60YearsAfterBrown:TrendsandConsequencesofSchoolSegregation

SeanF.ReardonStanfordUniversity

AnnOwens

UniversityofSouthernCalifornia

Version:November8,2013

Forthcoming,AnnualReviewofSociology

SeanF.ReardonGraduateSchoolofEducationStanfordUniversity520GalvezMall,#526Stanford,CA94305‐3084sean.reardon@stanford.edu(650)736‐8517AnnOwensDepartmentofSociologyUniversityofSouthernCalifornia851DowneyWay,HSH204LosAngeles,CA90089annowens@usc.edu(213)821‐5730Keywords:SchoolSegregation;Race;Income

 

60YearsAfterBrown:TrendsandConsequencesofSchoolSegregation

Abstract

SincetheSupremeCourt’s1954Brownv.BoardofEducationdecision,researchersand

policymakershavepaidcloseattentiontotrendsinschoolsegregation.WhileBrownfocusedon

black‐whitesegregation,herewereviewtheevidenceregardingtrendsandconsequencesofboth

racialandeconomicschoolsegregation.Ingeneral,theevidenceregardingtrendsinracial

segregationsuggeststhatthemostsignificantdeclinesinblack‐whiteschoolsegregationoccurred

attheendofthe1960sandthestartofthe1970s.Althoughthereisdisagreementaboutthe

directionofmorerecenttrendsinracialsegregation,thisdisagreementislargelydrivenby

differentdefinitionsofsegregationanddifferentwaysofmeasuringit.Weconcludethatthe

changesinsegregationinthelastfewdecadesarenotlarge,regardlessofwhatmeasureisused,

thoughthereareimportantdifferencesinthetrendsacrossregions,racialgroups,andinstitutional

levels.Limitedevidenceonschooleconomicsegregationmakesdocumentingtrendsdifficult,butin

general,studentsaremoresegregatedbyincomeacrossschoolsanddistrictstodaythanin1990.

Wealsodiscusstheroleofdesegregationlitigation,demographicchanges,andresidential

segregationinshapingtrendsinbothracialandeconomicsegregation.

Oneofthereasonsthatscholars,policymakers,andcitizensareconcernedwithschool

segregationisthatsegregationishypothesizedtoexacerbateracialorsocioeconomicdisparitiesin

educationalsuccess.Themechanismsthatwouldlinksegregationtodisparateoutcomeshavenot

oftenbeenspelledoutclearlyortestedexplicitly.Wedevelopageneralconceptualmodelofhow

andwhyschoolsegregationmightaffectstudentsandreviewtherelativelythinbodyofempirical

evidencethatexplicitlyassessestheconsequencesofschoolsegregation.Thisliteraturesuggests

thatracialdesegregationinthe1960sand1970swasbeneficialtoblacks;evidenceoftheeffectsof

 

segregationinmorerecentdecades,however,ismixedorinconclusive.Weconcludewith

discussionofaspectsofschoolsegregationonwhichfurtherresearchisneeded.

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60YearsAfterBrown:TrendsandConsequencesofSchoolSegregation

1. Introduction

Inthe60yearssincetheSupremeCourt’s1954Brownv.BoardofEducationdecision(347

U.S.483)outlawingdejureracialschoolsegregationinAmericanpublicschools,thepatternsof

residentialandschoolsegregationintheUnitedStateshavechangeddramatically.Thesechangesin

segregationpatterns,however,havebeeninconsistentacrosstimeandplaceinboththeirpaceand

direction.PriortoBrown,black‐whiteschoolsegregationwasabsoluteintheSouth,andveryhigh

inmanyschooldistrictsinotherpartsofthecountry.Severalforceshavealteredthesepatterns

overthelastsixdecades,includingcontinuingchangesinthelegalandpolicylandscape,

demographicchanges,changesinresidentialsegregationpatterns,andchangesinpublicattitudes

regardingthevalueandfeasibilityofschoolintegration.

Inthisarticle,wereviewtheevidenceregardingthesetrendsandtheirconsequences.We

alsoexamineevidenceontrendsinschooleconomicsegregation,which,whilenotthefocusof

Brown,shapestheschoolcontextsandopportunitiesavailabletostudents.Inparticular,webegin

withanextensivereviewoftheempiricalresearchdescribingtrendsinschoolsegregationinthesix

decadessinceBrown.Becausethesetrendsdifferdependingonthetypeofsegregation(black‐

white,Hispanic‐white,multiracial,orsocioeconomic,forexample)andthelevelofaggregation

(national,metropolitan,district,orschool‐level)ofinterest,thereisnosingleanswertothe

questionofhowschoolsegregationhaschangedoverthelast60years.Moreover,segregationcan

bemeasuredinanumberofways,whichfurthercomplicatessimpledescriptionsofsegregation

trendsandpatterns.Ourgoalinthisfirstsectionofthearticle,then,istoprovideareviewofthe

evidenceonsegregationtrendsandpatternsacrossthesemultipledimensions.

Second,wediscussthecausesofthetrendsinracialandsocioeconomicschoolsegregation.

Aswenote,segregationpatternshavechangedforanumberofreasonsinthelast60years.A

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numberofSupremeCourtdecisionshavechangedthelegallandscapeofdesegregationefforts.

Demographicchanges,particularlytherapidgrowthoftheHispanicpopulation,havechangedthe

compositionoftheschool‐agepopulation.Decliningresidentialracialsegregationandrisingincome

segregationhavechangedthespatialdistributionoffamiliesandpatternsofschoolsegregation

overthelast50years(Jargowsky1996;Charles2003;Loganetal.2004;Watson2009;Logan&

Stults2011;Reardon&Bischoff2011a;2011b;Glaeser&Vigdor2012;Iceland&Sharp2013).

Finally,publicopinionpollsindicategrowingracialtoleranceovertime,butincreasingopposition

tobusingandotherschooldesegregationpractices(Orfield1995),particularlyrace‐based

desegregationpolicies.

Third,wereviewtheevidenceregardingtheconsequencesofschoolsegregationfor

students.Oneofthereasonsthatmanyscholars,policymakers,andcitizensareconcernedwith

schoolsegregationisthatsegregationishypothesizedtoexacerbateracialorsocioeconomic

disparitiesineducationalsuccess.Ourreviewoftheliterature,however,suggeststhatthe

mechanismsthatwouldlinksegregationtodisparateoutcomeshavenotoftenbeenspelledout

clearlyortestedexplicitly.Indeed,muchoftheresearchpurportingtoassessthelinksbetween

segregationandstudentoutcomestestsinsteadmeasurestheassociationbetweenschool

compositionandstudentoutcomes.Suchresearchcanbeconsideredatestoftheeffectsof

segregationonlyinalimitedsense,undertheassumptionthatsegregationaffectsstudentoutcomes

primarilythroughschoolcompositionmechanisms,ratherthanthroughotherpossiblemechanisms

suchastheunequaldistributionofresourcesanddisparitiesinschoolandteacherquality.

Compositionalstudiesdonotoftenexplicitlyidentifyaconceptualmodelofhowcomposition

measuressegregationorwhataspectofsegregationitcaptures.Thus,webeginourreviewofthe

literatureontheconsequencesofsegregationwithabriefdiscussionandformalizationofageneral

conceptualmodelofhowandwhyschoolsegregationmightaffectstudents.Followingthis,we

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reviewtherelativelythinbodyofempiricalevidencethatexplicitlyassessestheconsequencesof

schoolsegregation.

Despitetheextensivebodyofresearchontrendsandpatternsofschoolsegregation,and

thesomewhatthinnerbodyofresearchonitseffects,anumberofquestionsremain.Weconclude

withdiscussionofquestionswherefurtherresearchwouldbevaluable.

2. TrendsinSchoolSegregation

Trendsinschoolsegregationmaydifferdependingonthegroupsofinterest(racial/ethnic

orsocioeconomicgroups)andthegeographicscaleandorganizationalunitsofinterest(schools,

districts,metropolitanareas,andthenation).MostsegregationresearchintheUnitedStateshas

focusedonblack‐whitesegregationbetweenschoolsandwithinschooldistricts.Inpart,theblack‐

whitefocusisdrivenbythehistoricallegacyofslavery,effortstomeasuretheeffectoftheBrown

decision,andthecontinuingsalienceofblack‐whiteinequality;thewithin‐district,between‐school

focusisdrivenbythefactthatlegal,policy,andpracticalconstraintsmakeiteasiertoaffect

between‐schoolsegregationwithindistrictsthansegregationatlarger(between‐district)or

smaller(within‐school)institutionallevels.Nonetheless,anycompleteaccountingofsegregation

patternsandtrendsmusttakeintoaccountsegregationamongotherracial/ethnicgroups

(includingHispanic‐whitesegregation)andsocioeconomicsegregationpatterns,aswellas

between‐districtsegregation.Wereviewsegregationtrendsalongeachofthesedimensions,tothe

extentthereisavailableresearch,below.First,however,wedigressbrieflytodiscussthe

measurementofsegregation.

2.a.MeasuresofSegregation

Schoolsegregationistypicallymeasuredusingoneoftwotypesofsegregationindices:

measuresofisolationorexposureandmeasuresofunevenness(MasseyandDenton,1988).These

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differentwaysofmeasuringsegregationoftenyieldverydifferentconclusionsaboutthedirection

andmagnitudeoftrendsinsegregation.

Indicesofunevennessmeasuretheextenttowhichastudentpopulationisunevenly

distributedamongschools.Forexample,theblack‐whitedissimilarityindexrepresentsthe

proportionoftheblack(orwhite)populationwhowouldhavetochangeschoolsinordertoyielda

patternofschoolenrollmentinwhicheachschoolhasidenticalracialproportions(Duncan&

Duncan1955;James&Taeuber1985;Massey&Denton1988).Otherindicesofunevennessinclude

Theil’sinformationtheoryindex,thevarianceratioindex,andtheGiniindexofsegregation(James

&Taeuber1985;Massey&Denton1988).Thesemeasuresgenerallyarescaledfrom0to1,with0

indicatingnosegregation(everyschoolhasthesameracialcomposition)and1indicatingcomplete

segregation(nochildattendsschoolwithanyotherchildofadifferentrace);valuesabove0.60are

consideredindicativeof“highsegregation”(Massey&Denton1989).

Indicesofexposureorisolation,however,measuretheextenttowhichstudentsare

enrolledinschoolswithhighorlowproportionsofagivenracialgroup.Forexample,theblack

isolationindexisdefinedastheaverageproportionofblackstudentsinblackstudents’schools;

likewise,thewhite‐blackexposureindexistheaverageproportionofblackstudentsinwhite

students’schools(Colemanetal1975;Lieberson&Carter1982,Massey&Denton1988).

Additionalmeasuresofisolationthataresometimesusedaretheproportionsofstudentswho

attend“highpoverty”or“raciallyisolated”schools;oftendefinedasschoolswithahighproportion

ofpoororminoritystudents,respectively(see,e.g.,Orfield,2001).Massey&Denton(1989)

describeisolationindicesabove0.70(or,equivalently,exposureindicesbelow0.30)asindicating

“highsegregation.”

Theunevennessmeasuresandtheexposure/isolationmeasurescapturedifferent

dimensionsofsegregation.Toseethis,consideraschooldistrictinwhich90%ofstudentsare

black.Ifallschoolsinthedistricthadenrollmentsthatwere90%black,wewouldhavelow

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unevenness,buthighblackisolation(or,equivalently,lowblack‐whiteexposure),becausethe

averageblackstudentwouldattendapredominantlyblackschool.Conversely,inaschooldistrict

withveryfewblackstudents,isolationmightbelowevenifstudentswereveryunevenly

distributedbyrace.Putdifferently,exposureandisolationmeasuresaresensitivetotheoverall

racialcompositionofaschooldistrict,whiletheunevennessmeasuresarenot.

Thisdistinctionhasimplicationsforanyassessmentoftrendsinsegregation,because

changingracialpopulationcompositionmayleadtoincreasesinmeasuredisolation,evenifthe

extenttowhichstudentsareevenly/unevenlydistributedamongschoolsdoesn’tchange.However,

thereisnotone“correct”measureofsegregation.Totheextentthatwethinkthatsegregation

affectsstudentsthroughpeerorcompositionaleffects,ormechanismscorrelatedwithschool

composition,thenexposuremeasuresareanappropriatemeasure.Totheextentwethinkthat

segregationoperatesbyexposingstudentstodifferentschoolenvironments,however,unevenness

istheappropriatemeasure,becauseunderzerounevenness,allstudentsexperiencethesame

averageschoolenvironments.

2.b.TrendsinBlack‐WhiteSegregation

2.b.1.Black‐WhiteSegregationintheDesegregationEra,1954‐1980

Black‐whiteschooldesegregationtrendscanbedividedroughlyintotwoperiods:the

periodfrom1954throughthe1970s,andtheperiodfromthe1980stothepresent.Inthefirst

period,black‐whitesegregationdeclineddramatically,particularlyintheSouth,thoughmostofthat

declinehappenedafter1968.ImmediatelyfollowingtheBrownv.BoardofEducationdecisionin

1954,statesandschooldistrictsdidlittletoreduceracialsegregation.IntheSouth,manyschool

districtsinitiallyputintoplaceso‐called“freedomofchoice”desegregationplans,whichwere

arguablydesignedlargelytopreserveracialsegregationbyputtingtheonusonblackfamiliesto

enrolltheirchildreninwhiteschools,anoptionunappealingtomostblackfamiliesgiventhe

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animosityofmanywhitefamiliestointegration(Colemanetal.1975;Welch&Light1987;

Clotfelter2004).

Notsurprisingly,suchplansachievedrelativelylittledesegregation:Clotfelter(2004)

estimatesthat81%ofblackstudentsintheSouthand72%ofthoseintheborderstatesstill

attendedmajorityblackschoolsasof1968;likewise,Orfield(2001)estimatesthatintheSouth

99%ofblacksin1964and86%in1967attendedmajorityblackschools.Segregationwasnearlyas

highintherestofthecountry,byanymeasure.Nationally,77%ofblackstudentsattended

majorityblackschoolsin1968(Orfield2001);overhalfofblackstudentsattendedschoolwhere

90%ormoreoftheirclassmateswereblack(Orfield2001;Welch&Light1987);andtheaverage

blackstudentwasenrolledinaschoolwhereonly22%ofstudentswerewhite,despitethefactthat

thepublicschoolstudentpopulationwas79%white(Colemanetal.1975).Studiesusing

unevennessmeasureslikewisereportveryhighlevelsofsegregationin1968:theaveragewithin‐

districtindexofdissimilaritybetweenblackandwhitepublicschoolstudentswasabout0.80

(Logan&Oakley2004;Johnson2011);theaveragewithin‐districtvarianceratiosegregationindex

was0.63(Colemanetal.1975).AllofthesemeasuresexceedMassey&Denton’s(1989)threshold

valuesfor“highsegregation.”

In1968,theSupremeCourt’sGreendecision(Greenv.CountySchoolBoardofNewKent

County,391US430)requiredschooldistrictstoadoptmoreeffectiveplanstoachieveintegration.

Bythemid‐1970s’shundredsofschooldistrictsweresubjecttocourt‐ordereddesegregationplans

(Logan&Oakley2004).Asaresult,schoolsegregationlevelsdeclinedsubstantiallybetween1968

andthemid‐1970s.Theaveragewithin‐districtvarianceratioindexdroppedfrom0.63in1968to

0.37in1972;theblack‐whiteexposureindexincreasedfrom0.22to0.33overthesametime

period(Colemanetal.1975),withthelargestdeclinesinsegregationoccurringintheSouth

(Colemanetal.1975;Welch&Light1987;Johnson2011).Theindexofdissimilaritydeclinedby

about0.30overthesametimeperiod,againdecliningmoreintheSouththantheNorth(Logan&

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Oakley2004;Welch&Light1987).By1980,onlyone‐thirdofblackstudentsattendedschools

where90%ormoreoftheirclassmateswereblack—stillasubstantialproportionbutmuchlower

thaninthelate1960s(Orfield1983;Welch&Light1987).

Atthesametimeaswithin‐districtsegregationwasdecliningfrom1968to1972,between‐

districtsegregationwasincreasing(Colemanetal.1975).ThiswasparticularlytrueintheNorth

whereschooldistrictsare,onaverage,muchsmallerthandistrictsintheSouth,wheredistricts

oftenencompasswholecounties.Colemanetal.(1975)findthatwithin‐districtsegregation

(definedbyameasureofunevenness)declinedineveryregionfrom1968to1972,particularlyin

theSouthandMidwest,butthatbetween‐districtsegregationincreasedineveryregion.Particularly

inthenon‐South,declinesinsegregationwithinschooldistrictswereoffsetbyincreasesbetween

districts.

2.b.2.ResegregationorStalledProgress?Black‐WhiteSegregationSince1980

Theevidenceisgenerallyclearthatschoolsegregationbetweenblacksandwhitesdeclined

substantiallyfrom1968tothemid‐1970sandcontinuedtomodestlydeclineintothe1980s;thisis

truewhetheronereliesonmeasuresofunevennessorexposure.Theevidenceontrendsin

segregationsincethelate1980s,however,islessclear.Ontheonehand,Orfieldandcolleagues

havearguedthattheperiodfrom1988tothepresentischaracterizedbyagradualtrendof

“resegregation”ofblackstudents(Orfield&Eaton1997;Orfield2001;Frankenburg&Lee2002;

Frankenburgetal.2003;Orfield&Lee2007).Tosupportthisargument,theygenerallyrelyon

trendsinexposureandisolationindices,reportingforexample,thattheblack‐whiteexposureindex

was0.27in2005,downsubstantiallyfromitspeakof0.36in1988andevenlowerthanitslevelof

0.32in1970(Orfield&Lee2007;Orfield2001;Frankenburgetal.2003).Similarly,theproportion

ofblackstudentsattendingpredominantlyminorityschoolshasrisenfrom63%in1988to73%in

2005(Orfield&Lee2007).

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Incontrast,otherscholarshavearguedthatsegregationhasnotrisensignificantlyinthe

lasttwodecades.Usingmeasuresofunevenness,Loganandcolleaguesfindaverysmallincreasein

black‐whitebetween‐schoolsegregationduringthe1990s(Loganetal.2002,2008;Logan2004;

Logan&Oakley2004).Similarly,StroubandRichards(2013)findthatblack‐whitesegregationin

metropolitanareasroseverymodestlyfrom1993‐1998,butthendeclinedfrom1998‐2009,fora

netdecreaseinaveragebetween‐schoolmetropolitanareasegregationovertheperiodfrom1993‐

2009.Black‐whitesegregationbetweenschooldistrictsalsoincreasedslightlyduringthe1990s

andremainedhigherthansegregationwithinschooldistricts(Clotfleter1999;Reardonetal.2000;

Loganetal.2008;Logan&Oakley,2004).Duringthe2000s,however,between‐districtracial

segregationdeclined,butremainshigh(Stroub&Richards2013).

ResearchershavepaidspecialattentiontosegregationtrendsintheSouth,giventhe

historicallyhighlevelsofsegregationandthefocusofdesegregationlitigationontheregion.Orfield

andcolleaguesarguethattheresegregationofblackstudentssince1988isparticularlypronounced

intheSouthandintheborderstates.Bymostmeasures,theSouthhasbeentheleastsegregated

regionofthecountrysincetheearly1970s,butitmovedrapidlybackto1968segregationlevels(as

measuredbyblack‐whiteexposure)beginninginthelate1980s(OrfieldandLee2007).Several

studiesfindthatblack‐whitesegregationintheSouthincreasedduringthe1990s,whether

measuredusingtheexposureindexorTheil’sentropyindex,anunevennessmeasurewhich

assessessegregationwhiletakingdemographicchangesintoaccount(Yun&Reardon2002;

Reardon&Yun2003;Stroub&Richards2013).Theincrease,however,isnotlarge,andreversed

following1998(Stroub&Richards2013).

Thedebateaboutwhetherthelasttwodecadescanbecharacterizedasaperiodof

“resegregation”largelyhingesonwhetheroneusesexposureorunevennessmeasuresof

segregation.ThetrendsnotedbyOrfieldandcolleaguesaredueinparttochangesintheracial

compositionoftheU.S.publicschoolstudentpopulation,whichissubstantiallylesswhitethanit

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was25yearsago.Becauseofthis,measuresofblack‐whiteexposurewouldbeexpectedtodecline,

evenifthereductioninwhiteenrollmentshappeneduniformlyacrossallschoolssothat

unevennessmeasuresdidnotchange(Logan2004;Fiel2013).Thus,itseemsfairtosaythatthe

last25yearshavebeencharacterizedbylargelystablepatternsofsortingofstudentsamong

schools(unevenness)whiletheracial/ethniccompositionofthestudentpopulationhaschanged

substantially,apairoftrendsthatyieldsdecliningblack‐whiteexposuremeasuresbutno

significantchangeinunevennessmeasuresofsegregation.Whetherthisrepresentsresegregation

orstagnationdependsonone’stheoryofhowandwhysegregationmatters.

2.c.TrendsinHispanic‐White,Asian‐White,andMultiracialSegregation

GiventhehistoricalcontextoftheBrowncaseanditsfocusonblack‐whitesegregation,less

researchhasexaminedsegregationamongstudentsofotherraces.Changingracialclassifications,

particularlywithregardtoHispanics,alsolimitsthedocumentationoflong‐termtrendsin

segregationofothergroups.Asthestudentpopulationhasbecomemoremultiracial,newefforts

havebeenmadetodocumentsegregationamongallgroups.Orfieldandcolleagues,againrelyingon

exposuremeasures,arguethatHispanicstudentshaveexperiencedcontinuallyincreasing

segregationfromwhitessince1968,asHispanicstudents’exposuretowhitestudentshassteadily

fallensincethelate1960sandrepresentationinmajority‐minorityschoolshassteadilyrisen

(Orfield2001;Frankenburg&Lee2002;Frankenburgetal.2003;Orfield&Lee2007).Unevenness

measuresofsegregation,however,showonlyaveryslightincreaseinHispanic‐whiteandAsian‐

whitesegregationduringthe1990sand2000s(Loganetal.2002;Stroub&Richards,2013).The

discrepancybetweenthesefindings,again,isduetothedifferenceinsegregationmeasuresused.

Threestudiesassessthetrendsinmultiracialsegregationinthelasttwodecades(Reardon

etal.2000;Stroub&Richards,2013;Fiel2013).Eachusesanindex(Theil’sH)thatassesseshow

unevenlywhite,black,Hispanic,andAsianstudentsaredistributedamongschools.Allthreestudies

concludethatsegregationbetweenwhitesandnon‐whiteswasflatorincreasedveryslightlyduring

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the1990swhilesegregationamongminoritygroupsdeclinedduringthistime.However,from

1998‐2009,segregationbetweenwhitesandminoritiesdeclinedmodestly,whilesegregation

amongminoritygroupscontinuedtodecline;asaresult,multiracialsegregationwas10%lowerin

2009thanin1993(Stroub&Richards,2013).

2.d.TrendsinEconomicSegregation

Manyscholarshavedocumentedthehighlevelsofpovertyinmajority‐minorityschools,

arguingthatschoolsegregationconcentratesminoritystudentsinhigh‐povertyschools,whichtend

tohavelowerresourcesandstudentachievement(Orfield2001;Frankenburgetal.2003;Orfield&

Lee2005,2007;Loganetal.2012;Saporito&Sohoni2007).Orfield&Lee(2007)showthatin

2005,theaverageblackorLatinostudentattendedaschoolinwhich60%ofstudentswerepoor;

theaveragewhitestudentattendedaschoolinwhichonlyonethirdofstudentswerepoor.While

researchersnotethelinkbetweenracialandeconomicschoolcomposition,thereissurprisingly

littleresearchexplicitlymeasuringeconomicsegregationamongschools.Thisisinpartduetothe

focusonraceintheBrowndecisionandinpartduetodatalimitations,aswedescribebelow.

However,examiningeconomicsegregationbetweenschoolsisimportantbecausemanyofthe

mechanismsthroughwhichracialsegregationisthoughttooperatearedrivenbysocioeconomic

inequalitiesbetweenschoolsattendedbystudentsofdifferentraces.

Studiesofresidentialincomesegregationshowthatneighborhoodincomesegregationgrew

considerablybetween1970and2009(ReardonandBischoff2011a;2011b;Watson2009;

Jargowsky1996).Muchofthegrowthinincomesegregationwasduetotheincreasingsegregation

oftherichfromallotherfamilies.Thesetrendswouldsuggestthateconomicschoolsegregation

mayhaveincreasedaswelloverthelast40years,sincemostchildrenattendschoolrelativelynear

theirneighborhood.Studiesofschoolsegregation,however,arelimitedbythefactthatthereisno

systematicsourceofdetailedfamilyincomedataattheschoollevel.Insteadstudiesofschool

segregationmeasureincomeusingfreeluncheligibility,averycoarsemeasureofincomethatmay

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obscurepatternsofsegregationatthehighorlowendsoftheincomedistribution.Nonetheless,

studiesusingthesedatashowthateconomicsegregationincreasedmodestlyinthe1990s,

particularlyinelementarygradesandinlargeschooldistricts(Rusk2001;Owensetal.2013),but

economicsegregationdidnotchangeappreciablyinthe2000s(Owensetal.2013).Thesepatterns

donotmatchthereportedneighborhoodsegregationtrends(Reardon&Bischoff2011a;2011b),

thoughitisnotclearwhetherthatisduetothefactthattheyrelyonamuchcoarsermeasureof

incomeorbecauseschoolenrollmentpatternshavenotmirroredneighborhoodsegregation

patternsclosely.However,oneotherstudy(Altonji&Mansfield2011)providessuggestiveevidence

thatsegregationbyfamilyincomebetweenschoolsdidindeedfollowtheneighborhoodsegregation

trends:theproportionofvarianceinfamilyincomebetweenschoolsroseinthe1970sand1980s

(butdeclinedinthe1990s,whenincomesegregationbetweenneighborhoodswasfairlystable).

Althoughitisdifficulttomeasuretrendsinincomesegregationbetweenschools,itis

possibletoestimatelevelsofbetween‐districtsegregationusingCensusdatathattabulatesthe

numberofschoolagechildren,byfamilyincome,enrolledinpublicschoolineachschooldistrictin

theU.S.Usingthesedata,Owensandcolleagues(Owens2013;Owensetal.2013)findthat

between‐districteconomicsegregationamongpublicschoolstudentsincreasedduringthe1990s

andthe2000sinthree‐quartersofthe100largestmetropolitanareas.Owensetal.(2013)alsofind

thatbetween‐districteconomicsegregationoffamilies,regardlessofwhethertheysendchildrento

publicschools,alsoincreasedinthe1970sand1980s,consistentwithCorcoranandEvans(2010)

whofindthatbetween‐districtincomeinequalityalsogrewfrom1970to2000.Thisincreasewas

largelydrivenbyrisingsegregationamongmiddle‐andhigh‐incomefamilies.Takenasawhole,the

trendsinincomesegregationsuggestthatstudentshavegrownmoresegregatedbetweendistricts,

butsegregationwithinschooldistrictshasremainedrelativelyconstantoverthelast20years.

2e.FactorsShapingTrendsinSchoolSegregation

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Court‐ordereddesegregationwasthesinglemostimportantfactorshapingtherapid

declinesinracialsegregationinthe1960sand1970s.Segregationdeclinedsharplyinschool

districtsintheyearsimmediatelyfollowingcourtordersandimplementationofdesegregation

plans(Guryan2004;Reber2005;Johnson2011;Lutz2011).However,otherfactorsmatteredas

well.LoganandOakley(2004)notethatdesegregationalsooccurredinmanydistrictsthatdidnot

havedesegregationplansinplace.Forexample,intheSouth,theblack‐whitedissimilarityindex

fellfrom0.72to0.30indistrictsnotcoveredbydesegregationplansandfrom0.87to0.47in

districtsthatweresubjecttodesegregationplansfrom1968to2000.Therefore,declinesin

segregationduringthistimealsooccurredinresponsetootherfederalgovernmentactionsaimed

atequalrightsandracialequality,districtspreemptivelyundertakingvoluntarydesegregation

plansbeforelegislationoccurred,anddistrictleadersfindingdesegregationtobeaworthysocial

andeducationalgoal(seealsoCascioetal.2010).Evenifdistrictswerenotsubjecttodesegregation

legislation,theshiftinthelegalandsocialenvironmentandenforcementbypoliticalleaders

contributedtodecliningsegregationinnearlyalldistricts.

Becausecourt‐ordereddesegregationgenerallydealtsolelywithpatternsofwithin‐district,

between‐schoolsegregation,legaldesegregationeffortswerelargelyineffectiveatreducing

between‐districtsegregation.In1974,theSupremeCourt’sMillikenv.Bradley(418U.S.717)

decisionruledoutcourt‐orderedinter‐districtdesegregationplans,unlessitcouldbeshownthat

thestatewasresponsibleforbetween‐districtsegregationpatterns,aburdenofproofdifficultto

meet.Thisisonereasonthattodaybetween‐districtracialsegregationishigher—andaccountsfor

agreatershareoverallbetween‐schoolsegregation—thanwithin‐districtsegregation(Fiel2013;

Reardon,Yun,&Eitle2000;Stroub&Richards2013).

Thereissomeevidencethatracialdesegregationeffortsalsocontributedtoincreasing

between‐districtsegregation,asaresultofso‐called“whiteflight”—themovementofwhitefamilies

todistrictswithfewerblacksinordertoavoidraciallyintegratedschools(Colemanetal.1975;

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Farleyetal.1980;Rossell1975;Wilson1985).Althoughsomeofthedeclineinwhiteenrollments

indesegregatingdistrictscanbeattributedtodecliningwhitebirthratesandongoing

suburbanizationtrends,severalstudiessuggestthatwhiteflightinresponsetodesegregationalso

playedasubstantialrole(Welch&Light1987;Reber2005).Reber(2005)showsthatwhite

enrollmentlossesreducedtheeffectsofdesegregationplansbyaboutone‐third.

Inadditiontowhiteflighttootherdistricts,whitesalsoleftthepublicschoolsystem.In

responsetodesegregationinthe1960sand1970s,whiteenrollmentinprivateschoolsincreased,

particularlyinmajorityblackschooldistricts(Clotfelter1976,2004)ReardonandYun(2003)

foundthatthispatterncontinuedintothe1990sintheSouth;further,theyfindthatthebetween‐

districtpublicschoolsegregationwasabout40%higherthanresidentialsegregation,asaresultof

highratesofwhitesprivateschoolattendanceinmajorityblackdistricts.Saporitoandcolleagues

(Saporito2003;Saporito&Sohoni2007)alsofindthatwhitefamilieslivinginpredominantlyblack

schoolattendancezonesarelesslikelytoenrolltheirchildreninneighborhoodpublicschoolsthan

arewhitefamilieslivinginpredominantlywhiteneighborhoods.Similarly,non‐poorfamiliesare

lesslikelytoenrolltheirchildreninpublicneighborhoodschoolswheninhigh‐poverty

neighborhoodsthanwheninlow‐povertyneighborhoods.Thesepatternsbothtendtoincrease

racialandeconomicsegregationamongpublicneighborhoodschools.Incontrast,Loganetal.

(2008),however,findmixedevidencethattheavailabilityofprivateschoolingisassociatedwith

racialsegregationfrom1970to2000.

Sincethe1980s,severalcountervailingtrendshaveoperatedtokeepracialsegregation

levelsrelativelystable.Thechanginglegalcontextledtoincreasesinsegregationlevelsinsome

districts.Between1990and2010,hundredsofdistrictsthathadcourt‐ordereddesegregation

planswerereleasedfromcourtoversight(Reardonetal2012).Asaresult,thesedistrictsbecame,

onaverage,increasinglysegregated(U.S.CommissiononCivilRights,2007;An&Gamoran2009;

Clotfelteretal.2006;Lutz2011;Reardonetal.2012).Inaddition,theSupremeCourt’s2007

14 

decisionintheParentsInvolvedinCommunitySchoolsv.SeattleSchoolDistrictNo.1(551U.S.701)

outlawedtheuseofstudents’raceinvoluntarily‐adoptedschoolassignmentplans,makingitharder

fordistrictstovoluntarilydesegregation.

Onepotentialcountervailingforcetothischanginglegalclimateistheincreaseduseof

socioeconomic‐basedstudentassignmentplans(SBSAs),whichattempttocreatesocioeconomic

integrationinschools.Althoughtherearesomesuccessfulexamples(Kahlenberg2002,2006),

mostSBSAshavedonelittletoreduceeithersocioeconomicorracialsegregation(Flinspachetal.

2003;Reardonetal.2006;Reardon&Rhodes2011).Thestudentassignmentplansinplacetoday,

then,aremuchweakerthandesegregationplansofthe1960sand1970sthatsubstantially

integratedschools.

Amorepowerfulcountervailingforcetotheretreatfromdesegregationeffortsisthe

gradualdeclineinracialresidentialsegregation.Black‐whiteracialsegregationhasdeclinedslowly

andsteadilyfrom1980to2010;segregationbetweennon‐HispanicwhitesandHispanicsandnon‐

HispanicwhitesandAsianshasremainedfairlystable(andlowerthanblack‐whitesegregation)

duringthistime(Farley&Frey1994;Loganetal.2004;Logan&Stults2011;Iceland&Sharp

2013).Becauseresidentialpatternspartlydetermineschoolsegregationpatterns,thisdeclinein

residentialsegregationhaslikelypartiallyoffsetsomeoftheincreasingsegregationduetothe

declineindesegregationefforts.Nonetheless,althoughresidentialpatternsareimportant,theyare

notdeterminativeofstudentbodycompositionforseveralreasons.First,neighborhoodandschool

attendancezonesmapontooneanotherimperfectly.Second,manydistrictsdonotoperate

neighborhoodschools,insteadofferingassignmentandchoiceplansthroughwhichstudentscould

attendschooloutsidetheirneighborhood.Third,someparentsopttosendtheirchildtoprivate

school.Reardon&Yun(2003)provideevidencethatresidentialandschoolsegregationdonot

necessarilyfollowoneanother:intheSouth,black‐whiteneighborhoodsegregationdeclinedinthe

1990swhileschoolsegregationincreasedslightlyinmanySouthernstatesandmetroareas.

15 

Finally,onereasonthatbetween‐districtsegregationmayhaveincreasedinrecentdecades

isthatresidentialsegregationpatternsatalargegeographicscale(e.g.,segregationbetweencities

andsuburbs),whichparticularlyaffectsegregationbetweenschooldistricts,roseinthe1990s(Lee

etal.2008;Reardonetal.2009).Consistentwiththistrend,between‐districtracialsegregation

rosethroughthe1990s(Rivkin1994;Clotfelter2001;Reardonetal.2000;Stroub&Richards

2013).

3. ConsequencesofSchoolSegregation

3.a.AStylizedModelofSegregationEffectsonStudents

Priortoreviewingtheevidenceontheconsequencesofsegregation,itisusefultoconsider

themechanismsthroughwhichschoolsegregationmayaffectstudentoutcomes.Longshoreand

Prager(1985),inanearlyreviewoftheeffectsofsegregation,highlightedtheneedfortheoretical

andconceptualclarityregardingthecontextsandprocessesthroughwhichsegregationoperates.

Herewelayoutaverygeneralmodelforthinkingabouthowsegregationmightaffectstudents.

Thismodel,orpartsofit,isimplicitinmuchoftheresearchwereview;wehopethatmakingit

explicitwillbothclarifytheholesinexistingresearchandstimulatefutureresearchonthekey

elementsofthemodel.

Wecanthinkofeachschoolashavingasetofresourcesthatarebeneficialtotheirenrolled

students.Theseresourcesmayincludethephysicalfacilitiesoftheschool,theskillsoftheteachers

andstaff,theschoolclimateandcurriculum,thesocialcapitaloftheparentsoftheenrolled

students,andsoon.Totheextentthatastudent’speers’characteristics—suchastheiracademic

skills,socioeconomicstatus,andrace—affecthisorheracademicorsocialoutcomes(including

attitudes,beliefs,friendshippatterns,etc.),wecanconsideraggregatestudentcharacteristicsasa

potentialschoolresourceaswell.Supposeastudentoutcome isaffectedbytheavailabilityof

16 

variousschoolresources(denoted , … , )andbyotherfactors.Thenwecanwrite(assumingan

additivelinearrelationshipbetweenresourcesandoutcomes):

.

[1]

Here istheeffectofschoolresource onstudentoutcome .Themodelis,ofcourse,

oversimplifiedbyitslinearnatureandassumptionthatresourceshavethesameeffectsonall

students,butitisausefulstylizedmodelforourpurposeshere.

Schoolswill,ingeneral,differinthedegreetowhichtheyhaveaccesstovarioustypesof

resources,inpartbecausesomeofthepotentialresources(likefamilyresources,parent

involvement,studentachievementandexpectations)arecorrelatedwithormechanicallylinkedto

thestudentcomposition,andinpartbecauseschooldistrictsandgovernmentsmaydifferentially

allocatesomeresourcesamongschools(theymaydeterminewhoteachesinwhichschools,orhow

financialresourcesaredistributedamongschools).Moreover,thetotalamountofsuchresources

withinaschoolsystemneednotbefixed—statesmayallocatemoreorlessmoneytoschools;

districtsmaybemoreorlesssuccessfulatrecruitingskilledteachers;parentswithresourcesand

socialcapitalmaymoveinoroutofthedistrict;andsoon.Inageneralsense,then,segregationmay

affectboththetotalquantityofagivenresourcewithinaneducationalsystemandtheallocationof

theresourceamongschools.Astylizedmodeloftheassociationbetweentheavailabilityof

resource inschool couldbewritten

,

[2]

where istheproportionblack(orproportionpoor,orsomeothermeasureofschool

composition)inschool and isthevarianceratiomeasureofsegregation(ameasureof

17 

unevenness;seeColeman,1975)intheschooldistrict.Weusethevarianceratioforsimplicityhere,

asitmakesthederivationsbelowstraightforward.

Itisusefultoconsider,inconcreteterms,whatthecoefficientsinEquation[2]represent.

Thecoefficient indicatestherelationshipbetweenthesegregationlevelofthedistrictandthe

totalquantityofresource availableinthedistrict.Forexample,intheSouth,priortotheBrown

andGreendecisions,Southernstatesspentverylittleonblackschoolsrelativetowhattheyspent

onwhiteschools.Desegregation,however,ledtorapidincreasesinstatespendingoneducation,

drivenbywhite‐controlledlegislatures’desiretoensurethatwhitestudents’schoolqualitydidnot

declinewithintegration(Johnson2011).Inthiscase,thestateinvestedfewertotalresourcesinthe

segregatedschoolsystemthaninthedesegregatedsystem,implyingthat 0when measures

financialresources.However,segregationmightalsoleadtohighertotalavailableresources.For

example,ifsegregationbetweenschoolscausesmorehigh‐incomefamiliestoremaininaschool

district,andifwethinkofsuchfamiliesasaresourcetotheschoolstheirchildrenattend(perhaps

becausetheyhavemorepoliticalpower,onaverage,orbecausetheyserveasrolemodelsfortheir

childrenandtheirchildren’sclassmates,orbecausetheyaremorelikelytohavetimetovolunteer

orbeotherwiseinvolvedintheschool),thensegregationmayleadtogreatertotalresourcesinthe

district.Inthiscase, 0when measuresparentalsocialandeconomiccapital.

Asecondwaythatsegregationmayaffectstudentsisbyaffectinghowthedistrict’s

availableresourcesaredistributedamongstudents.Thisisdescribedbythecoefficient in

Equation[2],theassociationbetweenschoolracialcomposition(proportionblack)andthe

availabilityofresource inadistrict.Forexample,supposethat,withinadistrict,moreskilled

teachersaremorelikelytoteachinlow‐povertyschoolsthaninhigh‐povertyschools(perhaps

becausehigher‐incomeparentsareabletopersuadedistrictleaderstoassigncertainteachersto

theirchildren’sschools,orbecausehigh‐povertyschoolsarelessabletoattractandretainthemost

skilledteachers).Ifthisistrue,thensegregationmayheightenthedisparityintheaveragequality

18 

ofteachersavailabletopoorandnon‐poorstudentswithinadistrict,implying 0if

measuresteacherquality.Similarly,ifpeersaffectoneanother’sacademicorsocialoutcomes,then

segregationmayleadtoamoreunequaldistributionofpeerresourcesamongschools:poor

studentswillhavelessexposuretohigher‐achievingclassmates(giventhecorrelationbetween

incomeandacademicskillspriortoschoolentry)thanwillnon‐poorstudents,againimplying

0when measuresaveragestudentacademicskills.Conversely,ifdistrictsreactto

socioeconomicsegregationamongschoolsbyallocatingmoreoftheirresourcestohigh‐poverty

schools,thensegregationmay(inprinciple)leadtoapositivedisparity(moreresourcesinthe

schooloftheaveragepoorstudentthantheaveragenon‐poorstudent).Inthiscase, 0.

Notethatintheabovediscussion,ourpointisnottomakeclaimsregardingwhetherand

howspecificresourcesaffectstudentoutcomes,nortoassesshowthequantityorallocationof

resourcesisaffectedbysegregation.Rather,ourpointhereistosuggesttwogeneralclassesof

mechanismsthroughwhichsegregationmayaffectstudentoutcomes:byaffectingthetotalpoolof

availableresourcesinaschooldistrict(inwhichcase 0);and/orbyaffectingthedistribution

ofavailableresourcesamongschools(inwhichcase 0).Thereislittleconsensusonwhich

featuresofschoolsmatterandhowtheymatter,andouraimindevelopingthisconceptualmodelis

toprovideaframeworkwithinwhichfutureresearchcanmakeprogressonspecifyingwhich

schoolresourcesmatter,howtheymatterforstudents’outcomes,andhowtheyareaffectedby

segregation.

Fromthemodelabove,wecanderiveseveralusefulrelationships.First,notethatEquations

[1]and[2]implythattheaverageoutcomeinthedistrictwillbe

| | |

|

19 

∗ ∗ ,

[3]

where istheproportionblackinthedistrictasawholeandwhere ∗ ∑ and

∗ ∑ .Notethatinthisstylizedmodel,theaverageoutcome inadistrictwillbeafunction

ofitssegregationlevel.Forsimplicityhere,assumethattheracialcompositionofadistrictisheld

constantwhileitssegregationlevelisaltered;then ∗isthetotaleffectofsegregationonstudent

outcomes.Thistotaleffectisthesumoftheeffectsofeachresource thatisbothaffectedby

segregation(i.e., 0)andthataffectsstudentoutcome (i.e.,, 0).Ifsegregationincreases

theavailabilityofsomeresourcesanddecreasestheavailabilityofothers,thensomepathways

throughwhichsegregationaffectsoutcomesmaypartiallycanceleachotherout;thatis, ∗ 0

doesnotimplythatsegregationhasnoeffectonresourcesorthatresourcesdonotaffect

achievement.Thekeyinsightprovidedbythismodelisthatwecanthinkofthetotaleffectof

segregationasthesumofasetofmechanisms.Understandingifandhowsegregationaffects

studentoutcomesdependsinpartonknowinghowsegregationaffectsschooldistrictresources

andhowschoolresourcesaffectstudents.

Equation[3]describestherelationshipbetweensegregationandaveragestudentoutcomes.

Nextweconsiderhowsegregationaffectsdisparitiesinschoolresourcesandstudentoutcomes.

Equation[2]impliesthatthedifferenceinschoolresourcesintheschoolsofblackandwhite

studentswillbe

| | | |

,

20 

[4]

where and aretheaverageproportionblackintheschoolsofblackandwhite

students,respectively(theseareexposureindices).Conveniently,thedifference is

equaltothevarianceratioindexmeasureofsegregation .Therefore,thedifferenceinthe

exposureofblackandwhitestudentstoschoolresource isdeterminedbythesegregationlevel

ofthedistrictandtheextenttowhichschoolracialcompositionaffectstheallocationof among

schools( ).

Finally,notethatEquation[1]impliesthattheblack‐whitedifferenceinaveragestudent

outcome willbe

| | | |

∗ .

[5]

Equation[5]makesclearthatsegregationwillaffectracialdisparitiesinstudentoutcomesif

∗ ∑ 0.Thatis,ifschoolracialcompositionaffectstheallocationofresourcesamong

schools,andifthoseresourcesaffectstudents,thensegregationwillleadtodisparitiesinstudent

outcomes.

Thisstylizedmodelformalizesthetwomechanismsthroughwhichsegregationmayaffect

studentoutcomesthatwedescribedabove.First,ifsegregationchangesthetotalpoolofresources

availabletoaschooldistrict,itwillaffectaveragestudentoutcomes(solongasthoseresources

affectstudentoutcomes).Andsecond,ifschoolresourcesareallocatedamongschoolsinways

correlatedwithschoolracialcomposition,thensegregationwillleadtoracialdisparitiesinthe

21 

outcome (again,solongasthoseresourcesaffectstudentoutcomes).Ofcourse,thisstylized

modelisoverlysimple—itassumeshomogeneous,linear,additiveeffectsofsegregationandracial

compositiononschoolresourcesandofschoolresourcesonstudentoutcomes—butitis

nonethelessusefulforclarifyingtheparametersofinterestinunderstandingtheeffectsof

segregation.Althoughthismodelfocusesontheeffectsofsegregationbetweenschoolswithina

district,themodelcouldeasilybegeneralizedtoapplytosegregationbetweendistricts,following

thesamelogic:segregationbetweendistrictsmayaffectstudentoutcomesbyshapingboththetotal

levelofresourcesavailableinthesystemandthedistributionofthoseresourcesamongdistricts.

3.b.EvidenceontheConsequencesofSchoolSegregation

Asisevidentinthestylizedmodelofsegregationeffectsabove,thereareanumberof

parametersrelevanttounderstandingtheeffectsofsegregation.Thetotaleffectsofsegregationon

averageoutcomesandondisparitiesinoutcomesarecapturedbytheparameters ∗and ∗.Itis

usefultoestimatetheseparameters,becausetheydescribethetotaleffectsofsegregationon

averageoutcomesandoutcomedisparities,respectively.Theindividual , ,and parameters

arealsoofinterest,ofcourse,becausetheydescribethespecificpathwaysthroughwhich

segregationaffectsoutcomes;knowingtheseparametersisusefulfromboththeperspectiveof

sociologicaltheoryandsocialpolicy.Directestimationofanyoftheseparameters,however,is

complicatedbythefactthatschoolresources,segregationlevels,andschoolracialcomposition

levelsarerarelyignorablyassigned.Thereare,however,asmallnumberofstudiesthatprovide

credibleestimatesofsomeoftheseparameters.Severalstudiesestimatetheimpactsofschool

segregationbyexamininghowblackandwhitestudents’outcomeschangedduringtheeraof

schooldesegregation.Whileourgeneralmodelcanbeappliedtoanystudentoutcome,wefocuson

educationalachievementandattainmentand,toalesserextent,occupationalandotheradult

outcomes,asthesearetheoutcomesforwhichpastresearchprovidesthebestcausalevidence.

22 

Severalpastreviewsfoundgenerallypositiveimpactsofdesegregationonminority

achievementbutnotedthemethodologicallimitationsofmanystudiesinestimatingcausaleffects

(Bradley&Bradley1977;Crain&Mahard1983;Cooketal.1984).Morerecentstudiesusethe

exogenousvariationintimingofdesegregationcourtordersorimplementationtoestimatethe

causaleffectsofdesegregationonstudents’outcomesanddisparitiesinthoseoutcomes(i.e.,they

estimate ∗and/or ∗).Guryan(2004)findsthatdesegregationledtoadeclineinblackdropout

ratesduringthe1970sof2‐3points,accountingforabouthalfthedeclineintheblackdropoutrate

duringthistime.Johnson(2011)findsthatblacks’oddsofgraduatingfromhighschoolincreased

byabout1percentagepointandtheireducationalattainmentincreasedbyabout1/10ofayearfor

everyadditionalyeartheywereexposedtoaschooldesegregationorder.Neitherstudyfinds

significanteffectsontheeducationalattainmentofwhites,suggestingthatschooldesegregation

wasnotharmfulforwhites.Inotherwords,theysuggestthatdesegregationhadapositiveeffecton

averageattainmentandreducedracialattainmentdisparities.Otherstudiesalsofindapositive

relationshipbetweenschooldesegregationandeducationaloutcomesforblacks(Boozeretal.

1992;Reber2010).

Inadditiontoeducationalattainment,scholarshaveexaminedtheimpactsofdesegregation

onlaterlifeoutcomes(seeWellsandCrain,1994,forareview).Severalstudiesshowthatincreased

exposuretoschooldesegregationimprovedblackadultmales’earnings,reducedtheoddsof

poverty,andincreasedtheoddsofworkingwhite‐colorjobs(CrainandStrauss1985;Boozeretal.

1992;Ashenfelteretal.2006;Johnson2011).

Otherstudiesfindeffectsofdesegregationonsocialoutcomeslikecriminalityandhealth.

Exposuretodesegregationordersreducestheprobabilityofmen’sdeviantbehavior,homicide

victimization,arrests,andincarceration(Johnson2011;Weiner,Lutz,andLudwig2009)and

improvesadulthealth(Johnson2011)Takingamulti‐generationalview,Johnson(2013)found

thatschooldesegregationaffectsnotonlythoseexposedtoit,butalsotheirchildrenand

23 

grandchildren.Exposuretoschooldesegregationpositivelyaffectsthereadingandmathtest

scores,educationalattainment,collegequality,andracialdiversityatcollegeofthe“childrenand

grandchildrenofBrown,”withparentandgrandparenteducationalattainmentservingasakey

mechanism.

Anotherwaytoassesstheimpactofschooldesegregationonstudentoutcomesisto

examinewhathappensoncecourtordershavebeendismissed.Lutz(2011)foundthatthe

dismissalofcourt‐ordereddesegregationplansincreasedblackdropoutratesoutsidetheSouth,

andSaatcioglu(2010)foundthattheendofdesegregationpolicyinClevelandledtohigherdropout

ratesamongblackandHispanicstudents.Vigdor(2011),however,foundthattheblack‐whitetest

scoregapdidnotwidenamongelementaryschoolsfollowingtheendofbusinginCharlotte‐

Mecklenburg.Itcouldbethecasethatdesegregationaffectstestscoresanddropoutdifferently,as

littleresearchexaminedtestscoresusingvariationindesegregationordersduetodatalimitations.

Finally,afewstudieshaveexaminedtherelationshipbetweencityormetroarea

segregationlevelsandtestscoregaps.CardandRothstein(2007)examinetheeffectsof

neighborhoodandschoolsegregationontheblack‐whitetestscoregapandfindthattheblack‐

whitetestscoregapishigherinmoresegregatedcitiesbutthatschoolsegregationhasno

independenteffectwhenneighborhoodsegregationisaccountedfor.Mayer(2002)findsthat

neighborhoodeconomicsegregation,whichmaybecorrelatedwithschooleconomicsegregation,

increaseseducationalattainmentforhigh‐incomestudentsbutslightlyreduceslow‐income

children’sattainment,withlittleneteffectoverall.

Thestudiesreviewedhereoftentrytotestmechanismsthatexplainwhydesegregation

improvedblackstudents’outcomes.Mostfocusonhowsegregationshapesthedistributionof

resourcesratherthantheoveralllevelavailableinthedistrict(thatis,theytestwhether 0).

Generally,theyfindthatdesegregationintheSouthequalizedthelengthofschoolyear,student‐

teacherratios,teacherquality,andper‐pupilexpendituresthattheaverageblackandwhitestudent

24 

experienced(Ashenfelteretal.2006;Card&Krueger1992;Guryan2004;Johnson2011;Reber

2010).Severalstudiesalsoconsiderpeereffects,arguingthatexposuretowhitepeersmaybenefit

blacksbecausewhitestudentstendedtocomefromhigher‐incomefamiliesandtobehigher

achievingthanblackstudents(Guryan2004;Reber2010;Ashenfelteretal.2006;Saatcioglu2010).

Finally,researchersacknowledgethattheactofdesegregationitselfmayhavehelpedblack

studentsfeelmoreenfranchised,optimisticabouttheirfutures,anddedicatedtotheirstudies,

perhapsalsoincreasingparentalinvolvement,allofwhichcouldimprovetheireducational

outcomes(Ashenfelteretal.2006;Guryan2004).Desegregationmayalsoincreasetheexpectations

ofparents,teachers,andotheradultswhointeractwithblackchildren(Johnson2011).

3.c.EvidenceontheConsequencesofSchoolComposition

Anumberofstudieshavetriedtoestimatetheeffectofschoolracialcompositiononstudent

outcomes,asawayofunderstandingtheeffectsofsegregation(seeHallinan1998,Vigdorand

Ludwig2008,MickelsonandBottia2009forreviews).Thiscanbeproblematic,however,because

racialcompositionmaynotdirectlyaffectstudentoutcomes,butmayoperatethroughitseffecton

otherresources.Toseethis,considertheresultofsubstitutingequation[2]intoEquation[1]

above:

∗ ∗ ∗,

[6]

where ∗ ∑ .Regressing onschoolracialcomposition( ),holdingsegregation

constant,willyieldanestimateof ∗,thetotaleffectofracialcompositiononachievement,whichis

identicaltotheeffectofsegregationonracialdisparitiesinoutcomes.However,becauseschoolsare

rarelyassignedtohavedifferentracialcompositions,theestimationof ∗from[8]willgenerally

25 

leadtobiasedestimates,unlesstheregressionmodelincludesadequatecontrolvariablesora

quasi‐experimentaldesignisusedtoidentify ∗.

StudiesthatincludecontrolvariablesinEquation[8],however,runtheriskofincreasing

thebiasintheestimatesof ∗,however,ifthecovariatesareaffectedbyracialcomposition.Tosee

this,considertheregressionmodelbelow,where indexesvariousschoolcovariates(the ’s),

someofwhichmayberesourcesthataffectstudentoutcomesincludedinEquation[1]:

.

[7]

Allowingeach tobeafunctionofdistrictsegregation,schoolracialcomposition,andsomeother

factorsuncorrelatedwithschoolcomposition,wecanrewrite[7]inthesameformasEquation[6]:

∗

∗ ∗ ∗

[8]

Equation[8]showsthatthecoefficientonracialcompositioninEquation[7]willbeequalto

∗ .

[9]

Thus,fittingEquation[7]willnotyieldanunbiasedestimateof ∗unlessnoneoftheschool

covariatesincludedin[7]areassociatedwithschoolracialcomposition(i.e., 0forall inthe

model).Putdifferently,controllingfordownstreammediatorsofschoolcompositionwillleadto

biasedestimatesoftheeffectsofschoolcomposition.Becauseitisnotalwaysclearwhichvariables

shouldbeconsideredcorrelatesofcomposition(whichshouldbecontrolledfor)andwhichshould

26 

beconsidereddownstreammediatorsoftheeffectsofschoolcomposition(whichshouldnotbe

controlledfor),thereisaninherentambiguityinregression‐basedestimatesoftheeffectsofschool

composition.Inmostcases,neitherestimatesof ∗fromModel[6]orof fromModel[7]canbe

consideredtohaveastrongcausalwarrant,andshouldnotbeusedtoinfertheeffectsof

segregation.

Asaresultofthesechallenges,therearerelativelyfewstudiesthatprovidecompelling

estimatesoftheeffectsofschoolcomposition.Severalstudies,however,useresearchdesignsthat

providesomeplausibleexogeneityinthesortingofstudentsintoschools.First,twostudiesuse

datafromtheTexasSchoolProjectandtakeadvantageofplausiblyrandomvariationincohort

demographicsovertime(i.e.,idiosyncraticcompositionaldifferencesbetweencohortsthatwere

notdrivenbytime‐varyingracialdifferencesinfamilies’decisionstoenrolltheirchildreninpublic

schools).Theyfindthathavingfewerblackstudentsinagradeincreasesreadingandmathtest

scoresforblackstudentsanddoesnotharmwhites’testscores(Hanusheketal.2002;Hoxby2000).

Second,severalstudiestakeadvantageofrandomassignmentofchildrentoschoolsor

neighborhoodstoexaminehowchangingschoolcompositionmayaffecteducationaloutcomes.

Sanbonmatsuetal.(2006)findnosignificanteffectsontestscoresamongchildrenwhosefamilies

receivedhousingvoucherstobeusedinlowpovertyneighborhoods.Fewchildrenwhosefamilies

receivedhousingvouchersandmovedchangedschools,however,sothestudywasnotabletotest

theimpactsofexogenouschangesinschoolenvironmentsoneducationalachievement.Schwartz

(2010)takesadvantageofthefactthatMontgomeryCountyrandomlyassignsstudentsinpublic

housingtodifferentschoolsandcomparestheperformanceofthosewhoattendedthedistrict’s

mostversusleastadvantagedschools.Shefindsthatbytheirfifthyearofelementaryschool

studentsfrompublichousinginlow‐povertyelementaryschoolshadsignificantlyhigherscoresin

mathandreadingthanequallypoorstudentsassignedtohigh‐povertyschools.Thesepositive

impactsaccumulateovertime—bytheseventhyearofschool,low‐incomestudentsinlow‐poverty

27 

schoolsoutperformedtheirpeersathigh‐povertyschoolsby0.4standarddeviationsinmathand

0.2standarddeviationsinreading.Thisstudyprovidesthebestexperimentalevidencethatschool

economiccompositionaffectstestscores.

4. Conclusion

Althoughthe1954BrowndecisionisrightlyhailedasthemostsignificantSupremeCourt

decisionconcerningschoolsinU.S.history,ithadlittleimmediateimpactonschoolsegregation.

Indeed,themostsignificantchangesinschoolsegregationintheUnitedStateddidnotbeginuntil

1968,followingtheGreendecision,afterwhichblack‐whiteschoolsegregationdeclinedsharply

overaperiodof5‐10years.Overthelast25years,however,anddespiteclaimsofre‐segregation

ontheonehand(Orfield2001;Orfield&Lee2007)and“theendofthesegregatedcentury”onthe

other(VigdorandGlaeser2012),schoolracialsegregationhaschangedverylittle.Therehavebeen

modestdecreasesintheexposureofminoritiestowhites,butthesehavebeendrivenprimarilyby

demographicchangesintheschool‐agepopulation(Fiel2013;Logan2004).Segregationmeasured

asunevennesshasdeclinedverymodestlyoverthelasttwodecades.

Oneoftheconclusionsevidentfromareviewoftheresearchontrendsinsegregationisthat

weknowagreatdealabouttrendsinracialsegregationamongK‐12publicschools,butrelatively

littleabouttrendsinanumberofotherdimensionsofsegregation.Sinceourfocusinthispaperis

ontrendsinsegregation,wehavesaidlittlehereaboutsomeoftheseothertypesofsegregation,

thoughmoreresearchinanumberofareaswouldbeuseful.First,duetodatalimitations,we

knowrelativelylittleabouttrendsineconomicsegregationinthelasttwodecades,andvirtually

nothingabouteconomicsegregationpriorto1990.Second,veryfewstudiesconsidertrendsin

segregationinpostsecondaryeducation(tworecentexceptionsareHinrichs2012;Carnevale&

Strohl2013)orinpre‐schoolsettings.Third,fewstudiesexaminetrendsinsegregationbetween

privateandpublicschoolsoramongprivateschools(butseeReardon&Yun2002;Fiel2013).And

28 

fourth,wehaverelativelylittleresearchonpatternsandtrendsofwithin‐schoolsegregation,

thoughstudiesoftracking(e.g.,Oakes1985;Lucas1999;Tyson2011),teacherassignment

(Clotfelteretal.2006:Kalogrides&Loeb2013)andstudents’friendshipnetworks(Tatum1997;

Moody2001;Flashman2013;Grewal2012;Fletcheretal.2013)suggesthighlevelsofwithin‐

schoolsegregation.Weknowverylittleabouthowthesepatternshavechangedovertime(though

seeConger2005,forwithin‐schoolsegregationtrendsinNewYorkCity).Ineachoftheseareas,

researchtoidentifythekeypatternsandtrendswouldbeveryusefulforunderstandingtheextent

towhichschoolshavebecomemoreorlesssegregatedalongmanydimensions.

Researchonpatternsandtrendsinsegregationaregenerallymotivatedbyaconcernthat

segregationleadstoracialandsocioeconomicdisparitiesineducationaloutcomes.Surprisingly,

however,thesociologicalliteratureappearstolackadetailedandcomprehensivetheoreticalmodel

(ormodels)ofexactlyhowsegregationmightaffecteducationalandsocialoutcomes.Asaresult,

manystudiesestimatedifferentparameters,allundertherubricofunderstandingtheeffectsof

segregation.Giventhetheoreticalconfusionintheliterature,oneofouraimsinthisreviewwasto

articulateaverygeneralandstylizedmodelforunderstandinghowsegregationmightaffect

studentoutcomesandtocharacterizethetypesofparametersofinterestintheissue.Whileour

modeliscertainlyincompleteandover‐simplified,itmayprovideausefulframeworkforfuture

theoreticalspecification.

Ourmodelsuggeststhattwotypesofparametersareofparticularinterestinthestudyof

segregation:estimatesoftheeffectofsegregationperseoneducationaloutcomes(whateconomists

call“reducedform”estimates,andwhatsociologiststhinkofas“totaleffects”);andestimatesofthe

parametersdefiningthemechanismsthroughwhichsegregationoperates.Todate,theresearch

literaturehasbeenmoresuccessfulatprovidingthefirsttypeofestimates,particularlyin

relationshiptotheeffectsofthesegregation/desegregationinthe1960sand1970s.Studiesofthis

typeshowthatdesegregationledtoimprovementsintheeducationaloutcomesofblackstudents

29 

whilenotharmingthoseofwhitestudents.Studiesofmorerecentsegregationprovide,however,

weakandmixedevidenceonthedegreetowhichsegregationislinkedtoachievementgapstoday.

Partofthereasonforthisdisparitymaybethatsomeofthecomponentmechanismsconnecting

segregationtoeducationaloutcomeshavechanged.Johnson(2011)andothersarguethatpre‐

1968segregationwaslinkedtosubstantialblack‐whiteinequalityinschoolresources(inequalities

thatweresubstantiallyreducedbydesegregation).Segregationtodayisnotasstronglylinkedto

schoolresourceinequality(intermsoffinancialresources).Ifsegregationinthepre‐Greenera

operatedprimarilythroughitseffectsontheinequalityofschoolfunding,itmaybeless

consequentialinthemoderneraofsmallerfundingdisparities.

Thislastpointindicatestheneedformuchmoretheoreticalandempiricalunderstandingof

themechanismsthroughwhichsegregationaffectsstudentoutcomes.Tothisend,ourconceptual

modelsuggeststhatfutureresearchshouldfocusonthreetypesofquestionstoclarifythe

mechanismsthroughwhichsegregationoperates.First,howdoesthesegregationofaschooling

systemaffectthetotalquantityofavailableresourcesinthesystem?Thelistofresourcesof

interesthereshouldincludenotonlyfinancialresources,butawiderangeofotherresources,

includinghumancapital,socialcapital,peercharacteristics,accesstosocialnetworks,

neighborhoodconditions,andsoon.Second,howareresourcesdistributedamongschoolsin

relationtoschools’racialandsocioeconomiccomposition?Andthird,howdotheseschool

resourcesaffectstudents’educationaloutcomes?Thesearenotsimplequestionstoanswer,of

course.Nonetheless,identifyingandunderstandingthemechanismsthroughwhichsegregation

affects(ordoesn’taffect)studentswilllikelydomuchmorethanwilladditionalmeasurementof

trendsandpatternstoadvanceourunderstandingofwhyandhowsegregationmatters.

30 

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