a critical discourse analysis of times magazine’s...
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A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF TIMES MAGAZINE’SARTICLE “WHEN BUDDHISTS GO BAD”
A ThesisSubmitted to Faculty of Adab and HumanitiesIn Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
The Degree of Strata One (S1)
Mirfa’un Nu’ma1111026000054
ENGLISH LETTERS DEPARTMENT
FACULTY OF ADAB AND HUMANITIES
STATE ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH
JAKARTA
2018
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ABSTRACT
Mirfa’un Nu’ma. A Critical Discourse Analysis of Times Magazine Article “WhenBuddhists Go Bad”. A Thesis. Jakarta: Letters and Humanities Faculty, StateIslamic University Syarif Hidayatullah, March 2018.
The purpose of this research is to find out the relation between socio-Linguistics sciences with mass media in Critical Discourse Analysis which basedon Power theory about the social problem news arise by the Times Magazine.
The method of the research is Critical Discourse Analysis which is relatedto power analysis which is described and show in the text.
The research findings show how the social power ideology of Buddhistsare represented in the news. The text is related to the minorities groups life inMyanmar, Sri Lanka, and Southern Thailand who are descriminated by majoritygroup, Buddhists, helped by the government and the elites of the majority group.The text encloses two sides, Muslim, Christian, and Jews as minorities groups andBuddhists and the government as a majority in the country. In the text, theminorities group described as the weak side and the majority group described asthe powerful and the strongest group.
As a conclusion, the Critical Discourse Analysis on the text showsinjustice to the minorities groups which finally bears social problem. The text alsotalks about the power which is regulated by the majority in descriminated theminorities in society, as a result an injustice in the society cannot be avoided.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENT
In tthe name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful.all prisesare due to
Allah, the lord of all exist. May Allah’s peace and blessing be upon His final
Propeth, Muhammad.
This paper is presented to faculty of Adab and Humanities in partial
fulfillment of requirments for the degree of Strata one (S1).
It is an honor for the researcher to convey her sincere gratitude to Mrs.
Solokatus Sa’diah, M. Pd., for her valuable advice and guidance to accomplish
this research.
The writer also would like to convey his sincere gratitude particularly to:
1. Prof. Dr. Syukron Kamil, MA., The Dean of Adab and Humanities faculty.
2. Drs. A. Saefuddin, M. Pd., the Head of English Letter Department.
3. Elve Octaviani, the Secretary of English Letter Department.
4. All the lectures of English Letters Department for their encouragement to
the writer.
5. The writer would like to express her ingennous gratitude to all her family.
The writer’s beloved parents, (Alm.) Bapak H. Abdurrahman Ustman, Ibu
Luluk Muashomah Aziz, Abi Sjaifuddin Fadholy, Ummi Nur Fatimah
Aziz, Ayah Turmudzi, and Ibu Maryam Ulfa. And also to the brothers and
sisters. Ha Nik, Mas Aiz, Mba Uyum, Mba Nina, Nawa, Fina, Kuni, Dona.
I love you so much.
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6. The writer’s beloved husband. No word, except thank you so much for
everything.
7. Chattime, Evi Nurlatifah a.k.a Epi and Anna Rahmawati a.k.a Anyong.
8. Sechenk Group, Tasya, Riska, and Ratu.
9. My Partner In Crime (PIC). Thank you for the long last journay in
traveling.
10. All the family of Foreign Language Association (UKM-Bahasa FLAT).
Thank you so much.
11. All the family of English Letter Department. Thank you so much.
And the last for everyone who can not be mentioned. Tahnk you
so much for supporting her in every condition.
Jakarta, 21 March 2018
The Writer
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT.............................................................................................................i
APPROVEMENT .................................................................................................ii
LEGALIZATION ................................................................................................iii
DECLARATION ..................................................................................................iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ....................................................................................v
TABLE OF CONTENTS ....................................................................................vi
LIST OF TABLE ...............................................................................................viii
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
A. The Background of Study .....................................................................1B. Focus of Study .......................................................................................3C. Research Question .................................................................................3D. Significance of Study ............................................................................3E. Research Methodology ..........................................................................3
1. The Objectives of Research ............................................................42. The Methode of Research ...............................................................43. The Technique of Analysis .............................................................44. The Instrument of Research ............................................................5
CHAPTER II THE THEORETICAL DESCRIPTION
A. Previous Research ................................................................................6B. Discourse Analysis .............................................................................10C. Critical Discourse Analysis ................................................................13D. Power and Dominance .......................................................................17E. Ideology ..............................................................................................19F. News ...................................................................................................23
CHAPTER III DATA DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS
A. Data Description1. Ideology .........................................................................................222. Power .............................................................................................23
a. Group’s Power ........................................................................23b. Elite’s Power ...........................................................................24c. Power Effect ............................................................................25
B. Data Analysis1. Ideology ........................................................................................27
2. Powera. Group’s Power ........................................................................31b. Elite’s Power ...........................................................................34
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c. Power Effect ...........................................................................36
CHAPTER IV CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION
A. Conclusion ..........................................................................................39B. Suggestion ...........................................................................................40
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...............................................................................................41
APPENDICES
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
A. The Background of Study
Language is a thing that people need everyday to communicate to
get or to give the information. Language changes and develops in many
factors: in social, economic, science, information, etc.
Because language used in everyday communication, it might
sometimes be incoherent and nonessential when we talk to each other or in
understanding news in newspaper or magazine, etc. For example:
a). Are you sure you want to eat?
b). How come you want to eat?
In both example a) and b) concern to the same query. But in
utterance a), we are addressing for the person not to eat, in contrast in
utterance b). Because of this kind of phenomenon, we need to be more
critical to understanding what people exactly mean with their speech, or
what exactly writers mean with their article in newspaper or magazine.
There are many ways or methods to understand what
aninformation means. One of them is using Discourse Analysis, or Critical
Discourse Analysis (CDA) in discourse or in text analysis.
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a type of analytical research
to understand, expose the way social power abuse, dominance, inequality
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are enacted, reproduced and ultimately resist social inequality. 1 CDA
analyzes the specific discourse structures and will feature such notion as
power, dominance, hegemony, ideology, class, gender, race,
discrimination, interest, reproduction, institution, social power, a social
order.2 As what Van Dijk has presented, power is a central notion in
critical work of discourse, or specifically the social power of a group can
control public mind and effect society as well. As reported by many media
in the world, minorities in some countries in Asia, such as Rohingya in
Myanmar, in Deep South Thailand and in Sri Lanka. They forced to move
from their country because Buddhists do not want them become a majority
and take over the countries. They want to make the countries to be 100 per
cent Buddhists land.
News produced to gain attention in everywhere and every aspect.
Beside thecontain of the article, the ideology of the article’s writer is also
important to know because the writer definitely has an ideology in making
news. And the ideology of the article’s writer is giving direction in
creating readers’ opinion.
In this research, the writer has big question about what power the
Buddhists have, how the elites of the group participate in this case so that
they can make minorities group do not admitted as these countries citizen.
And what are the article’s writer ideology in making news.
1Teun Van Dijk, The Handbook of Discourse Analysis, Stanford University. P.3522Ibid. P. 354
3
In this research, Teun Van Dijk’s Power theory was chosen as the
knife-analysis, because the writer interested to discuss about how
discourse of the Buddhist power shown in the TIME Magazine and the
writer wanted to know what the effects to the society are as well.
B. Focus of Study
This study focused on the ideology of dominant group (Buddhist)
interpreted by article’s writer and the power of Buddhist toward the
minorities group and the effects for the minorities interpreted in the TIME
Magazine.
C. Research Questions
1. What is the writer’s interpretation of Buddhists ideology in the article
“When Buddists Go Bad”?
2. How does the writer interpret the Buddhists power in the society in
article“When Buddhists Go Bad”?
3. What are the the writer’s description of Buddhists power effects to the
minority in the article“When Buddhists Go Bad”?
D. Significance of Study
The result of the study expected to be useful for the writer herself
especially and the reader generally, to understand more about critical
discourse analysis theoretically and practically.
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E. Research Methodology
This research methodology includes important aspects, they are:
the objectives of research, the method of research, the technique of
research, and the instrument of design.
1. The Objectives of Research
The objectives of research are:
a. To find out the writer’s interpretation of Buddhist ideology in the
article “When Buddhists Go Bad”
b. To find out the power of Buddhists in the article “When Buddhists
Go Bad”
c. To find out the effects of the Buddhist’s power to the minorities.
2. The Method of Research
Based on the research questions and the objectives of the research,
the method that is used in this research is qualitative descriptive
method. It means the writer tries to answer the entire questions by
describing the problem in this research. The writer gives the
descriptive explanation to commit the analysis based on the object of
the research.
3. The Technique of Data Analysis
The writer uses descriptive analysis technique which is supported
by relevant theories. The writer uses the following steps, first, reading
the article “When Buddhist Go Bad”. Second, the writer is identifying
and underlining each sentences that are related to the topic of the
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research. Third, the data which are underlined is analyzed by using
relevant theory.
4. The Instrument of The Research
The writer uses herself as the instrument in this research by
reading the article repeatedly, collecting data by giving note and
code to the required data and interpreting the data.
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CHAPTER II
THE THEORETICAL DESCRIPTION
A. Previous Research
From the previous research, there are many results that related to
this research as a comparison. Therefore, the writer uses these as a
development of ideas. There are five previous researches:
The first is DwiCahya’s thesisunder the title“Van Dijk Critical
Discourse Analysis on CBS’s Article and Aljazeera Article”. The thesis
analyze two articles about Osama Bin Laden’s death incident from news
site CBS and Al Jazeera. In this research the writer finds out the result that
shows the different motives of CBS and Al Jazeera’s article. The object of
this study is to analyze the discourse structure and the motives of both
articles. Specifically, the aim of the study is to know how Osama Bin
Laden death news is shown by both media, and the motive behind the
articles. The news in both articles shows that the same accident, Osama
Bin Laden death, has been written differently by both articles and the
different ideology between news media that is depicted in its news
reporting.
The differences of discourse structure are depicted in almost all of
discourse element from CBS’s article and Al Jazeera’s Article even in
theirs title. It can be seen that actually both articles have different purpose
in this news coverage. CBS tries to stir its readers’ vie to be more
supportive to President Obama, while Al Jazeera tends to give different
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point of view to its reader in understanding Obama Bin Laden’s death
Incident.
The second previous research is critical discourse analysis under
the title “A Critical Discourse Analysis in the Jakarta Post Text” by
Mudhofar (2009). This research is related to text analysis about
Representation, Relation, and Identity which is described and shown in the
text. And the research results are:
Representation level. Those text above not only describe how the
event is made, but also show how the social power is represented in the
news. The two of text above are related to ethnic Chinese life who is still
discriminated by the government. It can be seen that the whole text are
related to ethnic Chinese life who still get injustice.
Relation level. The discourse also can be seen from how the
relation is founded in the text. The text enclose two sides; those are ethnic
Chinese-Indonesian and the Indonesian government (Soeharto Regime).
The two sides are described differently in the text. The ethnic Chinese is
described as weak side and marginalized. And the other hand, the
government (Soeharto Regime) is described higher, stronger and
considered as determinant for ethnic Chinese life.
And Identity level. Based on the text, the journalist identifies
himself as part of Indonesia (government). Although, he realizes that
ethnic Chinese is discriminated but he suggest eradicating the past and
looking forward to have better future to develope Indonesia together.
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Based on those text, it can be conclude that the journalist position himself
in the neutral position. As the conclusion, text analysis on the samples
shows injustice to society which finally bears social problem. The text
talks about the misery of the society as the result of injustice in the society
itself and the regulation which is made by the government and also implies
the myth that by delivering or expose the misery of the society has better
power to reveal the meaning of communication message.
The third previous research is “Critical Discourse Analysis of
Susilo BambangYudhoyono’s Speech” by Anggit Nova (2013). Here, her
study aims to describe language, power, and ideology of SBY’s speech
that is used about the Jakarta bombings. The analysis based on theory of
CDA and its analysis methods presented by Thomas N. Huckin. It is
started by analyzing some features in the text as a whole. Then it is
continued by analyzing some features in sentence-level and word-level.
The last is by doing contextual interpretation. The result shows that
through the language used, it can be known the strength of power and the
purpose of the speaker, which the power is strongly felt and the ideology is
clearly seen as well as understandable.
The last previous research is “Capitalism in Fashion: A Critical
Discourse Analysis of Looking for a (Long) Leg Up in The New York
Times Article” by Gassani Madasari (2013). The result of the research is:
the writer provides some subtle argument of three points. The first point is
the false consclousness by starting fashion industry as glamourous world,
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world of dream jobs and a perfect place to persue your passion. The
second point is the portrait of proletarial as the fashion workers (labor) of
bourgeoise the capital owner that becomes the domination and ruling class,
and the third is surplus theory which is implied in labor exploitation stories.
Furthermore, each theorical tropes, namely Metonyn,
Personification, Neologism, Hyperbole, and Puns contribute to imply the
ideology of the text. The two main point of the capitalism representations
are false consclousness and surplus theory. They also contribute to serve
the ideology is persuasive and subtle way as their main role is presenting
the world play. As the result, it is no doubt that they make it appear
naturally, entertainingly, and persuasively, rather than serve the words
blatantly.
Meanwhile, the schemata are used to define the write’s strategy to
make such argumentative-persuasive text. Instead of putting the Main
Events first as the schematic structure suggests, he puts Context and
History of Background category to present his ideology than puts
Events/Acts and Verbal Reaction of Consequences accordingly to
strengthen the point. Therefore, he serve the Main Events which is also
dominated by his Comments in the middle of article. Accordingly, he
presents History and Consequences with a few portion of comments.
Lastly, in this study under the title “Power and Ideology: A
Critical Discourse Analysis of Buddhist Goes Bad in Times Magazine
Article” aims to describe the writer of the article’s power in describing the
10
monk’s power that makes news reader reconstructing their knowledge and
updating their beliefs. By describing, interpreting, and explaining the
ideology and the power between texts in each paragraph in the article.
B. Discourse Analysis
The analysis of discourse is the analysis of language in use. The
discourse analysis is committed to an investigation of what that language
is used for. And the major of the language are transactional which the
language serve in expression of “contents”. The language is used to
convey factual or proportional information or it iscalled transactional
language. Language used in such situation is primarily “message-oriented”.
It is important to the recipient received detail correct. Function involved in
expressing social expression of “content” and personal attitudes will be
described as interactional. Which everyday human interaction is
characterized by the primarily interpersonal rather than the primarily
transactional use of the language?3
. From the point of view from the production of language to spoken
and written language is totally different. The speaker of language must use
full a range of “voice quality” effects, such as facial expression, postural,
and gestural system are denied to the writers. The speaker must control
what he just said, planning what the next phrase he wants to say next, and
he has no permanent records of he has said earlier. On the contrary, the
3Gilian. B & George. Y. Discourse Analysis, Cambridge University press, Cmabridge, 1988Page 1-3
11
writer may look over what he has already written, checking dictionary if it
necessary, and even change about what the writer wants to write.4 Whereas
the speakers likely have such a big pressure in producing language but not
that big for the writers. The writers produce text, the text contains the
arguments contributes to the reader’s experiences of the text from text’s
title, headings, and chapters in the text. So that, text is the effect from the
language and contains with meanings.
In every text we read contains meaning that writer of the discourse
want to deliver to the readers. They are major types of text meaning5:
a. Representation
Is to do with knowledge but also thereby ‘control over things’.
b. Action
Is to do generally with relations with others, but also ‘action on
others’, and power.
c. Identification
Is to do with oneself, ethnics, and the ‘moral subject’.6
We can identify Representation, Action, and Identification trough
whole text only in small parts of the text. For the example in this small
sentence. “The man is absolutely different from the woman”. The
sentence is the action which implies social relation that the writer of the
4Ibid page: 55Fairclough. N. “Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research” . London.
Routledge.6Fairclough, N. Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research. Psicology
Press, 2003.
12
text telling the reader an information about something. “it is absolutely”
implies a social relation between someone who knows and who does not.
Informing, advising, promising, and warning and so forth are ways of
acting. The sentence represented a relation between two entities. X is
different from Y. It’s called Representation. The last is Identification, an
undertaking, a commitment, or a judgment. In that sentence contains a
judgment the one who know explain something with “absolutely different”
rather than “maybe different”, he is strongly committing himself.
To identify the purpose of the text we need to analyze the discourse
of the text. Discourse itself contains sentences of interaction between the
writer of the text to the reader in specific context and within a framework
of social and cultural conventions.7
Analyzing the discourse is not only about method, but also a
perspective of language and the relationship to the main issues of the
social situation or in the other word, discourse analysis is the way of
approaches to the discourse.8
According to the writer, discourse analysis is about identifying the
language that shaped the discourse, and identifying the meanings that
the discourse want to convey to the reader in a specific context.
7M.H.Abrams and G.G. Harpham, A Glossary of Literary Terms, 20058Linda. W & Rolf. K. “Doing Discourse Analysis”. Sage, 2000.
13
Analyzing discourse specifically can be done with another method,
which is called Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA).
C. Critical Discourse Analysis
Critical Discourse Analysis (henceforth CDA) subsumes a variety
of approaches towards the social analysis of discourse which differ in
theory, methodology, and the type of research issues to which they
tend to give prominence.9
Critical research on discourse needs to satisfy a number of
requirements in order to effectively realize its aims. As is often the
case for more marginal research traditions, CDA research has to be
“better” than other research in order to be accepted. It focuses
primarily on social problems and political issues, rather than on
current paradigms and fashions. Empirically adequate critical analysis
of social problem is usually multidisciplinary. Rather than merely
describe discourse structure, it tries to explain them in terms of
properties of social interaction and especially social structure. More
specifically, CDA focuses on the ways discourse structures enact,
confirm, legitimate, reproduce, or challenge relations of power and
dominance in society10.
9Wodak R. & Mayer M. Methodes of critical Analysis. London. Sage. 200110Van Dijk. The Handbook of Crirical Discourse Analysis. Journal. 2003
14
Fairclough and Wodak summarize the main tenants of CDA as
follows:
a. CDA addresses social problems
b. Power relations are discursive
c. Discourse constitutes society and culture
d. Discourse does ideological work
e. Discourse is historical
f. The link between text and society is mediated
g. Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory
h. Discourse is a form of social action.11
CDA in general is a study of the relations between discourse,
power, dominance, social inequality and the position of the discourse
analyst in such relationship.12 In the other words, CDA is specifically
interested in the critical study of social issues, problems, social
inequality, domination, and related phenomena at the current time.13
According to Fairclough method to do critical discourse analysis is
divided in three ways:
1. Description of the text
2. Interpretation of the relation between text and interaction, and
11Fairclough, N. L. And Wodak, R. (1997). Critical Discourse Analysis. In T. A. Van dijk (ed),Discourse Studies. A Multidiciplinary Introduction, vol 2. Discourse as Social Interaction (page258). London. Sage.
12Van Dijk. Discourse & Society. Sage. 1993 (London, Newbury Park, and New Delhi) vol.4(2): 249
13Van Dijk. Power and Discourse. Palgrave Macmillan. 2008
15
3. Explanation of the relationship between interaction and social
context.14
After describing to interpreting the discourse we need to pay
attention in these three matters. First is context, what are the
interpretations that participant giving to the situational and
intertextual context, the second is the discourse types, and the last
is difference and change, are the context and the discourse types
different for the different participant? And do they change during
the course of the interaction? In this way, it explicate the relations
of power and domination and the ideologies that makes social
struggle.
There are some level of text interpreting. Surface of utterance.
This first level of text interpretation by marking on the paper into
recognizable words, phrases, and sentences by the interpreters.
Meaning of utterance. The second level of text interpretation is a
matter of assigning meanings existing in the sentences. Here, the
interpreters draw the representations of meanings of the words by
combining word-meanings and grammatical information and work
out implicit meaning to arrive at meanings for whole propositions.
Local coherence. In this third level of interpretation establishes
meaning connect in between utterance, this is not a matter of the
‘global’ utterance relation which tie together the part of a whole
14Fairclough. N . Language and Power, Longman. Ediburgh Gate. 2001
16
text or a whole news. Text structure and ‘point’. The last level of
interpretation is about text structure in how a whole text hangs
together or we can say global coherence. And the ‘point’ of text is
a summary interpretation of the text as a whole which interpreters
arrive at. The point of the text is its overall topic of the text.
Explanation is involves a specific perspective, or specifically
seen as ideologies.
This explanation will examine social determination about
power relations at situational, institutional, and societal levels help
shape the discourse, ideologies, and the effects. Does the discourse
contribute in sustaining existing power relation or not.
In this concept, we can know how to analyze the discourse that
wants to convey the information to the readers.
D. Power and Dominance
Power, refers to the ability of an entity to make change to
maintain things as they are. Power is controlling and constraining
the contribution of non-(less) powerful participant. The one who
can have power because of some aspects, such as: wealth, income,
position, status, force, group membership, education or knowledge.
17
Power is likely change the mind of others in one own interests or
managing the mind of others.15
Not only personal power dominated the society, but also some
members of dominant groups. They have a special role in planning,
decision making, and control over the relations and the processes of
the enactment of power or they can be called power elites.16
To analyze power, Van Dijk summarized the properties of
power in his book. Social power is a property of the relationship
between groups, classes or other social formations, or between
people as social members. At an elementary but fundamental
analysis, social power relationships are characteristically
manifested in interaction. Thus we say that group A (or its
members) has power over group B (or its members) when the real
or potential actions of A exercise social control over B. Since the
notion of action itself involves the notion of (cognitive) control by
agents, the social control over B by the actions of A induces a
limitation of the self-control of B. In other words, the exercise of
power by A results in the limitation of B’s social freedom of action.
Social power is usually indirect and cooperates through the ‘minds’
of people, for intense by managing the necessary information or
opinion they need to plan and execute their action. Power is
intentionally or unwittingly exercised by A in order to maintain or
15Fairclough. N. Language and Power, Longman. Ediburgh Gate. 2001 page: 36-3816Van Dijk. Principal of Critical Discourse Analysis . University of Amsterdam. Sage. 1993
18
enlarge this power basis of A, or to prevent B from acquiring it. In
the other words, the exercise of power by A is usually in A’s
interest. Crucial in the exercise or the maintain of power is the fact
that for A to exert mental control over B, B must know about A’s
wishes, wants, preferences, or intentions. Apart from direct
communication, for instance in speech acts such as commands,
request, or threats, this knowledge may be inferred from cultural,
beliefs, norms, or values; through a shared (or contested) consensus
within an ideological frameworks; or from the observation and
interpretation of A’s social actions. The enactment of power is not
simply a form of action, but a form of social interaction. The
exercise and the maintenance of social power presupposes
ideological frameworks. This frameworks, which consists of
socially shared, interest related fundamental cognition of a group
and its members, is mainly acquired, confirmed, or changed
through communication and discourse. It should be repeated that
power must be analyzed in relation to various forms of counter-
power or resistance by dominated groups (or by action groups that
represent such groups) which also is a condition for the analysis of
social and historical challenge and change.17
17Van Dijk. Discourse & Power. New York. Palgrave Macmillan. 2008 pg 29-31
19
E. Ideology
As said by Van Dijk, ideologies are system of beliefs that
shared by members of social groups. Groups also share other
beliefs, such as knowledge and attitude. The beliefs shared by
group will be called as social representation. Ideologies are
organizing ‘basic’ beliefs of those social representations. Ideology
has something to do with system of ideas especially with the social,
political, or religious idea shared by a social group or movement. Kind of
ideology said by Van Dijk in his book are Communism, democracy,
Socialism, liberalism, Feminism, sexism, Racism and antiracism, Pacifism
and militarism. But, he has make a bold line in ideology and racism.18
Countries in which the domestic political basis for legitimating a
leader’s hold on power differ will be more likely to come into conflict.
Ideology will play a stronger role in the behaviour conflict of great
powers than it will in the conflict behaviour of minor powers. Ideological
rivals will be more likely to fight when there has been significant recent
ideological conflict in their region.Groups not only have their own
ideological based as we say beliefs. But, also share in more general
which is called cultural common ground. This cultural common
ground may be seen as a foundation of all cognition access and
18Van Dijk. Ideology and Racism. London. Routledge. 1991. Pg:3
20
between different groups. And thus also presupposed by different
ideologies.19
Ideologies and social representations organized to control
the social practices of actors as group members.
Group members who share such ideologies stand for beliefs
about the world. Ideologies are the fundamental beliefs and systems of
ideas of a group and its members. The systems of groups not only make
sense in order to understand world, but also as a basis for the social
practices of group members.20
One of social practice influenced by ideologies are language use
and discourse. So that we shall pay attention to the discursive dimension
of ideologies on how the ideology expressed in discourse.
As Van Dijk says on his book, social function of ideology divided
in two level, micro-level and macro-level. In the micro-level, ideologies
may developed because they organize social representations. So that
they enable or facilitate joint action, interaction and cooperation of
ingroup members, as well as interactions with outgroup members.21
At the macro-level ideology commonly described in terms of
groups relations, such as power and dominance. Ideologies were
19Ricento, Thomas. Ideology, Politic, and Language Policies (Focus on Study). Universityof Texas, San Antonio. 2000 pg:6320Van Dijk. Ideology and Discourse. Barcelona. Pompeu Fabra University. 2004 pg 8-9
21Van Dijk. Ideology and Racism. London. Routledge. Pg:36
21
defined in terms of the legitimization of dominance by various ellits
groups.22
When power defined in terms of the control one group to
another group, ideologies function as the mental dimension of the form
of control. In the other word, ideologies are the basis of the dominant
group members practices and geared towards the reproduction of the
group and its power. So that the dominant groups has dominant
ideology used when referring to ideologies employed by dominant
groups in the reproduction or legitimazation of their dominance.23
Beside, the ideologies of dominant are often related to group
interests. Such as processes, activities, rules, laws, and resources that
favor the group increasing its power. The resources are based on strength,
capital, income, knowledge, income, or fame. That resources deserve
advantages over other groups. For the example, the dominant group to
immigration will often be legitimated by claiming that WE were here first,
so that we have priority over everything in the country. The point is that
ideologieis develop as mental forms of group self-identification and often
in relation to other groups. The legitimated of dominants to the minorities
can be caled as racism.24
Racism consists of a social and a cognitive subsystem. The social
subsystem is constituted by social practices of discrimination at local
22Ibid page: 36-3723Ibid page : 3624Van Dijk. Ideology and Racism. London. Routledge. Pg: 37
22
(micro) level, and relationships of power abuse by dominant groups,
organizations, at the global (macro) level of analysis.The second
subsystem of racism is cognitive. Where is the discriminatory practice of
members of dominant groups form the visible and tangible manifestations
of everyday racism.
Racism is a system of ethnic or racial inequality, reproduced by
discriminatory social practices, including discourse, at the local or micro
level, and by institution, organizations and overall group relations on the
global or macro level and cognitively supported by racist ideologies.25
Racism is a complex system of social inequality in some groups
that have more power than other groups in society. This power shows in
some social resources such as education, knowledge, information, and
status among the host of other resources. In the article ‘When Buddhist
Go Bad’, shows that immigrants have less access to the country and have
less residence rights. This overall system of social inequality in which
Buddhist have more power than the immigrants. It is marked as micro-
level by a host of discriminatory practices.26 This overall system of social
inequality shows that Buddhist have more power than non-Buddhist,
Rohingya group. The typical characteristic of racism is that may happen to
the minority groups everyday, it become everyday social practice, so
racism has become so natural.
25Ibid page:14626Ibid page:39
23
F. News
News is a development that has happened in the past 24 hours
which was not known outside and which is of wide interest to the
people and that which generates curiosity among listeners and readers.
There are two main points in the news. The timelines and the impacts.
News is something new, so, timelines is a factor in describing news.
And impacts of an event decide its news worthiness. However, News
reports in the press always have headlines that may be related to the
social situation.
In the process of making news we deal with the understanding,
representation, and retrieval of news events by the journalist in news
gathering and writing. And when the news ready to serves the readers
processes of reconstructing news events in knowledge and beliefs
updates. 27
27Van Dijk. News as Discourse. Hillsdale, New Jersey. 1988. Pg: 82
24
CHAPTER III
A. Data Description
The article describes about some points. The ideology of Buddhist
interpretted by the writer,the general power of Buddhism, recent violence
in some country of Asia related to the religion, and the power of image of
Buddhism elites.
This research focuses on the main heading of Times Magazine that
is “When Buddhist Go Bad”. The data of the research collected based on
the problem which is limited in the objective of the research and the data is
written into some tables.
1. Ideology
Table 1: Describes about the writer’s ideology of the article topersuade the reader’s attention.
No Line Paragraph Data1. Headline When Buddhists Go Bad2. Mantra of Hate3. Temple and State4. Alms in Arms5. 5 1 “...It seems a peaaceful
scene, but Wirathu’smessage cracles withhate. “now is not thetime for calm”...”
6. “...now is the time to riseup, to make your bloodboil...”
7. 21 2 “... they would like tooccupy our country, but,I wont let them. We mustkeep MyanmarBuddhist...”
8. 61 8 “Around 90% of Muslim inBurma are “radical bad
25
people,” says Wirathu”9. 65 8 “Taking care of our religion
and race is more importantthan democracy” saysWirathu...”
10. 90 11 “...”my son was killedbecause he was Musim,nothing else”...”
2. Power
a. Group’s Power
Table 2: Describes the Buddhists group power in attackingminorities groups.
No. Paragraph Data
1. 4
“...This year in Sri Lanka, Buddhistnationalist groups with links to high-ranking officialdom have gainedprominence, and monks have helpedorchestrate the destruction ofMuslim and Christian property...”
2. 12
“...Dreams of repelling Islam andensuring the dominance of Buddhismanimate the BoduBalaSena (BBS),Sri Lanka's most powerful Buddhistorganization whose name meansBuddhist Strength Arm... "
3. 7
“...In 2007, Buddhist monks led afoiled democratic uprising in Burma:images of columns of clerics bearingupturned alms bowls, marchingpeacefully in protest against thejunta, earned sympathy around theworld, if not from the soldiers whoslaughtered them. But where doessocial activism end and politicalmilitancy begin? Every religion canbe twisted into a destructive forcepoisoned by ideas that areantithetical to its foundations. Nowit's Buddhism's turn...”
4. 10“...But Burma's democratization hasalso allowed extremist voices toproliferate and unleashed something
26
akin to ethnic cleansing...”
5. 6“...Buddhists and their holy men arenot immune to politics and, onoccasion, the lure of sectarianchauvinism...”
b. Elite’s power
Table 3: Describes the elite’s power in supporting Buddhists as amajority group.
No. Paragraph Data
1. 2
“...The radical monk sees Muslims,who make up at least 5% of Burma'sestimated 60 million people, as athreat to the country and its culture."[Muslims] are breeding so fast andthey are stealing our women, rapingthem," he tells me. "They would liketo occupy our country, but I won't letthem. We must keep MyanmarBuddhist..."
2. 9
“...But Wirathu is charismatic andpowerful, and his message resonates.Among the country's majorityBamar— or Burman — ethnic group,as well as across Buddhist parts ofAsia, there's a vague sense that theirreligion is under siege, that Islamhas already conquered Indonesia,Malaysia, Pakistan, Afghanistan —all these formerly Buddhist lands —and that other dominoes couldfall...”
3. 12“After President MahindaRajapaksa,a conservative, was elected in 2005,Buddhist supremacist groups becamemore powerful.”
4. 13
“Despite monks' being captured onvideo leading some of themarauding, none have beencharged....” "It is the monks whoprotect our country, religion and
27
race."
3. Power Effect
Table 4: Describes the power effect from the majority group to theminorities groups.
No. Paragraph Data
1. “Machete-wielding Buddhist hordesattacked Rohingya villages; 70Muslims were slaughtered in a daylongmassacre in one hamlet, according toHuman Rights Watch. The communalviolence, which the government hasdone little to check, has since migratedto other parts of the country. In March,dozens were killed and tens ofthousands left homeless as homes andmosques were razed. Children werehacked apart and women torched. Inseveral instances, monks were seengoading on frenzied Buddhists.”
2. “...In recent months, their campaign ofintimidation has included attacks on aMuslim-owned clothing store, aChristian pastor's house and aMuslim-linked slaughterhouse...”
3. “...with entire Muslim quarters razedby Buddhist mobs after a monk waskilled by Muslims. (The official deathtoll: two Buddhists and at least 40Muslims.) Thousands of Muslims arestill crammed into refugee campswhere journalists are forbidden toenter. I was able to meet the family of15-year-old Abdul RazakShahban, oneof at least 20 students at a localmadrasah who were killed. Razak'sown life ended when a nail-studdedplank was slammed against his skull."My son was killed because he wasMuslim, nothing else,"Razak'smotherRahamabi told me, inthe shadow of a burned-out mosque..”
28
B. Data Analysis
1. Ideology
Based on the data description, the selected data discusses
about a review of Time Magazine under the title “When Buddhists Go
Bad”, the Times Magazine mostly filled with phenomenon that
happened all around the world. The article explains how the
phenomenon about Buddhists happened in Asia. At the first sight the
attention will be glued on the title “When Buddhists Go Bad”.
From the tittle of the article, it can be seen a hint on what
the article wants to convey. Here, the writer uses bold letters to catch
the first impression of the readers. The title implicitly also explain
what Buddhists doing inside the title. The writer also puts three points
to lead the story about Buddhists. They are: Mantra of Hate, Temple
and State,and Alms in Arms.
To make the readers notice some headlines in the article,
the writer serves the letters with bold letters.
From the data analysis 1, it seems clear that the writer of
the article focuses on what Buddhists have done in some countries in
Asia. In this article the writer reports the details on what they have
done in some countries like Myanmar, Thailand, and Sri Lanka. By
writing some details, the writer conveys some weaknesses, like much
violence was directed against Rohingya, a largely stateless Muslim
29
group in Myanmar, that done by the Buddhists, to the minority group
or religion like Christians, Hindu, or Jews, with the excuse to save
their race and religion.
It also can be seen from the data 1 that the writer choose, it
seems that actually the writer identifies herself as part of group who
does not agree with what Buddhist have done to the minorities groups
on their countries.
“Mantra of Hate”
To evacuate her main title, the writer intends to tell the
readers that Buddhists have powerful power in save their country from
Buddhist fear that minorities groups will increase faster than their own.
Because of that fear, Buddhist gobadly in protecting their religion and
their race and sense that their religion is under siege.
“Even without proof, Buddhist nationalists fear that local Muslimpopulations are increasing faster than their own, and they worryabout Middle Eastern money pouring in to build new mosques.”(paragraph: 9)
In supporting the ideology that Buddhists fulfill their hate
of the minorities, the writer reports that Buddhists in Burma have a
movement called 969 that led by a Buddhist monk named
AishinWirathu. “Wirathu is a Buddhist monk who was jailed for seven
years for his role in inciting anti-Muslim pogroms in 2003.”
(Paragraph 8)”
30
“Radical Buddhism is also thriving in other parts ofAsia.”(Paragraph 4)
From this report, it can be seen, the writer wants to proof
that Buddhists precisely spread mantra of hate not only thriving in
Burma but also in parts of Asia. They kill so many Muslim in the
trouble that began last year. Where clashes between Muslim and local
Buddhist claimed a disproportionate number of Muslim lives.
In this third headline of the article, “Temple and State”, the
writer uses ‘temple’ and ‘state’ as the words she choose, it seems to
refer to the reason why Buddhists attack the minorities groups in their
country. Word ‘temple’ stands for Buddhist religion, and word ‘state’
stands for their race and their country. “This is Buddhist government,
this is a Buddhist country” (Paragraph: 12). There are no other
reasons except saving their religion from the extinction and saving
their state to be always a Buddhist land.
In this 4th headline, “Alms in Arms”, the writer shows us
that actually Buddhists need helps to attack minorities and using the
phrase ‘Alms in Arms’. As the writer describes in her writing that
Buddhists in Thailand desperate because the population of Muslim
make up at least 80% of the population areas. Buddhist getting helps
from the state.
“Now the Thai military and other security forces havemoved into the war, as Thai Buddhist temples are known, and soldiersgo out each morning with monks as they collect alms. "There's no
31
other choice," says Lieutenant SawaiKongsit. "We cannot separateBuddhism from guns anymore." (Paragraph:14)
From the statement above the writer describes us that
Buddhists totally need helps to protect their self from suddenly attack
from the other groups. From the paragraph it can be see that Buddhists
deadly do not want other religion spread around their land. So that,
they do whatever they can do to protect their land, whether it is
become a huge war between them.
“... It seems a peaceful scene, but Wirathu’s message cracleswith hate. “Now is not the time for calm”...”(Line 5 Paragraph 1)
On this data, the writer of the article convey the that the group
members of the dominant actually speak about minorities in negative
opinion, but they expressedand conveyed by intonation or gestures that
may be inconsistent with seemingly “tolerant” meanings.
“...“now is time to rise up, to make your blood boil”...” (line 11paragraph 1)
The dominant express that they must rise up to defense the
miorities. But, the fact that the minorities have nothing to do in the
dominant land.
“Around 90% of Muslim in Burma are “radical bad people,” saysWirathu” line 61
As we seen on the data that Whiratu said around 90% Muslim in
Burma are radical people , the sentence is absolutely a discriminate the
Muslim in Burma. He states the statement without any proof, and because
he hates Muslim most. So, he has a racist statement over Muslim.
32
“Taking care of our religion and race is more important thandemocracy” says Wirathu...” (line 65 paragraph 8)
The sentence above describe that Wirathu claim that Busddhist
as the dominant group religion is more important. Thus perspective marked
to the reader mind and they must be questioning, “what minorities have
done to the dominant so that they must protect their religion, only their
religion, how about others?” it may be seen as a controversial statement.
And such a controversial interpretation is usually marked with quetion
marks.
By using explaining in the article, the writer also spreads
ideology through the media that may effects the potential reader’s
perceptions and expectations about Buddhists attitude in the other
religion and races in order to protect their religion and their country.
2. Power
a. Group’s Power
Buddhists have really powerful power in their land as a
religion group. They even have their own army and pledged to
defend their religion.
“....Buddhist nationalist groups with links to high-rankingofficialdom have gained prominence, and monks have helpedorchestrate the destruction of Muslim and Christian property....”(Paragraph:4)
“...Dreams of repelling Islam and ensuring the dominance ofBuddhism animate the BoduBalaSena (BBS), Sri Lanka's mostpowerful Buddhist organization whose name means BuddhistStrength Army..." (paragraph:12)
33
From the paragraph above Buddhists gained power with
linked their religion to the high ranking official dome in Sri Lanka.
Not only in Sri Lanka, Buddhist monks in Thailand also gained
helps from the soldiers of Thai Army when they leave their
temples to collect alms, they armed their self because they feel that
they need protection from sudden attack possibility from the
minorities groups.
On the data above shows one clause higher than another,
the article’s writer tells us that the minorities left out their identity
because of the pressure from Buddhist as majority group.
“... Now it's Buddhism's turn...”(Paragraph:7)
As said in the theoretical frameworks, Buddhists can do this
action because Buddhists has more power over the minorities
group and their action control over the minorities. And usually, the
powerful group gained a permission or immune from their own
government law in chasing minorities.
“But Burma's democratization has also allowed extremist voices toproliferate and unleashed something akin to ethnic cleansing. Thetrouble began last year in the far west, where clashes between localBuddhists and Muslims claimed a disproportionate number ofMuslim lives.” (Paragraph:10)
As from data below, they are not immune but they have a lure
of chauvinism.
34
“...Buddhists and their holy men are not immune to politics and, onoccasion, the lure of sectarian chauvinism...”(paragraph:6)
From the data above, it can be seen that social control over
the minorities by Buddhists induces a limitation of the control of
the minorities group. In other words, the exercises of power by
Buddhists results in the limitations of the minority social freedom
of action. So that, Buddhists can do anything they want in order to
decrease the growth of the minorities on their land because they
worry minorities will increase faster than their own.
Actually, minorities can defense for their own group from
Buddhists propaganda by knowing Buddhists wishes, wants,
preferences or intention from their treats. Minorities have known
about Buddhists wishes, to make their country –Sri Lanka,
Myanmar, and Thailand – perfectly to be Buddhist land. Buddhists
want to chase away the minorities from Buddhist land. And also
their preference and intention. There is no need an observation or
even an interpretation of Buddhists social action toward minorities.
Because minorities groups only need a thing, power, and they lack
of it. It cannot be avoided when Buddhists chase them away from
their own country or take them in a war. Because Buddhists more
powerful than minorities.
The power groups is not only involved by that own groups,
but also from the symbolic elites.
35
b. Elites Power
Besides of group’s power, dominates groups become more
powerful because of their elites that personally they also have
influence power in the group.
Such as Buddhist’s monk AishinWirathu from Myanmar,
who was jailed for seven years for his role in inciting anti-Muslim
pogroms in 2003.
“...The radical monk sees Muslims, who make up at least 5% ofBurma's estimated 60 million people, as a threat to the country andits culture.”
On the data above, the article’s writer explicitly explain that
minorities’ human rights were violated and ignored by Buddhist by
using word “radical”.
"[Muslims] are breeding so fast and they are stealing our women,raping them," he tells me. "They would like to occupy our country,but I won't let them. We must keep MyanmarBuddhist..."(Paragraph:2)
His sermons preach animosity and his target is the Muslim
community, mainly Rohingya Muslim community. He blames
Muslim for the clashes and repeats claims about reproduction rates.
He also claims that Buddhist women are being converted by force
and is leading a campaign for legislation to prevent Burmese
Buddhist women for marrying other faiths without official
permission. But, why the government does not stopped him?
36
Because many believe that he gives voice to popular views,
particularly about Rohingya Muslims, which they could not voice
themselves for diplomatic reason.
“...But Wirathu is charismatic and powerful, and his messageresonates....” (Paragraph:9)
BesidesWirathu, powerful elite of Buddhist is former
president of Sri Lanka, MahindaRajapaksa.
“After President MahindaRajapaksa, a conservative, was elected in2005, Buddhist supremacist groups became more powerful.”(Paragraph:12)
After he was elected, Buddhists become more powerful and
have no intention to give minorities freedom. There are attacks
doing by Buddhists in some place such as in Muslim stores and
Christian pastor’s house. But, no one has been charged they being
captured in the video footage. From this case, the power of elite can
be seen. The other reason is the government party has a coalition
with a monk-dominated party. Besides, the Sri Lanka Defense
Secretary is president’s brother, GotabhayaRajapaksa.
“...Despite monk is being captured on video leading some of themarauding, none have been charged... "It is the monks who protectour country, religion and race." (Paragraph:13)
From these reasons, it seems that Buddhists in Sri Lanka are
immune to politics and government’s law and they can go bad to
the minorities as they wish in order to protect their religion, race,
37
and their country. And it makes the minorities still far from the
freedom.
c. Power Effect
An amazing power between Buddhists and government to
make the country be 100 per cent Buddhist land makes some
effects to the minority group, especially Muslims in Myanmar. The
effects are such as pogroms, violence and discrimination. The
discrimination that minorities got, it becomes worse day by day.
Buddhist pogroms against Muslims are not confined to
Myanmar only, but also in Sri Lanka and Thailand. In Myanmar,
Dozen Muslim were killed, thousands homeless, and mosques
razed. They burned down the houses and forced the residents to
leave.
“Machete-wielding Buddhist hordes attacked Rohingya villages;70 Muslims were slaughtered in a daylong massacre in one hamlet,according to Human Rights Watch. The communal violence, whichthe government has done little to check, has since migrated toother parts of the country. In March, dozens were killed and tens ofthousands left homeless as homes and mosques were razed.Children were hacked apart and women torched. In severalinstances, monks were seen goading on frenzied Buddhists.”
The data above describes the condition that the human
rights of the minorities have been limited by the intimidation from
the majority, Buddhists. They have attacked minority group homes,
shops, and workplaces. And from the text above the article’s writer
tells us that minorities still get discrimination. Or it can be said that
38
minorities still far from freedom to live their life in their own
countries.
“...In recent months, their campaign of intimidation has includedattacks on a Muslim-owned clothing store, a Christian pastor'shouse and a Muslim-linked slaughterhouse...
Through the text above the article’s writer tells that
Buddhists do not recognizing the human rights of minorities, so
that she showed the opposite actions. Some of the actions are
giving limitation in human rights, restoring minorities’ cultural
rights. Giving limitation and restoring human rights are absolutely
wrong. Because human rights and cultural rights are rights for
everyone who breath. The discrimination and the war between
these religions cannot be avoided. They kill each other.
”In late March, the transport hub of Meikhtila burned for days,with entire Muslim quarters razed by Buddhist mobs after a monkwas killed by Muslims. (The official death toll: two Buddhists andat least 40 Muslims.) Thousands of Muslims are still crammed intorefugee camps where journalists are forbidden to enter. I was ableto meet the family of 15-year-old Abdul RazakShahban, one of atleast 20 students at a local madrasah who were killed. Razak's ownlife ended when a nail-studded plank was slammed against hisskull. "My son was killed because he was Muslim, nothing else,"Razak's mother Rahamabi told me, in the shadow of a burned-outmosque.(paragraph: 11)
All those happen are because of the effect from Buddhists
power as the strongest dominated group in Myanmar, Sri Lanka,
and South Thailand to protect the countries become 100 per cent
Buddhist land. Buddhist holds the power and the discrimination
cannot be stopped.
39
CHAPTER IV
CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS
A. Conclusions
To conclude the analysis of “When Buddhist Go Bad” article, the
writer of the article provides some subtle arguments of two points.
The first point is the writer of the article conveys the image of
Buddhist and serves the ideology of the Buddhists as the dominant group
in persuasive way and using word play rather than serve words blandly. As
a result it makes the headlines of the article appears persuasively to attract
the readers to read her article. And can be conclude that the Buddhists
ideology is Rasicm.
And the second point is the description about the power inside the
article. The group’s power, elites powers of the group, and the effect of the
power. The writer serves the power of Buddhists as the strongest majority
group in Myanmar, Sri Lanka, and Southern Thailand. She explains
Buddhists make a limitation to the minority group space to live with the
power they have. Beside the group’s power, elite’s powers supported to
fight of the minority group from their own land. And both power, group
and elites power, caused the negative effect to the minority group, like
Muslim, Christian, and Jews. The negative effects are like violence,
pogrom, and discrimination.
40
As the conclusion, text analysis on the samples shows injustice to
the minority group which finally bears discriminated action from the
majority group in the society and the regulation of the action is also
supported by the government.
B. Suggestions
The news about “When Buddhists Go Bad” which is landed in
Times Magazine only exposes Buddhists power against minorities groups
that need to be pitied. Hence, the researcher suggests, Mass Media should
not only serve the news with the cause of the problems, but also with the
solution of the problems. Because one of the functions of the media is give
direction in creating people opinion. So that, the readers have more
information and know what the readers must do.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Gilian. B & George. Y. Discourse Analysis, Cambridge University press,Cambridge, 1988
Linda. W & Rolf. K. “Doing Discourse Analysis”. Sage, 2000
M.H. Abrams and G.G. Harpham, A Glossary of Literary Terms, 2005
Ricento, Thomas. Ideology, Politic, and Language Policies (Focus on Study).University of Texas, San Antonio. 2000
Van Dijk. Discourse & Society. (London, Newbury Park, and New Delhi) vol. 4.Sage 1993
Van Dijk. News as Discourse. Hillsdale, New Jersey. 1988.
Van Dijk. Power and Discourse. Palgrave Macmillan. 2008
Van Dijk. Principal of Critical Discourse Analysis . University of Amsterdam.Sage. 1993
Van Dijk, T. The Handbook of Discourse Analysis. Stanford University.
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Website:
cw.routledge.com/textbooks/9780415874298/data/Chapter9.ppt
http://www.qualitative-research.net/index.php/fqs/article/view/255/561
www.discourses.org/OldArticles/Critical%20discourse%20analysis.pdf
His face as still and serene as a statue's, the Buddhist monk who has taken the title "the Burmese bin Laden" begins his sermon. Hundreds of worshippers sit before him, palms pressed together, sweat trickling silently down their sticky backs. On cue, the crowd chants with the man in burgundy robes, the mantras drifting through the sultry air of a temple in Mandalay, Burma's second biggest city after
Rangoon. It seems a peaceful scene, but Wirathu's message crackles with hate. "Now is not the time for calm," the 46-year-old monk intones, as he spends 90 minutes describing the many ways in which he detests the minority Muslims in this Buddhist-majority land. "Now is the time to rise up, to make your blood
boil."
Figure 1 Radical Buddhist monk Wirathu with his entourage in Mandalay, Burma (Adam Dean/Panos for TIME)
Buddhist blood is boiling in Burma, also known as Myanmar — and plenty of Muslim blood is being spilled. Over the past year, Buddhist mobs have targeted members of the minority faith. The authorities say scores of Muslims have been killed; international human-rights workers put the number in the hundreds. Much of the violence was directed against the Rohingya, a largely stateless Muslim group in Burma's far west that the U.N. calls one of the world's most persecuted people. The communal bloodshed then spread to central Burma, where Wirathu lives and preaches his virulent sermons. The radical monk sees Muslims, who make up at least 5% of Burma's estimated 60 million people, as a threat to the country and its culture. "[Muslims] are breeding so fast and they are stealing our women, raping them," he tells me. "They would like to occupy our country, but I won't let them. We must keep Myanmar Buddhist."
Such hate speech threatens the delicate political ecosystem in a country peopled by at least 135 ethnic groups that has only recently been unshackled from nearly half a century of military rule. Already some government officials are calling for implementation of a ban, rarely enforced during the military era, on Rohingya women's bearing more than two children. And many Christians in the country's north say recent fighting between the Burmese military and ethnic Kachin insurgents, who are mostly Christian, was exacerbated by the religious divides.
Radical Buddhism is also thriving in other parts of Asia. This year in Sri Lanka, Buddhist nationalist groups with links to high-ranking officialdom have gained prominence, and monks have helped orchestrate the destruction of Muslim and Christian property. And in Thailand's deep south, where a Muslim insurgency
has claimed some 5,000 lives since 2004, the Thai army trains civilian militias and often accompanies Buddhist monks when they leave their temples to collect alms, as their faith asks of them. The commingling of soldiers and monks — some of whom have armed themselves — only heightens the alienation felt by Thailand's minority Muslims.
Although each nation's history dictates the course radical Buddhism has taken within its borders, growing access to the Internet means that prejudice and rumors are instantly inflamed with each Facebook post or tweet. Violence can easily spill across borders. In June in Malaysia, where hundreds of thousands of Burmese migrants work, several Buddhist Burmese were killed — likely in retribution, Malaysian authorities say, for the deaths of Muslims back in Burma.
In the reckoning of religious extremism — Hindu nationalists, Muslim militants, fundamentalist Christians, ultra-Orthodox Jews — Buddhism has largely escaped trial. To much of the world, it is synonymous with nonviolence and loving kindness, concepts propagated by Siddhartha Gautama, the Buddha, 2,500 years ago. But like adherents of any religion, Buddhists and their holy men are not immune to politics and, on occasion, the lure of sectarian chauvinism.
When Asia rose up against empire and oppression, Buddhist monks, with their moral command and plentiful numbers, led anticolonial movements. Some starved themselves for their cause, their sunken flesh and protruding ribs underlining their sacrifice for the laity. Perhaps most iconic is the image of Thich Quang Duc, a Vietnamese monk sitting in the lotus position, wrapped in flames, as he burned to death in Saigon while protesting the repressive South Vietnamese regime 50 years ago. In 2007, Buddhist monks led a foiled democratic uprising in Burma: images of columns of clerics bearing upturned alms bowls, marching peacefully in protest against the junta, earned sympathy around the world, if not from the soldiers who slaughtered them. But where does social activism end and political militancy begin? Every religion can be twisted into a destructive force poisoned by ideas that are antithetical to its foundations. Now it's Buddhism's turn.
Mantra of Hate
Sitting cross-legged on a raised platform at the New Masoeyein monastery in Mandalay, next to a wall covered by life-size portraits of himself, Wirathu expounds on his worldview. U.S. President Barack Obama has "been tainted by black Muslim blood." Arabs have hijacked the U.N., he believes, although he sees no irony in linking his name to that of an Arab terrorist. Around 90% of Muslims in Burma are "radical bad people," says Wirathu, who was jailed for seven years for his role in inciting anti-Muslim pogroms in 2003. He now leads a movement called 969 — the figure represents various attributes of the Buddha — which calls on Buddhists to fraternize only among themselves. "Taking care of our religion and race is more important than democracy," says Wirathu.
It would be easy to dismiss Wirathu as an uneducated outlier with little doctrinal basis for his bigotry, one of eight children who ended up in a monastery because his parents wanted one less mouth to feed. But Wirathu is charismatic and powerful, and his message resonates. Among the country's majority Bamar — or Burman — ethnic group, as well as across Buddhist parts of Asia, there's a vague sense that
their religion is under siege, that Islam has already conquered Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Afghanistan — all these formerly Buddhist lands — and that other dominoes could fall. Even without proof, Buddhist nationalists fear that local Muslim populations are increasing faster than their own, and they worry about Middle Eastern money pouring in to build new mosques.
Since Burma began its reforms in 2011, with the junta giving way to a quasi-civilian government, surprisingly few people have called for holding the army accountable for its repressive rule. This equanimity has been ascribed to the Buddhist spirit of forgiveness. But Burma's democratization has also allowed extremist voices to proliferate and unleashed something akin to ethnic cleansing. The trouble began last year in the far west, where clashes between local Buddhists and Muslims claimed a disproportionate number of Muslim lives. Machete-wielding Buddhist hordes attacked Rohingya villages; 70 Muslims were slaughtered in a daylong massacre in one hamlet, according to Human Rights Watch. The communal violence, which the government has done little to check, has since migrated to other parts of the country. In March, dozens were killed and tens of thousands left homeless as homes and mosques were razed. Children were hacked apart and women torched. In several instances, monks were seen goading on frenzied Buddhists.
In late March, the transport hub of Meikhtila burned for days, with entire Muslim quarters razed by Buddhist mobs after a monk was killed by Muslims. (The official death toll: two Buddhists and at least 40 Muslims.) Thousands of Muslims are still crammed into refugee camps where journalists are forbidden to enter. I was able to meet the family of 15-year-old Abdul Razak Shahban, one of at least 20 students at a local madrasah who were killed. Razak's own life ended when a nail-studded plank was slammed against his skull. "My son was killed because he was Muslim, nothing else," Razak's mother Rahamabi told me, in the shadow of a burned-out mosque.
Temple and State
Dreams of repelling Islam and ensuring the dominance of Buddhism animate the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), Sri Lanka's most powerful Buddhist organization whose name means Buddhist Strength Army. At the group's annual convention in February in a suburb of Sri Lanka's capital Colombo, more than 100 monks led the proceedings, as followers clutched Buddhist flags, clasped their right hand to their chest and pledged to defend their religion. Founded just a year ago, the BBS insists that Sri Lanka, the world's oldest continually Buddhist nation, needs to robustly reclaim its spiritual roots. It wants monks to teach history in government schools and has called for religious headscarves to be banned, even though 9% of the population is Muslim. Said BBS general secretary and monk Galaboda Aththe Gnanasara Thero at the group's annual meeting: "This is a Buddhist government. This is a Buddhist country."
Hard-line monks, like those in the BBS, have turned on minority Muslims and Christians, especially since the 26-year war against the largely Hindu Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam insurgency ended four years ago. After President Mahinda Rajapaksa, a conservative, was elected in 2005, Buddhist supremacist groups became more powerful. In recent months, their campaign of intimidation has included attacks on a Muslim-owned clothing store, a Christian pastor's house and a Muslim-linked slaughterhouse. Despite monks' being captured on video leading some of the marauding, none have been charged. Indeed,
temple and state are growing ever closer in Sri Lanka, with a monk-dominated party serving as a coalition member of the government. In March, the guest of honor at the opening ceremony for the BBS-founded Buddhist Leadership Academy was Sri Lanka's Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the President's brother, who said, "It is the monks who protect our country, religion and race."
Alms in Arms
In Thailand's deep south, it's the monks who need help — and in their desperation some have resorted to methods contrary to Buddhism's pacifist dogma. The southern provinces of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat used to be part of a Malay sultanate before staunchly Buddhist Thailand annexed the region early last century. Muslims make up at least 80% of the area's population. Since a separatist insurgency intensified in 2004, many Buddhists have been targeted because their positions — such as teachers, soldiers or government workers — are linked to the Thai state. Dozens of monks have been attacked too. Now the Thai military and other security forces have moved into the wat, as Thai Buddhist temples are known, and soldiers go out each morning with monks as they collect alms. "There's no other choice," says Lieutenant Sawai Kongsit. "We cannot separate Buddhism from guns anymore."
Wat Lak Muang, in the town of Pattani, is home to 10 Buddhist monks and around 100 soldiers. The sprawling compound's main stupa has been taken over as an operational command center for the Thai army's 23rd battalion, with camouflage netting wrapped around the central base of the holy structure. Each year, thousands of Buddhist volunteers receive training at this wat to join armed civilian militias charged with guarding their villages. Prapaladsuthipong Purassaro, who was a monk for 16 years and now tends the temple, admits that when he wore monastic robes, he owned three pistols. "Maybe I felt a little bit guilty as a Buddhist," he says. "But we have to protect ourselves."
If Buddhists feel more protected by the presence of soldiers in their temples, it sends quite another signal to the Muslim population. "By inviting soldiers into the wat, the state is wedding religion to the military," says Michael Jerryson, an assistant professor of religious studies at Youngstown State University in Ohio and author of a book about Buddhism's role in the southern Thailand conflict. "Buddhists will never think we're Thai people," says Sumoh Makeh, the mother of a suspected insurgent who, with 15 others, was killed by Thai marines in February after they tried to raid a naval base. "This is our land but we are the outsiders." After all, Muslims too are running scared in the deep south. More of them have perished in the violence than Buddhists, felled by indiscriminate bombings or whispers that they were somehow connected to the state. (By proportion of population, however, more Buddhists have died.) Yet monk after monk tells me that Muslims are using mosques to store weapons, or that every imam carries a gun. "Islam is a religion of violence," says Phratong Jiratamo, a marine turned monk. "Everyone knows this."
It's a sentiment the Burmese bin Laden would endorse. I wonder how Wirathu reconciles the peaceful sutras of his faith with the anti-Muslim violence spreading across his Bamar-majority homeland. "In Buddhism, we are not allowed to go on the offensive," he tells me. "But we have every right to defend our community." Later, as he preaches to an evening crowd, I listen to him compel smiling housewives,
students, teachers, grandmothers and others to repeat after him: "I will sacrifice myself for the Bamar race."
The Buddhist spirit of forgiveness, though, still exists in the unlikeliest of places. In 2011, Watcharapong Suttha, a monk at Wat Lak Muang, was doing his morning alms, guarded by soldiers, when a bomb detonated. The lower half of his body is covered in shrapnel scars. Now 29 and disrobed, Watcharapong is still traumatized, his eyes darting, his body beset by twitches. But he does not blame an entire faith for his attack. "Islam is a peaceful religion, like Buddhism, like all religions," he says. "If we blame Muslims, they will blame us. Then this violence will never end."