a descriptive ecological study of selected first .../67531/metadc... · choses. dementia...
TRANSCRIPT
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A DESCRIPTIVE ECOLOGICAL STUDY OF SELECTED FIRST ADMISSIONS
TO A PRIVATE PSYCHIATRIC HOSPITAL I960 THROUGH 1963
APPROVED:
Major Professor
Minor Processor
* r / / ' ^
Blre
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A DESCRIPTIVE ECOLOGICAL STUDY OF SELECTED FIRST ADMISSIONS
TO A PRIVATE PSYCHIATRIC HOSPITAL I960 THROUGH 1963
j. £!£'£> J. S
Presented to the Graduate Council of the
North Texas State University in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Decree of
MASTER OF ARTS
Hv
Fr.ede.ric Carroll, a. S., B, A.
IJei'.i.. On ) s
Kay} 3.96B ' .
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
• ' Page LIST OF TABLES . i v
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . vi
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . I Statement of the Problem Selection of Variables Purpose and Limitations of the Study
II. SOURCES OF THE DATA. . . . . . . . 20 Organization of the Data Classification of Cities Definition of Terms
III. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA . . . . . 34 Geographic Region by Birthplace Age of Patients at First Admission ' Diagnostic Categories A.ge arid Diagnostic Categories Spatial Mobility Occupational Categories Occupational said Diagnostic Categories Metropolitan Status and Size 2 o n e s of Re sidenc e Sur;;.r:iary of Findings
IV. CONCLUSION • . . 85
APPSKDjT
eiCLiOGRAPBT ' . lij
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X. Percentage Distribution of West South Central Population by Occupation and Diagnostic Category . . . . . . . . . . 47
XI. Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Metropolitan Status and Size by Age 55
XII,. Percentage Distribution of Population Bs.sed on Metropolitan Status and Si ze and Diagnosis , . , 56
XIII. Percentage Distribution of the Schizo-phrenic Category by Metropolitan Status and Size and Age 57
XIV. Percentage Distribution of Population by Metropolitan Size and Status
r and Occupation , , , , p
XV, Percentage Distributions by Occupational Groupings According to Metropolitan Status and Size by Diagnostic Groupings . , 60
XVI, Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Zone of Residence by.Age Groups 65
XVII. Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Zone of Residence and Diagnostic Categories . . 66
XVIII. Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Zone of Residence, by Age and by Diagnostic Categories . . . . . . 65-69
XIX. Percentage Distribution Based on Zonal Groupings, by Age and by Diagnostic Categories * . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
XX. Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Zone of Residence by Occu-
• pational Groupings . . . 73
XXI, Percentage Distribution of Population by Occupational Groups, Zone of Resi-dence, end Diagnostic Category 75-7$
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X.
XI,
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
:v.
XVI.
XVII
XVIII,
XIX.
XX.
Percentage Distribution cf West South Central Population by Occupation and Diagnostic Category . . . . ,
Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Metropolitan Status and Size by Age v ,
Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Metropolitan Status and Size and Diagnosis . . .
* 9 »
Percentage Distribution of the Schizo-phrenic Category' by Metropolitan Status and Size and Age . . . . ,
Percentage Distribution of Population by Metropolitan Size and Status and Occupation
Percentage Distributions by Occupational Groupings According to Metropolitan Status and Size by Diagnostic Groupings
Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Zone of Residence by,Age Groups
Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Zone of Residence and Diagnostic Categories , .
* • 3 • * # »
Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Zone of Residence, by Ag and by Diagnostic Categories * . * # « . 58 6'
Percentage Distribution Based on Zonal Groupings, by Age and by Diagnostic Categories
Percentage Distribution of Population Based on Zone of Residence by Occu-pational Groupings
XXI. Percentage Distribution of Population by Occupational Groups, Zone of Resi-dence, and Diagnostic Category . . rj r
47
55
56
57
5&
60
65
66
^ G *Qy
71
73
,.rrA
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure ' Page
1. Zones of Residence . . . . . 64
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• CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Statement of-the Problem
Mental illness is now veil recognized as a social
problem, rather than just a personal or family misfortune.
Mental illness qualifies as a social problem from two dis-
tinet points of view:
One usually recognized aspect of the social problem of
mental illness is the attempt to gauge the economic and
sociological impact upon ~he community and the society and
to ascertain what social measures might "be taken to alleviate
the effect .of this impact.
But, an ever more important aspect arises fox1 today's
sociologist: The i'acc that medicine as a science has not
fully succeeded in isolating The causes of some types of
menta.„ illness—most particivi&rly those disorders for which
no organic origin has been established, .i .je., the so-called
functional disox'a-srs^—leads to speculation on the possibiliti.es
""iiobert £. L. Faros and-K. Warren Dunham, Mental Bis-orders in Urban -reas (Chicago, J939). p. xi.'
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of finding causes through other approaches (than medical
science).
It is now obvious that it was a most signal moment when
men decided mental illness was' illness and thus properly
within the academic domain of medical science, bringing
about great and humane advances in all the aspects of mental
illness: discovery, treatment, causes, and hopefully, pre-
vention. Although this decision is relatively new, the
achievements of medical science in this specialized' field
of medical study are impressive and important.
So impressive and important, as a matter of fact, that
a tendency has arisen to consider that only medically trained
scholars might be permitted to work in this area. This brand
of academic near-sightedness is not unique to this particular
situation. It is a common enough phenomenon to note that
scholars .frequently assume that academic boundaries are some-
how innate and irrevocable, rather than purely arbitrary,
originally ari'-anged as a matter of momentary convenience and
thus subject GO constant revision and change as the frontiers
of all disciplines expand. Recent academic history has been
that of discovering many areas-~not just points—but broad
areas of impingement of one discipline upon another, or
several others.
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Social scientists have turned attention to unsolved
p~ro~'o 10ms Drevxously thought to • • e within some utner ju.ris—
diction. Mental illness is a most recent example. The
sociologist is now attempting, to examine social data both
for a knowledge of the causes of certain types of mental
"i 11ness and. i'or a better urQerstano.irg ^f tn.e true and exact
nature of these disorders which still baffle the medical
scientist. The sociologist interprets mental disorder as
one manifestation of personal disorganisation resultant from
2
an individual's iiislajusted social relations.
Burgess suggests that "communication is essential, for
normal human development and that social isolation makes for mental br-r e a k d o w n . H e adds that a sociological theory
of this sort "offers- no direct explanation of alcoholic psy-
choses. dementia paralytica, and other organic types of men-
tal d i s o r d e r . B u t , those psychoses which have been termed
"functional," even though they may be "functional" only in
the sense that no organic origin can presently be ascribed
to there, have ceeri shown in several studies, most prominently
. p. xixi.
.»•* ; •""%-} T \ V l k. * a-~ w l «
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by Faris and Dunham in their Mental Disorders in Urban Areas,^
to be susceptible to sociological explanation.
And among sociologists, those who look to human ecology
for answers to some of our many riddles have begun to search
for some enlightenment by examination of ecological data.
Burgess reports that, as early as 1925,
Previous urban studies have demonstrated a dynamic association between the spatial pattern of the city and its moral or social order. They define and describe the city as an entity consti-tuted by the interrelations and integrated of its component communities, each of which (1) occupies a territorial area, (2) possesses a specialized function, (3) selects a population with charac-teristic composition by age, sex, occupation, economic class, and nationality and racial stock, and (4) develops a typical cultural and political order.
More recently, Hawley points out that the community is
the "subject of ecological enquiry"? and that ecology studies
the community's form and its development from an especial
frame of reference: "the limiting and supporting factors
A of the environment."" But he points out that man "is capable
5lbid,
^Ibid., p. xvii
'Aruos H. Hawley, Human Ecology: A Theory of Community Structure (New York, 1950)", p. ~6?. "
8 Ibid., p. 6?.
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of an extraordinary degree of flexibility and refinement
in behavior"^ thus differentiating human ecology from ecology
as applied to all of life. Therefore, reasons Hawley,
MacKenzie's definition of human ecology: "Human ecology
deals with the spatial aspects of the symbiotic relations
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of human beings and human institutions,"" is far too narrow.
Human ecology is definitely, and primarily, a sociological
concern, in Hawley's view, for the human community's develop-
ment and orgnization must be envisioned, and described with
regard to the functional, psychological and moral integration
of man's collective life; the inextricable interweavings of
sentiment, systems of values, conceptual constructs, sus-
tenance activities and the relationships arising from these 11
activities must all be accounted for. In short:
The question of how men relate themselves to one another in order to live in their habitats yields a description of community structure in terms of its evert and measurable features.
Following Hawley's point of view regarding the definition
and inclusiveness of human ecology, ecological data must include
°rtdd., p. 6&.
x^Ibld., p. 69.
•^Ibid. , p, 73.
12! [bid., p. 74,
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both a population and its characteristics and some measure-
ments of the environment of zhis population. Following
Hawley, an ecological investigation must select from available
data and examine at least some of the relationships that may
exist among these measurable population and environmental
characteristics, in an effort to find and isolate the causes
of mental disorders, particularly of those noxv called "func-
tional." *
Selection of Variables #•
The actual selection of variables to be included in
any such investigation is, perforce, governed largely by
availability. Concomitant with availability, pertinence
is a principal limiting factor in this selection of variables.
Pertinence," that is, as determined'by the aim and the inten-
tion of the study,
It is the aim of this particular1 study to describe the
results of examining certain selected ecological data (and
the relationships among them) presently available on partic-
ular first-admission palients to a private psychiatric
hospital during the years I960 through 1963.
In studying this population the independent variables
which were selected are city of-'residence (of the individ-
ual patient within the studied population), the distance of
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this city from the hospital, the size of this city, and the
birthplace of the patient in terms of geographic region
within the United States. The dependent variables selected
are the patientTs diagnosis,'his age, and his social class
as indicated by his occupation.
John A. Clausen?s recent (1956) report^ to the American
Sociological Association shows the current widespread interest
in this type of investigation. Clausen's report recognises,
among the various possibilities available to the sociologist:
Studies of the differential prevalence or inci-dence of treated mental illness within segments of a population defined:
a, Geographically—that is, ecological distributions of mental illness,
b. In terms of social and cultural char-acteristics—for example, social class distributions, migrants vs. natives,
and so forth. ^
His report comments on the fact that most ecologically-
oriented studies have used hospital records of first admis-
sions as indices of the various psychoses for a specified
time and area. Supporting the adequacy of such a criterion,
Clausen states, "In urban America, most, though by no means
all, psyehotics may be expected to be hospitalized if they
13John A. Clausen, Sociology and the Field of Mental Health (New York, 1956). ~
14Ibid., p. 22.
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become acutely disturbed and if rhis phase of their mental
illness is of long duration.
The fact that Clausen's central concern is not to report
any specific findings, nor to furnish a particular socio-
logical description, but to survey what sociologists are
presently doing in this field and what they may expect in
the way of opportunities and requirements for the future
provides basic justification fox1 entering an investigation
of this sort. The patients' records to be examined here
will be limited to first admissions.
As early as 1940, Stuart A. Queen called for more
studies of this nature. Queen, in an examination of Faris
and Dunham's work in Mental Disorders in Urban Areas, con-
cludes that ecological data do tend to indicate the areas
where psychotic disorders most frequently appear and do
tend to establish some measure of relationship among the
various statistical measures available on patient populations.^
Burgess finds the hypothesis that social isolation is
a precondition for mental disorder to be valid. (This
~L"Ibld,. , p. 24.
loStuart A. Queen, "The Ecological Study of Mental Disorders," American Sociological Review, V, 1 (February. 1940), p. 2077 ~
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isolation is thought to occur vrfien essential communication
is lacking. The choice of the size of the patient's
city of residence as one of the variables to be studied
was directly influenced by certain comments by Burgess:
Mental disorders appear to be more prevalent where the population is mobile and heterogeneous than where it is stable and homogeneous and where life conditions are complex and precarious rather than simple and secure. °
Social conditions, while not primary in causation, may be underlying predisposing and precipitating fac-tors. Situations involving stress and strain of ad-justment—.such as those of isolation, of migration, of love and marriage, and of frustration in a career, may, in the case of persons constitutionally predis- ' posed, make for mental conflict and mental break-down. 1 J
. . .urban areas characterized by high rates of social disorganization are also those with high .rates of mental disorganization.^^
The smaller city, more communal than associational in
its social make-up, is known to provide greater stability
of the social matrix for its residents and is usually pro-
ductive of the simple, secure conditions of life essential
to a high degree of social organisation; the larger city,
associational in its essential character, characterized by
--^Robert E. L. Faris, op. cit., p. xi.
18Ibid., p. xii.
-*-9ibid., p.- xvi *
20Ib id., p. xvili»
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J
, -p
10
mobility and hetzy v-.ry same token
more productive of the;- complex. precarious conditions o:
life more conduci 'e to a high degree of social disorgani-
zation. For thes-- reasons, then, the sioe of the city of
patientsT residence 1? considered pertinent to this study.
The distance of the city of residence from the hos-
pital was selected in order to examine, to some extent,
the pattern of distribution of functional mental disorders
in the area served by the hospital, Dunham noted, in 1947?
that such disorders showed a marked pattern of distribution
in the C h i c ag o are a, namely:
1. A larger incidence toward the center of the city,
diminishing in a gradient toward the smaller incidence
noted in the outer zones.
2. Incidence rates and distribution patterns for
schizophrenia resemble those for mental disorders generally.-—
This was, of course, a reiteration of his earlier
remarks to this same effort during his collaborative work
with E. L. Faris.^
2^-H. Warren Dunham, "Current Status of ecological Hesearon in Mental Disorders," Social Forces, XXV (March, 1947 ) j p. 323'.
Paris and Dunham, kenta.l hj s:• rders, p. 173-
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11
Clausen's report, as previously cited, recommends
study of the geographical distribution of mental illness
among the "segments of a p o p u l a t i o n . " 2 3
In order to search for some evidence of mobility in the
studied population, the birthplace of the patient.(in terms
of geographic region) -was selected as still another ecolog-
ical variable,, This selection, again, was prompted, in
part, by Clausen's report, in which he cites "migrants vs.
natives" as one of the "social and cultural characteristics"
amenable to examination by the sociologist.
Faris and Dunham show a concern for mobility in their
definitive work, Mental Disorders in Urban Areas, stating,
"the higher rates of schizophrenic reactions appear to be
related to areas of high mobility,"2^ and again, "especially
significant is the connection between the rates of schizo-
phrenia, excepting the catatonic type, and indices of
mobility,"25
In selecting dependent variables, the patient's diag-
nosis (upon admission) was obviously the first considered,
this study being an ecological description of certain mental
John A. Clausen, og_. cit., p. 22.
"PI
Faris and Dunham, Mental Disorders, p. 173 r*j £*
^Ibid, , p . 1 7 7 -
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illness patterns. The actual number of individual diagnoses
available for study is so large that a bewildering complexity
would result were each such diagnosis treated distinctly.
In order to reduce the number of diagnoses to a manageable
number and simultaneously standardize the study with others,
the various diagnoses were grouped in accordance with the
recognized procedures established by the American Psychiatric
Association and published in their diagnostic and statistical
manual.^ This, then, provides diagnostic data meaningful
to the social scientist and comparable to other social
studies using broader terms such as "schizophrenic reactions"
rather than such detailed, medically meaningful, but too
closely associated terms such as schizophrenic reaction—
childhood type, juvenile type, obsessive compulsive type,
and the many other sub-types which can be combined under
one category.
In keeping with the previously cited criterion regarding
organic and functional types of mental disorder (see page
26 The Timberlawn Foundation lists 745 distinct diag-noses in its Diagnostic Code.
^American Psychiatric Association, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual: Mental Disorders, prepared by the Committee on Nomenclature and Statistics of the American Psychiatric Association (Washington, 1952).
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one, footnote number one), on!j_y those diagnoses considered
as "functional" were sele.ctecjl for examination.
The fact that the origin of functional disorders remains
obscure to both the medical and the social scientist prompts
the selection of age as another of the variables to be con-
sidered. Hawley points out that, "It is generally agreed
that physiological age. . .is an important limiting factor
on what an individual, is capable of doing." Investigation
*
of the limitation imposed by;this factor is reflected through-
out Faris aji'd Dunham's extensive study of the Chicago area
in which many of their tabulations are broken down into
age brackets.^9
Nevertheless In selecting age as meaningful to the
study, it was apparent that arbitrary limitations must be
imposed. Faris and Dunham indicate that old age consti-
tutes a separate study and ig productive of a number of
diagn o s t i c c omp1i c at i ons:
The senile psychoses are similar to other clinical classification^ which have been examined, inasmuch as there are np adequate and objective criteria for classifying them. Here, also, the
2$ ' 'Amos H. Hawley, "An Epological Study of Urban Service
Institutions," Studies in Hu|nari Ecology, edited by George A. Theodorson {Evanston", ~196]L) 7 p. ".192.
29 Faris and Dunham, Mental Disorders.
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etiological basis is still obscure. Some psychia-trists insist that senile psychosis is in reality late schizophrenia; others point to tissue changes of the brain cells as the causative factor while at the same time stressing the part played by heredity. Certain factors, largely social in origin, such as old age dependency, the isolation of the aged, sud-den changes in the aged person's routine of 3,ife, and the disintegration of families, also tend to make the problem of diagnosis more difficult. Some psychiatrists recognize this fact and warn that mere senility must be distinguished from the symp-toms of a real senile psychosis.
These complications have been avoided in this study by
restricting the age group of patients in the population
to be examined to the maximum age of 60 years.
By the same token, the extremely young (those below
the age of 25 years) have also been eliminated in order to
confine the study to adults. Other, more extended studies
demonstrate certain differences between.young and old which
would necessarily lead this study beyond its intended scope,
were they to be considered and dealt with. DeeTs study of
Q 1
St. Louis-'' effected a similar limitation by setting a
lower limit of 21 years in selecting the studied population.32
^Queen, op. cit. , p. 205-
-^William L. J. Dee, r'An Ecological Study of Mental Dis-orders in Metropolitan St. Louis," unpublished master's the-sis, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri, 1939, cited in Queen, ojo. cit., p. 201.
^Queen, op. cit. , p. 203 .
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Hollingshead and Redlich have raised the question,
33
"Is mental illness related to social class?"" This question
becomes one of the central questions in their extensive
research supporting their recent (195$) book, Social Class 34
and Mental Illness. They state that this query is
. . .related to the etiology of mental illnesses. The psychodynamic concept of unconscious conflict between instinctual forces and the demands of the environment is crucial for many attempts at explan-ation of most neurotic and psychotic illnesses. Knowing that the different social classes exhibit different ways of life, we conjectured that emotional problems of individuals might be related to the pat-terns of life characteristic of their class positions.
Not only is it beyond the scope of this study to attempt
too piercing or rigorous an investigation of the social class
status of the individuals involved, but it is also beyond the
scope of the data which are available for these patients;
neither income data nor residential street addresses.were
available on these patients. Nevertheless} in order to per-
mit some reflection of social class in the study, patient's
occupation was included as one of the selected variables.
Occupation is well recognized as a principal indicatqr of
33 ^August B. Hollingshead and Fredrick C. Redlichj, Social
Class and Mental Illness (New York, 1958), p. vii.
3'+Ibid. , p. 10.
35'ipid ., p. 10.
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social class in the United States. Chinoy notes, "In almost
all of the available studies, occupation is reported as a
36 major determinant of status.""^
Purpose and Limitations of the Study
An examination of some of the relationships among these
variables will be conducted in order to provide a purely
descriptive, ecological study of an available population—
37 an elementary study along the lines recongized by Clausen
as sociologically productive, and of the sort called for by
3 $
Queen. In spite of its limitations, such a study can pro-
vide some additional sociological data of the type previously
discussed in this chapter. The limitations are manifold:
Total prevalence of mental illness in the population
served by the one private, psychiatric hospital considered
in this study is not readily available. The private hospital
may admit patients without regard to legal residence; the
private hospital may or may not compete with other private
hospitals of considerable, prestigious reputation over an
area that defies definition. To make a comparison between
36E1y Chinoy, Society: An Introduction to Socioloev (New York, 1963 ), p~ 151". ' " ' ~
^ H -'•'Clausen, od. cl t. , p. 22,
->°Queen, od„ ait», p. 20?.
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public and private hospitals on the basis of "population
served1' could become a complex study in itself.
The private psychiatric hospital does not in itself
represent the entire community to the extent that a public
hospital usually does. This study will analyse some selected
characteristics of the population which this type hospital
does serve. But, in the case of the particular hospital
considered in this study, there are two outstanding factors
which prevent this hospital's being considered as representa-
tive of the community as a whole, namely:
(1) The average hospital expense (at this particular
establishment) is presently in the range of $250 to $32$
39
per week.
(2) The data are concerned only with in-patients.
Although out-patients are treated by the hospital under
study here, the hospital is so organized that the records
of such patients are handled separately and are not included
in the admissions records available for this study. Since
it xs a common practice in publicly supported mental hos-
pitals to accomplish as much active treatment as possible
39 Introduction to Timfcerlawn Sanitarium. (Dallas,
1964), p. 11. " " — — —
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on an out-patient basis and to include .these out-patients
in totals reported for statistical purposes/4^ care must be
exercised in making any comparison between the information
developed in this study and information furnished by a study
of public facilities.
Still another stumbling block in the application of
ecological methods to the available data is the possibility
that the home address.shown in the records may not always be
correct. Queen notes that the recorded address may actually
be that of the next-of-kin, or even the address of an insti-
tution from which the patient was transferred.^1 These data
do not deal with extreme long term hospitalizations, and are
at least more likely to be free of this latter type of error,
but there is actually no means to ensure that next-of-kin,
most frequently the patient rs escort at the time of admis-
sion, do not give their own addresses even where this may
differ from the patientfs actual, most recent address. Too,
the most recent address, even where correctly given, may be
so recent as to be meaningless in terms of the patient's
environmental background. It can only be said that this
40Ibid., p. 16.
^Dunham, "Current Status," p. 325.
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study may be less encumbered with this sort of error than
studies which involve public .hospitals, due to the greater
financial stability of the patient's families represented
here. Hospitalization of these patients may be .'less likely
to result in the breakup of the home and the loss of a
permanent address for the patient and family alike as would
be the case for families of lesser means.
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CHAPTER II
SOURCES OF THE DATA
This study will be based upon data which were supplied
by the Timberlawn Foundation of Dallas, Texas. This foun-
dation, organized in 195$, operates in close conjunction
•with the Timberlawn Sanitarium, also of Dallas, a private,
psychiatric hospital exclusively for the treatment of poten-
tially recoverable mentally ill patients.
The Timberlawn Sanitarium was established June 23, 1917.
Presently, it is a member of the American Hospital Association
and the National Association of Private Psychiatric Hospitals,
and is accredited by the Joint Commission on Accreditation
of Hospitals, in addition to being licensed by the Texas
Department of Public Health.
The sanitarium comprises 140 beds, entirely devoted to
the treatment of mental illnesses of all sorts, with the
specific exception of narcotics addiction. All beds are
assigned to either single or double rooms, as there are no
wards in this hospital. The hospital is located a few miles
to the east of downtown Dallas and still well within the city
limits. A complex of approximately a dozen separate buildings
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21
houses the various departments, the treatment and hospitali-
zation facilities and the administrative organization.
Also the sanitarium regards the psychiatric nursing
staff, their departments of occupational therapy, recreational
therapy, social work, and psychology as a treatment team
working in conjunction with the staff physician. The inte-
grated patient care resulting from the coordinated efforts
of the treatment team is termed Milieu therapy by the hospital.
Technically speaking, the hospital is a part of the
Timberlawn Psychiatric Center which includes the Day Hospital
and the Out-Patient Department (although neither of these-
facilities are included, in this study) and the Timber lawn
1
Foundation. And it is the Tiraberlavm Foundation which has
actually provided the data basic to this study. The foun-
dation is a private, nonprofit organization established for
the purpose of promoting medical science, with especial
attention to the development of psychiatry and related behav-
ioral sciences.^
1AZL Introduction to Timberlawn Sanitarium, (Dallas, 1964), p. 16.
^Timberlawn Foundation Sixth Annual Rer>ort. (Dallas. 1964), p. 8. ""
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22
Initially, the Timberlawn Foundation undertook the
project of codification of all the case histories of in-
patients served by the hospital since its founding in 1917.
This comprises 17,000 case histories containing not only the
predictable medical and diagnostic information, but some
3
social history also.
A recent grant from the National Institute of Mental
Health has enabled the foundation to make available a com-
plete set of computer cards, specifically designed for this
study: the case histories of all first-admission, male
patients, aged 25 through 60, for the years I960 through 1963.
In selecting this propulation for study, the limitations
mentioned on age and sex were placed in an attempt to elimi-
nate, insofar as practicable, non-workers and others possibly
prone to accept, or even soek, hospitalization without regard
for the dissipation of their productive years. This selection •
is reflective of an assumption that males in the selected age
group, 25 through 60 years, will only resort to hospitalization
as an ultimate measure in the treatment of mental disorder,
whereas women might conceivably accept hospitalization as a
preferable form of treatment somewhat more readily. Some
3 The code Is set forth in The 'Umberlawn foundation
Source Document, IBM Card Structure Code" Book.
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support for this assumption can be noted in the following
considerations: During the time span considered by this
study, 2136 first admissions were made at Timberlawn of out-
patients. Of these 2136 patients, only 637 or 29.$ per cent
were males. By contrast, the United States Public Health
Service reports that, on a nation-wide basis, men are hospit-
alized for mental illness at a slightly higher rate than
women.^ Hopefully this limitation in the selection will limit
the study- more closely to persons genuinely in need of profes-
sional assistance in coping with the demands of society.
The limitation imposed upon the time span to be consid-
ered by this study is an attempt, in part, to counteract the
age-old problem of errors and inadequacies in the data. Queen
warns that differential diagnosis by different psychiatrists
is a particularly difficult problem to deal with in a paper
5
concerned with one or more mental disorders. Singer makes
note of the fact that the classifications themselves are
^Characteristics of Patients in Mental Hospitals, (Washington, D. C., 19657, pp. 4-5.
^Stuart A . Queen, "The Ecological Study of Mental Disorder," American Sociological Review, V, 1 (February, 1940), p. 203,. " '
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24
only a matter of temperacy convenience0 and thus subject to
change and productive of error through lack of standardi-
zation. But the Timberlawn Foundation reports that, during
the selected period, I960 through 1963> the personnel of the
hospital, both medical and administrative, underwent compara-
tively little change. Too, these later years (among those
available for study) constitute a period of greater sophisti-
cation and training by both the administrative and medical
personnel of the hospital; diagnosis and record-keeping alike
should reflect the benefit of a more scientificallv oriented
personnel. The establishment of the research foundation (in
195$) should have, by I960, motivated a more conscientious
application to accuracy. Finally, the consideration of time-
liness of the finished study dictates a selection from the
more recent years.
The original selection limitations produced a total of
425 patients' histories available for examination and study.
However, in the process of organising the data, all but those
case histories diagnosed, as functional in nature were elimi-
nated from the final population to be studied; this reduced
^Robert E. L. Faris and H. Warren Dunham, Mental Dis-orders in Urban Areas (Chicago, 1939)> p. xi.
-
25
the number of cases to 3̂ -9. This process is explained in
the immediately following pages.
Organization of the Data
The organization of the original data from Timberlawn
provided for the coding of 745 distinct diagnoses. Both to
render an analysis of the data less cumbersome and to effect
a measure of standardization with other studies, these diag-
noses have been grouped, as previously mentioned, in accord-
ance with the standard nomenclature of the American Psychiatric
Association. This grouping resulted in the following cate-
gories:
Acute Brain Disorder Chronic Brain Disorder Psychotic Disorders other than Schisophrenic Psychoneurotic Reactions Personality Disorders No Coded Diagnosis
(A detailed listing of the various disorders grouped under
each of these categories will be found in Appendix A to this
study.)
A preliminary study of the data revealed the breakdown
of the patients among the categories as shown in Table I.
n 'The Timberlawn Foundation lists 745 distinct diagnoses
in its Diagnostic Code.
-
26
From this preliminary examination it was determined
that, as a result of vsritVlng all cases not diagnosed as
functional (17.9 per cent), including the organic diagnoses -
TABLE I
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF MALE FIRST ADMISSIONS, 25 THROUGH 60 YEARS OF AGE, I960 THROUGH 1963
BY DIAGNOSIS
Diagnosis Per Cent
Schizophrenic reactions , 42.3
Psychotic disorders other than schizophrenic . . . 13.6
Psychoneurotic disorders 12.9
Personality disorders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13-3
Acute brain disorder . . . . . $.?
Chronic brain disorders . . . . . . . . 3.2
No coded diagnosis 6.0
Total N=425 . . . » 100.0
of acute and chronic brain disorder (11.9 per cent) and the
cases involving no coded diagnosis (6.0 per cent), the actual
population to be studied would number 3'49 cases or 6-2.1 per
cent of the total first admissions in this age group during
this period.
Again,.the occupations of the patients involved in
the study were classified Into groups. These groups and the
-
27
percentages of the population tc be studied in each group
are shown in Table II.
TABLE II
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF MALE FIRST ADMISSIONS, 25 THROUGH 60 YEARS OF AGE, I960 THROUGH 1963
BY OCCUPATION
Occupation Per Cent
Professional „ . . . 19.5
Farmers and farm managers 6.9
Proprietors . . , . . 22.1.
Clerical . 22.6
Craftsmen . $ .9
Operatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.0
Service workers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,4
Laborers 2.6
Students , . 1.7
No occupation . . . . . . . . . . 4„6
Other miscellaneous 3,7
Not ascertainable 2,0
Total N=3 49 100.0
A complete listing of the various occupations grouped
into each oi these classifications wi 1.1 be found in Appendix
B to this study.
-
23
^ P,
rm.
Classification of Citi
:he cities of residence (of the patients) have been
d
classified in accordance with accepted ecological practice,
for convenience in interpretation of the data and in order
to effect a standardization with other studies and other
data. The classifications used and the percentages of the
studied population found in each classification are as
presented in Table III,.
TABLE III
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF MALE FIRST ADMISSIONS, 25 THROUGH 60 YEARS OF AGE, I960 THROUGH 1963
BY METROPOLITAN STATUS AND SIZE
Metropolitan Status and Si&e Per Cent
Metropolitan 50,5
Ping cities . 16,1
Independent IS .6
Rural . . . . . . . . . . . 5-4
Not Ascertainable 9.4
Total N-349 . . .100.0
Jeffrey K. Hadden and Edgar F. Borgatta, American f,-i -hi PS- rP]-l O "1 V* ̂ r\ O 1 PVlovin n+- ~ .. - ' ̂ - - - -- - -> y-y r- S V
-
29
The rural classification includes towns and villages
or other places with a population of 2,500 or fewer persons.
The independent classification includes all cities with a
population in excess of 2,500 but not more than 50,000 and
presumedly ecologically independent of some major or central
city or metropolis. This presumption is exercised when the
city is not located within standard metropolitan statistical
area. The ring cjLtjr classification includes those cities
of the same size bracket as independent cities, but located
within the limits of a standard metropolitan statistical •
area, or "in the ring.1'^ The metropolitan classification
includes those cities with a population in excess of 50,000,
whether located in a standard metropolitan statistical area
or riot. The not ascertainable classification consists of
those patients whose home address could not be identified in
the process of coding. A list of the cities encountered in
this study showing their classification will be found in
Appendix C.
The cities have also been classified in terms of dis-
tance from Dallas (the site of the hospital), following a
system, of zones established by the Timber lawn Foundation in
the process' of coding the data. These residential zones and
the percentages of patients found in each z-onp. ars
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30
?j\BL5 IV
.PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF MALE FIRST ADMISSIONS, 25 THROUGH 60 YEARS OF AGE, I960 THROUGH 1963
BY DISTANCE OF RESIDENCE FROM DALLAS
No. Residence Zone • Per Cent
1. City of Dallas 35.3
2. Dallas County 11.5
3. Under 50 Miles (from Dallas) 10.9
4. 50 to 100 Miles 8.1
5. 101 to 200 Miles 9.5
6. 201 to 300 Miles . 4.3
7. 301 Miles and Beyond „ . . . 10. $
6. Contiguous States 7.7
9. Non-contiguous States . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.7
10. Not Ascertainable 0.2
Total . N=349 100.0
Each larger zone excludes the territory and the patients
residing in the small zones; zones 5, 6, and'7 do not Include
any territory outside the borders of the state of Texas. .The
contiguous states include all patients from New Mexico,
Oklahoma, Louisiana, and Arkansas regardless of actual mileage
from Dallas.
-
31
The birthplace of each patient was originally coded
only in terms of the geographical regions of the United
States as defined by the U. S. Bureau of the Census." A
list of the states in each region will be found in Appendix
D to this study. This scheme has been retained, both to
make use of readily available data and to maintain standard-
ization with the census bureau1s terminology. The regions
and the percentages- of the studied population in each are
given in Table V.
A simple treatment of patients1 ages by actual years
would certainly produce unwieldy and cumbersome tabulations;
therefore the ages of the patients were grouped within their
respective decades following several examples used and cited
11 by Hawley in presenting percentages of age distributions.
,U. S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1964, No. 85 (Washington, D. C., 1964), pp. xii, 50.
^~F. W. Notestein, e_t al., The Future Population of Europe and the Soviet Union (Geneva, 1944), Appendix IV, and Sixteenth Census of the United States, Population, United States Summary (Washington, D. C., 1943), Table 7, cited in Amos Hawley, Human Ecologyi A Th_eory_ of Community Structure (New York, 1950), pp. 134, 136-137." "" " ~
-
32
TABLE V
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF MALE FIRST ADMISSIONS, 25 THROUGH 60 YEARS OF AGE, I960 THROUGH 1963
BY GEOGRAPHIC REGION OF BIRTHPLACE
No. Geographic Region Per Cent
1. New England 1.1
2. Middle Atlantic O.S
3. East North Central . . . 4.6
4. West North Central . 5.2
5. South Atlantic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2
6. East South Central . 2.0 '
7. West South Central . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69.1
8. Mountain 0.2
9. Pacific 0.5
10. Outside of the United States ..." I,$
11. Not Ascertainable . . , . 11.5
Total N=349 . . . . . . . . . . .100.0
Definition of Terms
The larger part of the terms essential to an under-
standing of this study has been defined in the process of
describing the selection of the variables, the sources of
the data and the organization of the data, with the following
exceptions:
-
33
Age, as used in this study, is defined as the patient's
age at the time of admission to the hospital; for simplifi-
cation of the analysis the individual ages have been combined
within decades.
In classifying cities according to the size of popu-
lation, I960 census totals of population are used.
Patient, when not specifically stated otherwise, refers
only to in-patients- who have been actually hospitalized.
And finally, "hospital population" or simply "population"
where used in the succeeding chapters of the study, is defined
in the strict statistical sense as distinctly applied to this
particular study, jL.es., the male patients, aged 25 through
60 years, admitted for the first time to the Timberlawn
Sanitarium, during the years I960 through 1963, for treatment
for functional disorders.
-
CHAPTER III
ANALYSIS OF THE DATA
In an attempt to make some small contribution to the
solution of the problem as stated In Chapter I,, and using
the data from the source described in Chapter II, these data
will be analyzed. In analyzing the data, comparisons will
be made with the findings of other more comprehensive
studies: partially to confirm these earlier findings, but
more importantly to examine the present data, to discover-
to what extent these data conform to previously determined
patterns in the prevalence of mental disorder and to what
extent anomalous situations may exist. In following this
analysis, the previously discussed limitations of this study
must be borne In mind at all times.
Geographic Region by Birthplace
Analysis of the data in terms of the geographic region
of the patientsT places of birth reveals little evidence of
mobility in the patients* histories. With 69.1 per cent
(see Table Y) of the total population showing a place of
birth in the West South Central region (Arkansas, Louisiana,
-
35
from any of the other' geographical, regions, this West South
Central segment of the sanitarium'? population should be
examined in terms of further controls.
Age of Patients at First Admission
In Appendix E the distribution of the population accordin,
to places of birth (Table V) has been controlled for age by-
decades. In Table VI the West South Central segment of the
population is shown separately, distributed according to
these age brackets.
TABLE VI
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION DERIVED FROM WEST SOUTH CENTRAL REGION
BY AGE AT ADMISSION
Age at Admission ' Per Cent
II. 25-29 . . . . . . .
III. 30-39 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34.8
IV. 40-49 2a.3
V. 50-59
VI. 60 . . . . . . . . 2.1
Total N-241 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100,0
The majority of the cases, 63.1 per cent, are found
between ages 30 and 50. [he underrepresentation (17-4 per cent)
-
36
"of first admissions in r,heir 20fs is, of course, at least
partially due to the fact that only a five-year period is
included in the population. The fifth decade, again showing
only 17-4 per cent, partially a measure of survivorship, is
equally underrepre-sented. Exempting those 30 to 50, all the
ether age brackets taken together account for only 36.9 per
cent of the population, a figure roughly equal to the per-
centage in their 30Ts and only s-lightly exceeding those
patients in their 40Ts.
This frequency distribution parallels rather closely
the .findings of Paris and Dunham in their Chicago study.
Their findings in the Chicago area show that the combined
ages 30 through 49 greatly outnumber all other decades
togetner in the cases of distribution of male schizophrenics,
manic-depressives, and undiagnosed psychotics. In their
study, manic-depressives in the fourth age category (29-4
per cent); similarly the undiagnosed psychotics show 30.4 4-
pei* cent in the fourth category and 25.3 per cent in the
third. The schizophrenics, however, are preponderantly in
their 30's: 34.1 per cent; the fourth category adds 15.7
per cent.
Roaert E. L. Fans and H. Warren Dunham, Mental Di s~ S l t e H M ^ i A r e a s , (Chicago, 1939), pp. 39, 64, and~244.
-
O T 3 i
Diagnostic Categories
In order to pursue this apparently parallel experience,
as discussed in the preceding paragraph, the distribution of
population by geographic birthplace has been controlled for
diagnosis (see Appendix F). This largest segment, the West
South Central group, is shown in Table VII in a percentage
distribution based on their total number {N=241) and broken
down by diagnostic categories. »
TABLE VII #
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION DERIVED FROM WEST SOUTH CENTRAL REGION
' BY DIAGNOSTIC CATEGORIES
Diagnostic Categories Per Cent
Schizophrenic reactions 52.7
Psychotic disorders other than
schizophrenia . . . . . . . . 16.6
Psychoneurotic disorders . . . . . . 14.$
Personality disorders „ 16.2
Total N=241 100.0
Comparison of the prevalence of one type of mental dis-
order to that of others receives little attention from ecolo-
gies; perhaps it is considered, sufficiently well-known that
schizophrenics far exceed any other 'disorder, and in fact
-
38
may often contribute the majority of cases in any particular
study. Hollingshead and Redlich state that, "In all classes
2
schizophrenia is the predominant psychotic disorder." ' In
their statistical corroboration of this statement, having
divided a population of 1451 patients into four social classes,
they show in each class 55, 5 7 } 61, and 5$ per cent of the
cases falling within- that class to be schizophrenic: con-
sistently a majority of cases in all classes. To discover,
then, that a majority of any specified group of mentally ill
persons are,suffering schizophrenic reactions is in keeping
with past experiences..
Age and Diagnostic Categories
The intention here, however, is to pursue the age distri-
bution within the geographic distribution of place of birth
and to control this distribution by diagnostic category.
Complete tables showing the breakdown controlled for each
diagnosis under examination in this paper are contained in
Appendix G. From these tables the West South Central segment
has been extracted from each table and presented In one com-
Dined table in order tc more readily contrast patterns of •
distribution.
.~August B. Hollingshead and Frederick C. Redlich, Social Class and Mental Illness, (New York, 1953), p. 228.
-
39
- TABLE VIII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF WEST SOUTH CENTRAL POPULATION, ACCORDING TO AGE BY DIAGNOSTIC CATEGORIES
Diagnostic Category 2 5 - 2 9 3 0 - 3 9 4 0 - 4 9 5 0 - 5 9 6 0 Total
Schizophrenic reactions . 7 3 . 3 5 B » 5 5 1 . 6 2 6 . 1 2 0 . 0 5 2 , 7
Psychotic disorders other than schizophrenia 4 . 3
*
4 . 7 1 4 . 7 5 0 . 0 6 0 . 0 1 6 . 6
#•
Psychoneurotic disorders 4 . 8 2 1 . 4 1 6 . 1 9 . 6 • » « » 1 4 . 5
Personality-disorders 1 6 . 6 0 1 5 . 4 1 7 . 6 1 4 . 3 2 0 . 0 1 6 . 2
Total N = 2 4 1 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0
In this table (VIIJ.) the schizophrenic reactions are
plainly preponderant for the entire group and even more
remarkably so in the lower age categories as has been the
case in other research Into schizophrenia. A downward grad-
ient inverse to the age gradient is quite evident in the
area of schizophrenic reactions. However, the prevalence
of psychotic disorders other than schizophrenia increases .
rapidly with age. The other diagnostic categories in this
study do not demonstrate arty striking pattern of age-linkage:
-
40
psychoneurotic disorders increase in the two decades 30-50
in conjunction with a decrease in schizophrenic reactions
while personality disorders remain fairly stable (14-20 per
cent) in the age groups under study.
The percentage distribution of schizophrenic reactions
is in keeping with Faris and Dunham's findings in the Chicago
• q
area in reporting an age analysis of schizophrenic cases.
In their report they cite still other analyses as providing
further confirmation that "the bulk of schizophrenic cases
. . .fall in. the middle years of life."̂ However, as Eaton
and Weil note, symptoms of schizophrenia frequently have their 5
onset during late adolescence or the' early years of adulthood.
Spatial Mobility
These'data provide no evidence of extensive spatial
mobility among this population; Table V, Chapter II, presents
all the data available on the mobility of these patients.
This is in keeping with the experience of other research in
attempting to analyze mobility and its effects, If any, upon
3 • " ' Faris and Dunham, ojd. cit. , p. 40.
^Ibid., p. 40.
pJoseph. W. Eaton and Robert J..Weil, Culture and-Mental Disorders, (Glencoe, 1955), p. 107.
-
41
mental illness. Queen protests that the various ecological
studies differ so in the measures of mobility that ''they are
6 7
not strictly comparable." Dunham's 1946 paper deals, in
part, with the elusiveness of clearly defined evidences of
mobility in seeking further corroboration of his (and Faris')
refutation of the drift hypotheses.
The "drift" hypothesis or theory is simply an assertation
that the mentally ill or disordered person will likely become
an economic failure and will then drift into certain areas &
characterized by high rates of commitment to mental hospitals.'
This theory has been advanced by some psychiatrists as a pos-
sible explanation of the findings of Faris and Dunham in their
ecological study of the Chicago area.^ Faris and Dunham have
refuted this theory, both by investigation in depth of commit-
ments from these depressed areas and by pointing to their
^StUart A. Queen, "The Ecological Study of Mental Dis-orders," American Sociological Review, V, 1 (February, 1940), p. 205.•
7 H. Warren Dunham, "Current Status of Ecological Research
in Mental Disorders," Social Forces, XXV (March, 194?).
Holiingshead and Redlich, o£. cit., pp. 244-24$.
9 'Dunham, ojo. ~cit. , p. 323.
-
42
findings in regard to manic-depressives."*"^ Dunham points
out that some persons feel that the nature of the manic
reaction is such that many persons who develop this type
of disorder frequently establish themselves in high status
positions. But Dunham states himself that the drift theory
1 1
is primarily concerned with intra-city investigations,
which do not enter into this study.
Therefore, no attempt is being made here to evaluate
the drift theory in terms of these data. Specifically,
these other studies are more directly concerned with intra-
city mobility rather than inter-regional. Thus the lack
of.these data to present conclusive evidence of mobility
can in no way be interpreted as substantiating or refuting
drift" as an explanatory factor in mental disorder. ?T
Occupational Categories
In order to examine this West South Central segment of
the population in further depth, but in another frame of
reference, the population has been tabulated according to
geographic region of birth place and controlled for occupation
The complete percentage distribution of the population is
~°Ibid., p. 3 23 .
-^Ibid. , p. 323 .
-
43
presented, in Appendix' H; the extracted percentage distri-
bution of the West South Central segment among the occupa-
tional groups is shown in Table IX.
TABLE IX'. '
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF WEST SOUTH CENTRAL SEGMENT OF THE POPULATION BY
OCCUPATIONAL GROUPINGS
Occupational Group , Per Cent
Professional 20.5
Farmers and .Farm Managers 7.$
Proprietors . . . . 21.3
Clerical . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20.1
Craftsmen 8.7
Operatives _5#g
Service Workers . . . . . . . . . . 1.6
Laborers . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4
Students . . . . . . . . . 1.6
No Occupation 4.5
Miscellaneous 3.7
Not Ascertainable . . . . 2.0
Total N=241 . . . 100.0
-
44
In Table IX, the white-collar occupational groupings,
professional, proprietors, and clerical account for 61.9
per cent of the distribution. In this study, this can only
be considered an indication of the composition of the hos-
pital's population and not an indication of any correlation
between social class and mental illness. This figure simply
indicates the predictable fact that a relatively expensive
hospital -will admit' a larger proportion of economically well-
situated persons, even in this day of widespread health
insurance coverage. Insurance, indeed, may account for the
clerical distribution being substantially equal to either
professional or the proprietors. Insurance, again, may
account for the 8,7 per cent of craftsmen and the 5.8 per
cent of operatives as opposed to insignificant percentages
among all other blue collar groups.
- The assumption that a distribution of cases heavily
weighted, toward the upper social classes is only a charac-
teristic of the extraordinary composition of the population
of this particular private hospital is supported by the
fact that ecological studies in general agree that mental
disorder rates are higher among the lower socio-economic
groups than among the higher. Dunham notes that:
_ The one point on which all of the ecological studies of mental disorder so fax are in agreement
-
45
Is the fact that ail types of mental disorder show a wide range of rat.es in thsir distribution and that the high rates are invariably concentrated in areas at the center of the city with the rates declining In magnitude toward the periphery."1"
Dunham also reported that he and Faris collected statis-
tics from private sanitariums in the Chicago area to combine
with their previously collected data from public hospitals
simply to refute any suggestion that the finding of greater
prevalence of mental disorder among the lower classes was
only a reflection of the class composition of the population
of public hospitals. He reports that these combined data
demonstrated a 15 times greater likelihood of mental hos-
pital commitment for the resident of the economically deprived
portiono of tne city unan for the residents of the more privi—
13 leg-ed areas.
More recently, Hollingshead and Redlich In their study
ot social status, and psychiatric illness confirm the exist-
ence o.t this inverse relationship between social class and
mental illness. They state:
(1) A. definite association exists between class position and being a psychiatric patient,
(2) The lower the class, the greater the pro-portion of patients in the population.^
.1̂ 1 bid.., p. 321.
13lbid., p. 323.
^Hollingshead and Redlich, o£. oift». p. 216,
-
46
Occupation arid Diagnostic Categories
In order to study nore clonely this West South Central
segment of the population, the entire population was con-
trolled for diagnostic category in addition to the breakdown
of geographic region of birth by occupation groups. The
tables derived from this operation are contained in Appendix
I, From these tables it was possible to extract the infor-
mation on the West South Central group in order to compare
relative rates of the various types of disorders among the
several occupational groups. This analysis is presented in
Table X.
Before attempting an analysis or interpretation of
these data examining the possibility of some relationship
between occupation, per se, and types of mental illness,
close attention should be directed to the introduction to
i 5 Frumpkin's article, "Occupation and Mental Disorder."
Here he states that "few studies have been done specif-
ically on the subject of occupation and mental illness."16
He continues with an argument supporting the close connection
1 7 oetween occupation and social class. The use of occupation
1?R. M. Frumpkin, "Occupation and Major Mental Disorders," i n Mental Health and Mental Disorder: A Sociological Approach,' edited by A. M. Rose, (New York, '1.555 ), pp. 136-160.
16 T "K -4 A ~l /I
-
47
TABLE I
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF WEST SOUTH CENTRAL POPULATION EI OCCUPATION AND
DIAGNOSTIC CATEGORY
Diagnostic Category
Occupational Group
Schizo-phrenic Reactions
Psychotic Disorder Other than Schizo-phrenia
Psycho-neurotic Disorder
Personal-ity Disorder
Professional 16.8 . 20.0 28.5 25.8
Farmers and Farm Managers 7.0 10.0 2.8 12.8
Proprietors 18.4 12.5 31.8 30.9
Clerical 18.9 27.5 20.0 15.3"
Craftsmen 11.0 7.5 5.7 5.1
Operatives 6.2 12.5 » * » • 2.5
Service ; Workers 2.3 # $ • * 2.8 e * « «
Laborers 2.3 7.5 9 3 « » * • • •
Students
1—1 • cn 9 * » « * * * • « * « 9
No Occupation 6.2 * * * # 2.8 5.1
Miscellaneous 4.7 2.5 2.8 2.5
Not Ascer-tainable •3.1- • #• * # ' "2.8 • • * *
Total N=241 100.0 100,0 - 100.0 100.0
-
43
as a pertinent index of social class has been discussed in
Chapter I. However, social class and occupation are not
precisely identical; other factors than occupation enter
into any complete and comprehensive determination of an
individual's social class. Therefore it is possible that
these data, based solely upon occupation, may produce findings
not strictly comparable with other studies of social class
and mental illness. However, Hortwitz and Smith have found
more commonly used indicators of class to be highly corre-
18
lated, both individually and in combination.
In any event, this study only intends to describe the
characteristics of the studied, population and does not pre-
tend to perfectly replicate older studies, nor to advance
new hypotheses or theories. The psychoses described in this
study are the functional psychoses. This study will describe
the characteristics of prevalence in this particular private,
psychiatric hospital, and it is anticipated that some charac-
teristics will emerge which will not correspond with the
findings of earlier, more comprehensive studies, largely
emphasizing public hospital populations.
If* Hortehse Hortwit3 and Elias Smith, "The 'Interchange-
ability of Socio-Economic Indices," The Language of Social. Research, edited by Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Morris Rosenburg. (New York, 1955), pp. 73-77.
-
49
In each diagnostic category, as shown in Table X, the
professional, proprietors, and clerical groups in combi-
nation outweigh all other groups. But there are discernable
differences: This white collar combination accounts for
54-1 pe** cent of the schisophrenics, 60.0 per cent of other
psychotic disorders, $0.3 per cent of the psychoneurotic
disorders, and 72.0 per cent of the personality disorders.
Schizophrenic reactions are more nearly equally distributed
among white collar and non-white collar groups than any of
the other diagnostic categories, whereas the non-schizo-
phrenic diagnoses show a discernable bias toward these
socially advantaged groups.
At first glance these findings may seem to run contrary
to the findings of other studies, for it is generally agreed
that, as stated by Frumpkin, "there is a group differential
in the rates of first admissions which is inversely related
to the factors of income, prestige, and socio-economic status
as these factors are manifested in o c c u p a t i o n . " " ^
However, it must be remembered that this is an extremely
limited study and that the lower social-economic classes are
woefully underrepresented in-the population under examination.
Rather than place undue emphasis upon the totals of these
-
>0
white collar gro.,_: a.: .'-.fast C tc t^c ::maJler totals of
non-white collar ;-tie:v::, . ;;t-- ~.-on be directed to
the differences amorg the v,-hite collar groups themselves.
There is but scant difference in the percentages of
the three white collar groups within the schizophrenic
reaction category: Professional, 1 6 . 3 per cent; Proprietors,
16.4 per cent; and Clerical. 1S.9 per cent. Nevertheless,
even these small differences do follow Hollingshead and
Redlich's demonstration of an inverse relationship between
class status and prevalence of schizophrenia.2^
A somewhat different picture emerges for the disorders
other than schizophrenic reactions. The "psychotic dis-
orders other than =chizoprrenic" category, principally
manic-depressives, shows 27.5 per cent of its total to be
in trie clerical gionp, exceeding both the 20.0 per cent for
professionals, and the 12,5 per cent for proprietors. In
this category? the proprietors are matched equally by the
operatives, also showing 12.5 per cent. This pattern immed-
iately brings to mind the remark by Hollingshead and Rsdlich,
at the conclusion of their chapter, "Class Position and Types
of Pent?! Illness: n 'fThe problem of interpretation cf these
O i .lIc ilirî chear1 and Pedlich, od, cit., d , 236.
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51
differences remains."'""1" The sociologists have generally
come to accept the manic-depressive diagnoses as more
prevalent among the upper classes, as indication of a more
advantaged social and financial position in the community.
And yet here we see the clerical group exceeding any other,
and the craftsmen equal in prevalence to the proprietors.
This particular finding, the equal percentage of the
proprietor group and the operatives is analogous, however,
to the finding by Hollingshead and Iiedlich in the same par-
ticular case. The proprietor group in the present study can
be related to their Class III and the operatives group
studied here would most closely correspond to their Class
IV. They too found an equal percentage of cases of affective
22
psy'chotics in Class. Ill and Class IV.
What are the factors that contribute to this heavy
over-contribution of the clerical group to the non-schizc-
phrenic diagnoses? The answer is not to be found In reference
to other, past studies. A tentative explanation of this
interesting finding is offered below; the data .required for
further investigation are not available.
21Ibid., p. 249.
2~Ibid., p. 228.
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52
Reference to the list of actual occupations contained
in the clerical groups shows these to be the very people
who suffered hardship resulting from an affluent society.
These are the "men between": between the professionals and
the proprietors, on the one hand, who can ride the,crest of
a 'wave of affluence protected by increasing fees and emolu-
ments at their own. direction and, on the other hand, the
-tradesmen, operatives3 and craftsmen who are carried along
by such a wave, protected by union contracts, minimum wage
laws and all the machinery that extends the benefits of a .
Great Society to the working classes.
Meanwhile, the -clerical group,- the "men between-,"- "
bears the burden of supporting this machinery, These are
the true representatives of the middle class—the class
driven- to -ever-greater accomplishments—the class dedicated
to ever-greater aspirations, truly dedicated to "keeping up
with the Jones'" but poorly equipped for the task. They
attempt to use deferred gratification, implemented by a
secure credit rating, as a tool. They must try to use this
tool to wedge a place for themselves in this new, affluent
world. The little place, they wedge for .themselves—a mort-
gaged home in the suburbs, a respectable, "clean" job, an
automobile that is never paid for, and a pair of children
-
53
progressing through "better" schools, but eventually destined
to enroll in a non-prestige college—all of their little
place in the xirorld is subject to constant threat of annihi-
lation. But not' only is this little world threatened with
extinction-in-thirty-days~when-the-note-comes-due, but this
group is constantly exposed to the frustration of semi-
participant observation of the world of the proprietors,'the
managers and the professionals. This is the world to which
the clerks aspire--i.f not for themselves, then at least for
their children—this is a world which appears serene and
untroubled to the financially frustrated, middle-class clerk.-
•His own existence hangs by the thread of employment, an em-
ployment wholly without tenure in most cases; the thread
becomes increasingly fragile with each advancing year.
Metropolitan Status and Size
As discussed earlier, the size of the city along with
the characteristics customarily associated with size—degree
of heterogeneity of values, goals, customs, ethnic backgrounds--
has been founc to be related to extent of treated mental disorder 23
^3Paris and Dunham, ojd. ext., pp. xi-xvii. Also, Albert J. -Rei-ss, Jr., "Functional Specialization of Cities," in Cities and Society, Revised Edition, Paul K. Hatt and Albert J. ReissT Jr., as editors,..(Flencoe, 2957),. pp. 560-561, and William Fielding Ogburn and Otis Dudley Duncan, "City Size- as a Socio-logical Variable," in "Contributions to Urban Sociological Variables," in Contributions to Urban Sociology, Ernest W. Burgess and Donald J, PcgueT editors," "(Chicago7 1964). pp. 129-147.
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54
and may be related to type of disorder as well. Detailed
examination of variations in city size by age group, diag-
nostic category and occupational grouping will show the
effects of this particular data.
A review of terminology seems appropriate. Metropolitan
includes those cities with a population in excess of 50,000,
whether located in a standard metropolitan statistical area
or not. Ring cities are those with a population between
2,500 and 50,000, but located within the limits of a standard
metropolitan statistical area. Independent cities also have
a population between 2,500 and 50.000, but are presumed ecolog-
ically independent of some major or central. city. In prac-
tice, this means that they are not located within a standard
metropolitan statistical area. Rural includes places, incor-
porated or not, with a population of 2,500 or fewer persons.
Table III (Chapter II, p. 28) gives the percentage distri-
butions of patients' residences by city size: metropolitan,
50.5 per cent; ring cities, 16.1 per cent; independent, lg.6
per cent; rural, 5»4 per cent; not ascertained, 9.4 per cent.
In examining ecological size of city (see Table XI), by
age groups, 47 per cent or more of each age group (excluding,
the age 60 group) reside in metropolitan cities; when metro-
politan and ring cities are combined, this increases to 60
-
55
per cent. In examining age of patients and size of their
city of residence, persons over 60 deviate from an otherwise
relatively uniform pattern. Fifty per cent of those 60 and
over resided in independent cities.
TABLE XI
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION QF POPULATION BASED ON METROPOLITAN STATUS
AND SIZE BY AGE
Metropolitan . Age . _ Status and Size 25-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60
Metropolitan 47«4 50.4 - .54.9 49.2 . 33.3
Ring - 27.-3 19.1 11.8 .11.2 e «> • m
Independent 15.6 19.3 14.7 19.1 50,1
Rural 1.9 3.3 8.3 6.3 3.3
Not Ascertainable 7.8 7.4 9.8 14 • 1 8.3.
Total N-349 100,0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Similarly, in examining metropolitan status, age, and
psychiatric diagnoses (see Table III), a preponderance of'
cases within each diagnostic category is to bo found in
metropolitan cities; when their ring cities are combined
with them, the urban character of the patient population is
even more striking. One irregularity deserves comment: a
-
5 6
noticeably larger percentage of patients diagnosed as
psychoneurotic resided in metropolitan areas.
TABLE H I
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BASED ON METROPOLITAN STATUS
AND SIZE AND DIAGNOSIS ,
Metropolitan Status and Size
Psychotic Disorders (other than Schizophre-nic )
Schizophre-nic Reactions
Psycho-neurotic Disorders
Personal-ity Dis-orders
Metropolitan 4 3 . 3 4 8 . 6 6 3 . 4 4 5 . 7
Ring 6 . 9 2 1 . g ' 1 2 . 9 1 0 . 5
Independent 2 0 . 7 I d . 9 1 2 . 9 2 1 . 0
Rural 1 0 , 4 3 . 4 5 . 4 7 . 0
Not ascer-tainable 1 3 . 7 7 . 3 j . 4 1 5 . 8
Total N = 3 4 9 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 . 1 0 0 . 0 1 0 0 . 0
In examining metropolitan status and sn ze with diagnosis
and age held constant, the small number of cases reduces the
meaningfulness of comment outside the diagnostic category of
schizophrenic reaction. There are fewer than 60 cases in
each of the diagnostic categories, excepting schizophrenic
reactions where N=179. (See Appendix F).
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57
In Table XIII, there appears tc be some relationship
between youth and residence in the ring in the development
of schizophrenic reactions: note the relatively high fre-
quency of the 25 to 29 group in the ring cities (30.7 per
cent), as opposed to moderate frequencies in the other age
groups. Otherwise, the urbanicity-age distribution rather
closely parallels the total age distribution of this popu-
lation. The concentration of rural patients in the 30 to
«
49 year group is also interesting.
TABLE XIII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF THE SCHIZOPHRENIC CATEGORY BY METROPOLITAN STATUS
AND SIZE AND AGE
Age Metro-politan
Ring Indepen-dent
Rural Not Ascer-tainable
Age Dis-tributioi
25-29 19.5 30.7 17.8 s • # # 15.4 17.4
30-39 41.3 35.3 4.4.1 50,0 33.4 34.8
40-49 31.0 23.3 26.4 50.0 23 .1 28.3
50-59 6.9 10.2 3.(3 * 0 • • 23 .1 17.4
60 1.3 • • • » 2.9 * 9 9 » • • « • 2.1 '
Total N=179 • 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
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53
When metropolitan size and status .is controlled for
occupation in Table XIV, -predictable distribution of occu-
pation appears within each metropolitan status: Proprietors
are more common 'in independent cities, clerical occupations
in ring as well as in metropolitan cities. However the most
TABLE XIV
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BY METROPOLITAN SIZE AND STATUS
AND OCCUPATION
Occupation Metro-politan
Ring Inde-pendent
Rural Not As-certain-able
Professional 2 0 . 3 1 7 . 8 1 6 . 9 2 6 . 3 2 1 . 2
Farmers and farm managers 2 . 2 1 . 9 1 5 . 1 3 6 . 8 6 . 3
Proprietors 1 9 . 1 -• 1 6 . 1 . 3 1 . 2 1 0 a 4 3 8 . 2
Clerical 3 0 . 6 2 5 . 6 6 . 2 • * ® « 2 1 . 2
Craftsmen 7 . 0 1 3 . 6 1 2 . 3 5 . 3 3 . 4
Operatives 3 . 3 • 3 . 6 6 . 2 . 5 . 3 e • * •
Service Workers 1 . 6 . 3 . 6 » • • * • # • • * • « *
Laborers 1 . 6 6 . 8 1 . 5 5 . 3 e # # #
Students l.-i 1 . 9 1 . 5 # ~ » * 6 . 3
None 6 . 7 3 . 6 1 . 5 5 . 3 3 . 4
Miscellaneous 4 . 4 3 . 6 . 6 » • • • e # • •
Not Ascertainable 1 . 6 1 . 9 3 . 0 5 . 3 9 • *
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59
cursory examination of Table XIV reveals the dispropor-
tionately high percentages of v/bite-coilar workers and
particularly professionals in almost every metropolitan
status grouping.. Thus, the contents of Table XIV directly
reflect the essentially white-collar nature of the sani-
tarium's patient population. As discussed earlier, the
sanitarium's per. diem cost prohibits wider use by persons
in the lower soeio-ec.onomic groups.
In analyzing metropolitan status and size, controlling
for diagnosis in addition to occupational group, the same
limitations in terms of cell frequency exist as described
with reference to the factors treated within Table XIII.
Therefore, an elaborated form of these tables appears in
Appendix J, Table XV, which follows, is a collapsed version
of the same data. For the purpose of this tabulation, the
expression "white collar" includes the discretionary cate-
gories, namely professional, farmer's and farm managers, and
proprietors; the clerical category, owing to its relatively
large size, has not been collapsed; the categories of crafts-
men, operatives, service 'workers, and laborers have been
combined under the heading "blue collar," and the remaining
groups (students, none, miscellaneous, and not ascertainable)
have bean categorized simply as "all others." The patients
-
60
whose metropolitan status was not
included in Table XV.
-tainable were not
TABLE XV
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTIONS BY OCCUPATIONAL GROUPINGS ACCORDING TO METROPOLITAN STATUS AMD SIZE
BY DIAGNOSTIC CATEGORIES
SCHIZOPHRENIC DISORDERS
Occupational Group
Metro-politan.
Ring Inde-pendent
Rural Occupa-tional Distri-bution
White Collar Clerical Blue Collar All Others
44«4 22.6 15.4 17.6
30.3 20.5 33.3 15.4
. 53.3 11.7 17.3 11.7
33-3 e * # e
33.3 33.4
41.2 20.7 20.7 17.4
Total N-179 100.0 100.0
PSYCHOTIC DISORDERS OTHER T;
100.0 100.0 100.0
4AN SCHIZOPHRENIA White Collar Clerical Blue Collar All Others
35.7 . 46.5 17.3 • « # •
50.0 25.0 25.0 # « * m
45.4 : * 9 * *
45.4 9.2
30.0 • • * #
20.0 • • • •
46.6 29.3 22.4 1.7
Total N=5o 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
. . PSYCHONEUROTIC DISORDERS
White Collar Clerical Blue Collar All Others
54.5 23.5 8.5 3,5
57.1 42,9 • e » * * # 0
33.3 • * » *
16.7 * * » •
100.0 e • « *
D> • •® • «* • * »
60.0 25.4 7.3 7.3
Total N=55 100.0 100.0 100,0 100.0 100.0 r
PERSONALITY' DISORDERS
White Collar Clerical Blue Collar All Others
33.5 34.6 11.5 15.4
33.3 33.3 33.4 • * a a
91.7 • « * #
* * • • 3.3
100.0 : « « * c<
# « &
61.4 19-3
& O * 0 10.5
Total N=57 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
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61
The results of examination z>f the data upon which Table
XV is based rather directly reflect occupational distribution
as related to metropolitan status; however, the preponderance
of schizophrenic, white-collar males, in terms of numbers in
this sample would render sweeping generalizations questionable
However, Table XV reveals several interesting character-
istics of this population. First, despite the predominance
of white collar and clerical workers in this population,
Table XV bears out, in a most general way, the findings by
Hollingshead and Redlich in New Haven. "The external tests
show that when the neurotic disorders are grouped together,
a direct relationship appears between class status and the
extent of treated neuroses in the population. The reverse
24
is true for the psychotic disorders."
A second finding is that in rural and independent
statuses the white collar occupations contribute virtually
all neurotic disorders. This in contrast to the ring and
metropolitan statuses where lower occupational groupings
show at least some representation in the neurotic disorders.
Given their gross underrepresentation in this population
this seems to be significant in a social, though not statis-
tical, sense.
p j """"Hollingshead and Redlich, 0£, cit., p. 240.
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62.
If this is5 in fact, socially significant, the greater
representation of .Lower level O'jcupatioiicLi. groupings .in the
more urban environments may reflect a greater acceptance of
neurosis as a mental illness, and more affluence in the urban
areas in spite of occupational level or even a larger number
of persons suffering neuroses as a result of the urban "rat
race." These data can not, however,- explain this finding.
Finally, while'occupational grouping is known to be and
is also in this case related to type of illness, metropolitan
status in conjunction with occupational grouping appears to
provide the basis of a still stronger predictive device. In
Table XV, examination of the distribution of cases on each
side of a diagonal which places metropolitan status above
and rural status beneath the diagonal reveals a consistent
decrease in representation beneath the diagonal. In other
words, probability of treatment (in this sanitarium) decreases
directly with both occupational grouping and size or metro-
politan status.
Zones of Residence
In order to examine the geographical pattern of distri-
bution of functional disorder within the area served by the
hospital, as discussed in Chapter I, arbitrary zones were
established, ks shown in Table XVI, fewer than ten per cent
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63
of the patients in the population reside outside of Texas,
For this reason the analysis of ^onal variation has been
confined to zones established within the Texas borders, as
shown in Figure I.
Studying Table XVI, in terms of the established zones,
it will be seen bhat nearly 47 per cent of the population
resides within Dallas County; 35 per cent, in fact, live
within the city's limits. An additional 19 per cent live
within 100 miles of the sanitarium; only eleven per cent live
300 miles or more from the sanitarium.
In controlling for age, patients between 30 and 49
years of age are more likely to be from Dallas (city) proper,
than are the younger and older age groups; the group least
likely to be from Dallas city and county, are those 60 years
of age, followed by the 50 'co 59 year old group. This could
be the result of increased tolerance of deviant behavior
among older persons, especially in urban settings (see Table
XVI). It is widely accepted that eccentric behavior among
older people results from senility, and in addition, the
heterogeneity characteristic of contemporary urban settings
is productive of greater tolerance of mild deviance.
When diagnosis is controlled, schizophrenic inactions
a.nd psychoneurotic disorders are more common, within fifty
-
64
I. Under. 50 miles
.II, 50-100 miles
III, 101-200 miles
IV. 201-300 miles
V. 301 miles and beyond
O s o iOO
SC.UE
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65
miles of the sanitarium than are psychotic disorders
(other than schizophrenia) and personality disorders,
TABLE XVI
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BASED • ON ZONE OF RESIDENCE BY AGE GROUPS
No. Zone of Residence 25-29 30-39 40-49• 50-59- 60 Total
1. Dallas 29.9 33,3 33.6 30.5 25.2 35.2
^ * Dallas Co. 19.6 14.5 7.3 7.9 * a t « . 1 1 . 4
3. Under 50 mi. 15.6 9.0 9.3 11.1 16.6 20.3
'+ * 50-100 mi. 5*3 6.6 6.3 11.1 25.0 3.0
5. 101-200 mi. 5.3 7.4 10.7 12.6 16.6 9.4
6.. 201.-300 mi, 5.3 3.3 4.9 3.1 3.3 4.2
7. 301 mi. plus 11.7 12.3 10.7 9.5 * • • • 10.3
3. Contiguous states 5.3 5.7 3.3 1 1 . 1 3.3 7.7
9. Non-contig-uous states 9 « • C 1.6 1.9 3 . 1 w • « • ' . 1 . 7
10. Not Ascer-tainable * # « a 0.3 * * « # * • » to * c e # 0.2
Total j 100,0 100.0. 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Table XVII, which follows, gives the percentage distri-
bution of the studied population in terms of zones of residence
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66
and diagnostic categories. Examination of this table reveals
that residents of the Dallas vicinity (less than 100 miles
from the city of Dallas) are more likely to be admitted for
TABLE. XVII
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BASED ON ZONE OF RESIDENCE AND DIAGNOSTIC CATEGORIES
No. Zone of Residence
*
Schizo-phrenic Reactions
Psychotic Disorders (.other than . Schizo-phrenic
Psycho-neurotic Disorders
Person-ality Dis-orders
i - i - •
Dallas 36.8 34.9 40.3 23.4