

allegorical meanings are found and iconological analysis is where the meaning of the symbols

and motifs in a cultural context are being interpreted. One should note that symbols are

something that represents an idea or entity, but symbols are also culture specific and their

meaning might not be fully understood by outsiders.8

In reality, it might not be that easy to follow Panofsky’s three steps, especially when we are

already familiar with the type of images that is studied. If we are familiar to an image type the

first step of Panofsky’s method might be skipped automatically. When instead being

completely unfamiliar with the specific type of image it may be hard to make an interpretation

at all. The step from level two to level three might be particularly problematic when dealing

with a cross-cultural artwork.9

1.3 Västra Vång – A backgroundHere, in this section, a short background to Västra Vång will be provided together with some

information about what is known about the place. A short summary of how the bust came to

be found will also be given. Since the actual report about the excavation in 2013 has not been

6 D’Alleva 2005, 21, 22.7 D’Alleva 2005, 21, 22.8 D’Alleva 2005, 23.9 D’Alleva 2005, 22, 23.

published yet, this will be a quite short summary, based on the reports from earlier

excavations and articles from archaeological journals.10

Västa Vång is a small village in Hjortsberga parish, Blekinge, which is located nearby the

esker Johannishusåsen. The Västra Vång area has been known for a long time to be a place of

cultural value, as the region is full of graves in forms of stone settings and cairns, which can

be dated to Bronze and Iron Age. What also should be mentioned is the large Viking Age

silver treasure that was found in the area in the 1860’s. Based on data from graves in the

region it seems that in the late Bronze Age the settlements in Hjortsberga parish expanded and

Johannishusåsen became its core area.11

During an excavation in 2004 an interesting finding came to give the area a whole new

importance. A short distance from the excavation site the metal detector found a small bronze

mask upon on a plateau. This find was immediately given much attention since

representations of anthropomorphically objects from the late pre-historical times are rare

findings in Scandinavia.12

Not until 2012 the plateau could be partly excavated, and it resulted in a puzzling

stone foundation. Because of this discovery, later that year a geo-radar survey took place on

the site. The geo-radar result showed possible terraces and that the stone foundation seemed to

be a part of a complex pattern of stone foundations.13

Then we come to the excavation in the spring of 2013 when three more small bronze

masks were found together with a small bronze head, the Roman bronze bust and 29 gold foil

figures. All these objects were found in a concentrated area inside what, according to the geo-

radar result, could have been a large building (10x4 m). 14

The site meets many of the criterions of being a so-called Central Place.15 A Central

Place can be describes as a site of rich find material that indicates the site as multifunctional.16

The settlement is strategically placed close to the esker and in the middle of a valley. What

also should be noted is that the old road that connected the hinterland with the coast went

10 Some excavation reports have been published from the Västra Vång area (Grandin 2011; Henriksson 2006; Henriksson 2008; Henriksson 2011) and also some articles about the site and findings in archaeological popular science magazines ( Görman & Henriksson 2006; Henriksson 2005; Henriksson & Nilsson 2013).11 Görman &Henriksson 2006, 6; Henriksson & Nilsson 2013, 36.12 Henriksson 2005, 10.13 Henriksson & Nilsson 2013, 38.14 Henriksson & Nilsson 2013, 41-42.15 Henriksson 2011, 9.16 Hårdh & Larsson 2003, 27.

parallel with the esker. This road may have had the same, or close to the same, outline in pre-

historic time. Västra Vång as a junction could possibly have had both a military and a

commercial function, since there are archaeological traces that inform us that the area had a

great diversity of activities, and advanced metal crafts is one of the activities. There are also

some indicators of an aristocratic presence in the first millennium CE and this is based on a

large hall building (20x6m) and glass fragments found in the area, both of which are

associated with an aristocratic milieu.17 The above mentioned silver treasure should not be

forgotten as it also points to a scenario where Västra Vång was a place of importance and

power.

1.4 Background to the melon coiffureIn the creation of a catalogue with portraits of melon coiffures there is a need for some sort of

definition of what the hairstyle was and what it looks like. This section will give a background

history of the hairstyle and also describe the features of the specific coiffure.

In Roman times a person’s hairstyle could say something about both age and status. The

hairstyle a woman chose depended on her social status, age and her public role.18 Sometimes

certain well-known persons in the Roman Empire were depicted with a distinct hairstyle and

sometimes the style was adopted by others to emphasize for example bloodline or political

sympathies. The hairstyles can be used for dating artwork since some hairstyles are typical for

some specific emperor or empresses.19 It has therefore been possible to construct a chronology

of Roman portraitures.20

The specific hairstyle this thesis is concerned with was designated “melon coiffure”

(Melonenfrisur) by German scholars because of how the hair was arranged.21 So by definition

the melon coiffure was a hairdo where the hair was swept back in separated twisted parallel

strands from the forehead and to the back of the head and was there braided into a decorative

bun. The hairstyle was given the name because of these parallel hair strands that made the hair

look like a melon.22

17 Henriksson & Nilsson 2013, 36; Henriksson 2006, 2, 8-9.18 Bartman 2001, 1.19 Blume 2012.20 Bartman 2001, 1.21Kleiner 2005, 135.22 Daehner 2007, 67, 120f; Dillon 2010, 114.

The melon coiffure was first worn by Greek women and the small figurines from

Tanagra, Greece, dated to mid- and late fourth century BCE are sometimes provided with this

hairdo.23 It seems like the style originated from outside the royal society, but was later worn

by some of the Ptolemaic queens, and was seen as a fashionable hairdo that was both youthful

and elegant.24 Christiane Vorster argues that the melon coiffure was a complex hairstyle and

therefore needed assistance from a servant. She also says that this hairstyle emphasises the

elevated status of the person wearing the melon coiffure.25

The hairstyle had not disappeared in the period of Augustus, for example Cleopatra

VII was depicted with the melon coiffure, which often can be seen on coins, and Augustus

own wife, Livia, is sometimes depicted with this hairstyle.26 Young girls from prominent

families wore their hair in this style, but also adult women sometimes arranged their hair in

this coiffure. The hairstyle was therefore worn by both married and unmarried women and

girls.27

When it comes to Roman art and the periods in the Roman history there are elements

from different Greek art periods that were brought up and used at different points in time. As

an example, in both the Augustan period and in the Flavian period art from the Classical and

Hellenistic period was picked up and used by the Romans.28 I will by no means by mentioning

this, while talking about hair fashion, suggest that this necessarily means that the Greek

fashion was spread by this usage of Greeks art. However I do believe that there can be a

connection between the use of Greek art and the adoption of Greek fashion.

When talking about Roman art is important to keep in mind that the Romans took a

lot of what was Greek and made it their own. As the Roman state grew in the last centuries

BCE they controlled most of the lands that were Greek and Hellenistic. The Romans came to

adopt Greek cultural elements, including their art.29

1.5 The barbariansIn this section I will give a background to the concept of “barbarians” and also offer a

definition of the word. In a discussion about depicted barbarians it is vital to understand the

definition of the word and its meaning.23 About Tanagra figurines: James & Dillon 2012, 231–234.24 Dillon 2010, 116; Kleiner 2005, 135.25 Daehner 2007, 120f.26 Daehner 2007, 83; Kleiner 2005, 146.27 Daehner 2007, 81; Dillon 2010, 116.28 Hölscher 2003, 11.29 Stewart 2008, 12.

The term “barbarian” is a word that the Greeks used for foreigners, people who did not speak

Greek, and whose language sounded something like “bar, bar” to Greek ears. The Greek

definition of the word had only two sides; either someone spoke Greek or they did not. Later

on more elements were added to define their differences from the barbarians, like their

cultural, visual and psychological differences. These differences were created as a means for

the Greeks and the Romans to understand themselves and their world. The Romans came to

have a somewhat different view on the concept of barbarians compared to the Greeks. For the

Romans and their imperial system there was a possibility to transform from a barbarian into a

Roman citizen or a subject to the empire. This was done by the Roman conquests and also in

other ways in which they incorporated land and people to their realm.30

Rome was sacked, most likely, in 387 BCE by Gallic tribes, which lead the Romans

to create an image of the barbarians in their iconography. The Greeks had already given the

barbarians a negative image after war with them, and the Romans probably inherited this

attitude. Barbarians had a reputation of being savage and ferocious people and these concepts

of the barbarians were rooted in the minds of the Romans.31 The barbarians were quite

different from the people living in the Mediterranean so the Romans came to accentuate, both

in text and depiction, the features that made the barbarians different from themselves. Their

tall and great physique, their long hair, their wearing of trousers and the usage of different

weapons are all features that Romans noticed about the barbarians. 32

Even though the Gauls for a long time were seen as barbarians this would later come

to change. The border to the barbarian lands was in the Augustan era, after Gaul had been

annexed to the Empire, moved beyond the new Romans limes northwards to the Germanic

lands.33 At this point the Germanic peoples had been identified as a separate ethnic entity.34

The general opinion of these barbaric people, as we have seen, was overwhelmingly

unfavourable and this was something reflected in art.35 In Roman art the barbarian enemy was

a quite common theme, especially as it was used as propaganda in official art.36 Most of these

objects of art were a celebration of the defeated barbarian. Some of the most famous artworks

30 Ferris 2000, 3 – 4.31 Abbaye of Daoulas 1993, 45.32 Björklund 1996, 23.33 Björklund 1996, 23.34 Abbaye of Daoulas 1993, 46.35 Abbaye of Daoulas 1993, 46.36 Björklund 1996, 26.

are “The Dying Gaul” and “The Suicidal Gauls”, both of which are copies of Greeks works,

which were made after the Greek victory over the Gauls in 223 BCE. Later on the Roman

used these artworks so that they could be associated with the Greeks and their victories over

the Gauls. These depictions of Gauls were not just negative but they also showed the dignity

that the depicted Gaul showed in his moment of death.37 With the more intense military action

at the Roman limes the number of depictions of barbarians increased, and one example of this

is from the Column of Trajan.38

The definition of the word barbarian, for this thesis, will be of people living outside the

borders or the Roman Empire. This may be seen as a simplified definition but I think it will

give me a broader range of art objects to use for the comparative material. As a outcome of

this the Vång-bust will be compared with a wider range of objects with potentially different

art expressions.

The depiction of the defeated barbarian might have been a popular motif in a Roman

context. It is unlikely that a motif like that would have been desirable outside the borders, as it

was meant to show the Roman supremacy over the “uncivilized” barbarians. The bust from

Västra Vång might be a depiction of a barbarian but probably not as a “defeated” barbarian.

This is why the catalogue mainly will contain barbarians that could be considered to be

depicted in a “neutral” manner.

1.6 Hybridity and Roman provincial art

1.6.1 Provincial artWhen writing about and discussing Roman art, the objects of art from the provinces are often

forgotten or ignored. This is because provincial art are often seen as low in quality and bad

imitations of Roman art.39 But provincial art needs to be seen differently, namely as a mixture

of both Roman and local art traditions. This concept of a blend of two or more cultural art

traditions could be expressed as taking a hybrid form.

The notion of Romanization has been a key issue in the study of Roman art, as has

the extent to which it affected the art in the Roman Empire. In recent years the concept of

Romanization has been criticised for being a leftover from the values from Europe’s

37 Abbaye of Daoulas 1993, 46.38 Björklund 1996, 26-27.39 Stewart 2008, 157.

imperialistic age. It is also seen to exaggerate the active role of the Romans in their influence

on their provinces, which also implies that the provinces merely accepted an imposed culture.

Roman art was not imposed but rather an influence in the way that the locals took parts of it

according to taste and preferences. In opposition to the criticized ideas, archaeologists should

consider the everyday people of the provinces and with this change the focus to the elements

in their art that are not Roman. Provincial art should also, according to this criticism, be

considered as resistance towards Roman values.40

1.6.2 Hybridity as a theoretical conceptTo be able to study objects of art from the Roman provinces and understand what they

express and why they look like they do, there is a need for a theoretical perspective to work

from. In the study of the Roman provinces one tend to touch upon the notion Romanization,

which will be a starting point here before sliding into the usage of hybridity in archaeology. It

is hard to fully understand hybridity if I do not bring up the concept of Romanization first.

The concept of Romanization has been discussed for quite some time now, since the early 20th

century. The British scholar Francis Haverfield was the first to use the term in an analysis of

the study of the Roman Empire. He used Romanization as a term for the process by which the

provinces were “given civilisation”. The view that Haverfield held on Romanization has been

criticised as an outdated model even though it has been the dominant view in the study of the

Roman provincial cultures. In the civilization process that Haverfield was talking about he

implied that the Romans gave the provinces both a new material culture and a new way of

living.41

Greg Woolf is arguing, in his article “Beyond Romans and natives”, that what we see

in the meeting between the Roman culture and the natives cultures was not a conflict between

them, or even an interaction, but rather the creation of a new imperial culture that replaces

both the Roman culture and the cultures of the natives in the provinces.42 Woolf is not the

only voice in the opposition towards Haverfield’s concept of Romanization. Andrew Wallace-

Hadrill mentions that researchers working with the Roman provinces are now having a hard

time accepting the model of Romanization that Haverfield worked with.43

40 Stewart 2008, 87, 158f., 160.41 Webster 2001, 209, 211.42 Woolf 1997, 341.43 Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 10.

Alicia Jiménez discusses the concept of hybridity and the influences of Roman

colonialism in a local context, where she approaches new versions of objects coming from

outside.44 The term hybridization is a biological word that describes two animals or plants that

are cross-fertilized. The offspring is different from both parents but at the same time it does

have some characteristics of both.45

Hybridity, Jiménez says, can be connected to colonialism and even be seen as a

product of colonial power. The Romans had an idea about their own dominance because of

their humanitas, what we can call civilization, set against barbarism. This hegemony was only

true if “the others” were different enough so that the Roman could justify their own superior

position. However, there is an ambiguity with colonialism. The colonialist has a desire to

make the others more like themselves, but not entirely. The concept of hybridism as a model

for the provinces fits perfectly, where it as a process creates a provincial representation of

Rome.46

2. Material

In this chapter the material for the thesis will be put forward. As already have been noted, this

thesis is based on the Roman bust found in Västra Vång in 2013. In the first section of this

chapter there will therefore be a detailed description of the bust, as it is my primary material.

Since it is my aim to try to understand the context in which the bust is created, it is my

intention to make a comparative analysis of the bust with other artworks. In the second

section of this chapter Catalogue A will be presented, containing Roman portraits that depict

the melon coiffure. Catalogue B, containing depicted barbarians, will be presented in the third

section. These two catalogues are both vital for the comparative analysis of the Vång-bust.

44 Jiménez 2011, 102.45 Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 7.46 Jiménez 2011, 117f.

2.1 The bust from Västra VångIn this following section of the thesis a detailed description of the bust will be provided. Since

the bust is the focus of the thesis and will be compared, in a later chapter, with other objects

this description is important. The more accurate and detailed this description can be the better,

as it later will be of help in the discussion. An interpretation of the bust will come later, so in

this section the description will be held as objective as possible.

To make the description of the bust I had access to high resolute pictures taken by

Max Jahrehorn at Blekinge Museum (Fig. 1-3). I also had the opportunity to use my course

colleague Freya Roe’s 3D model of the bust (Fig. 4-9).

The object is a small bronze bust around 8 cm in height (Fig. 1-3). The bust only consists of

the front part of the torso, where the back should be there is an opening to the hollow interior.

Around the torso there is a small flattened “edge”, which probably was made to facilitate the

attachment of the bust on another surface. On the backside of the bust there is a flat hook

attached to the figure’s nape. The head tilts slightly to the left and the neck is a bit curved in

the same direction. Looking on the bust from the side it seems like the figures head and neck

is tilting forward.

The chest of the figure is smooth except from the shallow furrow in the centre that

goes from the throat and all the way down and the two oval shallow indents in the centre. The

indents are placed parallel to each other, crossing the furrow in the centre. The shoulders are

placed somewhat further back than the chest and the transition between them is sharp rather

than soft. The same goes for the transition between chest and neck.

If we look at the figure’s face it is quite round with smooth surfaces. There is no

sharp mark of the jaw line but the chin has a cleft and is quite distinct. The figure has marked

cheekbones that are rounded and somewhat puffy which make the figure look kind of childish

from the side. The forehead is quite short and continues in a somewhat flat surface over to the

nose. The nose is long and narrow and the nostrils have been highlighted with drill marks.

The figures mouth is small; the lips are slightly separated and the corners of the

mouth are pointing down. The lower lip is thin which makes the upper lip stand out when

looking at the bust in profile. The eyes are almond shaped with a marked eyelid, iris and

pupil. The left eye looks strait forward while the right eye looks up, which gives the figure a

walleyed appearance. Over the eyes the eyebrow arches are well highlighted and shaped as

semicircles. The figures ears have been given a quite realistic look and are not covered by the

hair. Around both the eyes and the nose there are sharp marks, which enhances these specific

features.

When it comes to the figure’s hairstyle it is somewhat complex. In the back it looks

like the hair is combed forward, while in the frontal part of the head the figure’s hair is

twisted into nine separated sections. The sections of hair looks tightly twisted in the front and

on top of the head the hair is gradually untwisted. The three sections on the right side are

twisted in a different direction from the rest. The lines on the twisted strands suggest that the

sections of hair were created by tightly twisting the hair upwards and back. It is also worth

mentioning that the twists differ somewhat in thickness and that the hair is not centre parted

as there are an uneven number of hair sections.

2.2 Roman sculptures with melon coiffures

2.2.1 Introduction to Catalogue AWhat will follow in this section is the first catalogue that is going to be my comparative

material for the bust from Västra Vång. The material in the catalogue will be seen as example

of the melon coiffure in Roman art. As already mentioned, the hairstyle was taken from the

Greeks and here in the catalogue I will gather Roman portraits depicting this specific

hairstyle. But I will also include some portraits that portray twisted hair strands in other

hairstyles, in order to try to understand the hairdo further. All the portraits in the catalogue

will have the twisted separated hair strands that are typical for the melon coiffure.

The catalogue will be ordered according to the dating of the artwork, with the earliest

first. All the items in the catalogue will get a catalogue number and information about each

object will also be added. All the portraits will also get a short description, which is focused

on the hairstyle. These descriptions will later be used in the comparative analysis with the

bust from Västra Vång. With the descriptions I will also be able to discuss the melon coiffure

further, both its usage and function.

Some decisions had to be made about what will be included in the catalogue. Firstly,

I tried to include Roman portraits depicting the melon coiffure from a broad time span but

within the limits of the Roman imperial period. Secondly, I did not only include empresses,

because I believed that it would not give a true picture of the hairstyle and its usage. The

catalogue will contain in first hand sculptures, but there will be exceptions. As mentioned

before I also included some portraits that actually do not depict a melon coiffure but rather a

hairstyle that uses the features of the same to get an understanding of how it was used. One

goal with the catalogue is to get a general overview of the melon coiffure and its

development; to get an understanding of who used the hairstyle and what function it could

have had.

2.2.2 Catalogue AA1. Limestone head of a woman resembling Cleopatra VII. British Museum, London.

Inv. 1879.0712.15.

Darting: 50 – 30 BCE

Measurement: 28 cm in height

Provenance: Italy

The item is a limestone head of a female (Fig. A1). She has almond shaped eyes that

are quite wide apart and a big hooked nose. Her hair is parted into a rather flat melon

coiffure all the way from the forehead to the back, where the hair is pulled behind the

ears. It is not possible to determine how the hair sections are twisted. Her hair is not

centre parted; instead one hair section is placed along the centre. In the back of the

head the hair is braided and put in a big round wreath. Small curls are placed in front

of the ears, at the temples and in the neck.

Bibliography: S. Walker, Greek and Roman portraits, British Museum Press, London

1995, 74.

A2. Small Herculaneum Woman. Skulpturensammlung, Staatliche

Kunstsammlungen, Dresden. Inv. Hm 327.

Dating: 30 – 1 BCE

Measurement: 1.80 m in height

Provenance: Herculaneum, Italy

The item is a marble statue of a woman (Fig. A2). She has a long narrow nose, almond

shaped eyes and a small slightly open mouth. Her hair is twisted into sections, seven

on each side, and forms the melon coiffure. The sections are twisted out from the

head, downwards and backwards. The upperparts of her ears are hidden under the

pulled back sections of hair. The hair is centre parted and in the back there is a small

bun, created from a coiled braid. No wisps of hair are loose and the style looks rather

strict.

Bibliography: J. Daehner, The Herculaneum women: history, context, identities, J.

Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles 2007, 64-68, pls. 11–13.

A3. Fragment from the Ara Pacis. Musée du Louvre, Paris. Inv. Cp 6488 (nº usual

Ma 1088).

Dating: 13 – 9 BCE

Measurement: Unknown

Provenance: Rome, Italy

This is a young girl depicted on Ara Pacis, with her right side of the body showing

(Fig. A3). Her face is partly destroyed, but her childishly rounded cheeks are still

distinct. She also has a protecting hand of an adult that cover some part of her head. It

is still possible to see the quite thick twisted sections of hair creating the melon

coiffure that ends with a bun in the nape. The hair sections are twisted downwards and

back.

Bibliography: N. Hannestad, Tradition in late antique sculpture: conservation,

modernization, production, Aarhus University Press, Aarhus 1994, 45-48, fig. 28–29.

A4. Livia(?). Museo Arqueologico Nacional, Madrid. Inv. 2.737.

Dating: 14 – 19 CE


Provenance: Paestum, Italy

This is a seated marble statue that might be Livia (Fig. A4). She has big roundish eyes,

a small nose and a small mouth. Her hair is centred parted and has five sections of hair

strands on each side of the head. The hair strands look more folded down and inwards

rather than twisted to create a version of the melon coiffure. Some centimetres in she

has a thin hair band on top of the coiffure. The back part of the head is concealed

under a veil and from the side the veil does not reveal any sign of a bun or something

similar.


Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles 2007, 82–83.

A5. Large Hercualaneum Woman. Skulpturensammlung, Staatliche

Kunstsammlungen Dresden. Inv. Hm 326.



Provenance: Herculaneum, Italy

This is a marble statue of a woman (Fig. A5). Her hair is twisted into ten sections of

hair that creates a melon coiffure. The sections of hair are twisted downwards and

back, but since the head is covered by a veil in the back there is no way to tell how the

hairdo is constructed in the back. Some smaller curls are placed in the hairline of the

forehead.


Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles 2007, 60–64, pls. 5–6.

A6. Livia as Salus. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen. Inv. 1422.



Provenance: Cerveteri, Italy

This is a posthumous marble head of Livia (Fig. A6). A big part of her head is gone

but it is still possible to see some of her hairstyle. Her hair was arranged into twisted

section from her forehead and back. How far back the twisted hair sections goes is

hard to say but in the nape the twisted hair sections are collected to create a low bun.

In the back of her head the hair is brushed flat into the bun. The coiffure might have

had some resemblances to the follow item.

Bibliography: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Romerske portrætter: katalog. 1, Ny Carlsberg

Glyptotek, København 1994, 100f.

A7. Unknown woman. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen. Inv. 1119.

Dating: Claudian period



This is a marble head of an unknown woman (Fig. A7). Her hair is centre parted with

five twisted parallel hair sections on each side of her head to create a melon coiffure.

The sections are twisted down and backwards. These hair strands only covers the

frontal half of the head and creates a board from ear to ear. In the back of the head the

hair is partly braided and combed down to the nape where a braided bun is created.



A8. Steelyard weight in the shape of a girl. British Museum, London. Inv.

1824.0496.3.

Dating: Flavian period, 69 – 96 CE

Measurement: 8.8 cm in height

Provenance: Unknown

This is a bronze steelyard weight depicting a young girl (Fig. A8). She wears a lunula

around her neck, with shows that she is young and not yet married. All her hair is

twisted into sections which create the melon coiffure, and in the back of her head she

has a bun. Even though the metal is somewhat worn the twisted strands in the neck

shows that the segments are twisted down and backwards.

Bibliography: N. Franken, Aequipondia: figürliche Laufgewichte römischer und

frühbyzantinischer Schnellwaagen, Verlag und Datenbank für Geisteswissenschaften,

Alfter 1994, 152, cat. A182.

A9. Unknown woman. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen. Inv. 2797.

Dating: Flavian period


Provenance: Unknown

It is a marble head of an unknown woman (Fig. A9). The frontal part of the hair, from

ear to ear, consists of a lofty section of curls. In the back of the head smaller twisted

sections of hair are twirled together into a loop. The sections of hair strands are

twisted downwards and back into the hair loop.



A10. Head of a girl. Museo Nazionale Romano, Rome. Inv. 4248.

Dating: Second half of 1st c CE


Provenance: Found in the riverbed of the Tiber

It is a marble head of a young girl (Fig. A10). Her hair is centre parted and arranged in

broad parallel strands that goes from the forehead and back. In the back of her head

the hair is arranged in a bun. The strands of hair look folded into broad strands, four

on each side of the head.

Bibliography: B.M. Felletti Maj (ed.), Museo nazionale romano: i ritratti, Roma 1953,

78, cat. 138.

A11. Unknown young girl. Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen, Berlin. Inv. Sk 633.

Dating: Second half of 1st c CE


Provenance: Unknown

This is a marble portrait of a young girl (Fig. A11). She tilts her head slightly forward

to her right and is looking down. Her hair is centre parted and all the way from her

forehead it is arranged into separated twisted strands of hair. The strands goes all the

way back to the back of her head, were the hair is arranged into a round and flat bun.

The sections are twisted down and backwards.

Bibliography: C. Blümel, Römische Bildnisse.: [Berlin, Staatl. Museen.] [Illustr.],

Berlin 1933, 20, cat. R47. [Non vidi]

A12. Unknown woman. Musée du Louvre, Paris. Inv. Ma 3452.

Dating: Last quarter of the 1st c CE


Provenance: Unknown

It is a marble bust of a woman (Fig. A12). Her hair is centre parted with seven parallel

sections of hair on each side which created a melon coiffure. From the nape the hair is

also set into separated sections of hair that is twisted and pulled upwards. On top of

her head there is as oblong bun made out of braids. The sections of hair in the neck is

twisted and pulled upwards while the sections in the frontal part look rather folded

then twisted.

Bibliography: Musée du Louvre, Catalogue des portraits romains. T. 1, Portraits de la

République et d'époque Julio-Claudienne, Ministère de la culture et de la

communication, Paris 1986, 30f.

A13. Statue of a boy. The Walters Art Museum, Baltimore. Inv. 23.71.

Dating: 1st c CE


Provenance: South Italy (?)

This is a bronze sculpture of a young boy (Fig. A13). He has a smooth face with a

relaxed expression. The almond shaped eyes sockets are hollow. The boy’s hair is

centre parted and around his face the hair is arranged into twisted sections that are

pulled back from the forehead. A long braid, which starts in the nape, is wrapped

around the head like a hair band. On top of the head the hair is combed downwards.

Bibliography: C.C. Mattusch, Classical bronzes: the art and craft of Greek and

Roman statuary, Cornell University Press, Ithaca 1996, 114–115.

A14. Unknown woman. Museo Nazionale Romano, Rome. Inv. 124476.

Dating: Trajanic period


Provenance: Unknown

It is a marble head of an unknown woman (Fig. A14). Her face is quite damaged but

the hair is still intact. She is depicted with a melon coiffure, where the hair is twisted

into parallel sections that are pulled from her forehead and back. On the top of her

head the twisted sections are gathered into one section and made into a big wreath.

Bibliography: Museo nazionale romano, Museo nazionale romano. Vol. 1, Le sculture,

9, Magazzini, i ritratti, De Luca, Roma 1987, 239–241.

A15. Unknown woman. Museo Nazionale Romano, Rome. Inv. 4277.

Dating: Trajanic period


Provenance: Unknown

It is a marble head of a mature woman (Fig. A15). Her hair is centre parted and

arranged into a melon coiffure with a bun in the back of the head. The strands of hair

are twisted down and backwards. In the hairline in the front she wears a thin ribbon or

diadem that creates a sharp separation between her face and her hair.

Bibliography: B.M. Felletti Maj (ed.), Museo nazionale romano: i ritratti, Roma,

1953, 96f., cat. 180.

A16. Indian(?). Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen. Inv. 2331.



Provenance: Italy

It is a marble head of a man, thought to be depicting a man from India (Fig. A16). His

hair is centre parted and the hair in the front is swept back to a bun placed on top of

his head. In the back of his head, from ear to ear, his hair is twisted into sections and

pulled upwards to the bun. All the sections of hair are twisted in the same direction.



A17. Altar of Varia Sabbatis. Musei Vaticani, Rome. Inv. 1344.


Measurement: Portrait (with shell) 31.5 cm in height


It is an altar in marble, with a portrait of a young woman (Fig. A17). Her face is

somewhat destroyed but her hairstyle is still intact. The hair is separated into quite

broad parallel sections that are twisted and pulled backwards to create the melon

coiffure. In the back of her head the hair is braided and put in a wide bun.

Bibliography: D.E.E Kleiner, Roman imperial funerary altars with portraits,

Bretschneider, Roma 1987, 239f., cat. 102.

A18. Knöchelspielerin. Staatliche Museen, Berlin. Inv. SK. 494.

Dating: Antonine period

Measurement: Head, 19 cm in height


It is a marble sculpture of a girl playing a game called knucklebones (Fig. A18). It is a

roman copy of a Hellenistic artwork. The girls’ hair is centre parted and then separated

into quite thin parallel strands of hair that go from the forehead and back. The strands

are twisted downwards and back to create the melon coiffure. In the nape the hair is

collected and braided into a discrete bun.

Bibliography: E. Rohde, Griechische und römische Kunst in den Staatlichen Museen

zu Berlin, Henschelverlag, Berlin 1968, 115, fig. 86.

A19. Crispina. Musée du Louvre, Paris. Inv. Cp 6439 (nº usual Ma 1138).


Measurement: Head, 27 cm in height

Provenance: Unknown

It is a marble bust depicting Crispina (Fig. A19). Her hair is centre parted and on each

side in the front her hair is pulled back and folded in. Behind this section of hair the

hair is parted into parallel sections. These parallel sections are not twisted but instead

folded downwards to create the look. In the back the hair is braided and twirled into a

bun.

Bibliography: Musée du Louvre, Catalogue des portraits romains. T. 2, De l'année de

la guerre civile (68-69 après J.-C.) à la fin de l'Empire, Ministère de la culture et de la

communication, Paris 1996, 330f.

A20. Unknown young woman. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Inv. ANSA I 206.

Dating: Beginning of 3rd c CE


Provenance: Unknown

It is a marble bust of an unknown young woman (Fig. A20). She has a very clean

melon coiffure, where the hair is centre parted and made into six strands of twisted

hair on each side. The sections are twisted down and backwards. But from the frontal

picture of the bust one cannot see what is happening in the back of the head.

A21. Head of a young woman. Ephesus Museum, Selçuk. Inv. 1065.

Dating: First quarter of 3rd c CE


Provenance: Turkey

It is a marble head of a young woman (Fig. A21). The head has been severed from the

neck so that the only thing remaining is everything above the mouth. She also misses

the nose and lover part of the ears. Her hair is centre parted and divided into twisted

parallel sections that creates a melon coiffure. She has eight strands of hair on each

side that is collected in the nape and folded upwards, to create some sort of flat bun.

Bibliography: J. Inan & E. Rosenbaum, Roman and early Byzantine portrait sculpture

in Asia Minor, London 1966, 130, cat. 156.

A22. Head of a girl. Side Archaeological Museum, Side. Inv. 6.

Dating: First quarter of 3rd c CE


Provenance: Side, Turkey

It is a marble head of a girl (Fig. A22). The head is badly damaged, as the nose and

chin is missing and so is a big part of the left side of the head. Her hair is separated

into twisted parallel sections of hair that go all the way from the forehead to the back,

and creates a melon coiffure. The sections of hair are gathered in the nape where they

are folded upwards to a flat bun.


in Asia Minor, London 1966, 193f, cat. 267.

A23. Head of a girl. Bergama Museum, Bergama. Inv. 148.

Dating: Late Severan period


Provenance: Asklepieion of Pergamon, Turkey

It is a marble head of a young girl (Fig. A23). Her hair is centre parted and divided

into parallel sections that is collected in the nape where the hair is braided into a quite

flat bun. The hairstyle is a melon coiffure. The hair sections are broad and flat and

look like they have been folded downwards rather than twisted.


in Asia Minor, London 1966, 115, cat. 124.

A24. Sarcophagus of a child. Vatican Museums, Pio-Clementine Museum, Octagonal

Court, Rome. Inv. 1303-1204.

Dating: Middle of 3rd c CE

Measurement: Unknown

Provenance: Unknown

It is a child sarcophagus in marble depicting several children picking nuts (Fig. A24).

On the left part on one of the sides of the sarcophagus there are five girls depicted

picking something from the ground. All the girls wear the same hairdo, namely the

melon coiffure. The hair is twisted into big sections of hair that ends in a bun in the

back of the head. The sections are twisted downwards and back.

A25. Bust of Plautilla(?). Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence. Inv. 1914, n. 218.

Dating: 3rd c CE

Measurement: 65 cm in height.

Provenance: Unknown

It is a marble bust of what could be Pluatilla. The young girl has her hair centre parted

and arranged into a melon coiffure. She has ten hair strands on each side that are

twisted downwards and back. In the nape the hair strands are collected and folded

upwards to create a flat bun. She also has some loose curls around her temples.

Bibliography: G.A. Mansuelli, Galleria degli Uffizi: le sculture. P. 2, Istituto

Poligrafico dello Stato, Roma 1961, 114, fig. 141.

2.3 Roman minor art with barbarian depictions

2.3.1 Introduction to Catalogue BHere, in this section, the second catalogue will be presented. The material will represent and

depict barbarians and will be used as a comparative material for the Vång-bust in the later

analysis. The comparative analysis will be based on the hypothesis that the bust is depicting a

barbarian. The material will be ordered in the same way as Catalogue A, which is according

to the dating of the items with the oldest first.

The material in Catalogue B also needed to be discussed from a more critical view. There are

some problems that needed to be brought up considering the material, as it is a material that is

not as strait forward as Catalogue A. How could I be sure of that the objects are depicting

“barbarians”? It came down to whether or not the objects could be assumed to be or

interpreted as depictions of a barbarian, and also if it could be determined to be of the type

that could end up in the barbaric lands. I have looked for objects of the minor art type, since

one of the most important aspects of the catalogue material is that it constitutes exportable

objects. Exportable means that the objects could have ended up far from the place of its

creation, even outside the imperial borders. This gives the item a greater probability to end up

in a place like Västra Vång.

As previously mentioned the submissive barbarian was a common motif and a

frequent way of depicting the barbarian. The catalogue was in first hand meant to contain

objects that did not depict barbarians in this manner. However, some of the material could be

thought as being depicted in the submissive manner. We have two or three objects in the

catalogue that could be interpreted as being submissive, as they are kneeling or stretching out

their arms. It is therefore a question about interpretation. The material in the catalogue has a

lot of variations that might give us a broad picture of how barbarians were depicted in

different ways.

Some of the material in the catalogue has been called “barbarian” by the museum

where they are kept. This made it easier for me to determine if they could go in the catalogue

or not. Some of the items are not stated to be barbarians but instead they are mentioned as to

belong to a specific tribe or to a people that lived outside of the empire. This means that I

have used the already set interpretations of the objects, if they are barbarians or if they belong

to a group outside the Roman borders.

2.3.2 The catalogueB1. Barbarian statuette. The Walters Art Museum, Baltimore. Inv. 54.2293.

Dating: 332 BCE – 50 CE


Provenance: Unknown

This is a bronze statuette of a barbarian (Fig. B1). He is standing with one leg in front

of the other and is somewhat leaning forward. Both arms are held in front of the body

with the palms of the hands facing upwards. He wears a pair of trousers and a tunic

with a long sleeved shirt underneath and on his head he wears a Phrygian cap. He has

a smooth face and big eyes with hollowed pupils. The hair is arranged around the cap

in big locks of hair.

B2. Phrygian man. The Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland. Inv. 1987.64.

Dating: 1st c CE



This is a bronze statuette depicting a standing Phrygian man (Fig. B2). He wears a pair

of trousers, a tunic, a cloak over his shoulders and a Phrygian cap on his head. He is

standing upright with his left hand grabbing his cloak while the right hand is raised as

to a greeting. His hair protrudes from under the cap and is arranged into wavy locks

around his face. He has a droopy moustache and a beard.

B3. Kneeling man. Biblothéque Nationale, Paris. Inv. Bronze.915.



Provenance: Unknown

This is a bronze statuette of a kneeling man (Fig. B3). He is standing on one knee with

his arms raised and held in front of his body. He is wearing a pair of trousers, an

armless tunic and a cape over his shoulders. He has big nose and ears, deep set eyes

and a distinct cheek. His hair is arranged in a high knot on the right side of his head.

Bibliography: Bibliothèque nationale. Département des monnaies, médailles et

antiques, Catalogue des bronzes antiques de la Bibliothèque nationale, Paris 1895,

400f., fig. 915.

B4. Emblem from vessel handle, depicting barbarian warrior. British Museum,

London. Inv. 1814,0704.904.

Dating: 1st – 2nd c CE


Provenance: Unknown

This is a small bronze emblem which is oval shaped with a scroll shaped feature on

the top with a drilled hole in it for attachment (Fig. B4). The upper part of a man is

depicted on the emblem looking to his right and with his right arm crossing his chest.

The right hand looks like it holds on to something on his shoulder. The man has an

angry expression in his face, with frowning eyebrows. He has a broad moustache and

a beard. On his head he wears what appears to be a head of a lion and over his

shoulders he wears a cloak.

Bibliography: B.H. Walters, Catalogue of the bronzes, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan,

in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, London 1899,

156.

B5. Barbarian bust appliqué. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Inv.

18.145.21.

Dating: Late 1st – 2nd c CE


Provenance: Unknown

This is a bronze appliqué depicting a bust of a man (Fig. B5). He is wearing a draped

garment over his right shoulder and over the left shoulder and across his chest he has a

strap. This strap could be a baldric as it looks like there is a sword´s hilt visible in the

low part of the appliqué. He has a thick neck and the head is turned to his right. He has

almond shaped eyes with drilled pupils and distinct heavy eyebrows. He has both a

moustache and a beard. His hair is arranged is big wavy wisps.

Bibliography: G. M.A. Richter, Handbook of the Greek collection., Harvard

University Press, Cambridge, Mass.1953, 125, 265, pl. 105e. [Non vidi]

B6. Mušov Cauldron. Regionální muzeum v Mikulově, Czech Republic. Inv. 51/88-3.

Dating: 2nd c CE

Measurement: The decorative busts are between 8.7 and 9.4 cm in height

Provenance: Mušov, Czech Republic

This is a Roman bronze cauldron from a Germanic chieftain’s grave (Fig. B6). On the

cauldron there are four small busts attached which are decorative elements, but also

function as handles. The men all wear their hair in a very specific hairstyle, the so-

called Suebian knot, in which the long hair is combed and gathered in a knot just

above the temple. The men are depicted with long curly beards and moustaches that

are twisted into sections.

The eyes are almond-shaped, they have quite deep furrows under their eyes and

the eyelids and pupils are marked. The nose is narrow and the ears are long and

narrow. The mouth is somewhat open, with the upper lip covered by the moustache.

The chest is smooth except from two cantered, parallel and horizontal, shallow indents

and the shoulders are placed somewhat further back so there is a distinction between

chest and shoulders.

Biography: J. Peška, J. Tejral & C. von Carnap-Bornheim, Das germanische

Königsgrab von Musov in Mähren. Teil 3, Habelt, Bonn 2002, 569.

B7. Steelyard weight depicting a boxer. British Museum, London. Inv.

1856,0701.5091.

Dating: 2nd c CE


Provenance: England

This is a small bronze bust of a boxer in the form of a steelyard weight (Fig. B7). The

chest is smooth except from a smaller junction in the centre just below the throat. He

has a quite robust body and a thick neck. He has a round face, small and narrow eyes

and somewhat flat nose. The man’s ears are sticking out. He has a curly short beard

and a moustache. His hairline is uneven and the hair is cut short with a small pigtail in

the back of the head. On top of his head there is a hock attached.



Alfter 1994, 149, cat. A165.

B8. A Moorish cavalryman. British Museum, London. Inv. 1856,0701.19.

Dating: 2nd – 3rd c CE

Measurement: 6.3 cm

Provenance: London, England

This is a small bronze figurine depicting a Moorish cavalryman (Fig. B8). His legs are

wide apart, as he probably was seated on a horse. He wears a tunic and holds a shield

face up in front him. He has quite big eyes, nose and mouth for his face. He wears a

moustache and a curly beard that are arranged into thick curls. The hair of the Moor is

arranged into thick wisps of hair around the head, similar to dreadlocks.

Bibliography: J.M.C. Toynbee, Art in Britain under the Romans, Clarendon, London

1964, 119f, pl. XXXIIa.

B9. Balance from a scale. The Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg, Russia. Inv. B

862.

Dating: 2nd – 3rd c CE


Provenance: Rom, Italy

This is a small bronze and lead weight from a Roman scale, with a decoration in the

form of a bust (Fig. B9). The man is wearing a chlamys over his right shoulder

otherwise he is naked on the chest. His head is turned to his right. The man looks bald

on top of his head but in the neck and above his eras his short hair is brushed back. On

top of his head there is a hook attached. The man is frowning which makes his

forehead wrinkle. His eyes are set wide apart and he has a big nose and a droopy

moustache.



Alfter 1994, 156, cat. A203.

B10. Barbarian. Musée du Louvre, Paris. Inv. Br 697.

Dating: Roman imperial period


Provenance: Unknown

This is a small bronze statuette depicting a seated man (Fig. B10). He wears a pair of

trousers, a tunic and a cloak over his shoulders. He is crossing his legs and has one

hand placed in his lap. The other hand is held up to his chest where he holds a round

item. The man has a beard and his hair is flat and cut so that it is longer in the back.

He has his eyes set rather wide apart and a somewhat big nose. His mouth is relaxed

and a bit open.

B11. Kneeling barbarian. Museum of London. Inv. A28564.

Dating: Roman era


Provenance: London, England.

This is a bronze statuette depicting a naked kneeling man (Fig. B11). He is standing on

one knee with his harms along his body and his hands clenched and held against his

hips. His head is slightly bent backwards and he is looking upwards. He has a round

face with quite big almond shaped eyes and his mouth is slightly opened. He also has a

beard arranged in big curls. Except from the fact that he is naked he has a tight cap on

his head.

Bibliography: J.M.C. Toynbee, Art in Britain under the Romans, Clarendon, London

1964, 120, pl. XXXIIb.

B12. Chariots mount depicting a barbarian. Musée du Louvre, Paris. Inv. Br 4357.

Dating: Roman era


Provenance: Unknown

This is a bronze statuette depicting a standing man (Fig. B12). He has a broad stance

with his right foot in front of the other. His left hand is placed on his hip while the

other hand is raised and is grasping something. He is wearing a pair of tight pants,

puttees on the calves, a long sleeved tunic and a cape over his shoulders. He has a

round face with a big nose and eyes. His hair is arranged into wavy locks.

3. Analysis

In this chapter the material will be analyzed. Naturally the bust from Västra Vång, which is

the primary material, will be discussed and compared separately with the material from the

two catalogues. The material in the two catalogues will first be discussed separately before

they are put up against the primary material in a comparative study.

3.1 The bust and the findings from Västra VångThe analysis chapter starts by looking more deeply at the Vång-bust and some of the material

it was found together with. This is because the bust has been interpreted as a Roman

provincial artwork and we may ask why this is, and also what makes it look like a provincial

craft.

Firstly, the hair of the figure may be considered, which has the features of the melon coiffure

in the frontal part of the head. This means that the bust might be inspired by this Roman

hairstyle and can therefore be connected to Roman art. A further analysis and comparison

between the Vång-bust’s hair and the melon coiffure will come later. We can also consider

the fact that the bust from Västra Vång might be a depiction of a barbarian. This would mean

that the bust is not a depiction of a Roman but may be created by one.

We can look at other objects that were found at the site of Västra Vång as a comparison

material to further understand the Roman bust. Already in 2004 a small mask were found

there, which has a completely different look about it. First of all it has a typical Celtic torque

around its neck. It has not as realistic features in the face as the bust, since the mask has a

quite flat face, a big nose and a short forehead. The mask’s hair is centre parted and has two

long sections of hair, which might be braids, on each side of the face. The mask has been

dated to around the beginning of the Common Era.47

When the Roman bust was found they also found a small bronze head that has been

interpreted as a locally or regionally made object (Fig. 10-11). The small head is very

interesting as it is very comparable to the bust. They have similar features even though the

possibly locally made head has a much coarser look with fewer details than bust and is also

somewhat smaller. It measures some five cm in height.48 The locally made head has a quite

round and somewhat flat face. It has small round and close-set eyes with marked pupils. The

nose is triangularly shaped and the mouth is small with narrow lips. The ears are quite

unrealistically made as they are roundly shaped and stand out from the head. Above the low

forehead is a very interesting feature, the hair is twisted into separated sections and goes all

the way back to the nape, just like a melon coiffure does.

I think that it is a reasonable suggestion that the Roman bust and the possibly locally

made head were attached to the same vessel or cauldron.49 If we assume that a Roman

provincial vessel came to Sweden and that one of the handles decorations fell off or was

damaged, the local craftsman might have made an attempt to copy the Roman bust to

complete the vessel again. A cauldron found in the Hochdorf princely grave is an example

that supports this idea, as this cauldron has three lions as decorations but one of them is

clearly a later copy of the others.50

47 Henriksson 2006, 9.48 Henriksson & Nilsson 2013, 40.49 Can be seen on the Mušov cauldron; Peška et al. 2002, Pl. 88-89.50 Biel 1985, 120.

As we can see from looking at some of the findings from Västra Vång it is evident that the

Roman bust is not made by the same hands as the mask and not the small head either.

Marianne Görman and Mikael Henriksson are arguing for the bronze mask’s Celtic character

since it is made in a typical Celtic fashion and also because of the torque around its neck.51 So

when comparing the mask with the bust I think it is possible to determine that the bust is not

Celtic.

3.2 The melon coiffures in the catalogueIn this section there will be a discussion about the melon coiffure, based upon the material

from Catalogue A, and an interpretation of the function and usage of the hairstyle. The

coiffure’s function and usage is important in the discussion that will follow when I put the

Vång-bust against the catalogue material. Some questions we can ask is: how did the Vång-

bust come to wear the hairstyle that it does? Is it a melon coiffure? Is it an interpretation of the

melon coiffure? How can we tell whether it is a melon coiffure or not?

From the catalogue we are able to see that the melon coiffure was worn by mostly young

women and girls. But no rule without exceptions, as there is some portraits depicting mature

women wearing their hair in this fashion. There is also a spread over time in the catalogue,

from the rule of Augustus up to the late 3rd century CE.

What could be said about the melon coiffure itself is that even though there are some

specific features that make the hairstyle a melon coiffure there are some things that can vary.

The definition of the hairstyle is that the hair is swept back in parallel twisted strands from the

forehead to the back of the head, where the hair is braided into a bun. With this explanation it

might seem as a quite simple hairstyle that always look the same, but as said before: this is not

all there is to it.

What differs between the melon coiffures in the catalogue material is first the parallel

hair strands. They vary in numbers, in volume (how much they protrude) and also if the

strands are twisted or folded. Sometimes the strands of hair are quite few, as can be seen in

some portraits (Fig. A10, Fig. A17, Fig. A23). In these cases the strands of hair are also rather

flat and have the look of being folded into sections rather than twisted. In two other portraits

(Fig. A1, Fig. A12) the hairstyle is also fairly flat, where the hair sections are arranged close

to the head. In these two cases the hair also looks like it have been folded rather than twisted

51 Görman & Henriksson 2006, 21.

into the separated sections. In the portraits of two young girls (Fig. A18, Fig. A25) the hair is

arranged in many twisted strands and with this follows that the strands are relatively small and

narrow. The material from the catalogue with the melon coiffures shows that it is more

common that the twists are roundly shaped and stands out slightly rather than lying flat

against the head.

Another thing that differs between the melon coiffures is the bun or coil at the back of the

head. They vary in that they are arranged differently and also located in different places. In

some portraits the bun is placed quite high up (Fig. A1, Fig. A8, Fig. A12, Fig. A14, Fig. A15,

Fig. A17, Fig. A24). One of the women (Fig. A12) has an oblong bun on top of her head,

while other women (Fig. A1, Fig. A14, Fig. A17) have their hair braided and put in a wide

wreath. One woman (Fig. A15) and some of the girls (Fig. A8, Fig. A24) all have quite highly

placed buns.

One woman (Fig. A2) is depicted with a very discrete bun in the nape, as the hair has

been arranged in an embedded braid, and a young girl (Fig. A23) is depicted with a similar

round bun in the nape created with a braid. Three of the young women (Fig. A21, Fig. A22,

Fig. A25) are all placed in the same period, the 3rd c CE. They all have a quite peculiar

arrangement of the hair in the back. Instead of a braided bun, the parallel hair sections are

gathered in the nape and then folded upwards.

The melon coiffure is nearly always centre parted, as there is only one case in the

catalogue when this is not true. The woman that bears a resemblance to Cleopatra VII (Fig.

A1) has an uneven number of sections with one placed right at the centre. Sometimes the

women and girls in the portraits with the melon coiffure also have some extra features like

hair bands or loose hair locks around the hairline. The woman maybe depicting Livia (Fig.

A4) is given a thin ribbon or diadem in her hair and another woman (Fig. A15) has a thin

ribbon in the hairline that makes a clear separation between the hair and the face. One of the

young women (Fig. A25) is a good example of how the coiffure has been given some extra

loose curls in the hairline at the temples.

The twisted sections are also nearly always following the same pattern where the

strands have been twisted downwards and back. There are some cases when it is hard to tell

by the portrait how they are twisted, one of the young girls (Fig. A14) is an example of this

and so is Livia(?) (Fig. A4), while others strands look rather folded then twisted.

The catalogue also includes some portraits where the hairstyles is not a melon coiffure, but

are still portraits that show hairstyles where twisted sections of hair have been integrated. I

wanted to show how these parallel twisted hair strands could be used in other types of

hairstyles. There are only two men in this catalogue, none of which have a melon coiffure.

But I thought it was necessary to include these two portraits since they are the only portraits

of men I have seen that are using these twisted strands. They could be a lead to the function of

the twisted strands of hair and also a clue to understand the bust from Västra Vång better.

One portrait (Fig. A7) is a case of where there can be a discussion about whether or

not the hairstyle can be considered to be a melon coiffure. From the front it certainly looks

like the hairstyle in question but on top of the head and at the back the hair is no longer made

into twisted strands. The hair in the back is instead brushed down and collected in a braided

bun in the nape. The hairstyle of Livia (Fig. A6) and also the young boy (Fig. A13) are in the

same position, since they both have hairstyles with twists only in the front. When considering

these three portraits and looking at the earlier made definition of the hairstyle, we can

conclude that these are technically not melon coiffures.

Two women (Fig. A9, Fig. A19) and the man (Fig. A16) are not portraits with melon

coiffures. They are instead examples of hairstyles that shows how the twisted hair strands

were include in other hairstyles than the melon coiffure. When considering the two women

(Fig. A9, Fig. A19) it can be noted that they come from different periods. As known, the

fashionable hairstyles of the women came and went quite quick. But as we can see from these

two portraits the twisted hair strands are used and incorporated into different hairstyles during

a longer period of time. This may indicate that the twisted strands are used in a practical way

to collect and hold the hair in place, but at the same time in a more decorative way than just

plain brushed hair.

We can then ask ourselves who used this melon coiffure and why? The material from

the catalogue with the melon coiffures indicates that the hairstyle in question was mostly

worn by young women and girls, but there are some exceptions. This lead to the next

question; why it was used by younger women and girls? Can the function of the twisted

strands give us a clue about this?

We had three portraits (Fig. A6, Fig. A7, Fig. A13) with the twisted strands only in the frontal

part of the head. This is the part of the head that is most likely to be seen and this gives me the

expression that the twists were used in a decorative way. If we instead turn to the three

portraits that was not depicted with melon coiffures (Fig. A9, Fig. A16, Fig. A19) they give

the expression of using the twist in a practical way, to collect and hold the hair in place. So it

seems like the twisted sections of hair might have had both a practical and a decorative

function.

With the idea about the practical function of the twisted strands we can continue the

discussion about why it seems like the melon coiffure was used by young women and girls. I

mentioned earlier that Christiane Vorster says that the melon hairstyle was something

complex that needed assistance of servants to create and that the hairstyle “emphasized the

sitter’s elevated status”.52 This can definitely be questioned, as assistance does not need to

come from a slave or servant. Assistance could be given by a mother, a sister or a friend. And

one cannot forget that even though slave owning was a privilege for the wealthy, it was not

limited to the very richest.53 This would mean that a high or elevated status is not necessarily

required to wear such a hairstyle.

The melon hairstyle in itself is not one of the most extraordinary or decorative one

from the repertoire of Roman hairstyles, but it is rather a quite simple looking and clean

hairstyle. This might be the clue to why this hairstyle where worn by young girls. The coiffure

is clean and holds the hair away from eyes and neck, which is something I think that a mother

probably would go for when arranging the hair of her child. With this I will argue for the

practical usage of this hairdo and one of the reasons why it is mostly young women and girls

wearing it.

After looking at the catalogue and the usage of the melon coiffure one might start to think of

how this can respond to the Vång-bust and the figure’s particular hairstyle. I will look at how

it is arranged compared to the material in the catalogue and also consider who used it and

why. The question will be if differences or similarities can be found. I will also look into why

this hairstyle is used on this little bust found in Västra Vång.

3.3 Comparative analysis – Melon coiffureOne of the most peculiar things about the Roman bust from Västra Vång is the figure’s

hairstyle. The figure, I would say, look like a man, but when considering the hair, which looks

like the melon coiffure from the front, one starts to wonder. From the above discussion about

the melon hairstyle it is clear that this particular hairstyle is used by the female gender. And

52 Daehner 2007, 120f.53 OCD³ 1416, s.v. “Slavery”.

even more precisely by young women and girls. What can be said about the bust’s hairstyle

compared to a melon coiffure? Where can differences and similarities be seen?

As I have already mentioned the melon coiffure have some specific features that

determine the particular hairstyle. We have the parallel twisted strands of hair that go from the

forehead and back to the neck where the hair is collected and set in a bun. The parallel twists

and the bun are the two features that all coiffures of this type have, but there are also some

things that I have discussed that sometimes differ between the portraits in Catalogue A. The

Vång-bust should here be compared with the results from the previously analysis of the melon

coiffure, so this is where the detailed description of the Vång-bust comes to use.

I will start by looking at the features that define the melon coiffure and see if these also can be

seen on the bust from Vång. The frontal part of the Vång-bust’s hair is arranged in these

twisted sections, which frames the whole face. The small bust has almost the same

arrangement as two of the women (Fig. A6 and Fig. A7) and the boy (Fig. A13). This means

that the sections of twisted strands of hair do not go all the way to the back, as is normally

does on the melon coiffures.

The twists in the bust’s hair are also arranged quite roughly in different sizes and the

hair is not centre parted (Fig. 5, Fig. 9) as there are nine strands in total. The portraits in the

catalogue have in general carefully arranged twists and centre parted hair. Another interesting

thing to mention is that the melon coiffures in the catalogue in general had the strands twisted

downwards and back. The Vång-bust’s strands are twisted upwards and then back, where the

three strands in the right is mirrored from the six strands on the left side.

At the backside of the bust’s head (Fig. 7-9) the hair is flat with some markings of

the hair, which makes it looks like the hair has been combed forward. There is a smooth

transition between the hair in the back and the tightly twists in the front. All the portraits in

the catalogue with a high set bun (Fig. A8, A12, A16, A24) has twists in the neck that are

pulled upwards to the bun. Were the hair strands instead covers the whole head, like some of

the portraits in the catalogue, the bun is instead placed low in the nape. This means that the

twists are always attached in a bun and this also makes the twists hold together and not

dissolve. If the hair on the Vång-bust is combed upwards from the neck the bun should be

placed high. The Vång-bust, as said, does not have a bun that can be seen, neither on top of

the head or low placed in the nape, because there is where the hook is.

The young girl depicted on a weight (Fig. A8) is interesting as it is the only small objects in

Catalogue A and also equal in size to the Vång-bust. She does not really fit in to Catalogue A

since she is not a sculpture. However, the girl is an interesting object because she is an

example where this hairstyle is used in minor art. This shows us that small objects like this

could look like the portraits. It is possible to suggest that the Vång-bust may have received its

influences from items like this that is equal both in size and material.

In conclusions, there are some vital differences that can be seen in this comparison

that will be brought up in the next chapter for a further discussion.

3.4 The depictions of the BarbariansIn this section the material from Catalogue B, which comprises depicted barbarians, will be

presented and analyzed. The definition of the word barbarian has already been clarified in the

first chapter. Here the material will be investigated closer to find features that the objects have

in common, and also the features that keep them apart. This will hopefully provide us with

some idea of how barbarians were portrayed.

I mentioned before, in the background of the barbarians, that the Romans often

depicted the barbarians with the features that they saw as different from themselves, and these

elements were their clothing, weapons, physique and hair. Can any of these features be seen

in the material collected in Catalogue B? Are there any features that can be determined as

typical for barbarian?

When looking at the barbarians and their clothing there is one problem, namely that some of

the objects are only busts and therefore most of their body is not showing. But there are some

conclusions that can be drawn from the catalogue about their clothes. Most of the barbarian

figures are wearing some sort of clothes. There are only three figures (Fig. B6, Fig. B7, Fig.

B11) that seems not to be dressed. The first bare barbarian is the small bust (Fig. B6) with a

hair knot above his right temple. His special hair knot helps us identify him to belong to the

Germanic Suebi tribe.54 The man depicted on a weight (Fig. B7) can be discussed because he

has been interpreted as a boxer, and this might explain his muscular body, scruffy beard and

why he is depicted bare breasted. The last barbarian depicted nude is one of the kneeling

statuettes (Fig. B11). He is only wearing a tight fitting cap on his head.

54 Ament 2003, 46.

Two barbarians (Fig. B5, Fig. B9) are depicted wearing only some sort of tunic,

which are attached over the right shoulder and leaves the left arm and shoulder bare. The rest

of the depicted barbarians are wearing clothes. In fact, they have almost the same type of

clothes; a pair of trousers, a tunic and a cloak over the shoulders. There are some features like

the length of sleeves and trousers that differs. Only one man (Fig. B1) is fully dressed but

does not wear a cloak over the clothes. The man on the small emblem (Fig. B4) is an

exception from this as there is only the bust depicted and therefore it is impossible to say

exactly what he is wearing.

Four of the barbarians (Fig. B1, Fig. B2, Fig. B4, Fig.B11) are all wearing some sort

of cap on their head. The first two (Fig. B1, Fig. B2) both depict Phrygians, which can be seen

just by their caps. One of the men (Fig. B4) is wearing a lion’s head as a cap while the nude

kneeling man (Fig. B11) is wearing a tightly fitted cap. This cap might also be from an animal

skin because of the animal ears that is visible in the back of the cap, according to descriptions

of the figurine.55

Another aspect of the barbarian’s appearance is their hair and facial hair. By looking at the

material in the catalogue and at the barbarian’s hair we can quickly establish that they have

quite different hairstyles.

Some of them have their hair in big wavy locks (Fig. B1, Fig. B2, Fig. B5, Fig. B12).

The Moorish horseman (Fig. B8) has his hair arranged in big separated locks, something that

can be referred to as dreadlocks. There are two men (Fig. B3, Fig. B6) that both wear their

hair in a Suebian knot. The long hair is combed to the right side of the head and there

gathered into a knot. The boxer (Fig. B7) has a short haircut with a pigtail in the back, which

was common for Roman boxers.56 The men depicted on a steelyard weight (Fig. B9) is, from

what can be seen in the picture, bald on top of his head and then the short hair in the neck and

over the ears combed back. The seated man (Fig. B10) has quite long hair that is combed

straits down from the hop of his head. The remaining two men (Fig. B4, Fig. B11) both have a

cap that covers their head and no hair is visible.

Then the facial hair needs to be mentioned as well, as most of the barbarians are depicted with

a beard. There are seven of the men ( Fig. B2, Fig. B4, Fig. B5, Fig. B6, Fig. B7, Fig. B8, Fig.

B10) that all are depicted with both beard and a moustache, but differs in length. The boxer 55 Toynbee 1964, 120.56http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1363281&partId=1&searchText=1856,0701.5091&page=1 [2014-05-07]

http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1363281&partId=1&searchText=1856,0701.5091&page=1

http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1363281&partId=1&searchText=1856,0701.5091&page=1

(Fig. B7) has for example a short curly beard while one of the Suebi (Fig. B6) and the Moor

(Fig. B8) have long beards arranged into separated locks.

There are also some of the barbarians that are depicted with either just a moustache

or a beard. The man on the weight (Fig. B9) has only a droopy moustache while the nude

kneeling man (Fig. B11) has only a short curly beard. The rest of the barbarians in the

catalogue (Fig. B1, Fig. B3, Fig.B12) have no facial hair at all.

Barbarians were depicted with features that put them apart from Romans and one of these

features was their weapons. In this category other military equipment will be included as well,

for example armour. So what can be said about this in the catalogue?

There are actually only two barbarians in the catalogue that can be discussed in this

category. First we have the man in (Fig. B5) who carries a sword. The only part of the sword

that can be seen is the hilt that just barely can be seen on the appliqués lover part. The second

barbarians is the Moor (Fig. B8) that holds a shield facing up in front of him.

So what conclusions can be draw from the above mentioned features that can be seen from the

material in the catalogue? We have the clothing, the hair arrangements and finally the

category of military equipment.

From the material discussed above it is possible to conclude that most of the

barbarians are depicted with clothes. That is, with trousers, tunic and cloak, but at the same

time they are also most often depicted without a headdress. We can also conclude that the

barbarian have quite different hairstyles, with different texture and length. Beard and

moustache are both well used amongst the barbarians in the catalogue, either in combination

or just one of the two. The material in the catalogue also provides us with the conclusion that

the barbarians are mostly not depicted with weapons or amour.

The most striking thing with the catalogue is that there is a big variation among the

barbarians. The catalogue material is heterogeneous and depicts several types or aspects of the

barbarians. Some of the barbarians can be seen as taking a submissive pose, while others

might be depicted with distinct features to highlight their foreign origin and “ethnicity”. The

two Phrygians are also somewhat problematic, as they technically are not barbarians, in that

sense that Phrygia where a part of the Asia, the Roman province.57 The reason for them to be

in the catalogue is because they are depicted with attributes that marks them as non-Roman.

57 http://www.oxfordreference.com.ludwig.lub.lu.se/view/10.1093/acref/9780192801463.001.0001/acref-9780192801463-e-245?rskey=adTnLV&result=2 [2014-05-28]

http://www.oxfordreference.com.ludwig.lub.lu.se/view/10.1093/acref/9780192801463.001.0001/acref-9780192801463-e-245?rskey=adTnLV&result=2

http://www.oxfordreference.com.ludwig.lub.lu.se/view/10.1093/acref/9780192801463.001.0001/acref-9780192801463-e-245?rskey=adTnLV&result=2

In conclusions it is possible to say that here is not one specific way of depicting the

barbarians.

3.5 Comparative analysis – Barbarian depictionsThe hypothesis that the Vång-bust is a depiction of a barbarian led to the creation of the above

discussed and compared catalogue material. In a comparative study between the catalogue

material and the bust it may be possible to find some resemblances or typical features that can

strengthen this hypothesis. But how should we approach this comparative analysis with such a

heterogeneous comparative material, from which no conclusions could be drawn about

general features that barbarians were depicted with? The Vång-bust will be compared with the

catalogue material to see if there are some features it has in common with any of the objects

in the catalogue that can lead to some conclusions.

Starting off with the clothing will be a quite short discussion, as the bust from Vång

is seemingly depicted naked. There were actually three of the barbarians from the catalogue

that were depicted naked. First we had the Suebi depicted on a vessel handle (Fig. B6) then

the weight in the form of a boxer (Fig. B7) and last the nude kneeling figurine (Fig. B11).

The boxer and the Suebi are both busts, which gives them a very close resemblance

to the bust from Vång. The boxer is quite robust, which is one of the features that strengthens

that he is a boxer. The Germanic Suebi’s chest is very much crafted in the same way as the

Vång-bust’s. They have the same smooth surfaces; the shoulders are emphasized with a clear

distinction from the chest and then the two oblong indents in the middle of the chest. The man

in the steelyard weight (Fig. B9) has also some similar feature. This man is depicted wearing

only a garment that covers his chest and left shoulder. His shoulder and his chest are clearly

distinguished from each other and also a furrow along the centre of the chest is clearly visible,

just like the Vång-bust’s chest.

Then we have an interesting discussion about the hair and facial hair amongst the barbarians.

This part will be related, in some sense, to the above discussed about the Vång-bust melon

hairstyle.

The Vång-bust’s hairstyle is clearly not similar to any of the barbarians in the

catalogue. Most of the barbarians in the catalogue are depicted with big wavy locks. However,

some of the barbarians are depicted with hairstyles that help us to identify their “ethnic”

belonging. The two Suebi men (Fig. B3, Fig. B6) and the Moor (Fig. B8) are example of

where the hair is an identity marker. The Moor is the only one with something that could look

like the Vång-bust’s hair, but his hair is arranged more like thick dreadlocks.

The bust from Vång is both moustache- and beardless. This makes him quite

different from what can be seen from the catalogue material. As concluded in the previous

section, the barbarians were often depicted with both beard and moustache or just one of

them. There are only three men from the catalogue without any facial hair; these are one

Phrygian (Fig. B1), one Suebi (Fig. B3) and the man on the chariot mount (Fig. B12).

The last thing that should be mentioned is the third discussed category, the one of weapons

and armoury. Most of the barbarians in the catalogue were depicted without any weapons or

armour. This is also true for the Vång-bust.

In conclusion it seems like the Vång-bust does not follow the “average” barbarian in the

catalogue as it is both depicted with a bare chest and no facial hair. However, the fact that the

Vång-bust has the bare chest and other features in common with the items that resemble it in

both size and appearance (small busts) should be further discussion in the next chapter.

4. Discussion

In this chapter I will lead a more thorough discussion about the Vång-bust and the

comparative material. Here all the interesting aspects will be brought up and examined

further. I will also aim to approach the research question.

I will start the discussion chapter with the hypothesis that the Vång-bust should have been

depicted with a melon coiffure. In the analysis the Vång-bust’s hair was compared with the

material from the catalogue. It was there possible to see that the bust do have some features

that place it apart from the melon coiffure. But there are also some details that make the

hairstyle interesting. The bust’s hair can be seen as a misinterpreted melon coiffure. To

strengthen this proposition I will discuss the twists in the front, the combed hair in the back

and the non-existing bun a bit further.

The hair in the back of the bust’s head is combed upwards and with this it is possible

to say that the hook in the nape does not cover a supposed bun, because the bun should be

where the hair is collected. This suggests that the bun instead should be placed on top of the

head, like some of the portraits in Catalogue A (Fig. A8, Fig. A12). Theses portraits have their

hair arranged in twists in the neck too and then these are collected in the high placed bun.

Even though the Vång-bust has combed hair instead of twists in the neck there should in

theory be a bun that holds the hair up in place, but there is none.

The parallel twists in the Vång-bust’s hair only cover the frontal part of the head, and

is thereby similar to three portraits (Fig. A6, Fig. A7, Fig. A13) in Catalogue A. The twists on

the head are arranged so that they are tightly twisted in the front but then on top of the head

there is just a smooth transition between combed hair and twisted sections. The twists then

become a mystery of how they can keep together and not dissolve if they are not attached

somewhere. There should be a bun on top of the Vång-bust’s head to hold the hair in its

position, and to make sense.

The twisted strands in themselves are also a mystery in the sense that the twists are

arranged in a strange way. The melon coiffures in the catalogue have their hair sections

arranged so that they are twisted downwards and back, where they are attached. The Vång-

bust’s strands look like they are twisted upwards and back. If the hair instead is twisted from

the top of the head and pulled down towards the forehead they can be interpreted as twisted

downwards. Neither of these two ways correlates to what can be seen at the melon coiffures

from the catalogue. With this it is possible to say that the Vång-bust’s hair is arranged in a

strange way that makes little sense on how it holds and stay as it does.

The Vång-bust’s hair can therefore be seen as a misunderstood hairstyle, made by someone

who tried to create something he or she did not have the skills or the knowledge to do. Or

someone was trying to only capture the essence of the melon coiffures twisted hair strands but

then missed the point where the strands should be fixed to keep in place. Either way, this is

where the small bust from Västra Vång can be seen in the light of hybridity. If we see the bust

as a hybrid craft the hairstyle should not be seen as a bad copy of how the Roman used this

specific hairstyle. Instead the small bust should be seen in the context of the creator’s

knowledge and taste. To take a hybrid form, an objects is supposed to be a representation of

two (or more) ideas, or in this case artistic styles. The Vång-bust can thereby be said to have

been created in a hybrid context, as a part of my answer to my research question.

The little Girl on the bronze weight (Fig. A8) in Catalogue A wears a high bun on her

head with the hair twisted from the forehead and back and from the neck and up. Perhaps this

might be what the creator of the Vång-bust was copying, something that is close in size but at

the same times resembles the young girls in the sculptures.

We will now move to the other hypothesis that this thesis started with, about the Vång-bust

being a barbarian. Catalogue B’s material includes some variations when it comes to

depictions of barbarians. Some of the barbarians are portrayed without clothes and some with,

and some of the barbarians have striking features to highlight their identity as a Phrygian (Fig.

B1, Fig. B2), Suebi (Fig. B3, B6) or Moor (Fig. B8). This means that it is hard to compare the

Vång-bust with the catalogue material. Instead it might give some results to concentrate on

some general traits that define a barbarian and also look at the different representations of

barbarians and their and their attributes.

As mentioned before, the Romans highlighted the differences when they depicted barbarians,

in order to create a distance between themselves and the “others”. For the Vång-bust to be a

barbarian it should in simple terms not carry any traits of being a Roman. The toga for

example would have been a marker for Roman identity and citizenship.58 Nudity, on the other

hand, can be seen as a more un-Roman way of depicting themselves.59 We have seen some

barbarians in the catalogue depicted in this manner and the Vång-bust has this in common

with them. Barbarians were described by ancient authors as walking around naked or bare

above the waist.60 The Germanic Suebi on the Mušov cauldron (Fig. B6) is a depiction with a

bare chest.

In fact, the Vång-bust has some similarities with the bust on the Mušov cauldron.

This was already noted in the analysis but it is worth bringing up again. They have both likely

been attached to vessels and they are very close in size. Even though the Vång-bust looks

somewhat rougher made, with the sharp marks around the eyes and nostrils, they do have

some features in the face that is very similar. The eyelids are emphasised under curved

eyebrows, the nose has the same shape and the mouth have the same relaxed expression and is

slightly opened. The chest and shoulders are similarly portrayed, even when it comes to the

small oblong indents in the middle of the chest.

Considering the notion that a bare chest is a barbaric attribute together with the

striking similarities with the Germanic barbarian it is possible to suggest that the Vång-bust

could be a barbarian. These are somewhat week arguments since the bust doesn’t have any

distinct attributes like the special Phrygian cap or the Suebian knot to emphasise this theory.

On the other hand, it might be important to remember that we conclude from the material in

Catalogue B that barbarians could be depicted in many different ways.58 Wallace-Hadrill 2008, 41.59 Walker 1995, 106.60 Noble 2006, 139.

If the bust is considered a barbarian it cannot be placed in the group with the

barbarians depicted as submissive; it is then more likely that the bust depict a barbarian in a

positive manner. There are no signs that the bust is depicted in a negative way and this is also

strengthen of that fact that the bust was exported beyond the Roman borders in to the barbaric

lands where it was found.

Here in the end of the discussion we should briefly consider the two conclusions at the same

time; is it then possible that the Vång-bust is depicted with a misinterpreted melon coiffure

and still be interpreted as a barbarian?

An interesting thing is that hairstyles could be an attribute that identified “ethnic”

belonging.61 The Vång-bust’s hairstyle, as we just established, could be interpreted as a

misunderstood melon coiffure produced in a hybrid context were its supposed original usage

and appearance no longer have to be the same. Romans generally considered long hair to be

barbaric, and they often depicted Germanic people with long hair or with the Suebian knot

that acted as a generalized sign for Germanic people.62 To be able to create a melon coiffure,

like the ones in Catalogue A, you need quite long hair to be able to fix the tightly twisted

strands and the bun. My interpretation of the melon coiffure’s function as being practical

could be a further lead in this discussion. The Vång-bust’s creator could have used the twisted

strands from the melon coiffure in a way to express the hair as being long, as barbaric men

had.

4.1 ConclusionsThe aim of this thesis was to compare the bust from Västra Vång with other artworks to try to

find out in what context the bust was created in. From the discussion about the comparative

analysis I was able to draw some conclusions.

The Vång-bust’s hairstyle can be regarded as a misinterpreted melon coiffure created in a

hybrid context. This conclusion can be drawn because the Vång-bust’s hair does have the

twisted strands that mark the melon coiffure but it also differs in some feature, which makes it

appear somewhat strange. Firstly, the twisted strands are only placed on the frontal half of the

head and secondly, the strands are twisted in the opposite direction than the melon coiffures in

61 Noble 2006, 142.62 Noble 2006, 143.

the catalogue. The hair in the neck is combed upwards instead of twisted and there is no bun

where the hair can be attached to stay in place.

The creator of the bust might have seen an object like the little girl on the weight

(Fig. A8) from Catalogue A and then wanted to create something similar. Instead of copying

the melon coiffure, the creator misunderstood or adjusted the hairstyle according to his or hers

skills and taste. This could be an answer to why the Vång-bust’s hair only has some

similarities with the melon coiffure.

The second hypothesis is harder to give an answer to, because of the heterogeneous material

in Catalogue B that complicated a comparative analysis. The material depicted different

aspects and types of barbarians with gave us the answer that barbarians were portrayed in

many different ways, there was not just one way. The Vång-bust was discussed based on its

bare chest, which was a way that Romans depicted especially Germanic barbarians, because

this may be the only visible attribute that could lead us to interpret the Vång-bust as barbarian.

The Vång-bust’s and bust on the Mušov cauldron (Fig. B6) was also discusses as their

features on both chest and face is strikingly similar. I would not go so far as to say that that

bust from Västar Vång and the bust on the Mušov cauldron is created by the same hands, but

it is possible to suggest that they could have been created in a similar context and milieu. The

Mušov cauldron ended up in a grave outside the Roman limes.63 This would indicate that an

object like this was attractive for the barbarians and therefore were depicted them favourable

manner.

In short, the answer to my research question would be that the Vång-bust could be interpreted

as created in a hybrid context and also perhaps depicting a barbarian in a way that was

attractive as an export beyond the Roman limes. The bust may even have been created as an

object intended for export, but that is only based on a guess. These possible answers are based

on my own interpretations of both the primary material and the comparative material in the

two catalogues.

63 Aillagon 2008, 106-109.

5. Summary

This thesis started off with the small Roman bust found in Västra Vång in Blekinge, Sweden.

The aim was to put the bust in a wider perspective and thereby increase the understanding of

it. The research question was: What can a comparative analysis between the bust and other

artworks tell us about the origin of the bust and the context in which it was created?

Two hypotheses worked as points of departure for the comparative study. The first

hypothesis was that the Vång-bust was depicted with a so-called melon coiffure and the other

was that the bust pictures a barbarian. To make the comparative study two separated

catalogues were created, the first with mainly portraits with melon coiffures and the second

with mainly provincial minor art that depicted barbarians.

Two different methods were used in the thesis. Because my analysis was a

comparative study the obvious methodological approach was a comparative method. The

second methodological approach was the iconographical method which in short is used for the

study of imaged, which was key in the thesis. Hybridity was used as a theoretical concept for

the interpretation and discussion about the Vång-bust’s hairstyle. Hybridity is one approach to

understand and interpret crafts produced in a provincial context.

The material that was used for my thesis was presented in the chapter dedicated to my

material. The primary material, the Vång-bust, was brought up first when it was given a

detailed description that could be used in the analysis. The two catalogues were then

presented, where all the objects were given a catalogue number and information about its

dating, provenance and measurements alongside a short description about it.

Catalogue A, with melon coiffures, also came to include some other material used for

a further discussion about the usage of the twisted strands that was the basis of the melon

coiffure. Catalogue B became somewhat problematic. The material was supposed to match

the definition of what a barbarian was and also a barbarian then was depicted in a somewhat

objective manner. Some of the material in the catalogue came to exceed both these criteria.

The analysis chapter were then divided into five sections. In the first section the bust was

examined with some other materials from Västra Vång, where I suggested that the small

possible locally made bronze head might have been attached to the same vessel as the bust. In

the next section the melon coiffures from Catalogue A were discussed to get a better

understanding of the hairstyle. After that, in the next section, the melon coiffures and the

Vång-bust was compared. I could by that conclude that the Vång-bust’s hairstyle differed in

some vital details from the catalogue material, but would be further examined in the

discussion chapter.

In the fourth section Catalogue B was brought up and analysed. The material was

concluded to be heterogeneous with different “types” of barbarians depicted from different

aspects. Another problem came with the conclusion that there was not just one way of

depicting barbarians. In the next section this catalogue material of barbarians were compared

with the Vång-bust. In an attempt to find something similar with any of the barbarians, the

similarities the Vång-bust had with the bust on the Mušov cauldron became something to

discuss further.

In the discussion chapter the hypotheses was again brought up to see if they could be found

true or not. I discussed the possibility that the Vång-bust was depicted with a melon coiffure,

thus as a misunderstood version created in a hybrid context. I thought this as possible since it

had similarities to the melon coiffure but was missing some details to make sense, as if it had

been misinterpreted. This for me supported the idea that someone had copied the hairstyle but

missed or ignored some of the melon coiffure’s features based on of taste or skills.

The next part of the discussion about the second hypothesis was complicated and was

based on just a small part of the conclusions that could be drawn from the comparative

material. When considering the bust’s bare chest it was possible to interpret it as a barbarian

and also the striking similarities it had with the bust on the Mušov cauldron could support

that. The two busts could have been created in a similar context, because of these similarities.

In that case, the Vång-bust would have be depicted in a positive manner as I assume that the

Mušov cauldron was, since it was found in a grave on barbaric land.

In conclusion, the answer to my research question was that the Vång-bust was

created in a hybrid context, which was supported by the interpretation of the misinterpreted

melon coiffure. The bust could also be a positive depiction of a barbarian and perhaps also

created for export outside the limes.

The creation of Catalogue A and also the study of the melon coiffure that was done in this

thesis were helpful for the comparative analysis that was done. From this catalogue, an

interpretation of the melon coiffures function as a practical hairstyle was also provided as a

side result of the study. To my knowledge there has not been any earlier studied like this, that

has focused on usage and function of the hairstyle. It is therefore a hoped that this can be

considered a contribution to the research on the subject of Roman hairstyles.

The problems with Catalogue B need to be brought up once again. The catalogue

material could not provide such helpful conclusions for a comparative study as hoped. The

material had a wide-range and included different aspects of barbarians, that will say both

some that were depicted as submissive while others in a more positive and favourable manner.

I was also aware of the fact that some of the objects in the catalogue did not fully follow the

definition for a “barbarian”. The few conclusions drawn from the separated analysis of the

catalogue was that there was not just one was of depicting barbarians and also that the

attributes that highlighted different origins or “ethnic” belonging could be used in studying

barbarians.

It was already brought up in the discussion chapter but an interesting idea would be

to further investigate the hairstyle and the barbaric aspect together. Right at the end of this

thesis I stumbled upon an interesting article about the Greeks and a possible origin of the

melon coiffure. The author Ersilia Lopes argues that the hairstyles originated from the

Scythians and Thracians in the north.64 This might be an entrance to further study the bust and

its mysteries.

64 https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/5187618/the-northern-origin-of-the-melon-coiffure-in-classical-greece [2014-05-28]

https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/5187618/the-northern-origin-of-the-melon-coiffure-in-classical-greece

https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/5187618/the-northern-origin-of-the-melon-coiffure-in-classical-greece

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7. Appendices

7.1 Figures:

Fig. 1 Photo by Max Jahrehorn, Blekinge museum.

Fig. 2 Photo by Max Jahrehorn, Blekinge museum

Fig. 3 Photo by Max Jahrehorn, Blekinge museum

Fig. 4 Capturing from 3D model, created by Freya Roe.


Fig. 10 Photo: Max Jahrehorn, Blekinge museum.

Fig. 11 Photo: Max Jahrehorn, Blekinge museum.

a roman bust from västra vång - lunds...

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