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ACyborgDelta: TheInterplayofInfrastructuresintheAmphibiousSpaceintheLowerChaoPhrayaRiverBasininThailand

AtsuroMorita

DepartmentofAnthropology

OsakaUniversity

Abstract

The2011ThailandfloodsrevealedthevulnerabilityofmoderninfrastructuresintheChaoPhrayaDeltainthecentralpartofThailand.Atthesametime,thisandotherrecurrentfloodshavedemonstratedtheadaptabilityoftraditionalinfrastructuressuchashousesonstiltsorraftsandtownplanningfocusingonriversandcanals.Thesetwoformsofinfrastructurereflectdistinctivewaysofseeingandenactingthedelta,anintermediaryplacebetweenseaandland.AlongwithothertraditionalSoutheastAsianstatessometimesreferredtoas“portpolities”,thetraditionalkingdomsofSiamsawtheamphibiousdeltaspaceasanextensionoftheseaintoland.Assuch,deltaswerecruciallyimportantfortheoverseastradeuponwhichthesepolitiesdepended.Thisaquaticinfrastructurehasgraduallybeentransformedbymodernirrigationprojectinitiatedintheearly20thcentury.Atthepresentday,moderninfrastructuresconsistingofirrigationanddrainagesystemandroadnetworkhasbecomepredominant.However,thisterrestrialinfrastructurehasnotcompletelyreplacedtheolderone.Presently,terrestrialandtheaquaticinfrastructurescoexistinthelandscapeofthedelta.Thiscoexistenceisnowbeingtransformedaspartofanewfloodprotectionregime,whichfocusesoncontrolledinundationratherthanperfectprotectionoftheterrestrialinfrastructureandisintroducingnewpoliticsofflooding.

Introduction

Asalandformshapedbysiltdepositedbyariveratitsestuary,adeltaisameetingplacebetweenlandandseaandthustakesonauniqueintermediaryquality.Adeltaiclandformisshapedbysedimentationofsoiltransportedbytheriver,whichinturnissignificantlyinfluencedbyseatide.Thisinteractionofriverandseaoftenresultsincomplexgeomorphologicalandhydrologicalfeaturesparticulartodeltas.

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Oneofthesefeaturesistheirharshenvironment.Deltasarepronetofloodingcausedbyboththeswollenriverandhightide.Controllingthisunrulyenvironmenthaslongbeenacentralfocusofmoderninfrastructurebuilding,and,asrecenthugedisasterssuchastheHurricaneKatrinaandthe2011Thailandfloodsrevealed,itisstillahugechallengeforcivilengineeringandmodernstates.

ThispaperconsidersthehistoricaltransformationoftheChaoPhrayaDeltainThailand,theinundatedareaofthe2011floods,andexploreschangesintheinfrastructuresorganizingthisunrulyenvironment.Doingsothepaperfocusesontheinterplaybetweenmodernandtraditionalinfrastructuresanditelucidatesthecontrastingontologiesofthedeltathattheseinfrastructuresembody.

Inparticular,thepaperexaminesaparticulararrangementofcanals,dams,dikes,formsofarchitecture,landuse,townplanning,roads,boats,paddyfieldsandricevarietiesasaninfrastructurethatorganizesthelandscapeofthedelta.AsIdiscussinthefollowingsection,thenotionofinfrastructuredenotesanarrangementofartifactsandnaturalentitiescreatedinordertosupportaspecificactivity.Forinstance,irrigationnetworkisanarrangementofrivers,canals,dikes,sluicegates,dischargegauges,andoperationoffices.Theseartifacts,naturalentitiesandorganizationsarearrangedinordertosupplywatertopaddyfieldsandsupportricecultivation.Sinceitdenotesnotasingleentitybutasetofrelatedentities,infrastructureisaninherentlyrelationalterm.

IntheChaoPhrayaDelta,thereusedtoexistandstillpartiallyexistanaquaticinfrastructurecharacterizedbycanaltransportandfloodadaptivehousingandagriculture.Becauseofthedelta’sfloodproneenvironment,thetraditionalinfrastructureconsistsofcanal‐centeredtownplanningandhousesonstilts,welladaptedtoseasonalflooding.Theintroductionofnewmeansoftransportation,particularlycars,transformedthelandscapeofthedeltaprofoundlyandresultedintheformationofanewinfrastructureconsistingofroadnetworks,land‐basedurbanplanningandWesternstylebuildings.Becausethisnewinfrastructuredependsonthecreationandprotectionofdryland,Irefertoitasterrestrialinfrastructure.Althoughterrestrialinfrastructureispredominantnow,oneshouldnotassumethatithascompletelyreplacedtheaquaticone.Theconstructionoffloodwallsandroadshasnoteliminatedoldcanalsandamphibiousvillagesalongthem,justasnewurbanplanningdidnotimmediatelyconverttraditionalhousesonstiltstoWesternones.Inaddition,someelementsoftheaquaticinfrastructurealsofunctionasapartofthenewinfrastructure:forexample,oldcanalsoftenserveasdrainagechannelsinordertocreateandmaintaindrylandforterrestrialcities.Inthissense,theoldandthenewinfrastructurescoexistorevenoverlap.

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Byfocusingonthetransformationofthedeltaandthecomplexinterplaybetweentheaquaticandterrestrialinfrastructures,thispaperelucidateshowengineers,therulingclassofthetraditionalpolity,andurbanitesandfarmerssawandorganizedtheamphibiousspaceofthedelta.Thus,Iargue,infrastructuresembodyparticularwaysofseeingtheenvironment.Becausedeltasareintermediaryplacebetweenseaandland,itispossibletoseesuchwateryspacesbothaspotentiallandtractsandasextensionsofthesea.Thedevelopmentofinfrastructurebasedoneitheroftheseviewsreorganizesandremakesthelandscapeaccordingly‐‐thusmakingthelandscapemoreterrestrialoraquatic.Suchmaterialandepistemicinterventionsentaildistinctformsofpolitics.Thecontestedmodernpoliticsoffloodprotectionisatellingexample(Lebel2009).Inthefollowingsections,Itracethechangingpoliticsofthedeltaicspaceanditsentanglementswithterrestrialandaquaticinfrastructures.

AnalyticalPerspectives

AsthepioneerscholarinthestudiesofinfrastructurePaulEdwards(Edwards2003)noted,infrastructureis“aslipperyterm”becauseitcan“meanessentiallyanyimportant,widelyshared,humanconstructedresources”(186‐7).Itisthusimportanttomakeexplicitthenotioninordertoclarifythepresentargument.Onerelevantaspectofinfrastructureisitsroleincontrollingtheflowofmaterialsnecessaryforsustainingthesociety(Larkin2013).EdwardspaysattentiontothisaspectbycitingthefollowingdefinitionbytheU.S.President'sCommissiononCriticalInfrastructureProtection(PCCIP):

"Byinfrastructure...wemeananetworkofindependent,mostlyprivately‐owned,man‐madesystemsandprocessesthatfunctioncollaborativelyandsynergisticallytoproduceanddistributeacontinuousflowofessentialgoodsandservices".(President'sCommissiononCriticalInfrastructureProtection1997:3sitedinEdwards2003:187)

Thisnotionofflowcontrolrelatestoanotherimportantaspectofinfrastructure,whichisthemediationofgeographicallyandtemporallydispersedactivities(StarandRuhleder1996;BowkerandStar1999).Infrastructurecontrollingwaterflowssuchaswaterworksthatconnectstreatmentplants,pipesandindividualhouseholdsmediatesdivergentactivitiessuchastheoperationoftheplantsandcookinginakitchen(Star1999).

IntheSTSliterature,thismediatingroleisoftenviewedasasociotechnicalconditionforinfrastructure:Atechnicalsystembecomes

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infrastructurewhenitsuccessfullyconnectsgeographically,temporally,socially,andtechnicallydiverseactivitiesandestablishessmoothcoordinationamongthem(BowkerandStar1999;Bowker2005;Carse2012;JensenandWinthereik2013).Asthisisachieved,infrastructuremayeventuallybecomethequietbackgroundofeverydaylife.Forexample,fewscholarscollaboratingonlinewithcolleaguestodaycareaboutdatatransferprotocols,thoughtheyusedtobeacentralmatterofconcernforpeopleusingtheInternet(StarandRuhleder1996).ThisalsoappliestothemoderninfrastructuresoftheChaoPhrayaDelta.Thenetworkofdrainages,damsanddikesthatkeepwaterawayfromthislow‐lyinglandbecameinvisiblesoonaftertheircompletion.Peopletakethenewlycreateddrylandforgrantedandusuallydonotpayattentiontohowcomplicatedworksarebeingdoneinordertokeepthetractdry(Lebel2009).

IntheChaoPhrayaDeltathereisacomplexinterplaybetweendifferentinvisibleflowsintheseinfrastructures.Waterflowishererelatedtootherflows.Ontheonehand,theregion’sroadsystemcontrolsflowsoflandtransportandconnectvariouseconomicactivities.Ontheotherhand,inordertosustainthisterrestrialflowitisnecessarytokeeptheflowoffloodwateratbay.Thus,itiscrucialfortheprotectionoftheterrestrialinfrastructuretodrainexcessivewaterandextensivedrainagenetworksservethispurpose.Thesedrainagenetworkssignificantlyoverlapwitholderaquaticinfrastructure,originallydesignedtofacilitatewaterwaytraffic.TheentanglementbetweenterrestrialandaquaticinfrastructureplaysacrucialroleinstabilizingbothflowsofwaterandoftrafficandmaintainingthepresentlandscapeoftheChaoPhrayaDeltafullofhighways,concretebuildings,factoriesandcondominiums.Inordertounderstandthiscomplexinterplay,itisnecessarytounderstandthehistoricaltransformationofthedelta.Asweshallsee,thisisaprocessinwhichterrestrialinfrastructurewaslayeredupontheolderaquaticone.

Recentworksinenvironmentalhistoryandanthropologyrevealthatevenseeminglypristinelandscapesareoftentransformedbyvarioushumaninterventionsfromtreadingfootpathstomodifyingriverchannels(Cronon1995;Raffles2002).ThisalsoappliestotheChaoPhrayaDelta.Aswewillseeinthefollowingsections,thetraditionalkingdomsofAyutthayaandtheearlyBangkokdynastyconstructedextensivecanalnetworksonthedelta(Tanabe1994).Likewise,recentarcheologicalandgeographicstudieshavefoundmyriadofremainssuggestingthemodificationofwatercoursesbyprimitivedamscalledtamnop,traditionallyconstructedbyfarmingcommunities(FukuiandHoshikawa 2009).Inthissense,thepresentlandscapeisbuiltuponanotherinfrastructure

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ratherthanuponnature.OnewayofcharacterizingthissituationisbyconceivingofthelandscapeoftheChaoPhrayaDeltaasacyborg(Haraway1991);thatis,asahybridofthenaturalandtheartificial,wheretheartificialgoesallthewaydown.Thereisnonaturalsubstratumunderneaththesecyborgsurfaces(cf.Carse2012).Thishasanimportantpoliticalcorollary.

Ifthelandscapeishybridallthewaydown,theanswertothequestionofwhatcausesdisasterssuchasthe2011floodisnotfoundintheculturaldegradationofnature.Insteaditmustbesoughtbyunderstandinghowspecificformsofcyborginfrastructurefitandembodytheinterestsofparticulargroupsandtheirwaysofseeingtheworld.Itisimportanttonotethedualnatureofthisquestion.Ontheonehand,itisquestionabouthowinfrastructuralinterventionsareentangledwiththeoften‐conflictinginterestsbetweengroupsofpeople.Thepoliticsoffloodpreventionconcerningwhichareastoprotectandwhichtoleavevulnerableisatypicalcaseforthis(Lebel2009).Ontheotherhand,thisquestionalsoconcernsthestrugglebetweentheaquaticandterrestrialinfrastructuresthemselves,sincetheyenactthedeltalandscapeinradicallydifferentways.Inthis‘secondpolitics’,wecannolongerviewpoliticsexclusivelyasastrugglebetweenpeoplethatbasicallystandonsharedground(thatofnature).Ratherweneedtothinkofhowthegroundisitselfalreadymultiple,andhowinfrastructuralgroundsthemselvesstrugglewitheachother.Thusweareintherealmofontologicalpolitics(Mol2002;PickeringandGuzik2008,Jensen2013).

Asweshallsee,thecontroversiesbroughtaboutbytheChaoPhrayafloodinthe2011providesagoodentrypointforsuchanexplorationofthepoliticsofthestateandflooding.

SharedCommunityandTrickyRelatedness

FromSeptembertoDecember2011,CentralThailandexperiencedahistoricfloodthatcauseddevastatinghumanandeconomicdamagesintheChaoPhrayaDeltaregion.Thedirectcauseofthefloodwasunusuallyheavyrainfall,estimatedbyhydrologistsasoncein50yearsprobability(Komorietal.2012).ThefloodhitmajorcitiesinthedeltaincludingtheworldheritagecityAyutthayaaswellasindustrialestatespackedwithhundredsoffactoriesoperatedbymultinationalcorporations.815peoplediedoffloodsinthisyear,andtheWorldBankestimated1,425billionbaht(US$45.7billion)ineconomicdamages.

Thishugefloodwasnotonlyanaturaldisaster.Rather,astheJapanesepoliticalscientistTamadaYoshifumi(2012)vividlyillustrates,itwasanunusual

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politicaldramacharacterizedbyamultiplicityofconflictsbetweenthepro‐Thaksingovernmentandtheunti‐Thaksinoppositionparty,Bangkokandruralprovinces,havesandhave‐nots,electedparliamentarymembersandbureaucraticmachinery,urbanitesandfarmers,andsoon.Thisextraordinarystoryofmultipleconfrontationspartlystemmedfromthepoliticalstrugglessincethecoupd’etatthatthrewawaythepopularThaksinSinawatraadministrationin2006.Sincethen,Thaipoliticshasbeencharacterizedbyceaselessconflictsbetweentheanti‐Thaksingroup,thePeople’sAllianceforDemocracy(PAD),alsocalledtheYellowShirts,andthepro‐Thaksingroup,theUnitedFrontofDemocracyagainstDictatorship(UDD),theso‐calledtheRedShirts.TheextraordinaryfloodhitthecountryinAugust2011,justamonthaftertheformationofthepro‐ThaksinadministrationledbyYingluckSinawatra,Thaksin’syoungersister.Thehugedamagecausedbythefloodwerethusinflectedbystillsimmeringpoliticalstruggles.Inparticular,thenewYingluckgovernmentandtheopposingDemocraticParty,whichhadledthegovernmentuntilAugust,blamedeachotherfortheirinabilitiesinpreventingdamages.Evenmore,someRedShirtsactivistsallegedaconspiracy,byblamingtheformergovernmentandhigh‐rankedbureaucratsforhavingcausedthefloodingbypurposefulmismanagementofthehugedamsontheupperstreamoftheChaoPhrayaRiver(Tamada2012).

Evenso,theseconflictscannotbereducedsolelytotheoppositionbetweentheproandanti‐Thaksingroups.AvarietyofissuessuggestdeepandcomplicatedfaultlinesintheThaisocietyatlarge.PeopleinBangkok’sneighboringprovincesblamedtheBangkokMetropolitanAdministration(BMA)’sprotectionmeasures,which,theyalleged,hadcausedwaterretentionandexacerbateddamageintheneighboringareas.Atthesametime,manyBangkokresidentsseemedtotakeforgrantedthatthecapitalshouldbeprotectedatallcost.Giventhestrongsupportfromitsconstituency,BMAmadelittleefforttoharmonizeitsprotectionmeasureswiththeneighboringprovinces.Andtherewerefurtherpercussions.SeveralsocialcriticsarguedthatthisepitomizedinequalityinThailandwhere‘haves’suchasBangkokianstaketheirprivilegeforgrantedandthegovernmenttendstoprotecttheirprivilegedatthecostof‘have‐nots’(Tamada2012).

Whileonemightwellbeastonishedbythediversityofconflicts,itispossibletoidentifytwosharedassumptionsbehindtheseseriousdisagreements.First,allsharedtheassumptionthatThailand,thoughcomprisedofdiversecommunities,isshapedbythemyriadinterrelationsbetweenthem.Thisformedastrongbasisforthecallforequaltreatmentinthegovernment’sfloodprotection

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measures.

Ofcoursemuchhasbeensaidabouttheformationofnationsasimaginedcommunities,anargumentthatitselforiginatedfromSoutheastAsianstudies(Anderson1983;Thongchai1994).However,onlyrelativelyrecentlyhasscholarsstartedtopayattentiontohowmaterialentitiessuchaswater,landandvegetationandtheirtransformationbyscienceandtechnologycontributetonationbuilding(Carroll2006).Inanimportantcontributiontothislineofargument,theenvironmentalhistorianDavidBiggsanalyzesthehistoricaltransformationoftheMekongdelta.InQuagmire,Biggsdepictstheintricaterelationsbetweencanalbuilding,reclamationandtheconstructionofcolonialandpostcolonialstatesintheMekongdelta(Biggs2010).Aswewillseelater,canaldiggingintheChaoPhrayaDeltahasalsosignificantlycontributedtothemodernizationoftheThaistate.Thepresentlandscapeofthecentralplainistheproductofextensiveexcavationofcanalsthatdrainmarshyplacesinthelowerdeltaregion(Takaya1987).Butthistransformationdidnotaffectpeopleasuniformlyasmightbeimaginedfromthesurroundingdiscoursesofsharednationhood.Indeed,theconflictoverBangkok’sfloodprotectionrevealedthattheresidentslivingonthetwosidesofthecapital’sfloodbarrierwerenotonlymembersoftheimaginedcommunitywhoshouldideallybetreatedequally.Theywerealsoconnectedbycomplex,sometimesinvisible,waterflowsthatmadeitpracticallydifficulttotreatthemequally.Thisunevennessrelatedtotheelusivematerialityofwaterandtheresultanttradeoffinmanagingfloodwaterinthedelta.Itisindeeddifficulttocontrolahugeamountofwaterontheextremelyflatspacesofdelta,wherewatercanflowinalmostanydirection.Insuchplaces,theprotectionofoneplaceinevitablyretardsdrainageinneighboringareasandthuscausesorexacerbatesfloodingthere.Thistrickyrelatednesselicitstheinevitablytrickypoliticalnatureofinfrastructure.AsWiebeBijkerhasargued,dikes,damsandfloodforecastarethickwithpolitics(Bijker2007).

AquaticandTerrestrialInfrastructures

Whilearguingoverthepoliticsoffloodprevention,somecommentatorsandcriticsalsorelatedtheflooddamagetothetroublesomehistoryofThaimodernizationthathadconvertedthetraditionalamphibiouslifestyleintoamodernterrestrialone.Infloodnarrativesoneoftenfindsstarklydepictedcontrastsbetweenlifestylesadaptivetofloodingandthemodernterrestrialinfrastructurevulnerabletoit.Forexample,aftertheflood,thenewspapertheGuardianreportedthat

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Inmonsoonseasonspast,villagersinPaMokwouldquietlyembarkontheirannualverticalmigrationastheChaoPhrayariverswelledandspilledoveritsbanks,inundatingricepaddiesandneighbourhoodsofthislow‐lyingcommunityincentralThailand.Theymovedtotheupperleveloftheirhomes,whichwerebuiltonthree‐metrehighstilts.1

Thenchangerolledintotown,around45yearsagointheformsofcars,roadsandabridge[…]"Nowtheyparktheircarsunderthehouse,andtheyaddanextrafloor[oflivingspace]undertheirhomes,"saidKlanarongChuaboonmee,69,[...]"Assomeoneworkingforthecity,Igetpeopleaskingme,'Whydon'tyoumakeitsowedon'tflood?'"

Asexemplifiedinthisarticle,housesonstiltsareoftenseentoepitomizetheaquaticcharacteroftraditionalinfrastructure.Beforethe2011floods,ChutayavesSinthuphanone,aninventivearchitect,clearlyarticulatedtherelationshipbetweenarchitecturalchangesandthetransformationoftownplanningfrombeingcanalcenteredonetoroadcentered.Theresultantwasthevulnerabilityofpresentinfrastructurestoflooding:

WhenwelookbackatthehistoryofsettlementsofSiam(formernameofThailand),weseethatallofthesettlementsweresituatedalongtherivers.BothAyutthayaandBangkokwerecalled‘VeniceoftheEast’bywesternmerchants.Howdidtheycopewithfloodinthepast?

Theobviousanswerwasthathouseswerebuiltonstilts.Anotherobviousanswerwasthatsomeofthehomeswerebuiltasrafts.Buildinghomeswithstiltsorasraftswasfinewhenthecommunitieswerefocusedalongtheriver.Butsincethemoderncommunitiesarenowfocusedontheroads,howwouldanarchitectdesignahousethatsitsonthegroundandcansurvivetheflood?2

1 “FloatingbuildingscouldhelpThaistacklethefloodingcrisis.”TheGuardianFebruary14,2012.

2 Fromhishomepage“ASite‐SpecificExperiment”: http://asitespecificexperiment.wordpress.com/2011/05/12/amphibious‐house/

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Asindicatedbytheseexcerpts,architecturalandinfrastructuraldesignsinThailandhaveindeedchangeddrasticallyoverthepast100yearsandthishascertainlyimpactedonThaicities’adaptabilitytofloods.Butitisnotonlythebuiltenvironmentsthathavechanged.The“natural”environmentofthedeltahasalsochangedduetotheextensiveconstructionofwatermanagementfacilities,particularlyirrigationdamsandcanals.

HomanvanderHeide,thearchitectofthecurrentirrigationsysteminChaoPhrayaRiverBasin,describedthedeltaattheturnofthecenturyasfollows:

Theplain,wherenotcultivated,ischieflycoveredwithjunglegrass,whereherdsofelefants[sic]feedupon,brushwoodandbamboo.Extensiveforestsdonotexist.Exceptinthehighesttractsalongtherivers,evenclumpsoftreesarescarce,apparentlyinconsequenceofoccasionalfloodsandwantofproperdrainage.(HomanvanderHeide1903:3)

Beforethecompletionoftheirrigationsystem,whichHomanvanderHeidedesignedin1903(butwhichremainedonlypartlymaterializeduntil1957),thelowerpartofthedeltawasunpopulatedmarshland.Withoutanextensiveandwell‐organizednetworkofcanalsandsluicegates,theearly20thCenturydeltawasquiteaninhospitableplaceforagricultureandhumansettlements.Sincethedeltaisextremelyflat,mostofitsparts,exceptridgesalongtherivercreatedbyriverdeposit,wereannuallyflooded.Thusthelowerpartofthedeltabecameagiganticwaterzonedirectlyconnectedtothesea.Becauseinundationdrownedalltheyoungtreesintherainyseason,thelowerpartofthedeltawasalmostentirelydeforested.Simultaneously,theinlandareasnotadjuncttotheriversbecameextremelyaridinthedryseason.Accordingly,inmostofthedeltaitwasextremelydifficulttoevengetdrinkingwaternottomentionwaterforagriculture.Theseseverehydrologicalconditionspracticallyprohibitedhumansettlementsexceptonnaturalleveesalongtheriver(Takaya1987).

Thedrasticchangesofboththeurbanandrurallandscapesweretheresultfromextensiveeffortstobuildnewinfrastructures,inparticularirrigationsystems,overthepast60years.Thetransformationofmarshylowlandsintoproductivepaddyfieldsandthetransformationofurbanplanningfromcanal‐toroad‐centered,haveproceededsimultaneously,handinhand.Giventhishistory,itisnotsurprisingthatsomeflooddiscoursesassumemodernizationitselfasthe

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majorcauseofflooddamages.

TheDeltaasReclaimableLand

Thestarkcontrastbetweentheterrestrialandtheaquaticinfrastructuresderivesfromsomebasiccontrastsinhowinfrastructuremakersconceiveofthemarshydeltalands.Specifically,theamphibiousspaceofdeltashasbeenseenasbothreclaimablelandorastheextensionofseaintotheland.Dependingonwhichviewwasadopteddifferentpotentialsofdeltaspaceforhumanusecouldbeimagined.Differentinfrastructureshavebeenbuilttorealizethosepotentials.InbothEuropeanditscoloniesinthetropics,theterrestrialviewofreclamationhasbeenpredominant.OnecantracethisWesternterrestrialviewbacktotheoriginoftheterm“delta”.

TheworddeltaitselfisofGreekorigin.GreeksusedthisdesignationonthebasisofthesimilarityoftheshapesbetweentheletterΔ(delta)andtheestuarylandformoftheNileRiver.3 ItwasoriginallythepropernamegiventotheNileDeltabytheancientGreeks.Asapropername,deltawasalreadyinusewhenHerodotuswrotehisHistoryinthe5thcenturyB.C.ButtheworddidnotacquirethegenericmeaningbeforetheAlexandertheGreat’sinvasiontoIndiawheretheGreeksfoundsimilarlandformsatlargerivermouths.Strabo,thewell‐knownRomangeographer,citesseveralGreekwriterscomparingtheNileDeltaandthenewlyvisitedIndianalluvialareas.FrancisCeloriahasarguedthatthetermgraduallygainedgenericmeaningthroughthosecomparisons(Celoria1966).

Herodotuswell‐knownphrase“EgyptisthegiftoftheNile”,suggeststhatthesoilofthedeltaistransportedbytheriver,particularlyduringseasonalinundation(Herodotus1890).InthedynamichydrologicalconditionoftheNile,therelationshipbetweenfloodinganddepositoffertilesoilisquitevisible:seasonalfloodingreachedthedeltaaroundtheparticularperiodofayear,andtherecessionofwaterleftavisiblenewlayerofsoiluponthefield(Nagasawa2013).WhilewecannotassumeanydirectlinkagebetweenHerodotusandmodernEuropeanscienceandtechnology,thereareinterestingcommonalitiesbetweentheobservationsofthismythicalfatherofgeographyandthoseofmoderngeo‐morphologists.Bothviewriversasthecentralforcesthatmakeoflandscapes(Leopold,Miller,andWolman1964).

3 Thai,ChineseandJapanesedonothavethissortofhandyword,andthelandformiscommonlycalledsomethinglike“triangularlandformatestuary”.

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ModerninfrastructuralinterventionsinEuropeandeltasdatebacktotheearlyMiddleAges,particularlytotheDutchlowlands.Settlersinthecoastalareasreclaimedfenlandsbyconstructingdikesanddrainagechannels.TheinventionofwindmillssignificantlycontributedtotheimprovementofdrainageandtheDutchcontinuedtoexpandtheirfarmlandsintotheseaandseashorelakes.DutchtechnologyeventuallyspreadtomanyEuropeancountriesandreclamationofswampylandbecameonethefocusofmuchlanddevelopmentinEurope(Danner2005).

ButthoughtheChaoPhrayadelta’spresentterrestriallandscapewasactuallydesignedbyaDutchengineer,itwasnotthistechnologythatcreatedit.TheirrigationtechnologyappliedtotheChaoPhrayaDeltawasinsteadahybridandcolonialtechnologydevelopedinthetropicalcoloniesoftheDutchandBritishempires(Ertsen2010;Headrick1988).IrrigationwasindeedunnecessaryfortheNetherlandsandBritain,wherefarmerscouldcountonyear‐roundrainfall.Britain,themasterofmodernirrigationintheearly20thcentury,developeditsirrigationtechnologyincolonialIndia.TheirtechnologiesdevelopedaspartofefforttoreconstructdeterioratedirrigationcanalsdugbytheMughalEmpire.Eventually,theBritishconstructedtheirownirrigationschemesbothinthedeltasandinhighlandregions(Headrick1988).TheywereeventuallytransferredtootherBritishsemi‐coloniessuchasEgyptandMesopotamia(Nagasawa2013).OntheNile,theintroductionofnewirrigationsystemswereaccompaniedbytheconstructionoftheAswanLowDam,thelargesthydro‐engineeringconstructionintheworlduponitscompletionin1902.Thedamandirrigationmadeyear‐aroundcultivationpossibleintheNiledeltaandcompletelyremadethelandscapeandtheagrariansociety(Mitchell2002).Asithappens,theirrigationprojectoftheChaoPhrayaDeltawasinspiredbyandvisiblymodeledafterthisimpressiveaccomplishment(HomanvanderHeide1903).

Indeed,thecolonialoriginofirrigationalsoappliestothecaseofDutchtechnology.AlthoughwidelyknownfortheirmasteryofdeltawatermanagementinEurope,DutchengineersinitiallyhadnothingtoaddtotheexistingirrigationintheIndonesianarchipelago.Theirinitialinvolvementwasmostlylimitedtothemaintenanceofexistingirrigationworks.Butaftertheintroductionoftheforcedcultivationofsugarcane,Dutchengineerswererequiredtoconstructnewirrigationsystemsuitableforthislucrativecrop.BecausesugarcanewascultivatedonBalinesepaddyfieldsasasecondcrop,sugarcaneirrigationalsodeeplyinvolvedDutchengineersinpaddyfieldirrigation‐‐inwhichThailandintheearlytwentycenturyhadagrowinginterest(Ertsen,2010).

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TheDeltaasanExtensionoftheSea

TheterrestrialconceptionofdeltasasreclaimablelandisalmostcompletelylackinginmostofthekingdomsincoastalSoutheastAsia.Beforethemid19thcentury,thepolitiesinSoutheastAsiaviewedriversandtheamphibiouslandscapeofdeltasmostlyastheextensionofsea.Becausethesecountries’prosperitydependedalmostexclusivelywithlongdistancetradewithChina,Japan,IndiaandtheMiddleEast,rivers’functionastrafficrouteswerefarmoreimportantthantheirpotentialtoirrigateadjunctlands.Theirfunctionwastoconnectcoastalandinlandareas,whichproducedlucrativeexportssuchassapanwood,camphor,pepper,andivory.

Therulersoftheimportantportsintheregiongainedhugeprofitsbyexportinghighlyvaluedtropicalforestproducecollectedfromtheirhinterlands.ScholarsinSoutheastAsianareastudiesrefertothosetraditionalstatesas“portpolities”toemphasizetheirtrade‐centeredpoliticaleconomyandtheircloserelationshipwithworldtrade(Kathirithamby‐WellsandVilliers1990;Hirosue2004).Forportpolities,riverswereimportantroutestoaccessthehinterlandsprovidinglucrativeforestproduce.JohnGullickdescribestherelationshipbetweenriversandportpolitiesasfollows:

TheterritorycomprisedinaStatewasrelatedto[…]theuseofriversasthemainlinesofcommunicationandtrade.AStatewastypicallythebasinofalargeriveror(lessoften)ofagroupofadjacentrivers,formingablockoflandextendingfromthecoastinlandtothecentralwatershed.ThecapitaloftheStatewasthepointatwhichthemainriverranintothesea.AtthispointtheruleroftheStatecouldcontrolthemovementofallpersonswhoenteredorlefthisState[…](Gullick1958:21sitedinTambiah1977:87)

IncaseoftheChaoPhrayaDelta,thelackofstateinterestinagriculturealsostemmedfromthehydrologicalconditionofthedelta.YoneoIshiihaswrittenthatinthetimeoftheAyutthayaandearlyBangkokdynasties(from14thto19thcentury),thelowerChaoPhrayaDeltawas“abeltofmudstretchingbetweenthecontinentandthesea,which,undernaturalconditions,isunsuitableinhabitation.”(p.28)Giventhisamphibiouscharacterofthedelta,theancientcapitalofAyutthaya,located100kilometersfromthecoastalline,wasactuallytheoutlet

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portoftheChaoPhrayaRiver(Ishii1978).4

ThehydrologicalconditionsofthedeltamadetheAyutthayaandtheearlyBangkokdynastiesrelationshiptowatermanagementdistinctivefromothertraditionalpolitiesofTaipeoples,whoshareculturalandlinguistictraitsandhavehistoricalrelationswiththeSiamesepeopleinthecentralpartofThailand.MostofthelowlandpeopleinThailand,LaosandNorthwestVietnam,theShanStateinBurma,andpartofYunnaninChinaandAssaminIndiaspeakrelatedlanguagesandformsimilarpoliticalsystemsbasedonwetriceproduction.Theprincipalitieslocatedinintermountainbasinsdevelopedrelativelysmall‐scaleirrigationsystems,whichareusuallycollectivelyrunbyfarmers(Ishii1978;Tanabe1994).5 Thistypeofwatermanagementwasimpossibleinthedelta,whereSiameseimmigratedfromthenorthbeforethe13thcentury.

GiventhisconditionSiamesedevelopeddifferentapproachestowatermanagement.First,farmersresortedtocompletelydifferentmeasuresfromthetraditionalTaismall‐scaleirrigationtoadapttheenvironmentbecausetheywereunabletocontrolthewaterflowsinthedelta.Inparticular,ratherthantheengineeringefforttoconstructhydraulicinfrastructures,theybegancapitalizingonspecificbiologicalfeaturesofcertainricevarieties.Untilrecently,farmersinthedeltathususedfloatingricevarieties,whichrapidlygrowtheirstemstokeeppacewiththeriseofthewaterlevelandcanthereforesurviveinawaterdepthofmorethan4meters.FollowingIshii,whoreferstoagricultureusingfloatingriceas“agronomicadaptation”totheenvironmentandcontrastedthiswiththemodeofadaptationbybuildingirrigation,onecansaythatricevarietybecameakeybiologicalmeansforinfrastructuringtheamphibiousdeltaspace(Ishii1978).

Meanwhile,thekingsandelitesoftheAyutthayaandBangkokDynastiestreatedwaterinquiteanotherway.Astypicalportpolities,theysawthedeltaas

4 TheSiamesestateplaceditscapitalinAyutthayafrom14thto18thcentury.

5 Thehistoricalevidencesabouttheinvolvementofthetraditionalstatesintheirrigationmanagementseemunclear.Anthropologistsgenerallyemphasizethegrassrootsandcommunalcharacterofvillageorbasinlevelmanagement(Tanabe1994).ButIshiiindicateshistoricalevidencesthatsuggestthestates’activeroleintheconstructionworksforwaterdiversioninlargeriverbasinsand,followingKarlWittfogel(Wittfogel1957),characterizesthesepolities“quasi‐hydraulicsocieties”(Ishii1978).

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spacefortradeandextendedwaterintothisamphibiousspacebyexcavatingcanals.Bothdynastieswereenthusiasticaboutdiggingcanalsnotforirrigationbutfortransport.IntheAyutthayaperiod,theyweredugtomakeshortcutsinthewindingnaturalwaterways(Ishii1978).Intheearly19thcentury,extensivetransversalcanalsweredugtoconnectriversrunningparallelintheChaiPhrayaDelta.Theserivers,ThaChin,BangPakonandMekhlong,allservedasamajoraccesstotheinlandareaoftherespectivebasins,andhadnodirectconnectionstoeachother(Takaya1987).ThetransversalcanalssignificantlyimprovedaccesstothosebasinsfromtheChaoPhrayaRiverBasin,wherethecenterofthestatehadbeenlocatedsincetheAyutthayaperiod.

Butcanaldiggingwasnotlimitedtothestatesponsoredendeavors.Intheamphibiousdeltaenvironment,watercourseswereprimarytrafficroutesforeveryone.Farmersandtownsfolkdugsmallcanalsinordertocommutetothepaddyfields,tomakeaccesstothemainwatercoursesandopenupnewsettlements.Sincehumansettlementswerelimitedtothebanksofcanalsandrivers,aquaticinfrastructuresexemplifiedbytraditionalarchitectureandtownplanningdevelopedmainlyinthesecanalbanks.GeorgeFinlaysonwhovisitedthedeltaandBangkokin1820svividlyillustratesthisaquaticlifestyle:

TheSiamesemaybesaidtobeaquaticintheirdisposition.(…)(T)hegreaternumberofthemarefloatingonbambooraftssecuredclosetothebank.Thehousesthatarenotsofloatedarebuiltonpostsdrivenintothemud,andraisedabovethebank,aprecautionrenderednecessarybothbythediurnalflowofthetides,andtheannualinundationstowhichthecountryissubject.(...)Toeveryhouse,floatingornot,thereisattachedaboat,generallyverysmall,fortheuseofthefamily.(…)ThefewstreetsthatBankok(sic)boastsarepassableonfootonlyindryweather:theprincipalshops,however,andthemostvaluablemerchandise,arefoundalongtheriverinthefloating‐houses.(Finlayson18826:212)

Before1861,whenEuropeanresidentsaskedtheKingtoconstructaroad,therewasnoroadpassableforhorsewagonsinBangkok.Theexistinglandpathsweremostlynarrowfootpaths,thangchueam,connectinghouses.Inthiscanal‐centeredtownplanning,riparianspacewasthemostimportantsocialspacewherepeoplemet,tradedandsometimesliterarylived.

Theriparianlifestyleandthestate’smassiveinvestmentintransport

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canalsareillustrativeofThaisociety’sexclusiveinterestinextendingfluvialspaceofriversintoinlandratherthancreatingdrylandbyreclamation.Thedrastictransformationofthetypeofinteresttakeninthecanalsoccurredinthelate19thcenturywhentheThaistate,Siamasitwascalledthen,encounterednewpoliticalandeconomicconditions.Atthispoint,Siameseelitesencounteredcompletelydifferentwaysofdealingwithwater–namelythoseirrigationtechniquesdevelopedinEuropeancolonies.

TheMasterPlanandtheRemakingoftheDelta6

In1902,thegovernmentofThailandledbytheKingChulalongkorn(RamaV)invitedtheDutchengineer,J.HomanvanderHeidefromtheDutchEastIndiestoexaminethepossibilitiestomodernizethecanalsystemandintroducingirrigation.HomanvanderHeidewasenthusiasticallydevotedtoirrigationengineering.BeforehisarrivaltoThailand,hehadtraveledinEgypt,JapanandItalyandconductedacomparativestudyofirrigationsystems(Brummelhuis2005).

Aroundthistime,theThaieconomyhadbecomeincreasinglydependentontheexportofrice,bothtotherisingdemandintheneighboringEuropeancoloniesandtothedeclineofsugarexport,whichhadbeenprimaryinthemid19thcentury(Daniels1996),buthadbeenalmostcompletelydestroyedbythefundamentaltechnologicalchangeintroducedbynewrefiningmethodsthatfacilitatedcolonialJava’sextraordinarycompetitivenessinthesugarindustry(Yamamoto 1998).Inthiscontextfurtherboostingofthedeltariceproductiongainedineconomicimportance,atleastintheeyesofsome.

However,althoughtheideaofirrigationenthusedKingChulalongkornandafewkeyministers,HomanvanderHeide’splantoconstructanirrigationnetworkdidnotcapturetheimaginationofmostoftheThaieliteincludingtheAgriculturalMinisterhimself(Brummelhuis2005).ThedecisiontoinviteHomanvanderHeidewasduetoamixtureoftheKing’sinterestinthepossibilityofstimulatingricecultivationandthecommonrecognitionamongThaielitesofthenecessityofintroducingmodernhydraulicstorehabilitatethetransversalcanals,whichhadbeensiltedupbythetidaleffectandbeguntogiverisetosalinityprobleminadjacentareas.Becauseofthedelta’sslightgradient,theriversonthe

6 ThedescriptionofthissectionismostlybasedonBrummelhuis’(2005)detailedstudyoftheinteractionbetweenHomanvanderHeideandThaielitesintheearly20thcentury.

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deltawereaffectedbytideupto100kmupstreamfromthecoast.Thereverseflowcausedbyhightidedepositedsiltsonthetransversalcanals’riverbedsandmadecanalsshallowerparticularlyatthemeetingpointofthetwotides,themidpointofthecanals.Attheendofthe19thcentury,thedepositproblemmadethecanalpassableonlyduringthehighestwaterlevelsandthiscausedhugetrafficproblems.Atthesametime,tidalintrusionthroughthetransversalcanalsspreadsaltdamagestolargeareaalongthecanals.Smallcanalscontinuouslydugbylocalpeoplespreadsalinityfurtherinland.AlreadyafewyearsbeforethearrivalofHomanvanderHeide,theKinghadprohibitednewcanaldigginguntilthearrivalofaEuropeanexpert(Brummelhuis2005).

Inthiscontext,thedecisiontobringinaEuropeanhadlesstodowithinterestinreproducingformsofcolonialirrigationthaninsupportingthetraditionalaquaticinfrastructure.CarefullyexaminingcorrespondencesbetweenthevanderHeide,theministerofagricultureandtheKing,theDutchanthropologistandhistorianHantenBruhmelhuisconcludedthattheThaigovernmentatthetimealmostcompletelylackedthenotionthatagriculturecouldbedevelopedbystateinterventionsuchasirrigationandreclamation.ThiswasinspiteofthefactthattheKinghimselfoccasionallymadesuggestionstothiseffecttohisministers.Asanaquatictrade‐orientedkingdom,agriculturaldevelopmentwassimplyoutsidethestate’svision;lefttotallyinthehandsoffarmersendeavoringtohelpthemselves(Tambiah1977).EventuallythislackinginterestledtothedeclineofHomanvanderHeide’smassiveirrigationplanduetoinsufficientresourcesandtolimitingtheroleofthisambitiousirrigationengineertotherehabilitationoftheexistingcanalsystem(Brummelhuis2005).

HomanvanderHeide’sirrigationschemewasindeedextremelyambitious,particularlyinthefinancialandpoliticalsituationofThailandintheearly20thcentury.Itencompassedtheentiredeltawatersystemandincludedthreenaturalwatercourses,theChaoPhrayamainstreamanditstwotributaries,ThaChinandNoi,aswellasnumerouscanals.JustliketheEgyptianAswanLowDamproject,vanderHeide’sChaoPhrayaschemecenteredontheconstructionofahugebarrageacrosstheChaoPhrayaatthetopofthedelta.ItwasdesignedtodivertwaterfromthemainstreamtotheThaChin,theNoiandanewlyconstructedcanal,eachofwhichwouldfunctionasirrigationcanals,distributingwatertotheentiredelta.TheinventivenessofHomanvanderHeide’sschemehasbeenacclaimedbyanumberoflater‐generationengineers(Brummelhuis2005).

Buttheinventivenessalsoexhibitsthetravelingnatureofdeltaknowledge.IntheGeneralReportforIrrigationandDrainage(Homanvander

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Heide1903),vanderHeidecitesawidevarietyofreportsondeltas,fromthefamousWilliamWillcockreportsonthemodernizationofEgyptianirrigationbytheBritishtotheBulletinoftheCollegeofAgricultureattheTokyoUniversity.Indeed,itisthroughHomanvanderHeide’scontinuouscomparisonsbetweenEgypt,India,Japan,ItalyandJavathathecomestocharacterize,diagnoseandassessthepotentialoftheChaoPhrayaDelta.Asanobjectofstate‐engineeringinterventions,theChaoPhrayaDeltawasthusembeddedincolonialconnectionsamongnumerousdeltas;connectionsthoughwhich,engineers,reports,scientificarticlesandideasallcirculated.

HomanvanderHeide’sinnovativedesignwasnotimplementedbytheThaigovernmentfornearlyhalfacentury.AlthoughtheKingandatleastoneministerseemedtorecognizetheinnovativenessoftheplan,itlookedtomostoftheThaiministersasadisproportionatelyambitiousandriskyendeavor(Brummelhuis2005).Particularly,themostcostlypartoftheplan,theconstructionofthebarrageacrossthemainstream,onwhichtheentiresystemhinged,wasonlyrealizedintheformoftheChaoPhrayaDamin1957,andthenonlywithmassivefinancialsupportfromtheWorldBankandtheUnitedStates(Takaya1987).

Aftersubmittinghisreport,HomanvanderHeideremainedinThailandwithanappointmentasheadofthenewlyfoundedRoyalIrrigationDepartment.Inthispositionhewasengagedinanumberofcanalimprovementprojectsofmoremoderateambition.Becausethegovernmentagreedonthepotentialsofhismasterplanandhedecidedontheworkundertookbyhisdepartment,thesecanalimprovementprojectsweredesignedinlinewithhismasterplan.Atthesametime,however,thedepartment’sactivitieswerenecessarilydirectedtotheurgentissueofrehabilitatingtheexistingcanalsystemsthatservedasmaintrafficroutes.WhilevanderHeidecarefullydesignedinfrastructures,suchassluicegates,dikesandditches,tobeusefulforirrigationpurposeandeloquentlydeclaredtheir“true”purposeforirrigation,hissuccessiveandsuccessfulendeavorscontributedsignificantlytosustainingtheaquaticinfrastructureratherthantransformingitintoaterrestrialone.TheThainameofthedepartmentKromKlong,“CanalDepartment”,neatlyepitomizesthispoint(Brummelhuis2005).

TerrestrializingtheDelta

ThecompletionoftheChaoPhrayaDamin1957wasamajorturningpointoftheinfrastructuralhistoryofThailand.Asidefromitsmainpurpose,theirrigationsystemhassignificantlycontributedtoterrestrializingthedeltalandscape.In

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realityitsrolewasmoreimportantthantheconstructionsuchasroadsandWesternstylebuildingssincedrainagebyirrigationcanalscreatedthedrylanduponwhichtheseterrestrialinfrastructureswereconstructed.

In1903,HomanvanderHeidehadalreadyforeseenthatirrigationcanalswouldopenupnewterrestrialpossibilitiessuchaspermanentsettlementintheinlandareas,orchardsandlivestock(HomanvanderHeide1903).Duetothecyclicalfloodingandaridity,mostoffarmerslivednearpaddyfieldsonlyinrainyseasons,whendrinkingwaterandthewaterwayconnectionfromthemaincanalstothefieldwereavailable.Irrigationcanalsthatretainedwaterinthedryseasonsmadeitpossibleforthesefarmerstobuildpermanentvillagesnearthefieldandthuscontributedtoeliminatingthemobilelifestyleinthedelta,whichcausedtroublefortaxationandpopulationsurveys(Brummelhuis2005).Theirrigationsystemalsodrainedexcessivewaterfromvillagesandadjacentareas,whichmeantthatvillagerswereabletocultivatefruittreesandraiselivestock.Theirrigationanddrainagenetworkintroducedaclearseparationofwaterandlandthatremainedstablethroughouttheyear.Thiswasobviouslyagreatadvantageforthedevelopmentofterrestrialagricultureandeconomicactivities.

Basedontheyear‐roundseparationofwaterandland,theconstructionofextensivehighwaynetworkssincethe1960shasdramaticallyalteredthemaintransportmeansinthedeltafromboatstocars.Thedevelopmentoftheroadnetworkbroughtaboutanoverallfigure‐groundreversalinthedeltatownscapes.Specifically,roadsweretraditionallybuiltparallelwithbutslightlydistancedfromriversandthusfacedthebackyardsofhouses,whosemainentrancesfacedriversandcanals.Asroadsbecamethedominantcommunicationandtransportroutes,theurbanspaceliterallyturnedaround.Nowbackyardsbecamefrontentrancesandriversideboatslips,tha,thetraditionalfrontentranceoftheriparianhouses,becamebackdoors.Inmanyplaces,theorientationofsocialspacewasthusdirectlyreversedfromtheriparianspacetotheroadside.

Thisurbantransformation,whichtookplaceinBangkokandmajorcities,wasonthewaythroughoutthe1970s.However,asaconsequence,Thailandstartedbeganexperiencingfloodingproblems.Sincenewlyconstructedterrestrialinfrastructureswerevulnerabletoflooding,floodprotectionbecameamajorconcernofwatermanagement.Inthemeantime,thematerializationofHomanvanderHeide’splan,whichbroughtirrigationtomostofthedeltacreatedunexpectedsideeffectsinceitalteredthepatternofwaterflowintheentiredelta.

Thenewcanalnetworksuppliedwaterprimarilytotherelativelyhighareasneartheriverchannels.Inthefurrow‐liketopologyofthedelta,higherplaces

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arelocatedalongtherivers,andlow‐layingdepressionsarefoundbetweentherivers.Becauseofthistopography,irrigationcanalsprovidewatertothehigherriversideareasfirstandonlysubsequentlytothedepressedareasinbetween.Alongwithirrigationwater,drainagefromthehigherareasalsoflowsintolower‐lyingplaces.Inthisalteredwaterflowmorewaterconcentratesinthedepressedareasandthusfloodingintheseareaswereactuallyexacerbated(Takaya1987).

Thisinundationproblemhadafractalquality,sincetheproblemreplicatedacrossscales.Repeatingtheproblematthebasinlevel,atthemicrolevel,floodingalsooccurredintherelativelylowerlyingplacewithinirrigationtracts,usuallyplaceswherewateriscontrolledbyasluicegate.Thewaterlevelofirrigationtractsweregenerallycontrolledinordertokeepsufficientwaterinthehighestareas,andthesewereusuallytheareasclosesttotheriver,wherewaterfirstarrived.Becauseeverytracthasagradientthatrunsfromuppertolowerstream,thiswatercontroltendedtobringaboutmuchdeeperinundationinthelowerplaces,oftenlocatedclosetothesluicegatesthatcontrolledthedrainage(Molleetal.1999).

Thissystemofwatercontrolbroughtaboutthecoexistenceofthetraditionalandmodernformsofagriculturewithinthesameirrigationtract.Theintroductionofirrigationcreatedtheconditionsforagriculturalchangeathigherelevations.Intheupperlands,theirrigationdepartmentensuredawaterlevelsuitablefortheshortstemhighyieldcropvarieties,whichwerethemaintechnologybehindtheGreenRevolution.Thedepartmentalsodrainedwaterfromthefieldsinpreparationandharvestingperiodssothatfarmerscouldapplymachinery.IncontrasttotherapidchangesbroughtaboutbytheGreenRevolutiontechnologiesintheupland,however,lowlandfarmersadaptedtotheincreasinginundationproblemsbyusingthetraditionalmeans:floatingricevarieties.

Herewearewitnesstoaformofcoexistencebetweenaquaticandterrestrialinfrastructuresofagriculture.Ontheonehand,inthelowlayingplacesthetraditionalformofagriculturegainedevenfurtherimportanceduetothediversionofdrainagefromtheupperlands.Traditionalagricultureinfrastructureconsistedofhigherdikesaroundthepaddyfieldsthatkeptlargeamountsofwaterwithinthefield,oftraditionalfloatingricevarieties,ofhugeamountofhumanlaborforharvesting,and,sometimes,ofboatsforcultivatingonthefloodwater.Ontheotherhand,theagriculturalpracticeinthehigherareasweretransformedintoanewterrestrialformcomprisedoflowerdikesthatpreventedfloodwaterfromenteringintothepaddy,ofhighyieldshortstemricevarietiesdevelopedbythe

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InternationalRiceResearchInstitute,andofmechanizedharvesting,whichhasbecomepopularsincethe1990s(Molleetal.1999).

Thisco‐existencefinallydisappearedinthelate1990s.Theproductivitydifferencebetweenfloatingriceandhighyieldvarietiesandtheneedformechanizationduetolaborshortagesstronglypromotedthetransformationofthedeep‐waterpaddyfieldsintoshallowerones.Thiswasmadepossiblebytheirrigationdepartment’scontinuousefforttoconstructsmallersluicegateswithineachtract.Thoseminorsluicegatesenableddetailedwatercontrolandthusensuredthatwaterlevelswithinatractcouldbekeptnearlyconstant.Yet,itwasfarmersratherthantheirrigationdepartmentthatinitiatedthischangeinwatermanagement.Inthemid1995s,villageleadersintheupperdeltaformedanalliancetorequesttheirrigationofficetoinstallanewwatermanagementpolicythatkeptwaterlevelsevenly,sothateveryonewouldbeabletousehighyieldvarietiesandharvesters.Afterthesuccessfulpetitionandsubsequenttransformationofthelowlands,thisnewpracticespreadtoirrigationofficesalloverthedeltaandsignificantlytransformedthedelta’sagriculturallandscape(MolleandKeawkuladya1998).

CoexistingInfrastructures

Thetransformationofthelandscapeseemedcompletedbytheturnofthecentury.However,thesuccessivefloodyearsof2006,2008and2011revealedthattheshifthasnotyetcompletedandmaybeneverwillbe.In2006,thefirstyearinwhichmassivefloodingoccurred,theRoyalIrrigationDepartmentandtheKingwereforcedtodivertwaterintoafewlow‐layingtractsintheAyutthayaProvinceinordertopreventfloodinginBangkok.Atfirst,theKingorderedtheirrigationdepartmenttodivertwaterintohisprivateproperty.ItbecameashallowbutvastretentionpondusedtostoreexcesswaterfromtheChaoPhrayaRiver.Afewdayslater,theRoyalIrrigationDepartmentpubliclyannouncedthecallfor“volunteers”whowouldtakeinspirationfromtheKingandoffertheirlandtoretainexcesswater.However,severalfarmerswitnessedthatsoonafterthecallforvolunteersthedepartmentdivertedwatertolowlayinglandsintheseareaswithoutsufficientcaution.Onefarmersaid,soonafterhewasinformedabouttheplanthedepartmentdivertedwaterduringthenight,andhefoundhimselfsurroundedbywaterwhenhegotupnextmorning(Lebel2009).

ThisforcedinundationtoprotectBangkokisstriking,andtroubling,inmanyways.Butperhapsanoverlookedaspectisitthat,althoughitcausedmassive

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croplossinthefieldswherethericewasstillgrowing,therewashardlyanydamagetohumans.Thiswasmainlyduetofloodadaptiveinfrastructuresandlifestyleintheselowlayingvillages,whicharelocatedcompletelyoutsidemodernfloodprotectioninfrastructures.IntheseareasvillagesarebuiltalongacomplexnetworkofriversandcanalsthatconnectthemainstreamofChaoPhrayaandtheNoiRiver.Becausethevillagesweresoclosetowatercourses,thedikesconstructedinthe1980sand1990shadbeenmadenotbetweenthevillagesandtheriversbutratherbetweenthevillagesandthefieldslocatedinland.Strangelookingtotheeyesofoutsiders,thesevillagescametobelocatedoutsidethedike,andthedikesprotectpaddyfieldsratherthanvillages.Becauseoftheselocations,villagesaresubjecttoannualinundationandpeopleinthesevillagesstillkeeptraditionalhousesandboats.Thispersistenceoftraditionalaquaticlifewasthemajorreasonthatthesuddenwaterdischargeintotheareadidnotcauseseriousdamageatthevillageside.Afterall,ithadalreadybeenflooded.

Thedramaticeventsof2006,yearledtonewdiscussionaboutfloodprotectionandthedecisiontouseBangBanandafewotherareasasretentionzones.TheprojectwasnamedaftertheKing’swatermanagementvision“KaemLing”(“monkeycheeks”),whichanalogizestheareas’capacitytokeepwaterwithamonkey’scheeks,filledwithbananastobeconsumedwhenfoodisscarce.Theprojectaimstokeepthewaterduringthefloodseasonsandrecycleitforirrigationinthefollowingdryseasons.7

Throughthesubsequentfloodsin2008and2011,BangBanandtheotherareaswereformallydesignatedas“NaturalMonkeyCheeks”bytheRoyalIrrigationDepartment.Thisforegroundedtheresilienceoftheseeminglyoutdatedtraditionaldeltainfrastructures.Italsohighlightedthatthesafetythemodernterrestrialinfrastructuredependsonkeepingtraditionalaquaticinfrastructuresinplace.

Conclusion

Aswehaveseen,thepoliticsoffloodprotectioninvolvestrickyproblemconcerningwaterflow.IntheextremelyflatChaoPhrayaDelta,protectingoneplaceinevitablyexacerbatesfloodinginotherplaces.Thiswater‐mediated

7 Theideaof“monkeycheeks”itselfpredatestheeventin2006andoriginallymeanttheKingsprojecttorehabilitateurbancanalsinordertorehabilitateandaugmenttheirfunctionasretentionpondsanddrainagecanaloffloodwater.

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relatednessposesseriousquestionforthepoliticsoffloodprotectionincontemporaryThailand.Thus,theprotectionofBangkokatthecostofadjacentareaswasseriouslycontested.However,thishighlyvisiblepoliticstooofteneclipsesanotherpolitics.Thisontologicalpoliticsconcernsthecomplexandlayeredrelationsbetweenterrestrialandaquaticinfrastructures.

Theperspectiveofferedinthispapermakesitpossibletoshedlightsontheentanglementsofinfrastructureswithconfigurationsofnaturalrivers,canals,dikesandsluicegates,architectureandtownplanning,intheshapingofwaterflowinthedelta.Fromthisviewpointwhatisatstakeisnotonlyhowtoallocatewaterintimesoffloodingbutalsohowdifferentkindofontologicalgroundsfordoingsoareenactedbydifferentinfrastructures,whichembodydifferentversionsofamphibiousdeltaspaces.

AsIhaveshown,theaquaticinfrastructuredevelopedduetoSouthEastAsianportpolities’concernaboutwatertransportation.Transversalcanalsembodiedthisinterestinpromotingwatercoursetraffic.Alongthesewatercoursestraditionaltownplanningcenteringoncanalsflourished.Atthesametime,agriculture,leftsolelyinthefarmers’hands,adaptedtothefloodpronedeltaicenvironmentbybiologicalmeans,thatis,viaselectionoffloatingricevarieties.Thissharplycontrastedwiththesolutionofhydro‐engineeringadaptation;exemplifiedbythecommunity‐basedirrigationoftheuplandsTaipeoples.

Thisaquaticinfrastructure,however,wassignificantlytransformedasWesternirrigationwasintroducedinthemid20thcentury.Yet,evenasEuropeansdevelopedaterrestrialviewofdeltasaspotentiallandforreclamation,Westernirrigationitselfdevelopedthroughencounterswithindigenousirrigationintheirtropicalcolonies.ThelifehistoryofHomanvanderHeidewhodesignedthemasterplanofChaoPhrayadeltairrigationexhibitsthetravelsandtranslationsofcolonialengineering.TrainedintheDutchEastIndies,HomanvanderHeidetraveledEgypt,ItalyandJapanbeforediagnosingtheproblemswiththeChaoPhrayadeltaanddrawinghisambitiousplan,itselfmodeledafterthesuccessfulAswandamprojectintheNile.

Understandingtheco‐existenceofinfrastructuresisofvitalimportanceinthepresentsituation.TheChaoPhrayairrigationnetworknotonlyalteredwaterflowinthedeltabutalsomademorecomplexandmoreinvisiblethaneverbefore.Inturn,thehugefloodsofthe2000smadevisibleanewtheinterrelationsbetweenBangkokanditsruralareas.Ascriticsarguedafter2011,urbansafetyisnowtotallydependentonruralareas,whichhavebeenforcedtoacceptflooding.Inthemeantime,thefloodcrisisforegroundedsharpcontrastsbetweenterrestrialand

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aquaticinfrastructures,andenabledapositivereevaluationofthelatter.Thusithasbecomeincreasinglyclearthatendlessmodernization,understoodastheongoingconstructionofterrestrialinfrastructure,willnotpreventflooddamage.Instead,terrestrialinfrastructurereliesonaquaticinfrastructurejustasBangkokiansrelyonruralpeople.ThissituationofdependencybetweentheterrestrialandtheaquaticinfrastructureswaspartlyinstitutedintheMonkeyCheekssystem.Retentionzones,wherepeoplestilldependontheaquaticinfrastructureandwhicharethusresilienttoflooding,nowservetocontrolthewaterlevelinBangkok.

TheMonkeyCheeksprojectisfarfromsettlingtheThaipoliticsofflooding,thestrugglebetweenBangkokandadjacentprovinces,orthatbetweenterrestrialandaquaticinfrastructuresmoregenerally.8 Yet,thepartialinstitutionalizationoftherelationshipbetweentheseinfrastructuresseemstoopenupanewstageintherelationshipbetweentheseinfrastructures.Asanintermediaryplacebetweenseaandland,thefutureoftheChaoPhrayaDeltaiscapturedintheconstantinterplayoftheaquaticandterrestrialontologiesthattheseinfrastructuresembody.

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