63693159 jpm ecb can act as a safety valve but will not solve the crisis research note 2011...
TRANSCRIPT
-
8/13/2019 63693159 JPM ECB Can Act as a Safety Valve but Will Not Solve the Crisis Research Note 2011 08-26-666075
1/2
Economic Research
Global Data WatchAugust 26, 2011
1
JPMorgan Chase Bank, London
Greg Fuzesi (44-20) 7777-4792
ECB can act as a safety valve,but will not solve the crisis The ECB is unwilling to buy peripheral government se-
curities in size or to intervene for very long
This reluctance reflects deep concerns about moral haz-
ard, political legitimacy, and inflation risk
With Euro area governments still reluctant to significantly
enlarge the EFSF or introduce Eurobonds, many are looking
to the ECB as the only institution capable of solving the
regions sovereign crisis. Some suggest that the ECB
should simply ramp up its purchases of government bondsthrough its Securities Markets Program (SMP), which it
could do by creating more reserves (i.e., printing money).
However, this strategy would bear huge risks and the ECB
has little appetite for following it. Instead, the central bank
sees clear limits of its policy toolsit is willing to act as a
safety valve against short-term stresses in financial markets
but it cannot solve what is ultimately a crisis of fiscal policy
and solvency. As a result, the ECB will always force the
ultimate resolution of the crisis back to politicians.
How big are the safety valves?
It is not hard to see why some may argue that the ECB
could expand its balance sheet much more aggressively in
response to the sovereign crisis. The total size of its bal-
ance sheet has increased around 50% since 2007, which
compares to an increase of around 200% for the Fed. In
addition, around 80% of the increase has been driven by
the more obscure and inactive balance sheet categories,
such as valuation gains due to the higher price of gold and
increases of the investment portfolios, which are held
partly for operational reasons and as counterparts to the
central banks capital. In contrast, the !110 billion of gov-
ernment bond purchases make up just 5% of the balance
sheet at present. And despite providing as much liquidity to
banks as they demand, the aggregate amount lending is nota lot higher than it was in 2007 (although changes in the
distribution of this lending matter at least as much as the
total amount, see box).
Why is the handbrake on?
In our view, there are three interrelated reasons for the
ECBs caution. The first is moral hazard. The ECB wants
troubled banks to restructure their balance sheets and raise
capital so that they can quickly return to private funding
markets. And it wants governments to deliver the difficult
Economic Research Note
The ECBs two balance sheet supports
In response to the stresses caused by the sovereign crisis,
the ECB is using its balance sheet as a safety valve in two
ways.
Unlimited provision of liquidity to banks. Since Octo-
ber 2008, the ECB has been meeting banks demands for
liquidity in full. In late 2009, this led to a doubling of the
total loans made by the ECB to banks (to !900 billion),
as the drying up of interbank lending forced all Euro area
banks to hold larger liquidity buffers with the central
bank. Since then, the pressures have mainly led to shifts
in the distribution of liquidity, rather than to increases in
the overall amount. In particular, as certain groups ofbanks (e.g., peripheral ones) have come under pressure,
the flow of private funding from bad to good banks
has increased the reliance of the former on central bank
liquidity and reduced it for the latter. If such imbalances
are across countries, they can show up as the infamous
!325 billion exposure of the Bundesbank to peripheral
central banks via the TARGET2 payment system. In ef-
fect, the German banks have seen an inflow of private
funding (and hence reserves), allowing them to reduce
their borrowings from the central bank, while peripheral
banks have had to top up their reserve accounts by bor-
rowing more. In this way, the Eurosystem is acting as
lender of last resort, given that the interbank market is notdistributing funds from good banks with surplus funds
to bad banks.
Asset purchases.From mid-2009 to mid-2010, the ECB
bought !60 billion of covered bonds to support this im-
portant bank funding market. And through its SMP, it
has so far bought !110 billion of peripheral government
bonds. The !35 billion of Italian and Spanish bond pur-
chases have lowered 10-year yields by around 1%-pt in
these countries over the past two weeks.
"
#""
$"""
$#""
%"""
%#""
#$% &'$()$* +, #-$./ )/ )$ ! -$( 0
&'() *+ ,-) ./0 123245) 6-)),
%""7 %""8 %""9 %"$" %"$$
:66), ;)4?'4@ ,* 124A6
B*,23
C,-)=
-
8/13/2019 63693159 JPM ECB Can Act as a Safety Valve but Will Not Solve the Crisis Research Note 2011 08-26-666075
2/2
2
Economic Research
ECB can act as a safety valve, but will solve
the crisisAugust 26, 2011
JPMorgan Chase Bank, London
Greg Fuzesi (44-20) 7777-4792
How about turning the EFSF into a bank?
Daniel Gros (CEPS) and Thomas Mayer (Deutsche Bank)
have proposed setting the EFSF up as a bank to address itslimited lending power. It would fund IMF-style adjustment
programs by issuing bonds as normal, but would tackle li-
quidity crises affecting otherwise solvent states by using
the potentially unlimited liquidity from the ECB. Effectively,
it would purchase government bonds of the country being
attacked by markets and then repo them with the ECB. It
could intervene quickly, in size and without having to pre-
fund. Such lender of last support could prevent a liquidity
crisis from turning into a self-fulfilling solvency crisis. Nev-
ertheless, there are major problems. In particular, there is no
real difference between this scheme and the ECB buying
directly. As liquidity crisis are almost always associated
with some concerns about solvency, it would not circum-vent the need for difficult fiscal adjustments. And that im-
plies the same kind of context, which is making the ECB
hesitant about large-scale monetization of debt. Hence, we
do not see this as a more appropriate form of large-scale
purchases of bonds.
fiscal adjustments and reforms that will allow them to regain
access to market funding. The ECB has also appeared keen
to sponsor moves toward greater political union, including
sharing of fiscal capacity, as a means to stabilize the region.
The ECB worries that it would weaken the incentives for
banks and governments to make these necessary adjust-
ments, if it provides liquidity too generously to banks and if
it keeps government bond yields too low. It cannot turn off
the liquidity tap for banks altogether, as this would cause a
banking crisis. But, it is making relatively short forward
commitments about providing unlimited liquidity (currently
until 1Q12) and is reluctant to lend at long maturities (the
six month tender it offered in early August has been de-
scribed as a one-off). It is also leaning on regulators and
the banks themselves to adjust and is still working on a
special liquidity facility, which would likely provide liquid-ity for troubled banks for longer periods but against strict
conditions and possibly at a penalty rate. For governments,
the ECB has pushed them to take responsibility for stabiliz-
ing bond markets and has made clear that its renewed bond
purchases are only indended to fill an implementation
vaccuum until the EFSF can take over.
The second constraint is the risk of inflation. The purchase
of government bonds leads to an expansion of the ECBs
balance sheet, even if the newly created reserves are subse-
quently sterilized in the form of one-week fixed term
deposits. Recent experience in the US and UK does not
suggest any mechanical link between such balance sheetexpansions and broader money aggregates, or a destabiliz-
ing impact on inflation expectations. But the context in
which the ECB is acting is different. The ECB does not see
a need for balance sheet expansion to deliver price stability.
And with markets questioning sovereign solvency in the
region, the ECBs purchases of bonds may increasingly re-
semble monetary financing of deficits, which the EU Treaty
forbids and which Germans fear. If people abandon the euro
and move into real (e.g. property and gold) or foreign as-
sets (e.g. Swiss francs), rising asset prices and a falling ex-
change rate could lead to high inflation. Such behavior may
seem unlikely, but it is not uncommon for some German tab-
loids to issue advice to their readers along such lines.
The third restraint is political legitimacy. To some, the
ECBs bond buying is a neat way of by-passing the politi-
cal process that is slowing down the fiscal response to the
crisis. This ignores the fact that Germany is dragging its
feet for a reasonits population and government think that
the bailouts only make sense if the periphery does its
homework. The ECB does not have the political legitimacy
to purposefully undermine this position by purchasing ever
larger amounts of the peripheral bond market, a point made
this week by the German President Christian Wulff. The
SMP purchases (!110 billion so far) and the liquidity sup-
port to peripheral banking systems (around !325 billion so
far) already imply a huge socialization of liabilities across
the region. Should this result in losses for the ECB, the cen-
tral bank would need to be recapitalized or retain future prof-
its. Politicans in the core countries know that their taxpayersare already on the hook for the ECBs exposures, and are
unwilling to sponsor them increasing indefinately.
The ECBs actions remain a huge source of support to the
region and the central bank is justifying them with reference
to its mandate: ensuring financial stability by supporting
banks, and delivering price stability by improving the func-
tioning of the monetary policy transmission in the bond
market. Its independence, however, is strongly rooted in
European treaties, which mean politicians cannot coerce it
to ramp up or even continue with its SMP purchases against
its wishes. While the ECB will continue to act as a short-
term safety valve against market stresses, it can use its inde-pendence to push governments in the right directions
setting limits to its interventions in terms of quantity or the
duration of time it is prepared to act. And the ECBs reluc-
tance to go all in with a much larger commitment to mon-
etize peripheral bonds reflects a deep tradition of stability-
oriented policy, inherited from the Bundesbank. This means
recognizing that central bank liquidity can only buy time but
not solve a crisis of fiscal policy and solvency. And it
means accepting some near-term stress if it helps to reach a
more stable medium-term outcome.