1|G i l l e s D a u v

2| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

3|G i l l e s D a u v

4| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

ACONTRIBUTIONTOTHECRITIQUEOFPOLITICALAUTONOMYGILLESDAUV

ITSVERYDIFFICULTTOFORCEINTOOBEDIENCEWHOEVERHASNOWISHTOCOMMAND.

J.J.ROUSSEAUNocritiquebeyondthispoint

Anycritiqueofdemocracyarousessuspicion,andevenmoresoifthiscritiqueismadebythosewhowishaworldwithoutcapitalandwagelabour,withoutclasses,withoutaState.

Publicopiniondislikesbutunderstandsthosewhodespisedemocracyfromareactionaryorelitistpointofview.Someonewhodeniesthecommonmansorwomansabilitytoorganizeandrunhimselforherself,logicallywillopposedemocracy.Butsomeonewhofirmlybelievesinthisability,andyetregardsdemocracyasunfitforhumanemancipation,isdoomedtothedustbinsoftheory.Atthebest,heislookeddownuponasanidiot;attheworst,hegetsthereputationofawarpedmindwhollendupinthepoorcompanyofthearchenemiesofdemocracy:thefascists.

Indeed,iftheemancipationoftheworkingclassesmustbeconqueredbytheworkingclassesthemselves,itseemsobviousthatinordertoemancipatethemselves,theexploitedmustnotonlydoawaywiththepowerstructuresthatenslavethem,butalsocreatetheirownorgansofdebatinganddecisionmaking.Exercisingonescollectivefreedom,isntthatwhatdemocracy

5|G i l l e s D a u v

isallabout?Thatassumptionhasthemeritofsimplicity:tochangetheworldandlivethebestpossiblehumanlife,whatbetterwaythantobasethislifeoninstitutionsthatwillprovidethelargestnumberofpeoplewiththelargestfreedomonspeechanddecisiontaking?Besides,whenevertheyfight,thedominatedmassesgenerallydeclaretheirwilltoestablishtheauthenticdemocracythatsbeensofarlacking.

Forallthesereasons,thecritiqueofdemocracyisalostorforgottenbattle.Setthecontrolsfortheheartofthematter

Democracyclaimstobethemostdifficultobjectivetoachieve,andalsothemostvital,theidealthatallhumanbeingsdesire:thetheoryandpracticeofcollectivefreedom.Democracyisequatedwithorganizingsociallifebycommondecisionswhichtakeintoaccounteverybodysneedsanddesiresasmuchascanbe.

Butthatidealalsoclaimsthattobemorethanjustanideal,thisprocessofcommondecisionmakingshouldhappeninconditionsofequalitybetweenusall.Merepoliticalequalitygiveseachcitizenrightsbutnoteffectivepowers:realdemocracyimpliessocioeconomicequality,withnomorerichandpoor,nomoremasterandservant,nomorebossandemployee.Soafairtotalreorganizationandsharingofricheswillenableeachofustogetafairshareindecisionmakingonbigissuesaswellasonminorones.Wellhaveademocracythatsnotjustformal,butreal.

Thisiswherewebumpintoalogicalflaw.Sharingisabasicandelementarynecessaryhumanattitude,butnoone

seriouslyexpectsittosolvethesocialquestion.Atbest,itcanalleviateit.Nomoralistorprophethaseverconvincedtherichandthemightytodividetheirwealthandpowerfairlybetweenallhumanbeings.Wereentitledtoaskwherethissocial(andnotjustpolitical)fairnessisgoingtocomefrom?Democracycantachieveitonitsown.Thissocalledrealdemocracylacksreality.

Democracyisacontradiction:itpretendstogiveandguaranteesomethingessentialwhichinevitablyevadesit.

Still,whilemostpeoplegoonatlengthaboutthefailingsofdemocracy,veryfewarewillingtodiscussitsnature,becauseitappearsasthebestframeworkforhumanemancipation,andtheonlywaytogetit.Anyresistancetoexploitation,andanyendeavourtocreateaworldwithoutexploitation,isfacedwiththehardfactoftheexploiterscontrolovertheexploited.Theendlessstruggleagainstfactorydespotism,againstbossruleontheshopfloorand

6| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

outsidethefactory,andalsothestruggleforrankandfilecontroloverastrike,gobeyondthemererefusaltodependuponaboss,alocalpolitician,orevenaunionorpartyleader.Thatnegativehasapositivedimension.Itsthefirststeptodirect,noncompetitive,solidarityrelations,whichentailnewwaysofmeeting,discussingandmakingdecisions.Nosocialmovement,bigorsmall,canevadetheissue:Whorules?Otherwise,withoutproceduresandstructuresdifferentfromtopdownones,thelowerclasseswilleternallybetreatedasinferior.Betheycalledacommune,acommittee,acollective,asoviet,acouncil,orasimplegeneralmeeting,everyparticipantinthesebodiesrealizeshisindividualfreedomaswellashiscollectiveexistence.Libertyandfraternityarelivedthroughacts.

Now,dotheseformscreatethemovementorjustexpressandstructureit?

Itsnousedisclaimingourquestiononthegroundsthattheseformsdoboth

becausethenatureofdemocracyistotreatthespacetimeofdebateanddecision,notaswhatitis,acomponentofsociallife(andthereforeofallpositivechange),butastheprimeconditionofsociallife(andthereforeofallpositivechange).Thatswhatwellbediscussing.

Ontheway,wellalsohavetoshowhowthisblindinglightisevenmoreattractivelydeceptivebecausetheworddemocracyitselfisconfusedandconfusing.

Butfirst,alittlehistoricalmeandering,toseewhatcritiqueisnotours.Thetraditionalistorreactionarycritique

Inspiteoftheirdifferences,theopponentsoftheFrenchRevolutionlikeBurke,latemonarchistslikeCh.Maurras,ortheGermanthinkersoftheConservativeRevolutioninthe20thcentury,sharedacommondistastefortheRightsofMan,becausetheyalldismissthenotionoftheuniversalityofthehumanspecies.Inmylife,IveseenFrenchmen,Italians,Russians,etc.;asforMan,ImustconfessIvenevermethim(...)(J.deMaistre,1796)Theypreferthesupposedlyrealabstractionofthesoil,thenation,thepeople,theVolk,thenatives,etc.,tothemoreobviouslyabstractabstractionofthemodernvotingcitizen.Tothem,humanbeingscanonlybebrothersandsistersiftheybelongtoacertaingroupororigin.Thatgroupcanevenbe(German)labourinE.JungersTheWorker(1932),butitsstilllimited.Communism,onthecontrary,isthepossibilityoftheuniversal.

7|G i l l e s D a u v

OurcritiqueaddressestheState,democraticordictatorial.ReactionarycritiqueaddressesthedemocraticState.Fascismhasadeephatredofdemocracyand,ifitcomestopower,itdoesawaywithpoliticalcompetition,butwhathehatesaboutthedemocraticsystemisparliamentaryprocedures,nottheStateinstitutionswhichfascistsseduce,conquer,occupyandfortify,therebytakingtotheirextremepotentialswhichexistinallparliamentaryregimes.

CommunismopposesdemocracybecauseitisantiState.Fascismonlyopposesdemocracy,becauseitisproState.WetakeondemocracyasaformoftheState,whereasreactionariestakeitonasapoliticalformtheyconsidertoofeebletodefendtheState.MussoliniandHitlerdestroyedparliamentarianisminordertocreateanalmightycentralexecutiveandadministrativepower.Communistshavehadtodealwithparliamentarianismasoneoftheforms(andnotafeebleone)ofgovernmentandrepression.Reactiondenouncesfreewillandbourgeoisindividualismtoreplacethemwith(oldornew)formsofoppressiveauthority.Theywantlessthanindividuals.Thecommunistperspectiveaimstorealizetheindividualsaspirationstoafreedomthatisbothpersonalandlivedwithothers.Itwantsmorethantheindividual.Nietzschescritique

IntheeyesofNietzsche,asocietyofmastersrulingoverslaveshasbeensucceededbythesocietyoftheaverageman,themanofthemasses,whereonlyslavesaretobefound.Zarathustrasauthorstoodforanewaristocracy,nolongerbasedonbirth,noronmoney,nor(astheNaziinterpretationwouldhaveit)onpower,evenlessonrace,butonthefree/mind/spirit/whosnotafraidofsolitude.ItsbecausehewouldlikeeveryoneofustoriseabovehimselfandabovetheherdthatNietzscheishostiletosocialism(heseesanycollectivismasanothertypeofgregariousness),andtoanarchism(anautonomousherd,ashecallsitinBeyondGood&Evil).

Forwhatconcernsushere,theflawinNietzschesvisiondoesnotlieinhiselitism,whichisundeniable(inthatrespect,theThirdReichdidnotdistorthiswritingstoomuch).Morebasically,asolutionwhichisneitherhistoricalnorpolitical,butmythicalandpoetic,canonlyhavemeaningandvalueasanartistsmorals.Nietzscheanpoliticscantberecuperatedbecauseitdoesnotexist.Hewasnotdealingwiththesocialquestion.Hisethicsisonlytobelivedbytheindividual,attheriskoflosingonesmind,ashappenedtothephilosopherhimself.

8| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

Theindividualistcritique

Thedemocraticsystemisoftenblamedforcrushingtheindividualunderthecollective.ThepoetanddandyCharlesBaudelaire(182167)wrote:Nothingmoreridiculousthanlookingfortruthinnumbers(...)theballotboxisonlythewaytocreateapoliceforce.Andinthe20thcentury,KarlKraus:Democracyistherightforeveryonetobetheslaveofall.

Whateverelementoftruththispointofviewmaycontain,thepartisansofdemocracyhavetheiranswerready.Theydonotdenythepressureofdemocracyovertheindividual.Theysaythedemocraticsystemgiveseveryonealargerscopeforfreedomthanhewouldgetifhisindividualitywaslockedwithinitself,orifithadtogointoanunpredictablecongregationofindividualatoms.

Someindividualistsaremoresocialthanothers.Theysuggestanassociationoffreelyconsentingindividuals.Thisispreciselyoneofthevariantofthedemocraticcontract,perhapsoneofthemostprogressive.Ignoringdemocracy

Before1848,largesectorsofsocialismdidnotexpectanythingfromdemocracy,becausetheystoodoutsidepolitics.Inspiteoftheirquarrels,theseschoolsofthoughtagreedonthegeneralizationofassociations,asaremedytothedissociation(P.Leroux)broughtaboutbythetriumphofindustryandmoney.Allthatwasneededwastocombinepassions(Fourier),creativemindsandproductiveabilities(SaintSimon),ormutualbonds(Proudhon).UnliketheneobabouvistswhodinheritedBabeufsexperienceandadvocatedtheseizureofpoliticalpowerbyorganizedmassviolence,alltheabovementionedthinkersbelievedinthesupremacyofmorals:anewworldwouldbebornlessoutofnecessitythanbyanethicalimpetus.Someevenhopedthatsocialismcouldbefounded(funded,actually)bygenerousenlightenedbourgeois,onasmallscaleatfirst,andthendevelopasthebulkofsocietywouldfollowitsexample,politicalpowerhavinglittleornothingtodoaboutit:thereforetherewasnoneedforrevolution.

Thisisneitheracritiqueofpoliticsnorofdemocracy.Thecommunistperspectiveisantipolitical,notapolitical.

9|G i l l e s D a u v

TheRevolutionarySyndicalistcritique:circumventingdemocracy

Thoughitmayseemtohaveonlyahistoricalinterest,thiscritiqueisstillactivetoday,inadifferentwayfrom1910ofcourse.Theideatoabsorbpoliticsintotheeconomy,i.e.tohaveadirectlysocialdemocracy,issurfacingagaininthecurrentutopiaofaseizureoflocalpowersogeneralizedthatitwouldtakeawaythesubstanceofcentralpoliticalpower(theState),andthusrelieveusfromthenecessityofdestroyingtheState.InChangingtheWorldWithoutTakingPower(2002),J.Hollowayarguesthatradicaltransformationisnowsoembeddedinourdailylivesthatweregraduallytransformingthefabricofsociety,withouttheneedforapotentiallydictatorialbreak.Evolutioninsteadofrevolution,whatelse?Theslowrevolutionsnotion,recentlytheorizedbyA.Bartra,partlyinspiredbythesituationinMexicoandtakenupbysomeradicals,amountstonorevolution.

Inthemid19thcentury,too,insteadofaddressingdemocracy,somehopedtogoroundit.

Proudhonbelievedthatworkgavethetoilingmassesapoliticalcapacity:letsfindanewwayofproducinggoods,letsmakethebourgeoisuseless,therestwillfollow,andtheworkshopwillreplacegovernment.Democracywasneitheracceptednorfoughtagainst,butdirectlyrealizedbywork,withoutanymediation.

Aboutfiftyyearslater,revolutionarysyndicalismhadaloathingforparliamentarydemocracy.Thevehicleforchangewastocomefromlabourorganizedinindustrial(asopposedtotrade)unions,whichwouldunitethewholeclass,skilledandunskilled.Proudhonhadbeentheideologueofcraftsmenandsmallindustry.Anarchosyndicalismwasadaptedtotheageoftrustsandhugefactories,buttheprinciplewassimilar:afusionbetweenindustryandgovernment.Afteractingasanegalitarianbodyfightingthebossesandpolice,theunionwouldlatermanagetheeconomyduringandaftertherevolution.Somesyndicalists,likeDeLeonintheUS,wantedparallelpoliticalandindustrialaction,buttothempoliticswasclearlyoutsideandagainstparliament.

Revolutionarysyndicalismhasbeenreproachedforitselitism.Itstrueitemphasizedtheroleofactiveminoritiesthatwould/spur/push/thelessadvancedintoaction.Butmostrevolutionarysyndicalistsaimedatanactiveclassconsciousmasselite,utterlydifferentfromwhattheysawasthepassivemassofsheeplikesocialdemocratvoters.GeorgesSorel(18471922)thoughtthatthelabourunion,unlikeparliamentandpartylife,bredafairandrealorganizedequality,asallmemberswerewagelabourersandinsolidaritywitheachother.

10| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

Thenewpoliticalprincipleoftheproletariatisthegovernmentbyvocationalgroupsselforganizedintheworkplace.Resistancebodieswillfinallyenlargetheirscopeandrangesomuchthattheywillabsorbnearlyallpoliticsinasuccessfulstruggletosuckbourgeoispoliticalorganizationdryofalllife.

Ononeessentialpoint,Sorelhadapoint:Marxbelievedthatthedemocraticregimehastheadvantagethatasworkersarenolongerattractedtofightingthemonarchyorthearistocracy,thenotionofclassbecomeseasiertograsp.Experienceteachesustheopposite;democracyisquitegoodatpreventingtheadvanceofsocialism,bydivertingworkersmindstowardtradeunionismundergovernmentprotection.(1908)

Sorel,however,onlyscoredanegativepointagainstMarx,becauseexperiencewasalsoteachingtheoppositeofwhathewasexpecting:theunionfailedaswellastheparty,andunionselforganizationwasoftensuckeddryofalllifebybourgeoisdemocracy.

Youcantdestroyasocietybyusingtheorganswhicharetheretopreserveit(...)anyclasswhowantstoliberateitselfmustcreateitsownorgan,H.Lagardellewrotein1908,withoutrealizingthathiscritiquecouldbeappliedasmuchtotheunions(includingasupposedrevolutionarysyndicalistFrenchCGTonafastroadtobureaucratizationandclasscollaboration)astothepartiesoftheSecondInternational.Revolutionarysyndicalismdiscardedthevoterandpreferredtheproducer:itforgotthatbourgeoissocietycreatesandlivesoffboth.Communismwillgobeyondboth.Antiparliamentarianism

Understandinguniversalsuffrageastheactbywhichthattheworkersswaptheirpotentialviolenceforavotingpaper,ispartoftheessentialsofsocialcritique.Attackingelectionshasbeenaconstantthemefortheanarchists,andwasnotuncommonamongsocialistsbefore1914.AllleftfactionsandpartiesintheSecondInternationalagreedthatanyparliamentremainsunderthecontroloftherulingclass,andelectiondayisalwaysasetbackforradicalism.After1917,thisremainedafundamentaltenetofallvarietiesofcommunists.Eventhosewhoadvocatedtacticaluseofelectionsregardedthesoviets,andnottheParliament,asthepoliticalbasisandorganofafuturerevolution.

Thatbeingsaid,anditmustbesaid,rejectingparliamentdoesnotsumupnordefineourperspective,nomorethandespisingtherichorhatingmoney.Mussolinialsowantedtobringdownoldbourgeoisinstitutions,andhesucceeded,uptoapoint.

11|G i l l e s D a u v

TheBolshevikcritique:dictatorshipversusdemocracy

In1920,againstKautskysTerrorism&Communismpublishedayearbefore,Trotskywroteabookwiththesametitle.Kautskyopposeddemocracyandmassfreedomtocivilwarandsystematicuseofviolence.Trotskydistinguishesbetweendemocracyasuniversalsuffrage,anddemocracyasthemassofthepeopleitself:tounderstandwhatismeantbypeople,onehastogointoaclassanalysis.

Beforeparliamentarianismasweveknownitsincetheendofthe19thcentury,Trotskyexplains,therewereexamplesofearlyconservativedemocracy:theagrariandemocracyofthefarmersintheNewEnglandtownmeeting,theSwissselfgovernmentoftheurbanlowermiddleclassesandtherichpeasantry(praisedbyRousseauinTheSocialContract,1762).Then,ascapitalandlabourbecamethepolarclassesofsociety,bourgeoisdemocracydevelopedastheweaponofdefenceagainstclassantagonisms.TrotskyremindsthereaderwhatWesterncivilizeddemocracyhasledto:aworldwar.

AsforRussia,Trotskyjustifiesterrorandcoercionmethodsonthegroundsthattheyretheonlymethodsavailableiftheproletariatistodefenditselfagainstafarmoreterroristandbloodthirstycounterrevolution.Whenthecivilwarisover(...)Bymeansofasystematicallyappliedlabourservice,andacentralizedorganizationofdistribution,thewholepopulationofthecountrywillbedrawnintothegeneralsystemofeconomicarrangementandselfgovernment.

KnowingthatTrotskywasatthesametimeadvocatingforcedmilitarizationoflabour,onecanonlyreadthoselinesasstatesmantalkjustifyinghisownpoweroverthecommonpeople.Forwhatconcernsushere,Trotskyonlytargetsdemocracybecauseofwhatitsbecomeundercapitalism:animperialistdemocracy.So,(...)werepudiatedemocracyinthenameoftheconcentratedpoweroftheproletariat.Heisinterestedintheformstakenbydemocracy(andclaimsBolshevismwilllaterachieveasuperiorform),notinthedemocraticprinciple.Theanarchistcritique:dispersingpower

Leninismishauntedbytheseizureofpower,anarchismbyitsobsessivefear.Asareplytoauthorityanddictatorship,anarchismstandsforthecollectiveversusleadership,bottomversusup,horizontalversusvertical,communeversusgovernment,decentralizationversuscentralization,selfmanagementversustop

12| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

management,localcommunityversusmasselectorate:apluralityoftruedemocraciesinsteadofafalseone,andultimatelytheStatewillbedestroyedbyuniversalizeddemocracy.Lotsofsmallscaleproductionandlivingunitswillbedynamicenoughtogettogetherwithoutanyofthemalienatingitsautonomy.LikethepolisofAncienttimes,themodernmetropolisfallspreytooligarchictendencies:myriadsoffederatedcoops,collectivesanddistrictswillbeabletorunthemselves,andthusremaindemocratic.Ifpowerissplitbetweenmillionsofelements,itbecomesharmless.

Wewontsolvetheproblemofpowerbyspreadinglittlebitsofiteverywhere.Bordigascritique:theoppositeofdemocracy

AmedeoBordigaisoneoftheveryfewwhotookdemocracyseriously:hedidntlookatitsmethods,butatitsprinciple.However,helikenedsomuchproletariandemocracytobourgeoisdemocracythatheendedupmissingtheprincipleitself.

Hisstartingpointisthatdemocracyconsistsinindividualsregardingthemselvesasequals,eachmakinghisownopinionaccordingtohisfreewill,thencomparingitwiththeopinionofothers,beforetakingadecision(usuallyafteravoteandaccordingtomajorityrule:thisisimportant,yetnotessentialtothedefinition).Parliamentstiflestheproletariansbyforcingthemintoapoliticalpartnershipwiththebourgeois.Nothingoriginalinthatlaststatement,butthedeductionthatfollowsisnotsocommon:Bordigathinksworkerdemocracyisalsotoberejected,becauseitdecomposestheproletarianfightingspiritintoindividualdecisions.Democracymeansareunionofequalrightsandwills,whichisimpossibleinbourgeoisparliamentarianism,andpointlessinproletarianclassactivity:revolutiondoesnotdependonamassofindividualdecisionsgettingtogether,noronmajorityorproportionalprocedures,butontheabilityoftheorganizedproletariattoactasacentralizingbodyandacollectivemind.(Bordigacallsitaparty,buthispartyisverydifferentfromtheLeninistone,sinceitisnotbasedonsocialistintellectualsintroducingsocialismintotheworkingclassfromoutside.Tomakethingsmorecomplicated,BordiganeveropenlycriticizedLeninsconceptionoftheparty.)

(...)theprincipleofdemocracyhasnointrinsicvalue.Itisnotaprinciple,butratherasimplemechanismoforganization(...)revolutionisnotaproblemofformsoforganization.Onthecontrary,revolutionisaproblemofcontent,aproblemofthemovementandactionofrevolutionaryforcesinanunendingprocess(...)(Thedemocraticprinciple,January1922)

13|G i l l e s D a u v

Indeedcommunistrevolutionisthecreationofnonprofit,nonmercantile,cooperativeandfraternalsocialrelations,whichimpliessmashingtheStateapparatusanddoingawaywiththedivisionbetweenfirms,withmoneyastheuniversalmediator(andmaster),andwithworkasaseparateactivity.Thatisthecontent.

WhatBordigafailstosee,isthatthiscontentwontcomeoutofanykindofform.Someformsareincompatiblewiththecontent.Wecantreasonliketheendwastheonlythingthatmattered:theendismadeoutofmeans.Certainmeansgetusclosertotheendwewant,whileothersmakeitmoreandmoreremoteandfinallydestroyitspossibility.Thecontentofcommunism(whichBordigawasrighttoemphasize)canonlybebornoutoftheselforganizedactionofthevastmajorityoftheproletariat(CommunistManifesto).Thecommunistmovementisnotdemocratic:neitherisitdictatorial,ifthedictatorisonepartoftheproletariatoppressingtherest.Soonenoughthatpartloseswhateverproletariancharacterithadandturnsintoaprivilegedgrouptellingpeoplewhattodo.ThisiswhathappenedinRussia,assomelikeOttoRhleunderstoodasearlyas192021.

Bordigalacksacritiqueofpolitics.Heperceivesofrevolutionasasuccessionofphases:firstitwouldreplacebourgeoispower,thenitwouldcreatenewsocialrelations.ThisiswhyhehasnotroublebelievingthattheBolshevikscouldhaveruledRussiaforyearsand,evenwithoutbeingableoftransformingthecountryinacommunistway,stillpromoteworldrevolution.Yetpowerisnotsomethingrevolutionariescanholdontowithnorevolutionhappeningintheircountryoranywhereelse.Likemanyothers,Bordigaequatespowertoaninstrument.WhenJanAppelwasstayinginMoscowasaKAPDdelegateintheSummer1920,hewasshownfactorieswithwelloiledmachinesthatcouldnotbeoperatedforlackofspareparts:whentherevolutionbreaksoutinEurope,theRussianworkerswouldtellhim,youllsendussparesandwellbeabletooperatethesemachinesagain.AfterOctober1917,theBolsheviksmusthavethoughtofthemselvesassomethingsimilar:amachinerystillpartlyidlebutpreparingforworldrevolution.Unfortunately,power(andevenmoresoStatepower)isnotatoolwaitingtobeproperlyhandled.Itsasocialstructurethatdoesnotremainonstandbyforlong.Ithasafunction:itconnects,itmakespeopledothings,itimposes,itorganizeswhatexists.Ifwhatexistsiswagelabourandcommodityexchange,evenintheoriginalandmakeshiftexistenceithadinRussiain1920,powerwillmanagethatkindoflabourandthatkindofexchange.LenindiedaheadofState.Onthecontrary,arevolutionarystructureisonlydefinedbyitsacts,andifitdoesnotactitsoonwithers.

14| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

LikeTrotsky,Bordigatheorizesthenecessitytodoviolencetoparticularproletariansinthenameofthefutureinterestsoftheproletariansingeneral:aslateas1960,hewouldstilljustifytheBolshevikrepressionoftheKronstadtrisinginFebruaryMarch,1921.HeneverunderstoodthatatthetimehewaswritingTheDemocraticPrinciple,theRussianexperiencethatheextensivelyusedtobackuphisthesiswaseliminatingwhateverrevolutionwasleftinRussia.Bordigawasattackingdemocraticformalismonbehalfofarevolutionthatwasalreadymoreformalthanreal.Dictatorshipistheoppositeofdemocracy.Theoppositeofdemocracyisnotacritiqueofdemocracy.Councilcommunism:thequestfornonviolence

TheGermanCommunistLeftagreedwiththeItalianLeftontherejectionofbourgeoisdemocracy.Thedisagreementfocusedonworkerdemocracy.

WhathascometobeknownascouncilcommunismwasoneoftheearliestcriticsofthefailureofBolshevism,andremainsoneofthebest.Butastimepassed,councilcommunistshavetendedtobewaryaboutanythingthatmightbeaconstraintupontheworkingclass.Theircritiqueofbureaucracyasthemainobstacletorevolutionledthemtodemocracy.Notbourgeoisdemocracy,needlesstosay,workerdemocracy,butinthatrespectbothbourgeoisandworkerformsproclaimthesamepurpose:topreventorlimitencroachmentsonpersonalfreedom.

Wewontreply(asBordigawould)thatindividualfreedomisanillusionandisirrelevanttocommunism.Weonlysaythatinanycasesuchfreedomcantbeguaranteedbythedemocraticprinciple.

Whatthisquestfornonpressureboilsdowntoisthedesiretoavoidtheilleffectsofconflicts.Asithappens,theprotectionprovidedforbydemocracyonlyworksintheabsenceofanyseriouscrisisamongthepersonsconcerned,betheyproletariansinsteadofbourgeois.Assoonasdebateisnotenoughtoresultintoadecisionwillinglyacceptedbythegroupasawhole,thegroupcantcarryonasamereconfrontationoffreewills(unlessitsonlyafriendlydebatingsociety).Eitherthegroupthinksthatmaintainingthecommunitymattersmorethanthedisagreement.Oritsplits.Oritforcesadecisionuntotheparticipants.Inallcases,thedemocraticprinciplehasbeensuspended.

Theultimateresultofturningfreewillintoanabsolutewouldbeforaradicalgrouptodonothingbutcirculatedataandinformation:notheory,exceptthetheoryofexchange,thetheoryofthenecessityofautonomy.Notheory,exceptthetheorythatnotheorymustbeimposedontotheworkingclass.Such

15|G i l l e s D a u v

anontheorywouldofcoursebeinaccessibletocriticism,whichwouldhelpthegroupdevelopingitsowninformalbureaucracy.

Bordigastheoryofthepartydeniestheproblem.Councilismevadesitbywaitingforsuchanoverwhelmingproletarianmajoritythatallconflictwillberesolvedwithoutanyverbalorphysicalviolence.Thepartyorautonomyalternativewasbornoutofourpastfailures.Afuturerevolutionarymovementwillhavetogobeyondthatalternative.Thecritiqueofformaldemocracy

TraditionalMarxistanalysishasthemerit/ofstressing/tostress/thatdemocracygivespossibilitiesthatonlybecomerealitiesforthoseabletousethem:inaclasssociety,themembersoftherulingclasswillalwaysbeinamuchbetterpositiontodoso.Everyoneis(nearly)freetopublishapaper,buttheadsnecessarytofinanceadailyoramagazinewontgotoananticapitalistpress.TheballotpaperofHenryFordiscountedasonevoteliketheballotpaperofoneofhisworkers,butMr.Fordwillholdmoreswayonpublicaffairsthananyofhisworkers,orevenofthousandsofthem.

Likesomepreviouscritiques,thisonepointstoanessentialfeatureofdemocracy,butitsshortcomingistotreatdemocraticformsasiftheylackedreality,whereastheyarereal,witharealityoftheirown.

Itsoftensaidthatthelibertiesallowedbyademocraticregimeareonlycosmetic:thatistrue,butonlypartofthetruth.Everybodyknowsthatfreedomofspeechfavoursthebusinesslawyermorethanhiscleaninglady.Inanunequalsociety,knowledge,culture,politicsandaccesstothepublicscenearealsounequal.Yet,todayasyesterday,byusingandenlargingpossibilitieslefttothem,theworkers,thecommonpeoplehavebeenabletobettertheirlot,andthustheyvegivensomecontenttolibertiesthatarentjustemptyshells.True,thisbettermentwascausedmorebydirectoftenviolentactionthanbydemocracyproperlyspeaking:nevertheless,legalunions,litigationbodies,aswellaslocalauthorities,membersofparliamentorevengovernmentsfavourabletolabourhavehelpedchannelthesedemands,moderatingthemandpushingthemforwardatthesametime.Democracyandreformismhaveledacoupleslifefornearly150yearsnow,althoughtheyveoftenbeenstrangebedfellows.

Explainingthataworkersballotpaperonlyformallyweighthesameashisbosss,onlyprovesthatsocalledpoliticalequalitydoesnotmakeforsocialinequality.Yetreformistshaveneversaidtheopposite.Theysay:SinceMr.Fordsballotpaperweighsamilliontimesmorethanoneofhisworkers,lets

16| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

gettogetherthevotesofmillionsofworkersandwellbestrongerthantheFordfamily.Wellturnintorealitytheappearanceofpowerthatthebourgeoishavegrantedus.Againstthemightofcapital,labourhasthestrengthofnumbers:speakinginpublic,havingpapersindependentfromthebossespress,organizingintheworkplace,meetinganddemonstratinginthestreet,areafteralleasierindemocracy,astheexploitedandoppressedhaveexperienced.Ingeneral,themassofthepopulationhasmorewaystoimproveitsconditionsofworkandlifewithAdenauerthanHitler,withDeGaullethanPtain,withAllendethanPinochet,withFelipeGonzalesthanFranco,etc.

Ifparliamentwasonlyasham,andfreedomofspeechonlyadeception,therewouldntbeanymoreparliaments,partiesorpoliticalcampaigns,andtheywouldntstillrallyvoters,andevenstirpassions.(Unlesswethinkthisisduetocontinuouscraftybourgeoisconditioning:butsurelyoveracenturyofdemocraticregimeshouldhaveactedasaneyeopener...)Democracyisnotashownotjustashow.SoChurchillwasright...?

Thisbriefsurveyseemstoleaveuswithonlyoneoption,summedupbyW.ChurchillintheHouseofCommonsonNovember11,1947:Democracyistheworstformofgovernmentexceptforallotherforms,thathavebeentriedfromtimetotime.

Itssignificantthatthebestknowndefinitionofdemocracyshouldbebasedonaparadox,evenaplayonwords.Infact,everybodymakesfunofChurchillsphrase,andyeteverybodyacceptsit,withonereservation:everybodythinkshehasthesolutiontoreallygetthebestoutofthislesserevil.

(ItsalsosignificantthatthefamousBritishstatesmanshouldhaveaddedcynicismtopragmatisminanotherphrase:Thebestargumentagainstdemocracyisafiveminuteconversationwiththeaveragevoter.Thissecondsentenceislessoftenquoted:thescornitdisplaysfortheactorsextraswouldbemoreappropriateofdemocracymightdiscreditthefirstdefinition.)

Letsgobacktotheworditself.WestminsterisnotontheAcropolis

Ifweputbackinitsplace,i.e.inhistory,thisrealitycommonlycalleddemocracy,werealizehowpoorlythewordisadaptedtowhatithaslabeledforacoupleofcenturies.

17|G i l l e s D a u v

ModerntimeshavegivenanutterlynewusagetoanotionborninAncientGreece.Nowadays,themaninthestreet,theacademicorthepoliticalactivist,everyoneusestheworddemocracyfor5thcenturyB.C.Athensand21stcenturyItalyorSweden.ThepeoplewhowouldneverdaretalkaboutaprehistoriceconomyorworkamongNewGuineatribesmenseenoanachronisminapplyingthesametermtoasystemwherecitizenshipmeantanability(theoreticalbutalsopartlyeffective)togovernandbegoverned,andtoasystemwhere,for99percentofthecitizens,citizenshipcomesdowntotherighttoberepresented.

Thisgapwasmorereadilyadmittedintheearlydays.JamesMadison,oneofthefoundingfathersoftheUSConstitution,differentiatedbetweendemocracy,wherethepeoplemeetandexercisetheirgovernmentinperson,andrepublic(atermofRomanandnotGreekorigin),wheretheyassembleandadministeritbytheirrepresentativesandagents.WiththepassingoftimeandtheriseofthemodernbureaucraticState(whichMadisonopposed),democracyhasbecomeameresynonymforpowervestedinthepeople.

CommonwisdombemoansthelimitsofaGreekdemocracyclosedtowomen,slavesandforeigners,andrejoicesovertheopennessofmoderndemocracytolargerandlargersectionsofthepopulation.Theidealofradicaldemocratsisademosthatwouldwelcomeallhumanbeingslivingonagiventerritory.TheyforgetthattheAncientAthenianfortunateenoughtoenjoycitizenshipwasnotacitizenbecausehewasahumanbeing,butbecausehehappenedtobeacoownerofthepolis:hewasalandowner,smallorbig.Thedemocraticsystememergedasawaytomanageassmoothlyaspossiblethecontradictionswithinacommunityofmalefamilyheads,inexorablydividedbyagrowingunequaldistributionoffortune.

Itsonlybecauseitwaslimitedtoagroupthatsharedsomethingvital(asuperiorsocialposition,albeitunderminedbymoneydifferences)thatGreekdemocracycouldaffordtobeparticipatory(whichdidnotsaveitfromperiodiccrises).InEuropeortheUStoday,nothingcanbecomparedtothedemosofPericlestime.Whenitsappliedtosocietiesruledbythecapitallabourrelationship,theworddemocracytellsusmoreaboutwhatthesesocietiesthinkofthemselvesthanabouttheirreality.Aquestionofwords?Ifwewishtosticktothewordcommunismandobjecttodemocracy,itsnotfortraditionssake,butforhistoricalmotives.Inspiteofitsimperfections,communismexpressestheendeavouroftheexploitedandofthehumanspecies

18| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

toliberateitself.Thewordandthenotionweremeaningful(thatis,debatableanddebated)in1850or1900.TherevolutionthatfailedinRussia,andStalinismlater,loadedthetermwithatotallydifferentmeaning.AstheS.I.onceexplained,captivewordsbecomelikeprisonersputtohardlabour:theytooareforcedtoworkforthebenefitofthosewhovecapturedthem.Communismisnotbureaucraticbynature.

Onthecontrary,democracyhasbeenadistortedwordeversinceitsreturninthemouthofbourgeoisrevolutionariesfromthe18thcenturyonwards,andofmost(butnotall)socialistsinthe19thand20thcenturies.ThedistortiondoesnotconsistinanoutrightlieliketheMaoistdescriptionsoflifeinChina,butinamentaldisplacementofreality:asitidentifiesmodernparliamentstoAncientagoras,andthe21stcenturycitizentoa5thcenturyB.C.Atheniancitizen,andasitsuggeststhemodernonehasalotmorepower,itcompresseshistoryandconfusesus.Exploitationand/ordomination?

Doinequality,povertyandmiseryexistbecauseafewprivilegedonesmakedecisionsforusall?Orhavethesehappyfewgotanearmonopolyoverdecisionsbecausetheyalreadyarerichandthereforepowerful?Thequestionissterile.

MountainsofbooksandarticleshavebeenandarestillwrittentorefutetheallegedMarxistclaimthattheeconomyexplainsnexttoeverything.Whoevermadesuchaclaim?

Accordingtothematerialistconceptionofhistory,theultimatelydeterminingfactoristheproductionandreproductionofreallife.OtherthanthisneitherMarxnorIhaveeverasserted.(Engels,lettertoJ.Bloch,September21,1890)

Theeconomysurelydoesnotexplainpower.Profitmakingstrictlyspeakingdoesnotaccountfor(localorworld)wars.Asimilarsocioeconomicinfrastructurecancoexistwithverydifferentandopposedpoliticalforms.CapitalistGermanywassuccessivelyrunbyamonarchistcaste,bybourgeois,bytheleadersofanationalistracistonepartyState,thenafter1945bybourgeoisintheWestandbybureaucratsintheEast,thenagainbybourgeoiswhenthecountrywasreunified.Historyprovidesuswithmanyexamplesofnoncoincidencebetweeneconomicmightandpoliticalauthority,andofamodernStateoccasionallyrulingagainstthebourgeois,forcingthegeneralinterestofthesystemuponreluctantindustrialistsorbusinessmen.FacedwithalargestrikeintheRuhr,Bismarkhimselfcompelledthebossestograntawagerise.Although

19|G i l l e s D a u v

usuallyinEuropemoneybringsaboutpower,inAfricaandintheEast,powerisoftenthequickwaytofortune,withfamilyorclanmisappropriatingpublicfundsorsiphoningoffforeigntrade.Also,itsnotuncommonforpoliticalrulerstodispossesstherich,asweveseeninRussiaoverthelasttenortwentyyears.

Yet,inthevastmajorityofcases,politicalleadersandmastersoftheland,oftradeandofmanufacturinggohandinhandorcomedowntothesamething.Commandingmenusuallygoestogetherwithputtingthemtowork.Thetwoformsofcontrolcanclashwithoneanother,butnotforlong:oneconsolidatestheother.Powerdoesnotcreateitself.Politicalruleandpossessionofthemeansofproductionrarelycoincide,butinmodernsocietytheresneitherexploitationwithoutdomination,nordominationwithoutexploitation:thesamegroupshavedirectorindirectcontroloverwealthandpower.

Theexploiterneedstobeabletoputpressureonthepersonheexploits:heonlyexploitswhathehassupremacyover.Dominationisapreconditionandanecessaryformofexploitation.Letsnottryanddecidewhichonelogicallyorchronologicallycomesfirst.Exploitationisneverjusteconomic(Ihavesomeoneworkforme,inmyplaceandformybenefit),butalsopolitical(insteadofsomeonemakingdecisionsabouthislife,Itakethedecisionsmyself,forinstanceIdecidewhentohireandfirehim).Societyisnotdivided,asCastoriadisthoughtinthe1960s,betweenordergiversandordertakers.Orrather,thisdivisionexists,buttheseordershavetodowithwhatstructurestodaysworld:thecapitalwagelabourrelation(whichdoesnotmeanitdetermineseverything).Thereisnoneedtoopposeexploitationtodomination.Humansocietiesingeneral,andcapitalisminparticular,canonlybeunderstoodbythelinkbetweenexploitationanddomination.Firmsarenotjustprofitmakers:theyarealsopowerstructures,buttheyremaininbusinessaslongastheycreateandaccumulatevalue,otherwisetheygobankrupt.Politicsasthefoundationofdemocracy

Ifpoliticsmeanstakingintoaccountsocietyasawhole(includingtherealityofpower),andnotjustasanadditionoflocalortechnicalissues,thenanysocialchangeispolitical,anysocialcritiqueispolitical,andrevolutionhastodowithpolitics.

Politics,however,issomethingelsethanthisconcernfortheglobal,thegeneral,thetotal,becauseitturnsthistotalityintoanewspecialization,intoanactivityremovedfromdirectsocialinterests.Thatspecialdimensioncannotignoresocioeconomichierarchiesandoppositions.Butitdealswiththemby

20| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

shiftingthemonalevelwheretherootsoftheseconflictswillneverbechanged,onlytheirconsequences.

AncientGreecesrealcontributiontohistorywasnottheprincipleofdemocracyasasetofrulesandinstitutionsbywhichcitizensmakecollectivedecisions.Theinnovationwentdeeper.Itinventedwhatdemocracyisbasedupon:aspecialtimespacereservedforconfrontation,anddistinctfromtherestofsociallife.Inthatspecificsphere,apersonistakenawayfromhisprivateinterests,fromfortuneandstatusdifferences,fromhissocialsuperiorityorinferiority,andplacedonanequalfootingwithalltheothercitizens.Equalityofrightsalongsidesocialinequality:thatisthedefinitionofpolitics.Societyisfullyawareofitsinabilitytosuppressgrouporclassantagonism,soittransferstheantagonismontoaparallellevelthatssupposedtobeneutral,whereconflictsareacknowledgedandsoftenedinthebestpossibleinterestofthecontinuationofthesystemasawhole.ItsthisseparationthatMarxsearlywritingsweredealingwith.Directorworkerpeoplesdemocracymaintainstheseparationwhileitclaimstogobeyonditbyinvolvingeveryoneinthedemocraticprocess,asifpopularempowermentcouldsolvetheproblemofpower.Unfortunately,gettingeverybodyinsideaseparatespheredoesnotsuppressseparation.

Anyhumangroupthinksofandreactstothewholeofitssituation.Butclasssocieties,inathousandwaysandthroughtrialanderror,havedivorceddebating,managinganddecisionmakingfromtherest.Logically,thesesocietiesregardthisdissociationasthenaturalanduniversallydesirablebestpossiblewayofsolvinghumanconflicts.

Classdivisions,incertainconditions,havecreatedpolitics:doingawaywithclassdivisionswillentailgoingbeyondpolitics.

Democracyisnottobedenouncedandsmashed,butsuperseded.Likeotheressentialcritiques,thecritiqueofdemocracywillonlybecomeeffectivebythecommunizingofsociety.

Aslongaspeoplecontentthemselveswithafairredistributionofwealth,theyinevitablyalsogoforafairredistributionofpower.Onlyanaltogetherdifferentworldwillnolongerbeobsessedwithpower,withtakingit,sharingit,orscatteringit.Wellsolvethepoliticalquestionwhenwestoptreatingitastheprimeissue.Manufacturingconsentanddissent

WhenwriterslikeN.ChomskyexposetheconditioningofpublicopinionbytheState,mediaandlobbies,theyfailtoaskthemselveswhatisbeingconditioned.

21|G i l l e s D a u v

Opinionisthoughtofasacollectivemotleyandficklespiritthatsometimesdetermineseventsandsometimesistossedaboutbythem,asiftheseeventswerewithinitsreachoneday,andoutofreachthenext.Forinstance,GermanopinionisreportedtohavebeenindifferentorhostiletoHitlerin1923,thentohavelistenedtohimafter1929,beforemovingawayfromhimforgoodafterthefalloftheThirdReich.ItslikethesesuccessivepointsofviewhadbeentakenregardlessofwhatGermanindividuals,groups,classes,unions,parties,etc.,weredoingeachtime.

AnotherexampleisthedaytherewasareversalofFrenchopinionin1968:thehugerightwingdemonstrationontheChampsElyses,May30,isdescribedasthedeathknellfortherebellioninthestreetsandinthefactories.Yetthisshowswhatpublicopinionreallyis.InApril,mostfuturerebelshadnoideatheywouldbesoonmarchinginthestreetorstoppingwork.Afewdayslater,pushedonbytheearlystreetfightingandtheinitiativeofaminorityofworkers,millionsofpeoplediscoveredwhattheywantedtodoandcoulddo.Acoupleofweekslater,theebbofthestrikewave(andformany,thesatisfactionofseeingtheirdemandsatleastpartlymet)woreouttherevoltandenabledconservativeforcestogetagriponthemselves.

Thus,frombeginningtoend,theshockofthelargestgeneralstrikeinhistorydeterminedtheflowofevents,andsuccessivelymadepeopleawareofpossiblechanges,enabledlawandordersupporterstoresurface,andcreateddespairamongtherebelsbutalsonumerousreboundsoverthenexttenyears.

Menssocialbeingdeterminestheirconsciousness.Admittedly,itworksbothways,butcertainlyalotmorethiswaythantheother.After1945,inFranceaselsewhere,theworkersattheBillancourtRenaultplantnearParishadbeenfedwithStalinistslanderdepicting(realor/invented/imagined/)Trotskystsasfascistsandagentsprovocateursinthepayofthebossandthepolice.TheCPledunion,theCGT,hadunrelentinglyandusuallysuccessfullypreventedworkstoppages:ThestrikeistheweaponofbigbusinessIntheSpring1947,theBillancourtworkerswentonatwoweekstrike,partlymanagedbytherankandfile,andelectedawellknownTrotskyst,PierreBois,onthestrikecommittee.Yettheydbeenconditionedbyyearsofpropaganda,andthetinyrevolutionaryminoritycouldonlyanswerbackbypoorlydistributedleaflets,withtheriskofbeingbeatenuporsacked,astheCGTheldswayovertherunningoftheplant.Ifinsuchnegativecircumstances,asubstantialnumberofworkersdaredlaydowntoolsanddesignateaTrotskysttorepresentthem,itsnotbecausetheywouldhavehadaccessatlasttoTrotskysRevolutionBetrayedorothercriticalanalysesofthebureaucracy.Moresimply,thepressureoftheirconditionsofworkandlife,andtheirownresistancetoexploitationledthemtodisobeyunionorders,

22| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

tofightalongsidepersonslikeP.Bois,andtreatascomradesthosetheydistrustedbefore.Insomeways,therewasmoremilitancyonthepremisesin1947thanin1968:in47,afewstrikersdebatedaboutmanufacturingfirearms,andtheunionvanwasturnedoverbyrebelliousworkers.

Bythesamelogic,whenthestrikewasover,withtheCPbeingexpelledfromgovernmentandthebeginningoftheColdWar,theCGTtookonatougherantibourgeoisline.Onereason(orpretext)forthegovernmentgettingridofitsCPministerswastheStalinistsgettingonthebandwagonandsidingwiththestrikers.Theworkerbureaucracygotbackitsinfluenceoverthemassoftheworkforce.Notentirely,though:theTrotskyststriedtotakeadvantageofthestriketolaunchasmallunion(calledSyndicatDmocratiqueRenault),whichstruggledalongforacoupleofyearsbeforedyingaway.Ifveryfewworkershadconfidenceinit,itsnotbecauseStalinistslanderwouldhaveretrievedtheefficiencyithadlostintheSpring1947.Thereasonismoredowntoearth:theCGTwasbetterintunewiththeneedsoftheproletarians,pressedsomeoftheirdemandsandstructuredtheirstruggles.TheCGTdefendedandrepresentedthembetterthanaunionwhichwasasmallminorityinRenaultandhadhardlyanysupportintherestofthecountry.Frompropagandisttoeducationist

Opinionisasetof(individualorgroup)ideasabouttheworld.Representativedemocracywisheseachofustoformhisideasonhisown,andonlyafterwardstocomparethemtootherpersonsideas.Directdemocracyprefersacollectivemakingofideas.Butboththinktheonlywaytofreethoughtistobecorrectlyeducatedorevenbetter,selftaught,thisselfbeinghereagainpreferablycollective.

Becauseoftheriseandfalloftotalitarianisminthe20thcentury,thewordandtherealityofpropagandaarenowcommonlylookeddownupon.In1939,S.ChakotinpublishedTheRapeofthemasses(translatedintoEnglishin1940;neweditionbyHaskellHouse,1982):adiscipleofPavlov,hearguedthattotalitarian(especiallyNazi)methodsofmindcontrolwerebasedontheuseofemotionalurgestocreateconditionedreflexes.Chakotinwastheorizinghisownpractice:hedbeeninchargeofantifascistpropagandafortheGermanSPDintheearly1930s.Hesaidheappealedtoreason,nottothesensesastheNazisdid,butthatdidnotpreventhimfromdevisingcrowdconditioningtechniquesformassmeetings.ChakotinsfailuretobeattheNazisattheirowngameisasignthatHitlerssuccesswasonlymarginallycausedbycrowdmanipulationtechniques.GermanyturnedtoHitlerwhentheWeimarrepublicproved

23|G i l l e s D a u v

incapableofofferinganyother(radical,reformistorconservative)solutiontoitscrisis.

EdBernays,perhapsthefirstprofessionaladvertiseronpublicrelations,hadalreadydescribedinPropaganda(1928)howaninvisiblegovernmentruleddemocraticsociety.HeclaimedtobeabletoactonthecollectivesubconsciouswithacombinationofFreudismandcrowdpsychology,andinventedadvertisingtechniquesthathesoldtobigbusinessaswellaspoliticians.In1954,hewasinstrumentalindestabilizingthe(democratic)governmentofGuatemalathattheUSfinallytoppled.Inthosedays,itwasstillanoveltytosellacandidatetotheWhiteHouselikeasoftdrink,andbysimilarmethods.UnpalatableBernayswasaheadofhistime,andheraldedours,whennopartydaresengageintopropaganda:itcommunicates.Commercialsdontsellgoods,theyselllifestyles.Partiesdontpromoteprograms,theypromotemeaningandimagery.

Unlikethesimplisticagitpropofyesteryear,todaysmostadvancedpoliticaladvertisingdoesnotpretendtochangeourviews:itpresentsitselfasahelpinghandthatwillallowustomakeupourownopinions.Advertisingnowcallsitselfinformation,needlesstosayinteractiveinformation.Everythingissupposedtobebottomup.Modernmanagementhasbecometheidealmodelofallrelations.Theprogressivebossgivesthestaffalargemarginofselforganizingintheirworkaslongastheyreachtheobjectivesetbythecompany.Theteacheraimsatbringingouthisstudentsautonomy.Thepsychologist(counsel,sorry...)repeatstohispatient:BeYourself!Thecontradictionremainsthesameineveryfieldofactivityandendsupinmorecontroloverstaff(particularlythankstocomputerization),morebureaucraticguidelinesinschools,andmorecounseling.

Howcoulditbeotherwise?Thecritiqueofeducationfirst(orselfeducationfirst)wasexpressedasearlyas1845:

Thematerialistdoctrineconcerningthechangingofcircumstancesandupbringingforgetsthatcircumstancesarechangedbymenandthatitisessentialtoeducatetheeducatorhimself.Thisdoctrinemust,therefore,dividesocietybetweentwoparts,oneofwhichissuperiortosociety.(Marx,ThesesonFeuerbach,III)

Nobodybelievesmuchofwhatcommercialorpoliticaladvertisingsays,yetitworks.NodriverwatchingaPeugeottvcommercialregardsthenewSW407asthebestestatecarevermade,andnovoterexpectsthepresidentialcandidatetokeepallhispromises,butpeoplebuycars,takepartinelections,andthatswhatmatters.Thecontentofthemessageisfarlessimportantthanpopularparticipationinandacceptanceofthewholesystem.

24| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

Themoreinformationanddiscussionthereis,thebetter

Democrats,moderateorradical,allthinkthattheinadequaciesofdemocracycomefromthefactthatthereisneverenoughofit:notenoughgoodschooling,notenoughqualitypapers,notenoughserioustalksontvandourinformationresourcesareneverwideandvariedenough.

Democracyisindeedbasedon(individualand/orcollective)freewill,butthisfreedommustbeproperlyfuelledbythelargestpossibleinformationanddiscussion.

Thisvisionistobeexpectedfrompartyprofessionalorganizers,teachers,mediapeople,publishersandallthosewhomakealiving(andasense)outofcommunication.Butitissurprisingthatsomanyrevolutionariesalsoshouldregardgettingandexchangingideasastheprimemoverofhistory.

InOrwells1984,Winstoniswatchedbyatelescreenforciblyinstalledinhislivingroomandwhichheisforbiddentoswitchoff.Intheearly21stcentury,televisionisnolongerthemainpopularscreenitwasin1960or1990.OntheInternet,athomeoronportablecellphones,peoplehavedirectaccesstoforumswherethousandsoftalkstakeplacebetweenagovernmentminister,anecologist,abusinesswoman,agayactivist,anunemployed,anantiglobalizer,orsometimesananarchist.Attheclickofamouse,IcangetloadsofdataanddifferingviewsonwhatsgoingontodayinPekingorLaPaz.Afewmoreclicks,andIchallengethesedataandviewsinthecompanyofanInternautfromSydneyorMontreal,andhavemyownviewsontheseeventscirculatedworldwideinamatterofminutes.Thisinstantanduniversalavailabilityalsoappliestothepast.UnlessIhaveaspecialfondnessforthecanalsinAmsterdam,InolongervisittheInternationalInstituteofSocialHistorytoknowabouttheRuhrRedArmyin1920.Noteverythingisavailableonline,buttheresmoreontheInternetnowthanonanysinglepubliclibraryorofcoursenewspaperkiosk.Mostofall,itsnotjusttheretoberead,butexchangedanddebated.

Sinceeverythingismademeasurablethesedays,itslikelysomeonewillinventasystemthatmonitorsandquantifiesallverbalexchange(includingconversationsontheweb,onphones,etc.)takingplaceatoneparticularmomentonthisplanet.Eventakingintoaccountthegrowthinpopulation,thefigureislikelytobehigherthanin1970.

Modernmanisaparadox.Hekeepsrepeatingheisincreasinglybeingdispossessed(andheputstheblameonentitieshecallstheeconomy,financeorglobalization)andyet,whenhisworkdayisover,hefeelsheisrepossessinghisexistencebyreadingaboutdispossessioninthepaper,or(betterandmoreinteractive)bychattingaboutitincyberspace.

25|G i l l e s D a u v

Thelesspowerwehaveoverourlives,themorewetalkaboutit.Thecontemporarycitizenisdissatisfiedwithheavyandremotetraditionaldemocraticmechanisms.Atthesametime,heisgivenacontinuousinstantdemocracymadeofopinionpolls,webtalk,participatoryradioandtv,andtelerealityshows.Hesnotjustaskedhispoliticalpreferenceseveryfourorfiveyears:everydayisnowelectionday.MixingLatinandGreek,wecouldsaywenowliveinahomecentreddomocracywhichgivesusthelibertytochangethingsfromourownhome:Ihelpsolveenvironmentalworldproblemsbybuyingenergysavinglightbulbsformylivingroom.

PeopleusedtomakefunofSpeakersCorneratHydeParkasasymbolofsociallyharmlessfreespeech.Todaysgeneralizedselfmanagedspeechisuniversallyandimmediatelycirculated.Intheworkplace,intheclassroom,inacouple,inafamily,betweenprofessions,betweenperformersandspectators,betweencultures,religions,media,amongneighbours,everywhere,everythingoughttobediscussedandallinformationtobeshared,sothatpowershouldconstantlyflowandnevercrystallize,sonoonecouldmonopolizeit.The1999KosovowarwasthefirstwithmassInternautinvolvement.Everyoneofusbecomesaselfappointedreporter:Donthatethemedia:Bethemedia!

Toimposeuswhattothink,democracytellsuswhatwehavetothinkabout.WhenHabermasextolledthevirtuesofthepublicspherein1962,healsobemoaneditsunderminingbycommercialmassmedia.Hecouldbemoreoptimistictoday,whenuniversaldebateseemstorevivetheopennesshefavours:acitizenisnowapersonwithaccesstothepress,tothemediaandtotheInternet.Yetthisnewcitizenshipamountstothelibertytovoiceourviewsonworldaffairs,i.e.onwhatiscurrentlybeingsaidonworldaffairsbythepress,themediaandontheInternet.ThepublicspherepassesoffasarealitythatcanputacheckonStatepower,butwhendiditreallydeterminethecourseofevents,orwasabletostopthedescentintocatastropheslike1914,Hitler,thesecondworldwar,orcolonialandpostcolonialmassacres?Givingonesopinionisasrelevantasopinionsaredecisive,andtheyrenotdecisive,notmuch.TheliberalconservativeTocquevillewasmoretothepoint:

(...)itisanaxiomofpoliticalscienceintheUnitedStatesthattheonlywaytoneutralizetheimpactofnewspapersistomultiplythem(DemocracyinAmerica,1835)

Mostofall,democracytriumphsbytellinguswheretothink.The1900paperreadercouldchoosetobuyasocialistorarightwingdaily,buthehadhardlyanyinfluenceonthestructureandevolutionofthepress.TheorganizationoftheInternetisequallybeyondthereachofawebsitebrowserorwriter:forastart,hewasneveraskedaboutthebirthofthewebitself.Saying

26| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

theInternetwascreatedby(andwouldnotexistwithout)millionsofInternauts,isastrueassayingthatmillionsofdriversareresponsibleforthedevelopmentofthecarindustry.Makingaprincipleofmaximuminformationanddiscussion,isinevitablyprioritizingtheframeworkwhereinformationcirculatesanddiscussiontakesplace.Ofcourse,everyonewishesthechannelsofcommunicationtobeasmuchbottomupaspossible,buthowcouldtheybeifthewholelifeofthecommunicatorsistopdownorganized?Societyisnottheadditionofmillionsofpubliclysharedexperiencesorviews.

Theideaoftherulingclassareineveryepochtherulingideas:thisisasmuchtrueasin1845.Thedifferenceisthatbillionsofideasarenowbeingcirculatedand(nearly)universallyavailable.Butwhohasthepower?Thepoliticalsystemisstilltunedtogeneralandpresidentialelections,andtherestisanaccessorytotherhyme.In1900or1950,politicswastalkedaboutbutnotmadeinvillagehalldebates.NeitherisitmadetodayontheInternet.Spectacleinducedpassivity(asanalysedbytheS.I.)hastakentheformofaconstantshowofactivity.Howabouttakingdirectdemocracyatitsword?Accordingtoitssupporters,hereiswhatdirectdemocracyisaimingat:[1]Therespectofamajority.[2]Theexpressionofminorities,whicharegrantedalargelatitudeofaction.[3]Thepossibilityoffreespeech,inordertoavoidpressureandviolence:Letstalkfirst.[4]Theprimacyofacollectivewill,notthewillofanindividualorofahandfulofpersons.[5]Therespectofdecisionstakenincommon.Letstakethemonebyone.[1]Majorityrule.Alotofsocialmovementshavebeenlaunchedbyaminority,oftenaverysmallone.Inthe1930s,atthetimeoflargestrikesbyunskilledlabourintheUS,twositdownsinvolvingabout10,000peoplewerestartedinAkronbyhalfadozenworkers.In1936,atGoodyear,whiletheunionwasnegotiatingwiththebossaboutwages,98unskilledworkerslaiddowntools,followedby7,000others,whichforcedthemanagementtoyieldafter36hours.Onemightobjectthatinallsuchcases,aminorityonlyinitiatesactionssoon

27|G i l l e s D a u v

takenupbyamajority.True,butthisveryfactshowshowlittlerelevantthemajoritycriterionis.

Theparticipantsinapicketlineputtheirinterests(andtheinterestoflabouraswhole)abovetheinterestsofthenonstrikers:theydonotrespecttherighttoworkofthosewhowanttowork.Democratsmightarguethatthestrikeissupportedbyagreatmajorityoftheworkforce:thatwouldbeforgettingthatdemocracyisalsotheprotectorofminorities.Bytheway,whatisamajority?51percent?60percent?95percent?Wearefacedwiththeinadequacyoftheselfprinciple.LettheworkersthemselvesdecideWholldecidewhenaminorityceasestobeaminorityandstartsbecomingamajority,andwhenamajoritygetsbigenoughtobeconsideredasthecommonwill?[2]Minorityrights.Anydeepmovement,whetherforsimpledemandsormore,willpullalonginitswakeanumberofyetundecidedpersonsandaskthemtodowhattheydidnotpreviouslyfeellikedoing.Whenpiqueterosgoroundtheneighbourhoodandaskfor50peopletocomeandreinforcetheirroadblock,thepicketmembersarenotactingasabosssummoninghispersonnel,oranarmyofficercallinghissoldierstoorder:theyexpectotherproletarianstofulfilltheirobligationtothepiqueterosaswellastothemselves.

Therearedifferencesbetweenthebulkoftherankandfileanditsmostactiveelements:fortheseelementstoturnintoanewrulingeliteintheplantandpossiblyinsociety,ittakesmorethantheminitiatingunrestontheshopfloor.Bureaucratizationisnearlyalwaystheresultofreformism,nottheotherwayround,anditcanriseoutofactivistminoritiesaswellasofconsentingmajorities.Theexistenceofamajorityandaminorityisnotavalidenoughindicatorhelpingustoassessasituationandtodealwithit.Themajority/minoritydualityfunctionsincombinationaswellasinopposition.Nobodyeverthinksaboutthisinavacuum.Ifyouagreewithadecision,younaturallytendtobelieveitcomesoutofasufficientnumberofpeople.Thosewhodisagreeareinclinedtobelievetheopposite:tothem,thismajorityisnotenoughofamajority,theydlikeanother,amorenumerousone[3]Freespeech.Itspointlesstowonderifspeechtakesplacebefore,afterorduringtheactofrebellion.In1936,intheGeneralMotorsplantatToledo,alltheworkforcegatheredforageneralmeetingbut,asaparticipantsaid,itwaslikeeveryonehadmadeuphismindbeforeasinglewordwasuttered,andasitdownstrikestarted.Thoseworkerswerenotbrainlessrobots.Exchangingwordsthenwasunnecessarybecauseithadtakenplacebefore,inhundredsofinformal

28| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

discussionsandsmallmeetings.Theactionthatwasbornoutofthemspokeforitself.

Ifweequatedemocracywithexchange,theseencounterscanbecalleddemocratic,butitwasnotthedemocraticprinciplethatmadeitpossible.

Ontheotherhand,inmanyconflicts,urgingtheparticipantstogettogetherandspeakcanresultinthemovementbecomingmoreawareofitselfandstronger,orlosingitsmomentumwhenitwasjuststartingtogatherspeed.Anexpressionwhichceasestobeactionandexperiencedissolvesintofreewheelingtalk.Inthesameway,lookingformoreinformationcanbeanexcellentwayofforgettingtheessentialinformation:thecommondeterminationtofighton.

UnlikeGodsWordthatwasturnedintoflesh,humanwordsexpressideas,partakeofevents,strengthen(orsometimesweaken)ourbehaviour,buttheydonotcreate.

Astrikeorariotisforcedtotakeactionandtochoosebetweenoptions.Butitdoesnotrelatetothemlikeaphilosopherorscientisttestingasetofhypothesesandthen,bymerereasoningandwithnooutsideinterference,optingforthebest.Inasocialmovement,speechhelpssortoutwhathasbeenmaturingintheparticipantsmind,inrelationtotheirpastandpresent.

Socialcritiqueusuallyrejectsthesecretballotpaperinfavourofopenpublicvotingthatdoesnotcutupthecontinuityofthevotersaction.Theelectionmomentseparateseachvoterfromtheothersandfromtherestofhislife(thepollingboothiscalledanisolatorinFrench).OneofThatchersmainantistrikemeasureswastomakeitillegaltogoonstrikewithoutasecretballotprocedure.Nevertheless,historyprovidesuswithamanyexamplesofpeopleandworkersbeingmanipulatedbyapublicshowofhands,agameinwhichStalinistshadbecomeexperts.

Thepointwearemakingisthathistoricalevolutionisnottheresultofamajorityrulebasedonaconfrontationofopinionsandonthemaximumavailabilityandsharingofinformation.Thisisnotsayingthatinformationanddiscussionarepointless.Noactissufficientinitself,norisitsmeaningsoobviousthatitwouldrequirenoexpressionatall.IntheGeneralMotors,1936,examplementionedabove,verbalexchangedidoccur,butbeforethedecisiontostrike,anditcontributedtothedecision.Insuchacase,respectingdemocracywouldhavemeantforcingadiscussionupontheworkforce:thismayhaverevealedthedeterminationoftheworkers,oritmayhavedeflectedit.Debateisnevergoodorbadinitself.

29|G i l l e s D a u v

[4]Commonwill.Democracyalwayspresentsitselfasaprotection,asthemeanstosecurenonviolenceamongitsparticipants,becausedemocratstreateachotherasequals.

Actingonbehalfofothersdoesnotnecessarilyturnanyoneintoaleader.Mostbureaucratsdonotbuilduptheirauthoritybypositioningthemselvesabovethemass,ratherbyshelteringbehindthemass.Abureaucratpretendstohavenopersonalambitionandtoservetheinterestsoftherankandfile.Whilewerecertainlynotlookingforcharismaticfigures,theresnoneedtobeafraidofindividualinitiativeseither.

Insistingoncommunityasaprincipleleavesusstuckwiththemajorityversusminorityintractabledilemmaalreadydiscussed.Amongthosewhoshareacommonperspective,someoneoftenbecomesawareofanopportunitybeforetheothers:tryingtoconvincetheothersthatthisopportunitymustbeseizedwontbeapurelyintellectualexercise.Argumentsaregoingtobethrownaboutanditslikelytherewillbeaconflictofwillsatsomepoint.Ideaswontmeetonneutralgrounduntiloneisrecognizedasthebestbecauseofitsinnerlogicalsuperiority.Truthbelongstonoone.Itrushesandshoves.Truthisasimmodestaslight(...)Itpossessesme(Marx,1843).Consistencyreachingisnotapeacefulprocess.Anessentialideashattersmycertaintiesanddoesnotcometomewithoutsomeviolence.Ifdemocracymeanschoosingbetweenoptionswiththeonlyguidanceofindividualfreewillandnotoutsideinterference,thentruthisnotdemocratic.

Makingitaprincipleofhavinganyactiondecideduponbythewholegroup,andthenanychangeofactionalsodebatedandredecideduponbyanewgroupmeeting(orsomegeneralconsultation),meansnoaction.Thosegroupswhosaytheyoperateonsuchatotalselfmanagementbasisonlyselfmanagetheirownspeech.[5]Respectingcommondecisions.Everybodysallforrespectingcommondecisionsunlessoruntilthedecisionisdeemedwrong.

InFrance,1968,thePeugeotplantatSochaux(atthetime,oneofthebiggestconcentrationsofskilledworkersinthatcountry)wentonasitdownstrikeonMay20.WhenagreatmajorityofthelabourforcevotedtoreturntoworkonJune10,aminorityreoccupiedthepremises,andwasviolentlyexpelledbythepoliceintheearlyhoursofthe11th.Atthatmoment,thousandsonnonstrikerswerearrivingbybusforthemorningshift:insteadofresumingworkastheyhadintendedto,theyimmediatelyjoinedtheexoccupiersandfoughtthepolicewiththemforthewholeday.Twoworkersgotkilled.Rumourslatersaidthatsomeriotershadusedguns,andthatcopshadbeenkilledbutthepolice

30| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

wouldnotadmitit.Trueor(probably)false,theserumoursshowhowtoughthefightingwas.ThelocalworkingclasslivedtheeventasanoutrightconfrontationwithbossesandState.ThereturntoworkonlytookplaceonJune20,andlabourgotabetterdealthanhadbeengrantednationally.

Inotherwords,aftervotingtogoback,alargeproportionofthelabourforcenotonlydecidednottogoback,butralliedwhathadbeenuntilthenaminorityofisolatedextremists.Thefirstoccupationhadinvolvedbetween100and1,000persons,outofaworkforceofover35,000,with3,000unionmembers.True,thegeneralmeetingscouldbecallednondemocratic:theytookplaceunderthecombinedpressureoftheCGTandthemedia.Buttheveryfactofcontradictingonesvote,andwhatsmore,withouthavinghadapropermeeting,showsthat,unlikewhatthedemocraticprinciplemaintains,thedebatingandvotingspacetimeisnotdecisive.

Whathappenedwasnotsimplyareflexofinstinctiveworkersolidarity.AttheBillancourtRenaultplant,in1972,themurderofaMaoistworkerbyasecurityguardhardlycausedanyreactionamonghisworkmates,whowereindifferenttowhattheysawasuselessleftisttroublemaking.In1968,thePeugeotworkersfelttheyhadsomethingincommonwitharadicalminoritythatwasnotalientothem.Besides,afewyearsbefore,wildcatstrikeshadbrokenoutatSochaux,ofteninitiatedbyyoungworkers.Also,duringthefirst1968occupation,ahundredradicalshadsetupashortlivedforumthatservedasamediumforopendiscussionsonavarietyofcontroversialissues.TheJune11eruptiondidnotcomeoutoftheblue:ithadbeenpreparedbypastinformaldebatesandunofficialmeetings,which(betterthandemocraticprocedures)pavedthewayforanapparentlyspontaneousoutburst.Facelessresistanceisnotjustcanteenorcoffeemachineconversations:itservesasaspringboardforopenconflict.

Assessingthesefivecriterionsshowsfirstthatalotofpositiveeventshavehappenedwithoutoragainstthem,secondlythattheyhaveoftenfailedtopreventwhattheyweresupposedtoprevent.Noneofthestandardsofdirectdemocracyreallyworks.

Actually,adefenderofdirectdemocracywontaskforthemtobefullyimplemented.Hemightevenagreewithmostofthepointswevebeenmaking,buthellsaydemocraticstandardsarenottobetakenasabsolutes:itstheguidelinebehindthemthatmatters,themotive,theimpetus:ButifyebeledbytheSpirit,yearenotunderthelaw.(SaintPaul,Galatians,5:18)

Thatsthewholepoint:thistrickyinterplaybetweentheletterandthespirit,thelawandtheSpirit.TherewasnocontradictionforSaintPaul.Thereisonefordemocracy,becauseitisindeedthequestforformalcriterions:it

31|G i l l e s D a u v

pretendstogiveusrulesofconductthatprovidethebestpossiblefreedom.Sothissuddennonformalitygoesagainsthowdemocracydefinesitself.Democracyisnottheadhocrunningofsociallife.Itscommunismthatreliesontheabilityoffraternal(noncompetitive,nonprofitseeking,etc.)socialrelationshipstocreatetheorganizationbestfittedtothem.Democracyistheexactopposite:itsetsproceduresandinstitutionsasaprerequisiteandaconditionoftherest.Itsayssocietyisbasedonitspoliticalorganization(topdownorbottomup).Andthen,whenexperienceprovesdemocraticstandardsdontwork,democracysayswecandowithoutthemoreventhatwemustdowithoutthem.Democracyistheretosolveconflicts,yetwhentheyretooserious,itcantsolvethemanymore.Whatstheuseofaprinciplethatcanonlybeappliedwhensocialliferunssmoothlyandwedontneedtheprinciple?Democracyfunctionsasfarassocietycanremaindemocratic.

Thisletterversusspiritisacontradictionfordemocracy,butdemocraticrulersleftorrightcanmanageit.Theyknowperfectlywellthatdemocracyhastobeandwillbesuspendedintimesofcrisis.Suspendedpartly,whenBritainfoughttheIRA.Ortotally,whentheAlgerianarmycancelledthe1991electionsafterthefirstroundhadbeenwonbytheIslamists,andtookoverpower,withfullsupportfromWesterncountries.Thebourgeoishavenoqualmsprovisionallyturningintodictatorsinthelongterminterestofdemocracy:nodemocracyfortheantidemocrats.Beingalesserevil,democracysometimesceasestobedemocratictoavoidaworseevil.

Forradicalswhobelieveindirectdemocracy,however,thiscontradictionisatrap:theywontgetafullandpermanentrealityoutofasystemthatcantprovideit.

Prioritizingdirectdemocracydoesnotproducedirectdemocracy.Whateverpositivecontentdemocracy(ifwewishtokeeptheword)mayhave,cantbetheresultofdemocracy.Contradictionincommunisttheory

EvenacursoryreadingofMarxisenoughtorealizehewasatthesame

timeastaunchsupporterandanenemyofdemocracy.AshistextscanbefoundinpaperbackorontheInternet,afewveryshortquoteswillsufficehere.

Marxarguesthatdemocracyistheculminationofpolitics,andthatapoliticalemancipationispartial,selfish,bourgeoisemancipation,theemancipationofthebourgeois.If,ashewrites,thedemocraticState[is]therealState,assumingwewantaworldwithoutaState,wevegottoinventalifewithneitherStatenordemocracy.However,whenMarxpresentsdemocracyas

32| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

theresolvedmysteryofallconstitutions,wherebyTheconstitutionappearsaswhatitis,thefreeproductofmen(CritiqueofHegelsphilosophyofRight,1843),heisopposingrealdemocracytotheexistenceoftheState,andthereforesupportingdemocracy.

Besides,Marxwasonlyindirectlyaddressingdemocracythroughacritiqueofbureaucracy,andtargetingpoliticsthroughthecritiqueoftheState,particularlythroughitstheorizationbyHegel:AllformsofStatehavedemocracyfortheirtruth,andforthatreasonarefalsetotheextentthattheyarenotdemocratic.(Id.)

Onelastquote,interestingbecauseitswrittendecadesaftertheearlyworks,andbysomeonewhowascomingclosetoadmittingthepossibilityofapeacefultransitiontosocialism:Onemustneverforgetthatthelogicalformofbourgeoisdominationispreciselythedemocraticrepublic(...)Thedemocraticrepublicalwaysremainsthelastformofbourgeoisdomination,theforminwhichitwilldie.(Engels,lettertoBernstein,March14,1884)

Intuitionsleavemuchroomforinterpretation,andthecontextoftenblursthemessage.Tounderstandtheseconflictingviews,wemustbearinmindthat,inthemid19thcentury,agroundswellofsocialmovements,fromIrelandtoSilesia,waspressingforradicaldemocraticdemandsandsocialdemands,bothatthesametime,combinedandopposed,andthisconfrontationresultedinacritiqueofpoliticsasaseparatesphere.Letsnotidealizeourpast.Thesamethinkersandgroupsoftenmixedthesedemandsandthatcritique.ThepurposeofTheGermanIdeologywastoprovethathistorycannotbeexplainedbytheconflictsofideasorpoliticalplatforms,butbythesocialrelationsbywhichhumanbeingsorganizetheirlivesand,aboveall,bythematerialconditionsoftheirlives.ThosepagesaretobereadinconnectionwithTheJewishQuestion,CritiqueofHegelsPhilosophyofRight,ContributiontothecritiqueofHegelsPhilosophyofLaw,TheKingofPrussia&SocialReform,theThesesonFeuerbachandothersimilartextswhichaddressthedemocraticbourgeoisrevolution,butalsotheRightsofMan,andrejectarevolutionthatwouldonlyhaveapoliticalsoul.Forexample,Marxsees1789andespeciallythe179394TerrorinFranceastheculminationofpoliticalwillthatdeludesitselfintobelievingitcanchangetheworldfromthetop.ThereslittledoubtthatMarxwishedtoapplyhismaterialistmethodnotonlytohistory,religion,philosophyandtheeconomy,butalsotothequestionofpowerandtopoliticsasafieldofspecialknowledge,asseparatescienceandtechnique.Yetatthetimehewasdescribingthepoliticalsphereasanotherformofalienation,hewasalsopressingonwiththecompletionofthebourgeoisdemocraticrevolution,andafewyearslaterhe

33|G i l l e s D a u v

becametheeditorofaliberalprogressivepaper,theNeueReinischeZeitung,subtitledOrganOfDemocracy.

Thedeeperthecommunistmovementgoes,thehigheritscontradictionsare.Marxhappenstobeamongthefewthinkerswhocomeclosesttoasynthesisandthereforeinevitablycombineitsmostopposingelements,thedimensionsourmovementisatmostpaintoreconcile.ItsnoaccidentthatKarlMarxshouldhavegivenoneofthebestapproachesofcommunism(inparticular,butnotonly,inhisearlyworks)andwelcomedtheadventofcapitalismasaworldsystem.andcontradictioninproletarianpractice

IfMarxwasperhapsthewriterwhowentthefurthestinextollingandrejectingdemocracy,itsbecausehewasaconcentratedexpressionoftheforcedsituationinwhichtheproletariatusedtoliveandstilllives.Intellectualdiscrepanciesmirrorapracticaldilemmawhichtheproletarianshavetosolvetoemancipatethemselves.

Likeothersinhistime,likeR.Luxemburglater,liketheGermanLeftafter191418,Marxreflectedacontradiction:theselfawarenessandthecommunityculture(SelbstverstndigungandVersammlungskultur,astheywerecalledinGermanyaround1900),intheworkplaceandintheworkersdistrict,confrontbourgeoisdemocracywithproletariancommunity.Butusingonesconditionasamajorweaponisadoubleedgedswordfortheproletarians.GuyDebordmaynotbethemostacutecritiqueofdemocracy,buthepointstosomethingessentialinTheSocietyoftheSpectacle,theses87&88.Thebourgeoisiewasabletouseitssocioeconomicpowerasthemaininstrumentofitspoliticalascent.Theproletarianscantusetheirsocialroletoemancipatethemselves,becausethisroleisgiventothembycapital.Sotheironlyradicalweaponistheirnegativepotentialcloselylinkedtothepositiveparttheyplayinthereproductionofcapital.Thebourgeoiswonbyassertingthemselvesonthebasisofwhattheyalreadysociallywere.Theproletarianscanonlywinbyfightingagainstthemselves,i.e.againstwhattheyareforcedtodoandbeasproducers(andasconsumers).Theresnowayoutofthiscontradiction.Orrather,theonlywayoutiscommunistrevolution.

Itwasenoughforthebourgeoistogettogetherandfindthemeanstorunsociety:socreatingsuitabledecisionmakinginstitutionswasenough(thoughittookcenturies).Itwasnotonlyforthesakeofcultureandknowledgethatfromthe18thcenturyonwardtheascendingelitespromotednetworksofdebatingandscientificsocieties,clubs,publiclibrariesandmuseums,andof

34| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

courseagrowingpress:therisingmerchantandindustrialclasseswerebuildingupanewtypeofsociabilitythathelpedthemchallengemonarchsandaristocrats.Theproletariansalsoneedtogettogether:butforthem,justgettingtogetherisstayingwithincapitalism.

Forwhatsitworth,democraticreunionisenoughforthebourgeoisie.Theproletariatneedssomethingelse.Proletarianselforganizationwhichfailstodevelopintoaselfcritiqueofwagelabourreinforceslabourasthepartnerofthecapitallabourcouple:theforcedcouplinggoesonandsodoesthemanagementofthecouple,hencethepeacefulcoexistenceofoppositescalleddemocracy.

Thepartial,confusedyetdeepcommunistmovementthatdevelopedinthefirsthalfofthe19thcenturyinitiatedanequallyconfusedyetpersistentcritiqueofdemocracy.Bothmovementandcritiqueweresoonpushedinthebackgroundbytheriseoforganizedlabourthattriedtomakethemostofbourgeoisdemocracy.Yeteverytimethemovementreemerged,itgotbacktobasics,andrevivedsomeaspectsofthecritiqueofdemocracy.

TheresnoneedtobeanexpertinMarxologytoknowthatmostofthesefundamentalsfellintooblivion:sometextsgothardlyanyresponse,whileotherswereputasidebyMarxandEngelsandpublishedmuchlater.Therealmovement,asMarxcalledit,seemedtohaveverylittleuseforthesewritings.Inthefirsthalfofthe20thcentury,newproletarianshockwavesledtoareborncritiquethat(re)discoveredtheselongforgottenintuitions,butfailedtobeuptothem.Indeed,BolshevikpracticeafterOctober1917couldfallwithinMarxscritiqueoftheFrenchrevolutionandofJacobinism.Asfortheworldwide196080earthquake,inspite,orratherbecauseofitsantibureaucraticstand,itturnedouttobeazenithofdemocracy(though,unlikethepost1917period,therewasnorevolutionaryattempttotakeoverpoliticalpowerinthe1960sand70s).Thetheoreticalinroadsmadeover150yearsagohaveyettobetakenup.Thedemocraticappeal

Democracyisattractivebecauseitgivesmorethantherighttoselectleadersnowandthen.Itsappealistoprovideeveryonewiththemeanstogobeyondtherestrictingcirclesoffamily,neighbourhoodandwork,andtointerrelate,tomeetothers,notjustthosewhoareclose,butallthoselivingonthesameterritory,andpossiblyovertheborderstoo.Thedemocraticdreampromisesapotentialuniversality,theearthlyrealizationofabrotherhoodandsisterhoodthatreligionoffersinitsownway.MarxwasnottheonlyonetoemphasizetheintimateconnectionbetweenChristianityandthemodernState:

35|G i l l e s D a u v

theformerseeseachmanasthebearerofanindividualsoulthatmakeshimequaltoothersinspirit(everyonecanbesaved);thelatterseeseachmanaspoliticallyequaltoothers(everycitizenhasarighttovoteandbeelected).

Tofullyappreciatethedemocraticappeal,weshouldbearinmindwhatexistedbefore,whenformal(i.e.political)equalitywasunheardof.Notjusttherulingelite,butmanythinkersandartistsshowedopencontemptforthemassofpeasantsandworkmenthatwerethoughtofasaninferiorspecies.MostfamousFrenchwriterstreatedtheParisCommunefightersasiftheydbeenoutsideorbelowhumanstandards.Untilthemid20thcentury,hatredoftheworkerswaswidespreadamongthemiddleandupperclasses,inGermanyforinstance.193945wasthedefinitivetamingoftherabble:withfewexceptions,thetoilingmassesoftheworldbehavedinapatrioticway,sothebourgeoisstoppedbeingscaredofapopulacethatlookedlikeitwasacceptinglawandorderatlast,andnownearlyeveryoneinaWesterntypedemocracyacceptsatleastverballythenotionthatonehumanbeingisworthanother.Yetthisequivalenceisachievedbycomparingquantifieditems.Indemocraticcapitalism,eachhumanpersonismyfellowbeinginasmuchashisvoteandmineareaddedandthencomputed.Moderncitizenshipisthebourgeoisformoffreedom.Asystemwhichisnotitsowncausenoritsowncure

Democracyisnotresponsibleforwhatisorwhatmightberegardedasitspositiveaspects.Universalfranchisenevercreateditself.Civilrightsrarelycameoutofelectionsorpeacefuldebates,butoutofstrikes,demonstrations,riots,usuallyviolent,oftenwithbloodshed.Later,onceinstalled,democracyforgetsaboutitsoriginandsaysthesourceofpowerisnotbefoundinthestreetwhereindeeditcamefrom.Politicsclaimstobethebasisofsociallife,butitresultsfromcausesthatitmerelystructures.TheadventoftheSpanishrepublicin1931wascausedbydecadesofstrife,riotingandclasswarthatthenewregimeprovedincapabletocontrol,andittookacivilwarandadictatorshiptorestoreorder.AfterFrancosdeath,thecoolingdownofsocialconflictsmadepossiblethetransitiontoaparliamentarysystemthat(unlikeinthe1930s)couldworkasapacifierandconciliator.

Democratscontendthat,contrarytodictatorship,democracyhasthemeritofbeingabletocorrectitself.Thisistruesolongasthemerebalanceofpowerisupset.Ifthestructureofpoliticalruleisinjeopardy,itsacompletelydifferentmatter.Asdemocracyhasnotgotitscauseinitself,neitherhasitgottheremedy:thesolutionhastocomefromoutsideelectoralproceduresandparliamentaryinstitutions.ThesubtletiesofCapitolHillpoliticalbargainingwere

36| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

unabletosolvethecrisisbetweenNorthandSouthinthe1860s:ittooknolessthanabloodycivilwar,aforerunnerof20thcenturyindustrializedslaughter.ItwasnotforumsorballotpapersthattoppledMussoliniin1943,butasuccessionofuncontrollablestrikes.ItwasnotareturntotheWeimarrepublicthatputanendtoNazism,butaworldwar.ItwasonlywhentheFrencharmyillegallytookovercivilianpowerinAlgiers,May1958,thatinParispoliticianswereforcedtoinstituteamorestablepoliticalsystem,andstartedrealizingthecolonialerawasover.

Democracyisaremarkableviolencefilter.Butbecauseitisbornoutofviolence,itonlyovercomesitstragediesbygivingwaytomoreviolence.Biologistssaythatoneofthedefinitionsofalifeformisitsabilityatreproduction,organizationandreorganization.Howpolitically,socially(andintellectually)validisaphenomenonthatsunabletoexplainitselfandtocureitself?Howconsistentisit?Whatsortofrealityaredemocracysupporterstalkingabout?Andyetitholdsout

Afternearlytwocenturiesofelectoralandparliamentaryexperiences,includingendeavourstomakesomerevolutionaryuseoftheuniversalfranchisebyradicalsfromProudhontoLenin,andinspiteofathousandbetrayalsandrenunciationsofitsownprinciples,moderndemocracystillsoldiersonandthrives.

Inalargepartoftheworld,andinwhatisknownasthedevelopedorrichcountries,democracyremainsareality,andadesirableone,becauseitfitsinwiththeinnerlogicoftheindustrial,merchantandwagelabourcivilization,thereforewithcapitalism.Notallcapitalismisdemocratic,farfromit,asisshownbyStalinsRussiaandHitlersGermany,andnowbyChina.ButtheThirdReichandtheUSSRyieldedtotheirdemocraticrivals,andplutobureaucraticChinasboomwillonlygoonifitacceptssubstantialdosesoffreedomofspeech.Capitalismiseconomiccompetitionandtherecanbenoefficientcompetitionamongcapital(aswellasanefficientlabourmarket)withoutsomecompetitioninpoliticstoo.Democracyisthemostadequatepoliticalcapitalistform.

Whetherwelikeitornot,democracyisanexcellentexpressionoflifeundercapitalism.Ithelpsmaintainingthedegreeoflibertyandequalityrequiredbycapitalistproductionandconsumptionand,uptoapoint,alsorequiredbythenecessaryforcedrelationshipbetweenlabourandcapital.Whiledemocracyisoneoftheobstaclesthatstandinthewayofcommunistrevolution,itdoesservetheinterestsoflabourinitsdailyinevitablereformistaction.

37|G i l l e s D a u v

Toputitbluntly,theresnopracticalcritiqueofdemocracyunlesstheresacritiqueofcapitalism.Acceptingortryingtoreformcapitalismimpliesacceptingortryingtoreformitsmostadequatepoliticalform.

Theresnopointinsortingoutbad(bourgeois)democracyandgood(direct,worker,popular)democracy.Buttheresnopointeitherindeclaringoneselfanantidemocrat.DemocracyisnottheNumberOneenemy,theultimatesmokescreenthatveilstheproletarianeyes,theunveilingofwhichwouldatlonglastclearthepathtorevolution.Therearenoantidemocraticspecificactionstobeinvented,nomorethansystematiccampaignsagainstadvertisingbillboardsortvbothcloselylinkedtodemocracy,actually.

Theparticipantsinmillionsofactsofresistanceorofattack,betheystrikes,demonstrations,flyingpickets,insurrections,arewellawarethatthesepracticeshavelittletodowithparliamentarygames,andindeedthattheyretheexactoppositeofparliamentarygames.Knowingitdoesnotstopthemfromcallingsuchpracticesdemocratic,andfromregardingthesepracticesastheonlytruedemocracy,becausetheparticipantsconsiderasidenticaldemocracyandcollectivefreedom,democracyandselforganization.Theysaytheyarepractisingtruedemocracybecausetheyselfmanagetheirstruggle,doawaywiththeseparationbetweenthoserepresentedandtheirrepresentatives,andbecausethegeneralmeeting(unlikeparliament)isanassemblyofequals:sotheyoftenbelievetheyareatlastgivingrealitytowhatis/asham/makebelief/inthebourgeoisworld.Eachofthemregardsdemocracyasthefactoftreatinghisworkmate,thepersonmarchingbesidehim,erectingabarricadewithhim,orarguingwithhiminapublicmeeting,asafellowhumanbeing.

Itwouldbepointlessforustogointoaheadonconfrontationwithhimtotryandpersuadehimtostopusingtheworddemocracy.Democracysshortcomingistotreatanindispensableelementofrevolutionarychangeastheprimaryconditionofchange,orevenasitsessence.So,infuturetroubledtimes,ourbestcontributionwillbetopushforthemostradicalpossiblechanges,whichincludethedestructionoftheStatemachinery,andthiscommunizationprocesswilleventuallyhelppeoplerealizethatdemocracyisanalienatedformoffreedom.Ifdemocracymeansgivingprioritytoformovercontent,onlyatransformationofthesocialcontentwillputbackformwhereitbelongs.

WheneveramovementkeepsmovingforwardandconfrontingbossandStatepower,itisnotdemocratic.Democracyistheseparationbetweenactionanddecision.

When,however,andthisisboundtobeoftenthecase,thecontentofthemovementiscompatiblewithindustrialdisputearbitrationandconciliation,thenitsnormalthatformandprocedureshouldcometothefore.

38| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

Intheeyesofnearlyallparticipants,organizingthegeneralmeetingaccordingtorulesbecomesmoreimportantthanwhatthemeetingdecides.Themeetingisseenasacauseofthestrike,moreexactlyasthecauseofitscontinuation:becauseitcanputanendtothestrike,itisnowperceivedofasitsdetonator.Realityisputonitshead.Democracyisthesupremacyofmeansovertheend,andthedissolutionofpotentialitiesinforms.Sowhentheseworkersideologizetheirownbehaviourasdemocratic,theyarenotwrong:theyreasonaccordingtotheactuallimitsoftheirbehaviour.

Whenthefactofaskingtherankandfileforitsopinionbreaksthedeterminationoftherankandfile,itsusuallybecausethisdeterminationhasalreadydeclined.In1994,inoneofitsFrenchplants,theenergyandtransportmultinationalAlstomterminatedastrikebycallingforareferendum:thepersonnelvotedtoreturntowork.Theunionsretaliatedbyhavingasecondreferendum:itconfirmedthefirst.Company(orplant)democracywasnotkillingtheconflict,itwasfinishingitoff.Infact,afteraninitialmilitantphase,thestrikehadlostitsvigour.Bysubmittingtoanindividualsecretballot,theworkersconfirmedtheyhadceasedtothinkofthemselvesasanactingcollective.Acommunitythatagreestogiveonlyindividualopinionsnolongerexistsasacommunity.Communismasactivity

Equalityisavitaltenetofdemocracy.Itsstartingpointistheexistenceofindividuals:itcomparesthemfromacriterion,andwondersifeachofthemiseitherinferiororsuperiortotheotheraccordingtothechosencriterion.OldtimedemocracycontenteditselfwithOneman,onevote.Moderndemocratswillaskforequalpay,equalrightsincourt,equalschooling,equalaccesstohealthservice,equaljoboffers,equalopportunitytocreateonesbusiness,equalsocialpromotion,somewouldsayanequalshareofexistingwealth.Assoonaswegetintorealsocialanddailylife,thelistbecomesendlessand,tobecomprehensive,ithastobenegativeatsomepoint:equalityimpliestherightnottobediscriminatedagainstonaccountofonessex,colour,sexualpreferences,nationality,religion,etc.Thewholepoliticalspectrumcouldbedefinedbyhowmuchisincludedinthelist.Rightwingliberalsmightlimitequalityrightstoelectoralrights,whilefarleftreformistsextendequalitytoaguaranteedsubstantialincome,ahome,jobprotection,etc.,inanendlessdebatebetweenpersonalfreedomandsocialfairness.Therejectionof,andthesearchforsocial(andnotjustpolitical)equalityaretwosidesofthesamecoin.Theobsessionwithequalityisbornoutofaworldladenwithinequality,aworld

39|G i l l e s D a u v

thatdreamsofreducinginequalitybygivingmoretoeachindividual,morerightsandmoremoney.

Equalityprotectsindividuals.Wedratherstartbyconsideringwhatthemembersofsocietyaredoingtogether,andwhattheyhaveanddonthaveincommon.Humanbeingslosetheirmasteryovertherunningoftheirpersonalandgrouplifewhentheylosethemasteryovertheirconditionsofexistence,andfirstofallovertheproductionofthematerialbasisoftheseconditions.Ourproblemisnottofindhowtomakecommondecisionsaboutwhatwedo,buttodowhatcanbedecideduponincommon,andtostoporavoiddoingwhatevercannotbedecideduponincommon.AfactoryrunaccordingtoTaylorsmethods,anuclearpowerstation,amultinationalortheBBCwillnevercomeunderthemanagementofitspersonnel.Onlyabankthatconfinesitselftomicrocreditcanremainundersomedegreeofcontrolbythepeopleworkingthereandbythosewhoreceiveitsmicroloans.Whenacoopoperatesonascalethatenablesittorivallargecompanies,itsspecialdemocraticfeaturesbegintofade.Aschoolcanbeselfmanaged(bystaffandschoolkids)aslongasitrefrainsfromselecting,gradingandstreaming.Thatisfine,anditsprobablybettertobeateenagerinSummerhillthanatEton,butthatwontchangetheschoolsystem.

Whoeverdoesnotsituatetheproblemofpowerwhereitbelongs,isboundtoleaveitinthehandsofthosewhopossesspower,ortotryandshareitwiththem(associaldemocracydoes),ortotakepowerfromthem(asLeninandhispartydid).

Theessenceofpoliticalthoughtistowonderhowtoorganizepeopleslives,insteadofconsideringfirstwhatthosetobeorganizedpeopledo.

Communismisnotaquestionoffindingthegovernmentorselfgovernmentbestsuitedtosocialreorganization.Itisnotamatterofinstitutions,butofactivity.Selfisnotenough

Itseemsonlydiehardpartybuilderscouldobjecttoautonomy:whowantstobeadependant?Yetwemaywonderwhyautonomyhasbecomeabuzzwordlately.Trotskystsarenotauthoritariananymore.Anyleftwingernowisallforautonomy,likenearlyeverypoliticianlookingforworkingclassvotetalkedofsocialismin1910.Thepopularityofthisnotionmaybeasignofgrowingradicalism.Itcertainlyalsohasalottodowithcontemporarydailylifeandthespacesoffreedomitgrantsus:moreopencommunicationchannels,newtypesofleisure,newwaysofmeeting,makingfriendsandtravelling,the

40| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

networksociety,theInternet,etc.Alltheseactivitieshaveonethingincommon:everyoneisatthesametimeconstantlyonhisownandconstantlyrelatingtoeveryoneandeverything.

Norevolutionwithoutautonomy:quite!Autonomyisnecessary.Butitsnotenough.Itisnottheprincipleonwhicheverythingcanormustbebased.Autonomymeansgivingoneselfonesownlaw(nomos).Itsbasedontheself(auto).

Isthiswhathappensinreallife?Everybodywishescollectivedecisions.Sodowe.Andthebestwaytoget

itisforeachofustotakepartinthedecisionmaking.ButonceyouandIarepartofit,westillhavetomakethedecision.Isthisselfstrongenough?Autonomistshavetheiranswerready;theindividualselfmaybeweak,butthecollectiveselfisstrong.Whosbeingnavehere?Addingindividualwillsonlytransformsthemintosomethingqualitativelydifferentifandwhentheyactdifferently.Sowerebacktowherewestarted.Aggregatingselveswidensthescopeoftheproblemwithoutsolvingit.Thesolutioncanonlycome,notfromwhatautonomyissupposedtogiveus,butfromwhatitisfoundedupon.Autonomyinitselfisnomorecreativethananyformoforganization.

Manyradicalsbelieveintheequation...autonomy+antiStateviolence=revolutionarymovement...andseeitvindicatedforinstanceintheOaxacaprotracted

insurrection.Whilethiseventisoneofthestrongestoutburstsofproletarianactivityintherecentyears,itdemonstratesthatautonomousviolenceisnecessaryandinsufficient.Arevolutionarymovementismorethanaliberatedareaorahundredliberatedareas.Itdevelopsbyfightingpublicandprivaterepression,aswellasbystartingtochangethematerialbasisofsocialrelationship.Noselfmanagedstreetfightingandgrassrootsdistrictsolidarity,howeverindispensabletheyare,inevitablycontaintheactsandtheintentionsthatbringaboutsuchachange.Soitsthenatureofthechangewevegottoinsistupon:creatingaworldwithoutmoney,withoutcommodityexchange,withoutlabourbeingboughtandsold,withoutfirmsascompetingpolesofvalueaccumulation,withoutworkasseparatefromtherestofouractivities,withoutaState,withoutaspecializedpoliticalspheresupposedlycutofffromoursocialrelationshipsInotherwords,arevolutionthatisbornoutofacommonrefusaltosubmit,outofthehopetogettoapointofnoreturnwherepeopletransformthemselvesandgainasenseoftheirownpowerastheytransformreality.

41|G i l l e s D a u v

42| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y

43|G i l l e s D a u v

44| A C o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C r i t i q u e o f P o l i t i c a l A u t o n o m y